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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Anarchism, by Paul Eltzbacher
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Anarchism
+
+Author: Paul Eltzbacher
+
+Translator: Steven T. Byington
+
+Release Date: July 10, 2011 [EBook #36690]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ANARCHISM
+
+BY
+DR. PAUL ELTZBACHER
+Gerichtsassessor and Privatdozent in Halle an der Saale
+
+Translated by
+STEVEN T. BYINGTON
+
+Je ne propose rien, je ne suppose rien, j'expose
+
+[Illustration]
+
+NEW YORK: BENJ. R. TUCKER.
+LONDON: A. C. FIFIELD.
+1908.
+
+
+Copyright, 1907, by
+Benjamin R. Tucker
+
+
+_Gratefully dedicated to the memory of my father_
+
+DR. SALOMON ELTZBACHER
+
+1832-1889
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+                                                   PAGE
+TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE                                vii
+
+BOOKS REFERRED TO                                  xvii
+
+INTRODUCTION                                          3
+
+CHAPTER I. THE PROBLEM
+  1. General                                          6
+  2. The Starting-point                              10
+  3. The Goal                                        13
+  4. The Way to the Goal                             15
+
+CHAPTER II. LAW, THE STATE, PROPERTY
+  1. General                                         18
+  2. Law                                             24
+  3. The State                                       31
+  4. Property                                        36
+
+CHAPTER III. GODWIN'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                         40
+  2. Basis                                           41
+  3. Law                                             42
+  4. The State                                       45
+  5. Property                                        53
+  6. Realization                                     58
+
+CHAPTER IV. PROUDHON'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                         65
+  2. Basis                                           67
+  3. Law                                             69
+  4. The State                                       72
+  5. Property                                        80
+  6. Realization                                     86
+
+CHAPTER V. STIRNER'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                         93
+  2. Basis                                           96
+  3. Law                                             97
+  4. The State                                      100
+  5. Property                                       106
+  6. Realization                                    109
+
+CHAPTER VI. BAKUNIN'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                        115
+  2. Basis                                          117
+  3. Law                                            119
+  4. The State                                      121
+  5. Property                                       127
+  6. Realization                                    132
+
+CHAPTER VII. KROPOTKIN'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                        139
+  2. Basis                                          141
+  3. Law                                            145
+  4. The State                                      149
+  5. Property                                       159
+  6. Realization                                    171
+
+CHAPTER VIII. TUCKER'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                        182
+  2. Basis                                          183
+  3. Law                                            187
+  4. The State                                      190
+  5. Property                                       201
+  6. Realization                                    209
+
+CHAPTER IX. TOLSTOI'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                        219
+  2. Basis                                          220
+  3. Law                                            230
+  4. The State                                      234
+  5. Property                                       249
+  6. Realization                                    260
+
+CHAPTER X. THE ANARCHISTIC TEACHINGS
+  1. General                                        270
+  2. Basis                                          270
+  3. Law                                            272
+  4. The State                                      276
+  5. Property                                       280
+  6. Realization                                    284
+
+CHAPTER XI. ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES
+  1. Errors about Anarchism and its Species         288
+  2. The Concepts of Anarchism and its Species      292
+
+CONCLUSION                                          303
+
+
+
+
+TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE
+
+
+Every person who examines this book at all will speedily divide its
+contents into Eltzbacher's own discussion and his seven chapters of
+classified quotations from Anarchist leaders; and, if he buys the book,
+he will buy it for the sake of the quotations. I do not mean that the
+book might not have a sale if it consisted exclusively of Eltzbacher's
+own words, but simply that among ten thousand people who may value
+Eltzbacher's discussion there will not be found ten who will not value
+still more highly the conveniently-arranged reprint of what the
+Anarchists themselves have said on the cardinal points of Anarchistic
+thought. Nor do I feel that I am saying anything uncomplimentary to
+Eltzbacher when I say that the part of his work to which he has devoted
+most of his space is the part that the public will value most.
+
+And yet there is much to be valued in the chapters that are of
+Eltzbacher's own writing,--even if one is reminded of Sir Arthur Helps's
+satirical description of English lawyers as a class of men, found in a
+certain island, who make it their business to write highly important
+documents in closely-crowded lines on such excessively wide pages that
+the eye is bound to skip a line now and then, but who make up for this
+by invariably repeating in another part of the document whatever they
+have said, so that whatever the reader may miss in one place he will
+certainly catch in another. The fact is that Eltzbacher's work is an
+admirable model of what should be the mental processes of an
+investigator trying to determine the definition of a term which he finds
+to be confusedly conceived. Not only is his method for determining the
+definition of Anarchism flawless, but his subsidiary investigation of
+the definitions of law, the State, and property is conducted as such
+things ought to be, and (a good test of clearness of thought) his
+illustrations are always so exactly pertinent that they go far to redeem
+his style from dullness, if one is reading for the sense and therefore
+cares for pertinence. The only weak point in this part of the book is
+that he thinks it necessary to repeat in print his previous statements
+wherever it is necessary to the investigation that the previous
+statement be mentally renewed. But, however tiresome this may be, one
+gets a steady progress of thought, and the introductory part of the book
+is not very long at worst.
+
+The collection of quotations, which form three-fourths of the book both
+in bulk and in importance, is as much the best part as it is the
+biggest. Here the prime necessity is impartiality, and Eltzbacher has
+attained this as perfectly as can be expected of any man. Positively,
+one comes to the end of all this without feeling sure whether Eltzbacher
+is himself an Anarchist or not; it is not until we come to the last
+dozen pages of the book that he lets his opposition to Anarchism become
+evident. To be sure, one feels that he is more journalistic than
+scientific in selecting for special mention the more sensational points
+of the schemes proposed (the journalistic temper certainly shows itself
+in his habit of picking out for his German public the references to
+Germany in Anarchist writers). Yet it is hard to deny that there is
+legitimate scientific importance in ascertaining how much of the
+sensational is involved in Anarchism; and, on the other hand, Eltzbacher
+recognizes his duty to present the strongest points of the Anarchist
+side, and does this so faithfully that one often wonders if the man can
+repeat these words without feeling their cogency. So far as any bias is
+really felt in this part of the book it is the bias of
+over-methodicalness; now and then a quotation is made to go into the
+classification at a place where it will not go in without forcing, and
+perspective is distorted when some _obiter dictum_ that had never seemed
+to its author to be worth repeating a second time is made to serve as
+illuminant now for this division of the "teaching," now for that, till
+it seems to the reader like a favorite topic of the Anarchist. However,
+the bias of methodicalness is as nearly non-partisan as any bias can be,
+and its effect is to put the matter into a most convenient form for
+consultation and comparison.
+
+Next to impartiality, if not even before it, we need intelligence in our
+compiler; and we have it. Few men, even inside the movement, would have
+been more successful than Eltzbacher in picking out the important parts
+of the Anarchist doctrines, and the quotations that will show these
+important parts as they are. I do not mean that this accuracy has not
+exceptions--many exceptions, if you count such things as the failure to
+give due weight to some clause which might restrict or modify the
+application of the words used; a few serious exceptions, of which we
+reap the fruit in his final summary. But in admitting these errors I do
+not retract my statement that Eltzbacher has made his compilation as
+accurate as any man could be expected to. More than this, it may well be
+said that he has, except in three or four points, made it as accurate as
+is even useful for ordinary reading; he has overlooked nothing but what
+his readers would have been sure to overlook if he had presented it. As
+a gun is advertised to shoot "as straight as any man can hold," so
+Eltzbacher has, with three or four exceptions, told his story as
+straight as any man with ordinary attention can read. The net result is
+that we have here, without doubt, the most complete and accurate
+presentation of Anarchism that ever has been given or ever will be given
+in so short a space. If any one wants a fuller and more trustworthy
+account, he will positively have to go direct to the writings of the
+Anarchists themselves; nowhere else can he find anything so good as
+Eltzbacher. Withal, this main part of the book is decidedly readable.
+Eltzbacher's repetitiousness has no opportunity to become prominent
+here, and the man is not at all dull in choosing and translating his
+quotations. On the contrary, his fondness for apt illustrations is a
+great help toward making the compilation constantly readable, as well as
+toward making the reader's impressions of the Anarchistic teachings
+vivid and definite.
+
+I do not mean to say that this book can take the place of a
+consultation of the original sources. For instance, the Bakunin chapter
+follows next after the Stirner chapter; but the exquisite contrariness
+of almost every word of Bakunin to Stirner's teaching can be appreciated
+only by those who have read Stirner's book--Eltzbacher's quotations are
+on a different aspect of Stirner's teaching from that which applies
+against Bakunin. (Stirner and Bakunin, it will be noted, are the only
+Anarchist leaders against whom Eltzbacher permits himself a
+disrespectful word before he has presented their doctrines.) It is to be
+hoped that many who read this book will go on to examine the sources
+themselves. Meanwhile, here is an excellent introduction, and the
+chronological arrangement makes it easy to watch the historical
+development and see whether the later schools of Anarchism assail the
+State more effectively than the earlier.
+
+I have not reserved any expressions of praise for the small part of the
+book which comes after the compiled chapters, because it calls for none.
+All Eltzbacher's weak points come out in this concluding summary; the
+best that can be said for it is that it deserves careful attention, and
+that the author continues to be oftener right than wrong. But now that
+he has gathered all his knowledge he wants it to amount to omniscience,
+and most imprudently shuts his eyes to the places where there is nothing
+under his feet. He charges men with error for not using in his sense a
+term whose definition he has not undertaken to determine. He accepts all
+too unquestioningly such statements as fit most conveniently into his
+scheme of method. His most glaring offence in this direction is his
+classification of the Anarchist-Communist doctrines as mere prediction
+and not the expression of a will or demand or approval or disapproval of
+anything, simply because the fashionableness of evolutionism and of
+fatalism has led the leaders of that school to prefer to state their
+doctrine in terms of prediction. Eltzbacher has forgotten to compare his
+judgment with the actions of the men he judges; _solvitur ambulando_; if
+Kropotkin's proposition were merely predictive and not pragmatic, it
+would have less trouble with the police than it has. Again, he does one
+of the most indiscreet things that are possible to a votary of strict
+method when he asserts repeatedly that he has listed not merely all that
+is to be found but all that could possibly exist under a certain
+category. For instance, he declares that every possible affirmative
+doctrine of property must be either private property, or common property
+in the wherewithal for production and private property in the
+wherewithal for consumption, or common property. Why should not a scheme
+of common property in the things that are wanted by all men and private
+property in the things that are wanted only by some men have as high a
+rank in the classification as has Eltzbacher's second class? A look at
+the quotations from Kropotkin will show that I have not drawn much on my
+own ingenuity in conceiving such a scheme as supposable. He claims to
+have listed all the standpoints from which Anarchism has been or can be
+propounded or judged, yet he has omitted legitimism, the doctrine that a
+political authority which is to claim our respect and obedience must
+appear to have originated by a legitimate foundation and not by
+usurpation. The great part that legitimism has played in history is
+notorious; and it lends itself very readily to the Anarchist's purpose,
+since some governments are so well known to have originated in
+usurpation and others are so easily suspected of it. Nay, legitimism is
+in fact a potent factor in shaping the most up-to-date Anarchism of our
+time; for it is largely concerned in Lysander Spooner's doctrine of
+juries, of which some slight account is given in Eltzbacher's quotations
+from Tucker. And he claims to have recited all the important arguments
+that sustain Anarchism: where has he mentioned the argument from the
+evil that the State does in interfering with social and economic
+experimentation? or the argument from the fact that reforms in the State
+are necessarily in a democracy, and ordinarily in a monarchy, very slow
+in coming to pass, and when they do come to pass they necessarily come
+with all-disturbing suddenness? or the argument from the evil of
+separating people by the boundary lines which the State involves? or the
+fact that war would be almost inconceivable if the States were replaced
+by voluntary and non-monopolistic organizations, since such
+organizations could have no "jurisdiction" or control of territory to
+fight for, and war for any other cause has long been unknown among
+civilized nations? By these and other such unwarranted claims of
+absolute completeness, and by the conclusions based on these pasteboard
+premises, Eltzbacher makes it necessary to read his final chapters with
+all possible independence of judgment.
+
+It remains for me to say something of my own work on this book. I have
+consulted the originals of some of the works cited--such as
+circumstances have permitted--and given the quotations not by
+translation from Eltzbacher's German but direct from the originals. The
+particulars are as follows:
+
+Of Godwin's "Political Justice" I used an American reprint of the second
+British edition. This second edition is greatly revised and altered from
+the first, which Eltzbacher used. Godwin calls our attention to this,
+and especially informs us that the first edition did not in some
+important respects represent the views which he held at the time of its
+publication, since the earlier pages were printed before the later were
+written, and during the writing of the book he changed his mind about
+some of the principles he had asserted in the earlier chapters. In the
+second edition, he says, the views presented in the first part of the
+book have been made consistent with those in the last part, and all
+parts have been thoroughly revised. It will astonish nobody, therefore,
+that I found it now and then impossible to identify in my copy the
+passages translated by Eltzbacher from the first edition. In particular,
+I got the impression that what Eltzbacher quotes about promises, from
+the first part of the book, is one of those sections which Godwin says
+he retracts and no longer believed in even at the time he wrote the
+later chapters of the first edition. If so, a bit of the foundation for
+Eltzbacher's ultimate classification disappears. Besides giving the
+pages of the first edition as in Eltzbacher, I have added in brackets
+the page numbers of the copy I used, wherever I could identify them.
+Throughout the book brackets distinguish footnotes added by me from
+Eltzbacher's own, and in a few places I have used them in the text to
+indicate Eltzbacher's deviations from the wording of his original, of
+which matter I will speak again in a moment.
+
+The passages from Proudhon's works I translated from the original French
+as given in the collected edition of his "_OEuvres complètes_." In this
+edition some of the works differ only in pagination from the editions
+which Eltzbacher used, while others have been extensively revised. I
+know of no changes of essential doctrine.
+
+Since in Stirner's case German is the original language, I have accepted
+as my original the quotations given by Eltzbacher. It is probable that
+they are occasionally condensed; but a fairly faithful memory, and the
+fact that it is less than a year since I was reading the proofs of my
+translation of Stirner's book, enable me to be confident that there is
+no change amounting to distortion. I have here made no use of that
+translation of mine[1] except from memory, because I well knew that in
+dealing with Stirner there is no assurance that the best possible
+translation of the continuous whole will be made up of the best possible
+translations of the individual parts. Neither have I used the extant
+English translations of Bakunin's "God and the State," Kropotkin's
+"Conquest of Bread," Tolstoi's works, or any of the other books cited. I
+have not had at hand any originals of Bakunin or Tolstoi, nor any of
+Kropotkin except "Anarchist Communism." Of this I had the first edition,
+and Eltzbacher, contrary to his habit, the second; but I judge that the
+two are from the same plates, for all the page-numbers cited agree.
+
+Toward the Tucker chapter I have taken a special attitude. I am myself
+one of Tucker's followers and collaborators; I may claim to be an
+"authority" on the exposition of his doctrine--
+
+
+     _Nennt man die besten Namen,
+     So wird auch der meine genannt_--
+
+
+and I have tried to have an eye to the precise correctness of everything
+in that chapter. That I used the original of "Instead of a Book" is a
+matter of course; and I have not only taken Tucker's words where
+Eltzbacher had translated the whole, but have had an eye to all points
+where Eltzbacher had condensed anything in a way that could affect the
+sense, and have restored the words that made the passage mean something
+a little bit different from what Eltzbacher made it mean. (I did about
+the same in this respect with Kropotkin's "Anarchist Communism"; and
+indeed something of the kind is inevitable if one is to consult
+originals at all.) On the other hand, I have not, in general, drawn
+attention to passages where Eltzbacher makes merely formal changes for
+the purpose of inserting in a sentence of a certain grammatical
+structure what Tucker had said in a sentence of different structure.
+
+The renderings of Tolstoi's biblical quotations are taken from the
+"Corrected English New Testament," a conservative version which is now
+spoken of as the best English New Testament extant. It fits well into
+Tolstoi, at least so far as the present quotations go.
+
+I have spoken above of Eltzbacher's qualities as compiler; it here
+becomes necessary to say something of his work as translator. His
+translation is that of a very intelligent man, trusting to his
+intelligence to justify him in translating quite freely. He is confident
+that he knows what the idea to be presented is, and his main concern is
+to express that in the language best suited to the purpose. He even
+avows, as will be seen, that he has "cautiously revised" other people's
+translations from the Russian, without himself claiming to be familiar
+with the Russian language. I would as soon entrust this extremely
+delicate task to Eltzbacher as to anybody I know, for he is in general
+remarkably correct in his re-wordings. The justification of his
+confidence in his knowledge of the author's thought may be seen in the
+fact that in passages which happen not to affect the main thought he
+makes a few such slips as _zahlen mit ihrer Vergiftung_ for "pay to be
+poisoned," _Willkuer_ for "arbitrament," and even _eine blutige
+Revolution ruecksichtslos niederwuerfe_ for "would do anything in his
+power to precipitate a bloody revolution" (can he have been misled by
+the chemist's use of "precipitate"?), but in passages where these
+blunders would do real harm he keeps clear of them, being safeguarded by
+his knowledge of the sense. But it makes a difference whom you translate
+in this way. Tucker is a man who uses language with especial precision:
+every phrase in a sentence of his may be presumed to contribute
+something definite to the thought; and Eltzbacher treats him as if the
+less conspicuous phrases were merely ornamental work which might safely
+be omitted or amended when they seemed not to be advantageous for
+ornamental purposes. I must confess that I have little faith in the
+Eltzbacher method of translation for the rendering of any author; but it
+works especially ill with an author like Tucker.
+
+Of course all defects of translation are cured, silently, by
+substituting the original English. Therefore, at the expense of slightly
+increasing the bulk of the Tucker chapter, this edition gives American
+readers a much more accurate presentation of the utterances of the
+American champion of Anarchism than can be had in Eltzbacher's German;
+and, since I have the same advantage as regards Godwin, I think I may
+claim in general terms that mine is the best edition of Eltzbacher for
+those who read both English and German.
+
+Besides looking out for the accurate presentation of the passages quoted
+from Tucker, I have kept watch of the correctness of the subject-matter.
+Whatever seemed to me to represent Tucker's book unfairly, either by
+misrepresenting his doctrine or by misapplying the quotations, has been
+corrected by a note. This will be useful to the reader not only by
+giving him a better Tucker, but also by giving a sample from which he
+may judge what amount of fault the followers of Kropotkin or Tolstoi or
+the rest would be likely to find with the chapters devoted to them. The
+merely popular reader will probably get the impression that Eltzbacher
+is really a rather unreliable man. The competent student, who knows what
+must be looked out for in all work of this sort, will have his
+confidence in Eltzbacher increased by seeing how little of serious fault
+appears in such a search.
+
+The index is compiled independently for this translation. Omitting such
+entries as merely duplicate the utility of the table of contents, and
+making an effort to head every entry with the word under which the
+reader will actually seek it, I hope I have bettered Eltzbacher's index;
+and I hope the index will be not only a place-finder but a help toward
+the appreciation of the Anarchistic teachings.
+
+I have not in general undertaken to criticise those features of the book
+which embody Eltzbacher's own opinions. Whether it was in fact right to
+select these seven men as the touchstone of Anarchism,--whether
+Eltzbacher is right in discussing the definition of the State as he
+does, or whether he might better simply have taken as authoritative that
+definition which has legal force in international law,--whether he ought
+to have added any other feature to his book,--are points on which the
+reader does not care for my judgment, nor am I eager to express a
+judgment. Having had to work over the book very carefully in detail, I
+have felt entitled to express an opinion as to how well Eltzbacher has
+done the work that he did choose to do; I have also told what work I as
+translator claim to have done; and it is time this preface ended.
+
+STEVEN T. BYINGTON.
+_Ballardvale, Mass., August 28, 1907._
+
+
+
+
+BOOKS REFERRED TO BY ABBREVIATED TITLES
+
+
+Adler, "Handwoerterbuch" = GEORG ADLER, "Anarchismus," in
+_Handwoerterbuch der Staatswissenschaften_, 2d ed. (Jena 1898), vol. 1
+pp. 296-327.
+
+Adler, "Nord und Sued" = GEORG ADLER, "Die Lehren der Anarchisten," in
+_Nord und Sued_ (Breslau) vol. 32 (1885) pp. 371-83.
+
+Ba. "Articles" = "Articles écrits par Bakounine dans l'Egalité de 1869,"
+in _Mémoire présenté par la fédération jurassienne de l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs à toutes les fédérations de
+l'Internationale_ (Sonvillier, n. d.), "Pièces justificatives" pp.
+68-114.
+
+Ba. "Briefe" = "Briefe Bakunins," in Dragomanoff (see below) pp. 1-272.
+
+Ba. "Dieu" = MICHEL BAKOUNINE, _Dieu et l'Etat_, 2d ed. (Paris 1892).
+
+Ba. "Dieu" OEuvres = "Dieu et l'Etat," in MICHEL BAKOUNINE, _OEuvres_,
+3d ed. (Paris 1895), pp. 261-326.
+
+Ba. "Discours" = "Discours de Bakounine au congrès de Berne," in
+_Mémoire présenté par la fédération jurassienne de l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs à toutes les fédérations de
+l'Internationale_ (Sonvillier, n. d.), "Pièces justificatives" pp.
+20-38.
+
+Ba. "Programme" = BAKOUNINE, "Programme de la section slave à Zurich,"
+in Dragomanoff (see below) pp. 381-3.
+
+Ba. "Proposition" = "Fédéralisme, socialisme et antithéologisme.
+Proposition motivée au Comité central de la Ligue de la paix et de la
+liberté," in MICHEL BAKOUNINE, _OEuvres_, 3d ed. (Paris 1895), pp.
+1-205.
+
+Ba. "Statuts" = "Statuts secrets de l'Alliance" and "Programme et
+règlement de l'Alliance publique," in "L'Alliance" (see below) pp.
+118-35.
+
+Ba. "Volkssache" = M. BAKUNIN, "Die Volkssache. Romanow, Pugatschew oder
+Pestel?" in Dragomanoff (see below) pp. 303-9.
+
+Bernatzik = BERNATZIK, "Der Anarchismus," in _Jahrbuch fuer
+Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im Deutschen Reich_
+(Leipzig) vol. 19 (1895) pp. 1-20.
+
+Bernstein = EDUARD BERNSTEIN, "Die soziale Doktrin des Anarchismus," in
+_Die Neue Zeit_ (Stuttgart) year 10 (1891-2) vol. 1 pp. 358-65, 421-8;
+vol. 2 pp. 589-96, 618-26, 657-66, 772-8, 813-19.
+
+Crispi = FRANCESCO CRISPI, "The Antidote for Anarchy," in _Daily Mail_
+(London) no. 807 (1898) p. 4.
+
+"Der Anarchismus und seine Traeger" = _Der Anarchismus und seine
+Traeger. Enthuellungen aus dem Lager der Anarchisten von [**symbol:
+circle in triangle], Verfasser der Londoner Briefe in der Koelnischen
+Zeitung_ (Berlin 1887).
+
+"Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus" = _Die historische
+Entwickelung des Anarchismus_ (New York 1894).
+
+Diehl = KARL DIEHL, _P.-J. Proudhon_. _Seine Lehre und sein Leben._ (3
+vol., Jena 1888-96.)
+
+Dragomanoff = MICHAIL DRAGOMANOW, _Michail Bakunins sozial-politischer
+Briefwechsel mit Alexander Iw. Herzen und Ogarjow, deutsch von Boris
+Minzès_ (Stuttgart 1895).
+
+Dubois = FELIX DUBOIS, _Le Péril anarchiste_ (Paris 1894).
+
+Ferri = "Discours de FERRI" in _Congrès international d'anthropologie
+criminelle, compte rendu des travaux de la quatrième session, tenue à
+Genève du 24 au 29 août 1896_ (Genève 1897) pp. 254-7.
+
+Garraud = R. GARRAUD, _L'Anarchie et la Répression_ (Paris 1895).
+
+Godwin = WILLIAM GODWIN, _An Enquiry concerning Political Justice and
+its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness_ (2 vol., London 1793).
+[Bracketed references are to the "First American from the second London
+edition, corrected," Philadelphia, 1796.]
+
+"Hintermaenner" = _Die Hintermaenner der Sozialdemokratie. Von einem
+Eingeweihten_ (Berlin 1890).
+
+Kr. "Anarchist Communism" = PETER KROPOTKINE, _Anarchist Communism: its
+Basis and Principles_, 2d ed. (London 1895). [Reprinted from the
+_Nineteenth Century_.]
+
+Kr. "Conquête" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _La Conquête du pain_, 5th ed.
+(Paris 1895).
+
+Kr. "L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE,
+_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_ (Paris 1892).
+
+Kr. "L'Anarchie. Sa philosophie--son idéal" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE,
+_L'Anarchie. Sa philosophie--son idéal_ (Paris 1896).
+
+Kr. "Morale" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _La Morale anarchiste_ (Paris 1891).
+
+Kr. "Paroles" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _Paroles d'un révolté, ouvrage publié
+par Elisée Réclus, nouv. éd_. (Paris, n. d.)
+
+Kr. "Prisons" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _Les Prisons_ (Paris 1890).
+
+Kr. "Siècle" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _Un siècle d'attente. 1789-1889_
+(Paris 1893).
+
+Kr. "Studies" = _Revolutionary Studies, translated from "La Révolte" and
+reprinted from "The Commonweal"_ (London 1892).
+
+Kr. "Temps nouveaux" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _Les Temps nouveaux
+(conférence faite à Londres)_ (Paris 1894).
+
+"L'Alliance" = _L'Alliance de la démocratie socialiste et l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs_ (Londres et Hambourg 1873).
+
+Lenz = ADOLF LENZ, _Der Anarchismus und das Strafrecht. Sonderabdruck
+aus der Zeitschrift fuer die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft, Bd. 16,
+Heft 1_ (Berlin, n. d.).
+
+Lombroso = C. LOMBROSO, _Gli Anarchici_, 2d ed. (Torino 1895).
+
+Mackay, "Anarchisten" = JOHN HENRY MACKAY, _Die Anarchisten.
+Kulturgemaelde aus dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts_. Volksausgabe (Berlin
+1893).
+
+Mackay, "Magazin" = JOHN HENRY MACKAY, "Der individualistische
+Anarchismus: ein Gegner der Propaganda der That," in _Das Magazin fuer
+Litteratur_ (Berlin und Weimar) vol. 67 (1898) pp. 913-15.
+
+Mackay, "Stirner" = JOHN HENRY MACKAY, _Max Stirner. Sein Leben und sein
+Werk_ (Berlin 1898).
+
+Merlino = F. S. MERLINO, _L'Individualismo nell'anarchismo_ (Roma 1895).
+
+Pfau = "Proudhon und die Franzosen," in LUDWIG PFAU, _Kunst und Kritik_,
+vol. 6 of _Aesthetische Schriften_, 2d ed. (Stuttgart, Leipzig, Berlin,
+1888), pp. 183-236.
+
+Plechanow = GEORG PLECHANOW, _Anarchismus und Sozialismus_ (Berlin
+1894).
+
+Pr. "Banque" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Banque du peuple, suivie du rapport de
+la commission des délégués du Luxembourg_ (Paris 1849). (In Proudhon's
+_OEuvres complètes_, Paris 1866-83, this forms part of the volume
+"Solution.")
+
+Pr. "Contradictions" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Système des contradictions
+économiques, ou philosophie de la misère_ (2 vol., Paris 1846).
+
+Pr. "Confessions" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Les Confessions d'un
+révolutionnaire, pour servir à l'histoire de la révolution de février_
+(Paris 1849).
+
+Pr. "Droit" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Le Droit au travail et le Droit de
+propriété_ (Paris 1848). (In the _OEuvres_ this forms part of the volume
+"La Révolution sociale.")
+
+Pr. "Idée" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Idée générate de la révolution au XIXe
+siècle (choix d'études sur la pratique révolutionnaire et industrielle)_
+(Paris 1851).
+
+Pr. "Justice" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _De la justice dans la révolution et
+dans l'Eglise. Nouveaux principes de philosophie pratique_ (3 vol.,
+Paris 1858).
+
+Pr. "Organisation" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Organisation du crédit et de la
+circulation, et solution du problème social_ (Paris 1848). (In the
+_OEuvres_ this forms part of the volume "Solution.")
+
+Pr. "Principe" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Du principe fédératif et de la
+nécessité de reconstituer le parti de la révolution_ (Paris 1863).
+
+Pr. "Propriété" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Qu'est-ce que la propriété? ou
+recherches sur le principe du droit et du gouvernement. Premier mémoire_
+(Paris 1841).
+
+Pr. "Solution" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Solution du problème social_ (Paris
+1848).
+
+Proal = LOUIS PROAL, _La Criminalité politique_ (Paris 1895).
+
+Reichesberg = NAUM REICHESBERG, _Sozialismus und Anarchismus_ (Bern und
+Leipzig 1895).
+
+Rienzi = RIENZI, _L'Anarchisme, traduit du néerlandais par August
+Dewinne_ (Bruxelles 1893).
+
+Sernicoli = E. SERNICOLI, _L'Anarchia e gli Anarchici. Studio storico e
+politico di E. Sernicoli_ (2 vol., Milano 1894).
+
+Shaw = GEORGE BERNARD SHAW, _The Impossibilities of Anarchism_ (London
+1895).
+
+Silio = CESAR SILIO, "El Anarquismo y la Defensa Social," in _La Espana
+Moderna_ (Madrid) vol. 61 (1894) pp. 141-8.
+
+Stammler = RUDOLF STAMMLER, _Die Theorie des Anarchismus_ (Berlin 1894).
+
+Stirner = MAX STIRNER, _Der Einzige und sein Eigentum_ (Leipzig 1845).
+
+Stirner "Vierteljahrsschrift" = M. St., "Rezensenten Stirners," in
+_Wigands Vierteljahrsschrift_ (Leipzig) vol. 3 (1845) pp. 147-94.
+
+To. "Confession" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Bekenntnisse. Was sollen wir denn
+thun? deutsch von H. von Samson-Himmelstjerna_ (Leipzig 1886), pp.
+1-102.
+
+To. "Gospel" = GRAF LEO N. TOLSTOJ, _Kurze Darlegung des Evangeliums,
+deutsch von Paul Lauterbach_ (Leipzig, n. d.).
+
+To. "Kernel" = "Das Korn," in GRAF LEO N. TOLSTOJ, _Volkserzaehlungen,
+deutsch von Wilhelm Goldschmidt_ (Leipzig, n. d.), pp. 87-9.
+
+To. "Kingdom" = LEO N. TOLSTOJ, _Das Reich Gottes ist in euch, oder das
+Christentum als eine neue Lebensauffassung, nicht als mystische Lehre,
+deutsch von R. Loewenfeld_ (Stuttgart, Leipzig, Berlin, Wien, 1894).
+
+To. "Linen-Measurer" = "Leinwandmesser. Die Geschichte eines Pferdes,"
+in _Leo N. Tolstoj_, _Gesammelte Werke, deutsch herausgegeben von
+Raphael Loewenfeld_, vol. 3 (Berlin 1893) pp. 573-631.
+
+To. "Money" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Geld! Soziale Betrachtungen, deutsch
+von August Scholz_ (Berlin 1891).
+
+To. "Morning" = "Der Morgen des Gutsherrn," in LEO N. TOLSTOJ,
+_Gesammelte Werke, deutsch herausgegeben von Raphael Loewenfeld_, vol.
+2, 2d ed. (Leipzig, n. d.), pp. 1-81.
+
+To. "On Life" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Ueber das Leben, deutsch von Sophie
+Behr_ (Leipzig 1889).
+
+To. "Patriotism" = GRAF LEO N. TOLSTOJ, _Christentum und
+Vaterlandsliebe, deutsch von L. A. Hauff_ (Berlin n. d.).
+
+To. "Persecutions" = _Russische Christenverfolgungen im Kaukasus. Mit
+einem Vor- und Nachwort von Leo Tolstoj_ (Dresden und Leipzig 1896) pp.
+7-8, 38-48.
+
+To. "Reason and Dogma" = GRAF LEO N. TOLSTOJ, _Vernunft und Dogma. Eine
+Kritik der Glaubenslehre, deutsch von L. A. Hauff_ (Berlin n. d.).
+
+To. "Religion and Morality" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Religion und Moral.
+Antwort auf eine in der "Ethischen Kultur" gestellte Frage, deutsch von
+Sophie Behr_ (Berlin 1894).
+
+To. "What I Believe" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Worin besteht mein Glaube?
+Eine Studie, deutsch von Sophie Behr_ (Leipzig 1885).
+
+To. "What Shall We Do" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Was sollen wir also thun?
+deutsch von August Scholz_ (Berlin 1891).
+
+Tripels = "Discours de Tripels," in _Congrès international
+d'anthropologie criminelle, compte rendu des travaux de la quatrième
+session, tenue à Genève du 24 au 29 août 1896_ (Genève 1897) pp. 253-4.
+
+Tucker = BENJ. R. TUCKER, _Instead of a Book. By a Man Too Busy to Write
+One. A fragmentary exposition of philosophical Anarchism_ (New York
+1893).
+
+Van Hamel = VAN HAMEL, "L'Anarchisme et le Combat contre l'anarchisme au
+point de vue de l'anthropologie criminelle," in _Congrès international
+d'anthropologie criminelle, compte rendu des travaux de la quatrième
+session, tenue à Genève du 24 au 29 août 1896_ (Genève 1897) pp. 254-7.
+
+Zenker = E. V. ZENKER, _Der Anarchismus. Kritische Geschichte der
+anarchistischen Theorie_ (Jena 1895).
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[1] Entitled "The Ego and His Own." N. Y., Benj. R. Tucker, 1907.
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. We want to know Anarchism scientifically, for reasons both personal
+and external.
+
+We wish to penetrate the essence of a movement that dares to question
+what is undoubted and to deny what is venerable, and nevertheless takes
+hold of wider and wider circles.
+
+Besides, we wish to make up our minds whether it is not necessary to
+meet such a movement with force, to protect the established order or at
+least its quiet progressive development, and, by ruthless measures, to
+guard against greater evils.
+
+2. At present there is the greatest lack of clear ideas about Anarchism,
+and that not only among the masses but among scholars and statesmen.
+
+Now it is a historic law of evolution[2] that is described as the
+supreme law of Anarchism, now it is the happiness of the individual,[3]
+now justice.[4]
+
+Now they say that Anarchism culminates in the negation of every
+programme,[5] that it has only a negative aim;[6] now, again, that its
+negating and destroying side is balanced by a side that is affirmative
+and creative;[7] now, to conclude, that what is original in Anarchism is
+to be found exclusively in its utterances about the ideal society,[8]
+that its real, true essence consists in its positive efforts.[9]
+
+Now it is said that Anarchism rejects law,[10] now that it rejects
+society,[11] now that it rejects only the State.[12]
+
+Now it is declared that in the future society of Anarchism there is no
+tie of contract binding persons together;[13] now, again, that Anarchism
+aims to have all public affairs arranged for by contracts between
+federally constituted communes and societies.[14]
+
+Now it is said in general that Anarchism rejects property,[15] or at
+least private property;[16] now a distinction is made between
+Communistic and Individualistic,[17] or even between Communistic,
+Collectivistic, and Individualistic Anarchism.[18]
+
+Now it is asserted that Anarchism conceives of its realization as taking
+place through crime,[19] especially through a violent revolution[20] and
+by the help of the propaganda of deed;[21] now, again, that Anarchism
+rejects violent tactics and the propaganda of deed,[22] or that these
+are at least not necessary constituents of Anarchism.[23]
+
+3. Two demands must be made of everybody who undertakes to produce a
+scientific work on Anarchism.
+
+First, he must be acquainted with the most important Anarchistic
+writings. Here, to be sure, one meets great difficulties. Anarchistic
+writings are very scantily represented in our public libraries. They are
+in part so rare that it is extremely difficult for an individual to
+acquire even the most prominent of them. So it is not strange that of
+all works on Anarchism only one is based on a comprehensive knowledge of
+the sources. This is a pamphlet which appeared anonymously in New York
+in 1894, "_Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus_" which in
+sixteen pages gives a concise presentation that attests an astonishing
+acquaintance with the most various Anarchistic writings. The two large
+works, _"L'anarchia e gli anarchici, studio storico e politico di E.
+Sernicoli_" 2 vol., Milano, 1894, and "_Der Anarchismus, kritische
+Geschichte der anarchistischen Theorie von E. V. Zenker_," Jena, 1895,
+are at least in part founded on a knowledge of Anarchistic writings.
+
+Second, he who would produce a scientific work on Anarchism must be
+equally at home in jurisprudence, in economics, and in philosophy.
+Anarchism judges juridical institutions with reference to their economic
+effects, and from the standpoint of some philosophy or other. Therefore,
+to penetrate its essence and not fall a victim to all possible
+misunderstandings, one must be familiar with those concepts of
+philosophy, jurisprudence, and economics which it applies or has a
+relation to. This demand is best met, among all works on Anarchism, by
+Rudolf Stammler's pamphlet, "_Die Theorie des Anarchismus_," Berlin,
+1894.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[2] "_Der Anarchismus und seine Traeger_" pp. 124, 125, 127; Reichesberg
+p. 27.
+
+[3] Lenz p. 3.
+
+[4] Bernatzik pp. 2, 3.
+
+[5] Lenz p. 5.
+
+[6] Crispi.
+
+[7] Van Hamel p. 112.
+
+[8] Adler p. 321.
+
+[9] Reichesberg p. 13.
+
+[10] Stammler pp. 2, 4, 34, 36; Lenz pp. 1, 4.
+
+[11] Silió p. 145; Garraud p. 12; Reichesberg p. 16; Tripels p. 253.
+
+[12] Bernstein p. 359; Bernatzik p. 3.
+
+[13] Reichesberg p. 30.
+
+[14] Lombroso p. 31.
+
+[15] Silió p. 145; Dubois p. 213.
+
+[16] Lombroso p. 31; Proal p. 50.
+
+[17] Rienzi p. 9; Stammler pp. 28-31; Merlino pp. 18, 27; Shaw p. 23.
+
+[18] "_Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus_" p. 16; Zenker p.
+161.
+
+[19] Garraud p. 6; Lenz p. 5.
+
+[20] Sernicoli vol. 2 p. 116; Garraud p. 2; Reichesberg p. 38; Van Hamel
+p. 113.
+
+[21] Garraud pp. 10, 11; Lombroso p. 34; Ferri p. 257.
+
+[22] Mackay "_Magazin_" pp. 913-915; "_Anarchisten_" pp. 239-243.
+
+[23] Zenker pp. 203, 204.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE PROBLEM
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+The problem for our study is, to get determinate concepts of Anarchism
+and its species. As soon as such determinate concepts are attained,
+Anarchism is scientifically known. For their determination is not only
+conditioned on a comprehensive view of all the individual phenomena of
+Anarchism; it also brings together the results of this comprehensive
+view, and assigns to them a place in the totality of our knowledge.
+
+The problem of getting determinate concepts of Anarchism and its species
+seems at a first glance perfectly clear. But the apparent clearness
+vanishes on closer examination.
+
+For there rises first the question, what shall be the starting-point of
+our study? The answer will be given, "Anarchistic teachings." But there
+is by no means an agreement as to what teachings are Anarchistic; one
+man designates as "Anarchistic" these teachings, another those; and of
+the teachings themselves a part designate themselves as Anarchistic, a
+part do not. How can one take any of them as Anarchistic teachings for a
+starting-point, without applying that very concept of Anarchism which he
+has yet to determine?
+
+Then rises the further question, what is the goal of the study? The
+answer will be given, "the concepts of Anarchism and its species." But
+we see daily that different men define in quite different ways the
+concept of an object which they yet conceive in the same way. One says
+that law is the general will; another, that it is a mass of precepts
+which limit a man's natural liberty for other men's sake; a third, that
+it is the ordering of the life of the nation (or of the community of
+nations) to maintain God's order of the world. They all know that a
+definition should state the proximate genus and the distinctive marks of
+the species, but this knowledge does them little good. So it seems that
+the goal of the study does still require elucidation.
+
+Lastly rises the question, what is the way to this goal? Any one who has
+ever observed the conflict of opinions in the intellectual sciences
+knows well, on the one hand, how utterly we lack a recognized method for
+the solution of problems; and, on the other hand, how necessary it is in
+any study to get clearly in mind the method that is to be used.
+
+2. Our study can come to a more precise specification of its problem.
+The problem is to put concepts in the place of non-conceptual notions of
+Anarchism and its species.
+
+Every concept-determining study faces the problem of comprehending
+conceptually an object that was first comprehended non-conceptually, and
+therefore of putting a concept in the place of non-conceptual notions of
+an object. This problem finds a specially clear expression in the
+concept-determining judgment (the definition), which puts in immediate
+juxtaposition, in its subject some non-conceptual notion of an object,
+and in its predicate a conceptual notion of the same object.
+
+Accordingly, the study that is to determine the concepts of Anarchism
+and its species has for its problem to comprehend conceptually objects
+that are first comprehended in non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and
+its species; and therefore, to put concepts in the place of these
+non-conceptual notions.
+
+3. But our study may specify its problem still more precisely, though at
+first only on the negative side. The problem is not to put concepts in
+the place of all notions that appear as non-conceptual notions of
+Anarchism and its species.
+
+Any concept can comprehend conceptually only one object, not another
+object together with this. The concept of health cannot be at the same
+time the concept of life, nor the concept of the horse that of the
+mammal.
+
+But in the non-conceptual notions that appear as notions of Anarchism
+and its species there are comprehended very different objects. To be
+sure, the object of all these notions is on the one hand a genus that is
+formed by the common qualities of certain teachings, and on the other
+hand the species of this genus, which are formed by the addition of
+sundry peculiarities to these common qualities. But still these notions
+have in view very different groups of teachings with their common and
+special qualities, some perhaps only the teachings of Kropotkin and
+Most, others only the teachings of Stirner, Tucker, and Mackay, others
+again the teachings of both sets of authors.
+
+If one proposed to put concepts in the place of all the non-conceptual
+notions which appear as notions of Anarchism and its species, these
+concepts would have to comprehend at once the common and special
+qualities of quite different groups of teachings, of which groups one
+might embrace only the teachings of Kropotkin and Most, another only
+those of Stirner, Tucker, and Mackay, a third both. But this is
+impossible: the concepts of Anarchism and its species can comprehend
+only the common and special qualities of a single group of teachings;
+therefore our study cannot put concepts in the place of all the notions
+that appear as notions of Anarchism and its species.
+
+4. By completing on the affirmative side this negative specification of
+its problem, our study can arrive at a still more precise specification
+of this problem. The problem is to put concepts in the place of those
+non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and its species, having in view one
+and the same group of teachings, which are most widely diffused among
+the men who at present are scientifically concerned with Anarchism.
+
+Because the only possible problem for our study is to put concepts in
+the place of part of the notions that appear as non-conceptual notions
+of Anarchism and its species,--to wit, only in the place of such notions
+as have in view one and the same group of teachings with its common and
+special qualities,--therefore we must divide into classes, according to
+the groups of teachings that they severally have in view, the notions
+that appear as notions of Anarchism and its species, and we must choose
+the class whose notions are to be replaced by concepts.
+
+The choice of the class must depend on the kind of men for whom the
+study is meant. For the study of a concept is of value only for those
+who non-conceptually apprehend the object of the concept, since the
+concept takes the place of their notions only. For those who form a
+non-conceptual notion of space, the concept of morality is so far
+meaningless; and just as meaningless, for those who mean by Anarchism
+what the teachings of Proudhon and Stirner have in common, is the
+concept of what is common to the teachings of Proudhon, Stirner,
+Bakunin, and Kropotkin.
+
+But the men for whom this study is meant are those who at present are
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism. If all these, in their notions
+of Anarchism and its species, had in view one and the same group of
+teachings, then the problem for our study would be to put concepts in
+the place of this set of notions. Since this is not the case, the only
+possible problem for our study is to put concepts in the place of that
+set of notions which has in view a group of teachings that the greatest
+possible number of the men at present scientifically concerned with
+Anarchism have in view in their non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and
+its species.
+
+
+2.--THE STARTING-POINT
+
+In accordance with what has been said, the starting-point of our study
+must be those non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and its species,
+having in view one and the same group of teachings, which are most
+widely diffused among the men who at present are scientifically
+concerned with Anarchism.
+
+1. How can it be known what group of teachings the non-conceptual
+notions of Anarchism and its species most widely diffused among the men
+at present scientifically concerned with Anarchism have in view?
+
+First and foremost, this may be seen from utterances regarding
+particular Anarchistic teachings, and from lists and descriptions of
+such teachings.
+
+We may assume that a man regards as Anarchistic those teachings which he
+designates as Anarchistic, and, further, those teachings which are
+likewise characterized by the common qualities of these. We may further
+assume that a man does not regard as Anarchistic those teachings which
+he in any form contrasts with the Anarchistic teachings, nor, if he
+undertakes to catalogue or describe the whole body of Anarchistic
+teachings, those teachings unknown to him which are not characterized by
+the common qualities of the teachings he catalogues or describes.
+
+What group of teachings those non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and
+its species which are most widely diffused among the men at present
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism have in view, may be seen
+secondly from the definitions of Anarchism and from other utterances
+about it. We may doubtingly assume that a man regards as Anarchistic
+those teachings which come under his definition of Anarchism, or for
+which his utterances about Anarchism hold good; and, on the contrary,
+that he does not regard as Anarchistic those teachings which do not come
+under that definition, or for which these utterances do not hold good.
+
+When these two means of knowledge lead to contradictions, the former
+must be decisive. For, if a man so defines Anarchism, or so speaks of
+Anarchism, that on this basis teachings which he declares
+non-Anarchistic manifest themselves to be Anarchistic,--and perhaps
+other teachings, which he counts among the Anarchistic, to be
+non-Anarchistic,--this can be due only to his not being conscious of the
+scope of his general pronouncements; therefore it is only from his
+treatment of the individual teachings that one can find out his opinion
+of these.
+
+2. These means of knowledge inform us what group of teachings the
+non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and its species most widely diffused
+among the men at present scientifically concerned with Anarchism have in
+view.
+
+We learn, first, that the teachings of certain particular men are
+recognized as Anarchistic teachings by the greater part of those who at
+present are scientifically concerned with Anarchism.
+
+We learn, second, that by the greater part of those who at present are
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism the teachings of these men are
+recognized as Anarchistic teachings only in so far as they relate to
+law, the State, and property; but not in so far as they may be concerned
+with the law, State, or property of a particular legal system or a
+particular group of legal systems, nor in so far as they regard other
+objects, such as religion, the family, art.
+
+Among the recognized Anarchistic teachings seven are particularly
+prominent: to wit, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Bakunin,
+Kropotkin, Tucker, and Tolstoi. They all manifest themselves to be
+Anarchistic teachings according to the greater part of the definitions
+of Anarchism, and of other scientific utterances about it. They all
+display the qualities that are common to the doctrines treated of in
+most descriptions of Anarchism. Some of them, be it one or another, are
+put in the foreground in almost every work on Anarchism. Of no one of
+them is it denied, to an extent worth mentioning, that it is an
+Anarchistic teaching.
+
+
+3.--THE GOAL
+
+In accordance with what has been said, the goal of our study must be to
+determine, first, the concept of the genus which is constituted by the
+common qualities of those teachings which the greater part of the men at
+present scientifically concerned with Anarchism recognize as Anarchistic
+teachings; second, the concepts of the species of this genus, which are
+formed by the accession of any specialties to those common qualities.
+
+1. The first thing toward a concept is that an object be apprehended as
+clearly and purely as possible.
+
+In non-conceptual notions an object is not apprehended with all possible
+clearness. In our non-conceptual notions of gold we most commonly make
+clear to ourselves only a few qualities of gold; one of us, perhaps,
+thinks mainly of the color and the lustre, another of the color and
+malleability, a third of some other qualities. But in the concept of
+gold color, lustre, malleability, hardness, solubility, fusibility,
+specific gravity, atomic weight, and all other qualities of gold, must
+be apprehended as clearly as possible.
+
+Nor is an object apprehended in all possible purity in our
+non-conceptual notions. We introduce into our non-conceptual notions of
+gold many things that do not belong among the qualities of gold; one,
+perhaps, thinks of the present value of gold, another of golden dishes,
+a third of some sort of gold coin. But all these alien adjuncts must be
+kept away from the concept of gold.
+
+So the first goal of our study is to describe as clearly as possible on
+the one side, and as purely as possible on the other, the common
+qualities of those teachings which the greater part of the men at
+present scientifically concerned with Anarchism recognize as Anarchistic
+teachings, and the specialties of all the teachings which display these
+common qualities.
+
+2. It is further requisite for a concept that an object should have its
+place assigned as well as possible in the total realm of our
+experience,--that is, in a system of species and genera which embraces
+our total experience.
+
+In non-conceptual notions an object does not have its place assigned in
+the total realm of our experience, but arbitrarily in one of the many
+genera in which it can be placed according to its various qualities. One
+of us, perhaps, thinks of gold as a species of the genus "yellow
+bodies," another as a species of the genus "malleable bodies," a third
+as a species of some other genus. But the concept of gold must assign it
+a place in a system of species and genera that embraces our whole
+experience,--a place in the genus "metals."
+
+So a further goal of our study is to assign a place as well as possible
+in the total realm of our experience (that is, in a system of species
+and genera which embraces our total experience) for the common qualities
+of those teachings which the greater part of the men at present
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism recognize as Anarchistic
+teachings, and for the specialties of all the teachings that display
+these common qualities.
+
+
+4.--THE WAY TO THE GOAL
+
+In accordance with what has been said, the way that our study must take
+to go from its starting-point to its goal will be in three parts. First,
+the concepts of law, the State, and property must be determined. Next,
+it must be ascertained what the Anarchistic teachings assert about law,
+the State, and property. Finally, after removing some errors, we must
+get determinate concepts of Anarchism and its species.
+
+1. First, we must get determinate concepts of law, the State, and
+property; and this must be of law, the State, and property in general,
+not of the law, State, or property of a particular legal system or a
+particular family of legal systems.
+
+Law, the State, and property, in this sense, are the objects about which
+the doctrines which are to be examined in their common and special
+qualities make assertions. Before the fact of any assertions about an
+object can be ascertained,--not to say, before the common and special
+qualities of these assertions can be brought out and assigned to a place
+in the total realm of our experience,--we must get a determinate concept
+of this object itself. Hence the first thing that must be done is to
+determine the concepts of law, the State, and property (chapter II).
+
+2. Next, it must be ascertained what the Anarchistic teachings assert
+about law, the State, and property;--that is, the recognized Anarchistic
+teachings, and also those teachings which likewise display the qualities
+common to these.
+
+What the recognized Anarchistic teachings say, must be ascertained in
+order to determine the concept of Anarchism. What all the teachings that
+display the common qualities of the recognized Anarchistic teachings
+say, must be ascertained in order that we may get determinate concepts
+of the species of Anarchism.
+
+So each of these teachings must be questioned regarding its relation to
+law, the State, and property. These questions must be preceded by the
+question on what foundation the teaching rests, and must be followed by
+the question how it conceives the process of its realization.
+
+It is impossible to present here all recognized Anarchistic teachings,
+not to say all Anarchistic teachings. Therefore our study limits itself
+to the presentation of seven especially prominent teachings (chapters
+III to IX), and then, from this standpoint, seeks to get a view of the
+totality of recognized Anarchistic teachings and of all Anarchistic
+teachings (chapter X).
+
+The teachings presented are presented in their own words,[24] but
+according to a uniform system: the first, for security against the
+importation of alien thoughts; the second, to avoid the uncomparable
+juxtaposition of fundamentally different courses of thought. They have
+been compelled to give definite replies to definite questions; it was
+indeed necessary in many cases to bring the answers together in tiny
+fragments from the most various writings, to sift them so far as they
+contradicted each other, and to explain them so far as they deviated
+from ordinary language. Thus Tolstoi's strictly logical structure of
+thought and Bakunin's confused talk, Kropotkin's discussions full of
+glowing philanthropy and Stirner's self-pleasing smartness, come before
+our eyes directly and yet in comparable form.
+
+3. Finally, after removing widely diffused errors, we are to get
+determinate concepts of Anarchism and its species.
+
+We must, therefore, on the basis of that knowledge of the Anarchistic
+teachings which we have acquired, clear away the most important errors
+about Anarchism and its species; and then we must determine what the
+Anarchistic teachings have in common, and what specialties are
+represented among them, and assign to both a place in the total realm of
+our experience. Then we have the concepts of Anarchism and its species
+(chapter XI).
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[24] Russian writings are cited from translations, which are cautiously
+revised where they seem too harsh.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+LAW, THE STATE, PROPERTY
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+_In this discussion we are to get determinate concepts of law, the
+State, and property in general, not of the law, State, and property of a
+particular legal system or of a particular family of legal systems. The
+concepts of law, State, and property are therefore to be determined as
+concepts of general jurisprudence, not as concepts of any particular
+jurisprudence._
+
+1. By the concepts of law, State, and property one may understand,
+first, the concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a
+particular legal system.
+
+These concepts of law, State, and property contain all the
+characteristics that belong to the substance of a particular legal
+system. They embrace only the substance of this system. They may,
+therefore, be called concepts of the science of this system. For we may
+designate as the science of a particular legal system that part of
+jurisprudence which concerns itself exclusively with the norms of a
+particular legal system.
+
+The concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a legal
+system are distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property
+in the sciences of other legal systems by this characteristic,--that
+they are concepts of norms of this particular system. From this
+characteristic we may deduce all the characteristics that result from
+the special substance of this system of law in contrast to other such
+systems. The concepts of property in the present laws of the German
+empire, of France, and of England are distinguished by the fact that
+they are concepts of norms of these three different legal systems.
+Consequently they are as different as are the norms of the present
+imperial-German, French, and English law on the subject of property. The
+concepts of law, State, and property in different legal systems are to
+each other as species-concepts which are subordinate to one and the same
+generic concept.
+
+2. Second, one may understand by the concepts of law, State, and
+property the concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a
+particular family of laws.
+
+These concepts of law, State, and property contain all the
+characteristics that belong to the common substance of the different
+legal systems of this family. They embrace only the common substance of
+the different systems of this family. They may, therefore, be called
+concepts of the science of this family of laws. For we may designate as
+the science of a particular family of laws that part of jurisprudence
+which deals exclusively with the norms of a particular family of legal
+systems, so far as these are not already dealt with by the sciences of
+the particular legal systems of this family.
+
+The concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a family of
+laws are distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property in
+the sciences of the legal systems that form the family by lacking the
+characteristic of being concepts of norms of these systems, and
+consequently lacking also all the characteristics which may be deduced
+from this characteristic according to the special substance of one or
+another legal system. The concept of the State in the science of present
+European law is distinguished from the concepts of the State in the
+sciences of present German, Russian, and Belgian law by not being a
+concept of norms of any one of these systems, and consequently by
+lacking all the characteristics that result from the special substance
+of the constitutional norms in force in Germany, Russia, and Belgium.
+Its relation to the concepts of the State in the science of these
+systems is that of a generic concept to subordinate species-concepts.
+
+The concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a family of
+laws are distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property in
+the sciences of other such families by this characteristic,--that they
+are concepts of norms of this particular family. From this
+characteristic we may deduce all the characteristics that are peculiar
+to the common substance of the different legal systems of this family in
+contrast to the common substance of the different legal systems of other
+families. The concept of the State in the science of present European
+law and the concept of the State in the science of European law in the
+year 1000 are distinguished by the fact that the one is a concept of
+constitutional norms that are in force in Europe to-day, the other of
+such as were in force in Europe then; consequently they are different in
+the same way as what the constitutional norms in force in Europe to-day
+have in common is different from what was common to the constitutional
+norms in force in Europe then. These concepts are to each other as
+species-concepts which are subordinate to one and the same generic
+concept.
+
+3. Third, one may understand by the concepts of law, State, and property
+the concepts of law, State, and property in general jurisprudence.
+
+These concepts of law, State, and property contain all the
+characteristics that belong to the common substance of the most
+different systems and families of laws. They embrace only what the norms
+of the most different systems and families of laws have in common. They
+may, therefore, be called concepts of general jurisprudence. For that
+part of jurisprudence which treats of legal norms without limitation to
+any particular system or family of laws, so far as these norms are not
+already treated by the sciences of the particular systems and families,
+may be designated as general jurisprudence.
+
+The concepts of law, State, and property in general jurisprudence are
+distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property in the
+particular jurisprudences by lacking the characteristic of being
+concepts of norms of one of these systems or at least one of these
+families of systems, and consequently lacking also all the
+characteristics which may be deduced from this characteristic according
+to the special substance of some system or family of laws. The concept
+of law _per se_ is distinguished from the concept of law in present
+European law and from the concept of law in the present law of the
+German empire by not being a concept of norms of that family of laws,
+not to say that particular system, and consequently by lacking all the
+characteristics that might belong to any peculiarities which might be
+common to all legal norms at present in force in Europe or in Germany.
+Its relation to the concepts of law in these particular jurisprudences
+is that of a generic concept to subordinate species-concepts.
+
+4. In which of the senses here distinguished the concepts of law, State,
+and property should be defined in a particular case, and what matters
+should accordingly be taken into consideration in defining them, depends
+on the purpose of one's study.
+
+If, for example, the point is to describe scientifically the
+constitutional norms of the present law of the German empire, then the
+concept of the State as defined on this occasion must be a concept of
+the science of this particular legal system. For scientific work on the
+norms of a particular legal system requires that concepts be formed of
+the norms of just this system. Consequently the material to be taken
+into consideration will be only the constitutional norms of the present
+law of the German empire.--That the concepts defined in the scientific
+description of a system of law are in fact concepts of the science of
+this system may indeed seem obscure. For every concept of the science of
+any particular system of law may be defined as the concept of a species
+under the corresponding generic concept of general jurisprudence. We
+define this generic concept, say the concept of the State in general
+jurisprudence, and add the distinctive characteristic of the
+species-concept, that it is a concept of norms of this particular system
+of law, say of the present law of the German empire. And then we often
+leave this additional characteristic unexpressed, where we think we may
+assume (as is the case in the scientific description of the norms of any
+particular system of law) that everybody will regard it as tacitly
+added. The consequence is that the definition given in the scientific
+description of a particular system of law looks, at a superficial
+glance, like the definition of a concept of general jurisprudence.
+
+Or, if the point is to compare scientifically the norms of present
+European law regarding property, the concept of property as defined on
+this occasion must be a concept of the science of this particular family
+of laws. For the scientific comparison of norms of different legal
+systems demands that concepts of the sciences of these different legal
+systems be subordinately arranged under the corresponding concept of the
+science of the family of laws which is made up of these systems.
+Consequently the material to be taken into consideration will be only
+the norms of this family of laws.--Here again, indeed, it may seem
+obscure that the concepts defined are really concepts of the science of
+this family of laws. For the concepts that belong to the science of a
+family of laws may likewise be defined by defining the corresponding
+concepts of general jurisprudence and tacitly adding the characteristic
+of being concepts of norms of this particular family of laws.
+
+Finally, if it comes to pass that the point is to compare scientifically
+what the norms of the most diverse systems of law have in common, the
+concept of law as defined on this occasion must be a concept of general
+jurisprudence. For the scientific comparison of norms of the most
+diverse systems and families of laws demands that concepts which belong
+to the sciences of the most diverse systems and families of laws be
+subordinately arranged under the corresponding concept of general
+jurisprudence. Consequently the material to be taken into consideration
+will be the norms of the most diverse systems and families of laws.
+
+Here,--where the point is to take the first step toward a scientific
+comprehension of teachings which pass judgment on law, the State, and
+property in general, not only on the law, State, or property of a
+particular system or family of laws,--the concepts of law, State, and
+property must necessarily be defined as concepts of general
+jurisprudence. For a scientific comprehension of teachings which deal
+with the common substance of the most diverse systems and families of
+laws demands that concepts of this common substance--consequently
+concepts belonging to general jurisprudence--be formed. Therefore we
+have to take into consideration, as our material, the norms (especially
+regarding the State and property) of the most diverse systems and
+families of laws.
+
+
+2.--LAW
+
+_Law is the body of legal norms. A legal norm is a norm which is based
+on the fact that men have the will to see a certain procedure generally
+observed within a circle which includes themselves._
+
+1. A legal norm is a norm.
+
+A norm is the idea of a correct procedure. A correct procedure means one
+that corresponds either to the final purpose of all human procedure
+(unconditionally correct procedure,--for instance, respect for another's
+life), or at any rate to some accidental purpose (conditionally correct
+procedure,--for instance, the skilled handling of a picklock). And the
+idea of a correct procedure means that the unconditionally or
+conditionally correct procedure is to be thought of not as a fact but as
+a task, not as something real but as something to be realized; it does
+not mean that I shall in fact spare my enemy's life, but that I am to
+spare it--not how the thief really did use the picklock, but how he
+should have used it. The idea of a correct procedure is what we
+designate as an "ought": when I think of an "ought," I think of what has
+to be done in order to realize either the final purpose of all human
+procedure or some accidental personal purpose. All passing of judgment
+on past procedure is conditioned upon the idea of a correct
+procedure--only with regard to this idea can past procedure be described
+as good or bad, expedient or inexpedient; and so is all deliberation on
+future procedure--only with regard to this idea does one inquire whether
+it will be right, or at any rate expedient, to proceed in a given
+manner.
+
+Every legal norm represents a procedure as correct, declares that it
+corresponds to a particular purpose. And it represents this correct
+procedure as an idea, designates it not as a fact but as a task, does
+not say that any one does proceed so but that one is to proceed so.
+Hence a legal norm is a norm.
+
+2. A legal norm is a norm based on a human will.
+
+A norm based on a human will is a norm by virtue of which one must
+proceed in a certain way in order that he may not put himself in
+opposition to the will of some particular men, and so be apprehended by
+the power which is at the service of these men. Such a norm, therefore,
+represents a procedure only as conditionally correct; to wit, as a means
+to the end (which we are perhaps pursuing or perhaps despising) of
+remaining in harmony with the will of certain men, and so being spared
+by the power which serves this will.
+
+Every legal norm tells us that we must proceed in a certain way in order
+that we may not contravene the will of some particular men and then
+suffer under their power. Therefore it represents a procedure only as
+conditionally correct, and instructs us not as to what is good but only
+as to what is prescribed. Hence a legal norm is a norm based on a human
+will.
+
+3. A legal norm is a norm based on the fact that men will to have a
+certain procedure for themselves and others.
+
+A norm is based on the fact that men will to have a certain procedure
+for themselves and others when the will on which the norm is based has
+reference not only to others who do not will, but also, at the same
+time, to the willers themselves also; when, therefore, these not only
+will that others be subject to the norm but also will to be subject to
+it themselves.
+
+Every legal norm, and of all norms only the legal norm, has the
+characteristic that the will on which it is based reaches beyond those
+whose will it is, and yet embraces them too. The rule, "Whoever takes
+from another a movable thing that is not his own, with the intent to
+appropriate it illegally, is punished with imprisonment for theft," is
+not only based on the will of men, but each of these men is also
+conscious that, while on the one hand the rule applies to other men, on
+the other hand it applies to himself.
+
+Here it might be alleged that, after all, the mere fact of men's will to
+have a certain procedure for themselves and others does not always
+establish law; for example, the efforts of the Bonapartists do not
+establish the empire in France. But it is not when this bare will exists
+that law is established, but only when a norm is based on this will;
+that is, when it has in its service so great a power that it is
+competent to affect the behavior of the men to whom it relates. As soon
+as Bonapartism spreads so widely and in such circles that this takes
+place, the republic will fall and the empire will indeed become law in
+France.
+
+One might further appeal to the fact that in unlimited monarchies (in
+Russia, for instance) the law is based solely on the will of one man,
+who is not himself subject to it. But Russian law is not based on the
+czar's will at all; the czar is a weak individual man, and his will in
+itself is totally unqualified to affect many millions of Russians in
+their procedure. Russian law is based rather on the will of all those
+Russians--peasants, soldiers, officials--who, for the most various
+reasons--patriotism, self-interest, superstition--will that what the
+czar wills shall be law in Russia. Their will is qualified to affect the
+procedure of the Russians; and, if they should ever grow so few that it
+would no longer have this qualification, then the czar's will would no
+longer be law in Russia, as the history of revolutions proves.
+
+4. It has been asserted that legal norms have still other qualities.
+
+It has been said, first, that it belongs to the essence of a legal norm
+to be enforceable, or even to be enforceable in a particular way, by
+judicial procedure, governmental force.
+
+If by this we are to understand that conformity can always be enforced,
+we are met at once by the great number of cases in which this cannot be
+done. When a debtor is insolvent, or a murder has been committed,
+conformity to the violated legal norms cannot now be enforced after the
+fact, but their validity is not impaired by this.
+
+If by enforceability we mean that conformity to a legal norm must be
+insured by other legal norms providing for the case of its violation, we
+need only go on from the insured to the insuring norms for a while, to
+come to norms for which conformity is not insured by any further legal
+norms. If one refuses to recognize these norms as legal norms, then
+neither can the norms which are insured by them rank as legal norms, and
+so, going back along the series, one has at last no legal norms left.
+
+Only if one would understand by the enforceability of the legal norm
+that a will must have at its disposal a certain power in order that a
+legal norm may be based on it, one might certainly say in this sense
+that enforceability belongs to the essence of a legal norm. But this
+quality of the legal norm would be only such a quality as would be
+derivable from its quality of being a norm, and would therefore have no
+claim to be added as a further quality.
+
+Again, it has been named an essential quality of a legal norm that it
+should be based on the will of a State. But even where we cannot speak
+of a State at all, among nomads for instance, there are yet legal norms.
+Besides, every State is itself a legal relation, established by legal
+norms, which consequently cannot be based on its will. And lastly, the
+norms of international law, which are intended to bind the will of
+States, cannot be based on the will of a State.
+
+Finally, it has been asserted that it was essential to a legal norm that
+it should correspond to the moral law. If this were so, then among the
+different legal norms which to-day are in force one directly after the
+other in the same territory, or at the same time in different
+territories under the same circumstances, only one could in each case be
+regarded as a legal norm; for under the same circumstances there is only
+one moral right. Nor could one speak then of unrighteous legal norms,
+for if they were unrighteous they would not be legal norms. But in
+reality, even when legal norms determine conduct quite differently under
+the same circumstances, they are all nevertheless recognized as legal
+norms; nor is it doubted that there are bad legal norms as well as good.
+
+5. As a norm based on the fact that men have the will to see a certain
+procedure generally observed within a circle which includes themselves,
+the legal norm is distinguished from all other objects, even from those
+that most resemble it.
+
+By being based on the will of men it is distinguished from the moral law
+(the commandment of morality); this is not based on men's willing a
+certain procedure, but on the fact that this procedure corresponds to
+the final purpose of all human procedure. The maxim, "Love your enemies,
+bless those who curse you, do good to those who hate you, pray for those
+who abuse and persecute you," is a moral law; so is the maxim, "Act so
+that the maxims of your will might at all times serve as the principles
+of a general legislation." For the correctness of such a procedure is
+not founded on the fact that other men will have it, but on the fact
+that it corresponds to the final purpose of all human procedure.
+
+By being based on the will of men the legal norm is distinguished also
+from good manners; these are not based on the fact that men will a
+certain procedure, but on the fact that they themselves proceed in a
+certain way. It is manners that one goes to a ball in a dress coat and
+white gloves, uses his knife at table only for cutting, begs the
+daughter of the house for a dance or at least one round, takes leave of
+the master and mistress of the house, and lastly presses a tip into the
+servant's hand; for the correctness of such a behavior is not based on
+the fact that other men ask this of us,--to those who start a new
+fashion it is often actually unpleasant to find that the fashion is
+spreading to more extensive circles,--but solely on the fact that other
+men themselves behave so, and that we want "not to be peculiar," "not to
+make ourselves conspicuous," "to do like the rest," etc.
+
+By being based on a will which relates at once to those whose will it is
+and to others whose will it is not, it is distinguished on the one hand
+from an arbitrary command, in which one's will applies only to others,
+and on the other from a resolution, in which it applies only to himself.
+It is an arbitrary command when Cortes with his Spaniards commands the
+Mexicans to bring out their gold, or when a band of robbers forbids a
+frightened peasantry to betray their hiding-place; here a human will
+decides, indeed, but a will that relates only to other men, and not at
+the same time to those whose will it is. A resolution is presented when
+I have decided to get up at six every morning, or to leave off smoking,
+or to finish a piece of work within a specified time--here a human will
+is indeed the standard, but it relates only to him whose will it is, not
+at all to others.
+
+6. What is briefly summed up in the definition of the legal norm may, if
+one takes into account the explanations which have been given with this
+definition, be expanded as follows:
+
+Men will that a given procedure be generally observed within a circle
+which includes themselves, and their power is so great that their will
+is competent to affect the men of this circle in their procedure. When
+such is the condition of things, a legal norm exists.
+
+
+3.--THE STATE
+
+_The State is a legal relation by virtue of which a supreme authority
+exists in a certain territory._
+
+1. The State is a legal relation.
+
+A legal relation is the relation, determined by legal norms, of an
+obligated party, one to whom a procedure is prescribed, to an entitled
+party, one for whose sake it is prescribed. Thus, for instance, the
+legal relation of a loan is a relation of the borrower, who is bound by
+the legal norms concerning loans, to the lender, for whose sake he is
+bound.
+
+The State is the legal relation of all the men who by legal norms are
+subjected to a supreme territorial authority, to all those for whose
+sake they are subjected to it. Here the circle of the entitled and the
+obligated is one and the same; the State is a bond upon all in favor of
+all.
+
+To this it might perhaps be objected that the State is not a legal
+relation but a person. But the two propositions, that an association of
+men is a person in the legal sense and that it is a legal relation, are
+quite compatible; nay, its attribute of personality is based mainly on
+its attribute of being a legal relation of a particular kind; law, in
+viewing the association in its outward relationships as a person, starts
+from the fact that men are bound together by a particular legal
+relation. A joint-stock corporation is a person not although, but
+because, it is a legal relation of a peculiar kind. And similarly, the
+fact that the State is a person is not only reconcilable with its being
+a legal relation, but is founded on its being a peculiar legal relation.
+
+2. As to the conditions of its existence, this legal relation is
+involuntary.
+
+A voluntary legal relation exists when legal norms make entrance into
+the relation conditional on actions of the obligated party, of which
+actions the purpose is to bring about the legal relation; for instance,
+entrance into the relation of tenancy is conditioned on agreeing to a
+lease. _Per contra_, an involuntary legal relation exists when legal
+norms do not make entrance into the relation conditional on any such
+actions of the obligated party, as, for instance, a patent is not
+conditioned on any action of those who are bound by it, and the sentence
+of a criminal is at least not conditioned on any action whereby he
+intended to bring it about.
+
+If the State were a voluntary legal relation, a supreme authority could
+exist only for those inhabitants of a territory who had acknowledged it.
+But the supreme authority exists for all inhabitants of the territory,
+whether they have acknowledged it or not; the legal relation is
+therefore involuntary.
+
+3. The substance of this legal relation is, that a supreme authority
+exists in a territory.
+
+An authority exists in a territory by virtue of a legal relation when,
+according to the legal norms which found the relation, the will of some
+men--or even merely of a man--is regulative for the inhabitants of this
+territory. A supreme authority exists in a territory by virtue of a
+legal relation when according to those norms the will of some men is
+finally regulative for the inhabitants of the territory,--that is, is
+decisive when authorities disagree. What we here designate as a supreme
+authority, therefore, is not the men on whose will the legal norms in
+force in a territory are based, but rather their highest agents, whose
+will they would have finally regulative within the territory.
+
+What men it is whose will is finally regulative for the inhabitants of a
+territory by virtue of a legal relation--for instance, members of a
+royal family according to a certain order of inheritance, or persons
+elected according to a certain election law--depends on the legal norms
+by which the legal relation is determined. On these legal norms, too,
+depends the question within what limits the will of these men is
+regulative. But this limited nature of the authority does not stand in
+the way of its being a supreme authority; the highest agent need not be
+an agent with unrestricted powers.
+
+Here one might perhaps object that in federal States, in the German
+empire for instance, the individual States have not supreme authority.
+But in reality they have it. For, even if there are a multitude of
+subjects in reference to which the highest authority of the individual
+States of the German empire has to bow to the imperial authority, yet
+there are also subjects enough about which the highest authority of the
+individual States gives a final decision. As long as there are such
+subjects, a supreme authority exists in the individual States; if some
+day there should no longer be such, one could no longer speak of
+individual States.
+
+4. As a legal relation, by virtue of which a supreme authority exists in
+a territory, the State is distinguished from all other objects, even
+from those that most resemble it.
+
+By being a legal relation it is distinguished on the one hand from
+institutions such as would exist in a conceivable kingdom of God or of
+reason, on the basis of the moral law, and on the other hand from the
+dominion of a conqueror in the conquered country, which can never be
+anything but an arbitrary dominion.
+
+Being an involuntary legal relation, the State is distinguished from a
+conceivable association of men who should set up a supreme authority
+among themselves by an agreement, as well as from leagues under
+international law, in which a supreme authority exists on the basis of
+an agreement.
+
+The fact that by virtue of a legal relation an authority over a
+territory is given distinguishes the State from the tribal community of
+nomads and from the Church; for in the former there is given an
+authority over people of a certain descent, in the latter over people of
+a certain faith, but in neither over people of a certain territory. And
+finally, in the fact that this territorial authority is a supreme
+authority lies the difference between the State and towns, counties, or
+provinces; in the latter there is indeed a territorial authority
+instituted, but one that by the very intent of its institution must bow
+to a higher authority.
+
+5. What is briefly summed up in the definition of the State may be
+expanded as follows, if one takes into consideration on the one hand the
+previous definition of a legal norm and on the other hand the above
+explanations of the definition of the State:
+
+Some inhabitants of a territory are so powerful that their will is
+competent to affect the inhabitants of this territory in their
+procedure, and these men will have it that for all the inhabitants of
+the territory, for themselves as well as for the rest, the will of men
+picked out in a certain way shall within certain limits be finally
+regulative. When such is the condition of things, a State exists.
+
+
+4.--PROPERTY
+
+_Property is a legal relation, by virtue of which some one has, within a
+certain group of men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately disposing of
+a thing._
+
+1. Property is a legal relation.
+
+As has already been stated, a legal relation is the relation of an
+obligated party, one to whom a procedure is prescribed by legal norms,
+to an entitled party, one for whose sake it is prescribed.
+
+Property is the legal relation of all the members of a group of men who
+by legal norms are excluded from ultimately disposing of a thing, to
+him--or to those--for whose sake they are excluded from it. Here the
+circle of the obligated is much broader than that of the entitled; the
+former embraces, say, all the inhabitants of a territory or all who
+belong to a tribe, the latter only those among them in whom certain
+further conditions (for instance, transfer, prescription, appropriation)
+are fulfilled.
+
+2. As to the conditions of its existence, this legal relation is
+involuntary.
+
+As discussion has already shown, a voluntary legal relation exists when
+legal norms make entrance into the relation conditional on actions of
+the obligated party, of which actions the purpose is to bring about the
+legal relation; _per contra_, an involuntary legal relation exists when
+legal norms do not make entrance into the relation conditional on any
+such actions of the obligated party.
+
+If property were a voluntary legal relation, then there could be
+excluded from ultimately disposing of a thing only those members of a
+group of men who had consented to this exclusion. But all members of the
+group--for instance, all the inhabitants of a territory, all who belong
+to a tribe--are excluded, whether they have consented or not.
+
+3. The substance of this legal relation consists in some one's having,
+within a certain group of men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately
+disposing of a thing.
+
+Some one's having, within a certain group of men, the exclusive
+privilege of ultimately disposing of a thing means that this group is
+excluded from the thing in his favor; that is, they must not hinder him
+from dealing with the thing according to his will, nor may they
+themselves deal with it against his will. Now, the exclusive disposition
+of a thing within a certain group of men may by virtue of a legal
+relation belong to several, part by part, in this way: that some--or
+one--of them have it in this or that particular respect (for instance,
+as to the usufruct), and one--or some--in all other respects which are
+not individually alienated. Whoever thus has, within a group of men, the
+exclusive disposition of a thing in all those respects which are not
+individually alienated, to him belongs, within that group, the exclusive
+privilege of ultimately disposing of the thing.
+
+To whom this belongs by virtue of the legal relation--whether, for
+instance, it belongs among others to him who by labor has made a thing
+into some new thing--depends on the legal norms by which the legal
+relation is determined. On them also depends the question, within what
+limits this belongs to him: the dispository authority of him to whom the
+exclusive disposition of a thing within a group of men ultimately
+belongs is limited not only by the dispository authority of those to
+whom the exclusive disposition within the group proximately belongs, but
+also by the limits within which such dispository authority is at all
+allowed to anybody in the group. Especially, it depends on these legal
+norms whether a privilege of exclusive ultimate disposition belongs to
+individuals as well as to corporations, or only to corporations, and
+whether it applies to every kind of things or only to one kind or
+another.
+
+4. As a legal relation by virtue of which some one has, within a certain
+group of men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately disposing of a
+thing, property is distinguished from all other objects, even from those
+which most resemble it.
+
+By being a legal relation it is distinguished from all the relations in
+which one has the exclusive ultimate disposition of a thing guaranteed
+to him solely by the reasonableness of the men who surround him, or
+solely by his own might, as might be the case in a conceivable kingdom
+of God or of reason, and as is often the case in a conquered country.
+
+Being an involuntary legal relation, it is distinguished from those
+legal relations by virtue of which the exclusive privilege of ultimately
+disposing of a thing belongs to some one solely on the ground of a
+contract, and solely as against the other contracting parties.
+
+That by virtue of this legal relation some one has, within a group of
+men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately disposing of a thing,
+distinguishes property from copyright, by virtue of which some one has
+exclusively, within a group of men, not the disposition of a thing, but
+somewhat else; and furthermore from rights in the property of others, by
+virtue of which some one has, within a group of men, the exclusive
+privilege of disposing of a thing, but not of ultimately disposing of
+it.
+
+5. What is briefly summed up in the definition of property may be
+expanded as follows, if one takes into consideration on the one hand the
+previously given definition of a legal norm, and on the other the above
+explanations of the definition of property.
+
+Some men are so powerful that their will is able to affect in its
+procedure a group of men which embraces them, and these men will have it
+that no member of this group shall, within certain limits, hinder a
+member picked out in a certain way from dealing with a thing according
+to his will, nor, within these limits, himself deal with the thing
+against the will of that member, so far as the will of another member is
+not already in particular respects regulative with respect to that thing
+equally with the will of that member. When such is the condition of
+things, property exists.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+     [Distinguishing the State from arbitrary dominion as he here does
+     (p. 34), and then saying that Anarchism consists solely in the
+     negation of the State, Eltzbacher implies the unsound conclusion
+     that Anarchism does not involve the negation of arbitrary dominion.
+     This is because he incautiously takes the word of the learned
+     public that the only cardinal points of Anarchism are law, the
+     State, and property, without making sure that those who say this
+     are using the term "State" in the precise sense defined by him. But
+     are not many of his "arbitrary commands" law and State by his
+     definitions? Every robber in his band (p. 31) is as much required
+     to keep the secret as are the peasantry, and under the same
+     penalties. In restraining a subject population I restrict my
+     liberty of emigration or investment, and forbid myself to be an
+     accomplice in certain things.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+GODWIN'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+1. William Godwin was born in 1756 at Wisbeach, Cambridgeshire. He
+studied theology at Hoxton, beginning in 1773. In 1778 he became
+preacher at Ware, Hertfordshire; in 1780, preacher at Stowmarket,
+Suffolk. In 1782 he gave up this position. From this time on he lived in
+London as an author. He died there in 1836.
+
+Godwin published numerous works in the departments of philosophy,
+economics, and history; also stories, tragedies, and juvenile books.
+
+2. Godwin's teaching about law, the State, and property is contained
+mainly in the two-volume work "An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice
+and its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness" (1793).
+
+"The printing of this treatise," says Godwin himself, "was commenced
+long before the composition was finished. The ideas of the author became
+more perspicuous and digested as his inquiries advanced. This
+circumstance has led him into some inaccuracies of language and
+reasoning, particularly in the earlier part of the work. He did not
+enter upon the subject without being aware that government by its very
+nature counteracts the improvement of individual intellect; but he
+understood the proposition more completely as he proceeded, and saw more
+distinctly into the nature of the remedy."[25] Godwin's teaching is
+here presented exclusively in the developed form which it shows in the
+second part of the work.
+
+3. Godwin does not call his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." Yet this word causes him no terror. "Anarchy is a horrible
+calamity, but it is less horrible than despotism. Where anarchy has
+slain its hundreds, despotism has sacrificed millions upon millions,
+with this only effect, to perpetuate the ignorance, the vices, and the
+misery of mankind. Anarchy is a short-lived mischief, while despotism is
+all but immortal. It is unquestionably a dreadful remedy, for the people
+to yield to all their furious passions, till the spectacle of their
+effects gives strength to recovering reason: but, though it be a
+dreadful remedy, it is a sure one."[26]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_According to Godwin, our supreme law is the general welfare._
+
+What is the general welfare? "Its nature is defined by the nature of
+mind."[27] It is unchangeable; as long as men are men it remains the
+same.[28] "That will most contribute to it which expands the
+understanding, supplies incitements to virtue, fills us with a generous
+consciousness of our independence, and carefully removes whatever can
+impede our exertions."[29]
+
+The general welfare is our supreme law. "Duty is that mode of action on
+the part of the individual, which constitutes the best possible
+application of his capacity to the general benefit."[30] "Justice is the
+sum of all moral duty;"[31] "if there be such a thing, I am bound to do
+for the general weal everything in my power."[32] "Virtue is a desire to
+promote the benefit of intelligent beings in general, the quantity of
+virtue being as the quantity of desire;"[33] "the last perfection of
+this feeling consists in that state of mind which bids us rejoice as
+fully in the good that is done by others, as if it were done by
+ourselves."[34]
+
+"The truly wise man"[35] strives only for the welfare of the whole. He
+is "actuated neither by interest nor ambition, the love of honor nor the
+love of fame. [He knows no jealousy. He is not disquieted by the
+comparison of what he has attained with what others have attained, but
+by the comparison with what ought to be attained.] He has a duty indeed
+obliging him to seek the good of the whole; but that good is his only
+object. If that good be effected by another hand, he feels no
+disappointment. All men are his fellow laborers, but he is the rival of
+no man."[36]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _Looking to the general good, Godwin rejects law, not only for
+particular local and temporary conditions, but altogether._
+
+"Law is an institution of the most pernicious tendency."[37] "The
+institution once begun, can never be brought to a close. No action of
+any man was ever the same as any other action, had ever the same degree
+of utility or injury. As new cases occur, the law is perpetually found
+deficient. It is therefore perpetually necessary to make new laws. The
+volume in which justice records her prescriptions is for ever
+increasing, and the world would not contain the books that might be
+written."[38] "The consequence of the infinitude of law is its
+uncertainty. Law was made that a plain man might know what he had to
+expect, and yet the most skilful practitioners differ about the event of
+my suit."[39] "A farther consideration is that it is of the nature of
+prophecy. Its task is to describe what will be the actions of mankind,
+and to dictate decisions respecting them."[40]
+
+"Law we sometimes call the wisdom of our ancestors. But this is a
+strange imposition. It was as frequently the dictate of their passion,
+of timidity, jealousy, a monopolizing spirit, and a lust of power that
+knew no bounds. Are we not obliged perpetually to revise and remodel
+this misnamed wisdom of our ancestors? to correct it by a detection of
+their ignorance, and a censure of their intolerance?"[41] "Legislation,
+as it has been usually understood, is not an affair of human competence.
+Reason is [our sole legislator, and her decrees are unchangeable and
+everywhere the same.]"[42] "Men cannot do more than declare and
+interpret law; nor can there be an authority so paramount, as to have
+the prerogative of making that to be law, which abstract and immutable
+justice had not made to be law previously to that interposition."[43]
+
+To be sure, "it must be admitted that we are imperfect, ignorant, and
+slaves of appearances."[44] But "whatever inconveniences may arise from
+the passions of men, the introduction of fixed laws cannot be the
+genuine remedy."[45] "As long as a man is held in the trammels of
+obedience, and habituated to look to some foreign guidance for the
+direction of his conduct, his understanding and the vigor of his mind
+will sleep. Do I desire to raise him to the energy of which he is
+capable? I must teach him to feel himself, to bow to no authority, to
+examine the principles he entertains, and render to his mind the reason
+of his conduct."[46]
+
+II. _The general welfare requires that in future it itself should be
+men's rule of action in place of the law._
+
+"If every shilling of our property, [every hour of our time,] and every
+faculty of our mind, have received their destination from the principles
+of unalterable justice,"[47] that is, of the general good,[48] then no
+other decree can any longer control it. "The true principle which ought
+to be substituted in the room of law, is that of reason exercising an
+uncontrolled jurisdiction upon the circumstances of the case."[49]
+
+"To this principle no objection can arise on the score of wisdom. It is
+not to be supposed that there are not men now existing, whose
+intellectual accomplishments rise to the level of law. But, if men can
+be found among us whose wisdom is equal to the wisdom of law, it will
+scarcely be maintained, that the truths they have to communicate will
+be the worse for having no authority, but that which they derive from
+the reasons that support them."[50]
+
+"The juridical decisions that were made immediately after the abolition
+of law, would differ little from those during its empire. They would be
+the decisions of prejudice and habit. But habit, having lost the centre
+about which it revolved, would diminish in the regularity of its
+operations. Those to whom the arbitration of any question was entrusted
+would frequently recollect that the whole case was committed to their
+deliberation, and they could not fail occasionally to examine
+themselves, respecting the reason of those principles which had hitherto
+passed uncontroverted. Their understandings would grow enlarged, in
+proportion as they felt the importance of their trust, and the unbounded
+freedom of their investigation. Here then would commence an auspicious
+order of things, of which no understanding man at present in existence
+can foretell the result, the dethronement of implicit faith, and the
+inauguration of unclouded justice."[51]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. _Since Godwin unconditionally rejects law, he necessarily has to
+reject the State as unconditionally. Nay, he regards it as a legal
+institution peculiarly repugnant to the general welfare._
+
+Some base the State on force, others on divine right, others on
+contract.[52] But "the hypothesis of force appears to proceed upon the
+total negation of abstract and immutable justice, affirming every
+government to be right, that is possessed of power sufficient to enforce
+its decrees. It puts a violent termination upon all political science,
+and is calculated for nothing farther than to persuade men, to sit down
+quietly under their present disadvantages, whatever they may be, and not
+exert themselves to discover a remedy for the evils they suffer. The
+second hypothesis is of an equivocal nature. It either coincides with
+the first, and affirms all existing power to be alike of divine
+derivation; or it must remain totally useless, till a criterion can be
+found, to distinguish those governments which are approved by God, from
+those which cannot lay claim to that sanction."[53] The third hypothesis
+would mean that one "should make over to another the control of his
+conscience and the judging of his duties."[54] "But we cannot renounce
+our moral independence; it is a property that we can neither sell nor
+give away; and consequently no government can derive its authority from
+an original contract."[55]
+
+"All government corresponds in a certain degree to what the Greeks
+denominated a tyranny. The difference is, that in despotic countries
+mind is depressed by a uniform usurpation; while in republics it
+preserves a greater portion of its activity, and the usurpation more
+easily conforms itself to the fluctuations of opinion."[56] "By its very
+nature positive institution has a tendency to suspend the elasticity and
+progress of mind."[57] "We should not forget that government is,
+abstractedly taken, an evil, a usurpation upon the private judgment and
+individual conscience of mankind."[58]
+
+II. _The general welfare demands that a social human life based solely
+on its precepts should take the place of the State._
+
+1. Men are to live together in society even after the abolition of the
+State. "A fundamental distinction exists between society and government.
+Men associated at first for the sake of mutual assistance."[59] It was
+not till later that restraint appeared in these associations, in
+consequence of the errors and perverseness of a few. "Society and
+government are different in themselves, and have different origins.
+Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness.
+Society is in every state a blessing; government even in its best state
+but a necessary evil."[60]
+
+But what is to hold men together in "society without government"?[61]
+Not a promise,[62] at any rate. No promise can bind me; for either what
+I have promised is good, then I must do it even if there had been no
+promise; or it is bad, then not even the promise can make it my
+duty.[63] "The fact that I have committed an error does not oblige me to
+make myself guilty of a second also."[64] "Suppose I had promised a sum
+of money for a good and worthy object. In the interval between the
+promise and its fulfilment a greater and nobler object presents itself
+to me, and imperiously demands my co-operation. To which shall I give
+the preference? To the one that deserves it. My promise can make no
+difference. I must be guided by the value of things, not by an external
+and alien point of view. But the value of things is not affected by my
+having taken upon me an obligation."[65]
+
+"Common deliberation regarding the general good"[66] is to hold men
+together in societies hereafter. This is highly in harmony with the
+general welfare. "That a nation should exercise undiminished its
+function of common deliberation, is a step gained, and a step that
+inevitably leads to an improvement of the character of individuals. That
+men should agree in the assertion of truth, is no unpleasing evidence of
+their virtue. Lastly, that an individual, however great may be his
+imaginary elevation, should be obliged to yield his personal pretensions
+to the sense of the community, at least bears the appearance of a
+practical confirmation of the great principle, that all private
+considerations must yield to the general good."[67]
+
+2. The societies are to be small, and to have as little intercourse with
+each other as possible.
+
+Small territories are everywhere to administer their affairs
+independently.[68] "No association of men, so long as they adhered to
+the principles of reason, could possibly have any interest in extending
+their territory."[69] "Whatever evils are included in the abstract idea
+of government, are all of them extremely aggravated by the
+extensiveness of its jurisdiction, and softened under circumstances of
+an opposite species. Ambition, which may be no less formidable than a
+pestilence in the former, has no room to unfold itself in the latter.
+Popular commotion is like the waves of the sea, capable where the
+surface is large of producing the most tragical effects, but mild and
+innocuous when confined within the circuit of a humble lake. Sobriety
+and equity are the obvious characteristics of a limited
+circle."[70]--"The desire to gain a more extensive territory, to conquer
+or to hold in awe our neighboring States, to surpass them in arts or
+arms, is a desire founded in prejudice and error. Power is not
+happiness. Security and peace are more to be desired than a name at
+which nations tremble. Mankind are brethren. We associate in a
+particular district or under a particular climate, because association
+is necessary to our internal tranquillity, or to defend us against the
+wanton attacks of a common enemy. But the rivalship of nations is a
+creature of the imagination."[71]
+
+The little independently-administered territories are to have as little
+to do with each other as possible. "Individuals cannot have too frequent
+or unlimited intercourse with each other; but societies of men have no
+interests to explain and adjust, except so far as error and violence may
+render explanation necessary. This consideration annihilates at once the
+principal objects of that mysterious and crooked policy which has
+hitherto occupied the attention of governments. Before this principle
+officers of the army and the navy, ambassadors and negotiators, and all
+the train of artifices that has been invented to hold other nations at
+bay, to penetrate their secrets, to traverse their machinations, to form
+alliances and counter-alliances, sink into nothing."[72]
+
+3. But how are the functions that the State performs at present to be
+performed in the future societies? "Government can have no more than two
+legitimate purposes, the suppression of injustice against individuals
+within the community" (which includes the settling of controversies
+between different districts[73]), "and the common defence against
+external invasion."[74]
+
+"The first of these purposes, which alone can have an uninterrupted
+claim upon us, is sufficiently answered by an association of such an
+extent as to afford room for the institution of a jury, to decide upon
+the offences of individuals within the community, and upon the questions
+and controversies respecting property which may chance to arise."[75]
+This jury would decide not according to any system of law, but according
+to reason.[76]--"It might be easy indeed for an offender to escape from
+the limits of so petty a jurisdiction; and it might seem necessary at
+first that the neighboring parishes or jurisdictions should be governed
+in a similar manner, or at least should be willing, whatever was their
+form of government, to co-operate with us in the removal or reformation
+of an offender whose present habits were alike injurious to us and to
+them. But there will be no need of any express compact, and still less
+of any common centre of authority, for this purpose. General justice and
+mutual interest are found more capable of binding men than signatures
+and seals."[77]
+
+The second function would present itself to us only from time to time.
+"However irrational might be the controversy of parish with parish in
+such a state of society, it would not be the less possible. Such
+emergencies can only be provided against by the concert of several
+districts, declaring and, if needful, enforcing the dictates of
+justice."[78] Foreign invasions too would make such a concert necessary,
+and would to this extent resemble those controversies.[79] Therefore it
+would be "necessary upon certain occasions to have recourse to national
+assemblies, or in other words assemblies instituted for the joint
+purpose of adjusting the differences between district and district, and
+of consulting respecting the best mode of repelling foreign
+invasion."[80]--But they "ought to be employed as sparingly as the
+nature of the case will admit."[81] For, in the first place, the
+decision is given by the number of votes, and "is determined, at best,
+by the weakest heads in the assembly, but, as it not less frequently
+happens, by the most corrupt and dishonorable intentions."[82] In the
+second place, as a rule the members are guided in their decisions by
+all sorts of external reasons, and not solely by the results of their
+free reflection.[83] In the third place, they are forced to waste their
+strength on petty matters, while they cannot possibly let themselves be
+quietly influenced by argument.[84] Therefore national assemblies should
+"either never be elected but upon extraordinary emergencies, like the
+dictator of the ancient Romans, or else sit periodically, one day for
+example in a year, with a power of continuing their sessions within a
+certain limit. The former is greatly to be preferred."[85]
+
+But what would be the authority of these national assemblies and those
+juries? Mankind is so corrupted by present institutions that at first
+the issuing of commands, and some degree of coercion, would be
+necessary; but later it would be sufficient for juries to recommend a
+certain mode of adjusting controversies, and for national assemblies to
+invite their constituencies to co-operate for the common advantage.[86]
+"If juries might at length cease to decide and be contented to invite,
+if force might gradually be withdrawn and reason trusted alone, shall we
+not one day find that juries themselves, and every other species of
+public institution, may be laid aside as unnecessary? Will not the
+reasonings of one wise man be as effectual as those of twelve? Will not
+the competence of one individual to instruct his neighbors be a matter
+of sufficient notoriety, without the formality of an election? Will
+there be many vices to correct and much obstinacy to conquer? This is
+one of the most memorable stages of human improvement. With what
+delight must every well-informed friend of mankind look forward to the
+auspicious period, the dissolution of political government, of that
+brute engine, which has been the only perennial cause of the vices of
+mankind, and which has mischiefs of various sorts incorporated with its
+substance, and no otherwise to be removed than by its utter
+annihilation!"[87]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _In consequence of his unconditional rejection of law, Godwin
+necessarily has to reject property also without any limitation. Nay,
+property, or, as he expresses himself, "the present system of
+property,"_[88]--_that is, the distribution of wealth at present
+established by law,--appears to him to be a legal institution that is
+peculiarly injurious to the general welfare._ "The wisdom of law-makers
+and parliaments has been applied to creating the most wretched and
+senseless distribution of property, which mocks alike at human nature
+and at the principles of justice."[89]
+
+The present system of property distributes commodities in the most
+unequal and most arbitrary way. "On account of the accident of birth, it
+piles upon a single man enormous wealth. If one who has been a beggar
+becomes a well-to-do man, we usually know that he has not precisely his
+honesty or usefulness to thank for this change. It is often hard enough
+for the most diligent and industrious member of society to preserve his
+family from starvation."[90] "And if I receive the reward of my work,
+they give me a hundred times more food than I can eat, and a hundred
+times more clothes than I can wear. Where is the justice in this? If I
+am the greatest benefactor of the human race, is that a reason for
+giving me what I do not need, especially when my superfluity might be of
+the greatest use to thousands?"[91]
+
+This unequal distribution of commodities is altogether opposed to the
+general welfare. It hampers intellectual progress. "Accumulated property
+treads the powers of thought in the dust, extinguishes the sparks of
+genius, and reduces the great mass of mankind to be immersed in sordid
+cares, beside depriving the rich of the most salubrious and effectual
+motives to activity."[92] And the rich man can buy with his superfluity
+"nothing but glitter and envy, nothing but the dismal pleasure of
+restoring to the poor man as alms that to which reason gives him an
+undeniable right."[93]
+
+But the unequal distribution of commodities is also a hindrance to moral
+perfection. In the rich it produces ambition, vanity, and ostentation;
+in the poor, oppression, servility, and fraud, and, in consequence of
+these, envy, malice, and revenge.[94] "The rich man stands forward as
+the principal object of general esteem and deference. In vain are
+sobriety, integrity, and industry, in vain the sublimest powers of mind
+and the most ardent benevolence, if their possessor be narrowed in his
+circumstances. To acquire wealth and to display it, is therefore the
+universal passion."[95] "Force would have died away as reason and
+civilization advanced, but accumulated property has fixed its
+empire."[96] "The fruitful source of crimes consists in this
+circumstance, one man's possessing in abundance that of which another
+man is destitute."[97]
+
+II. _The general welfare demands that a distribution of commodities
+based solely on its precepts should take the place of property._ When
+Godwin uses the expression "property" for that portion of commodities
+which is assigned to an individual by these precepts, he does so only in
+a transferred sense; only a portion assigned by law can be designated as
+property in the strict sense.
+
+Now, according to the decrees of the general welfare, every man should
+have the means for a good life.
+
+1. "How is it to be decided whether an object that may be used for the
+benefit of man shall be my property or yours? There is only one answer;
+according to justice."[98] "The laws of different countries dispose of
+property in a thousand different ways; but only one of them can be most
+consonant with justice."[99]
+
+Justice demands in the first place that every man have the means for
+life. "Our animal needs, it is well known, consist in food, clothing,
+and shelter. If justice means anything, nothing can be more unjust than
+that any man lacks these and at the same time another has too much of
+them. But justice does not stop here. So far as the general stock of
+commodities holds out, every one has a claim not only to the means for
+life, but to the means for a good life. It is unjust that a man works to
+the point of destroying his health or his life, while another riots in
+superfluity. It is unjust that a man has not leisure to cultivate his
+mind, while another does not move a finger for the general
+welfare."[100]
+
+2. Such a "state of equality"[101] would advance the general welfare in
+the highest degree. In it labor would become "so light, as rather to
+assume the appearance of agreeable relaxation, and gentle
+exercise."[102] "Every man would have a frugal, yet wholesome diet;
+every man would go forth to that moderate exercise of his corporal
+functions that would give hilarity to the spirits; none would be made
+torpid with fatigue, but all would have leisure to cultivate the kindly
+and philanthropical affections, and to let loose his faculties in the
+search of intellectual improvement."[103]
+
+"How rapid would be the advances of intellect, if all men were admitted
+into the field of knowledge! It is to be presumed that the inequality of
+mind would in a certain degree be permanent; but it is reasonable to
+believe that the geniuses of such an age would far surpass the greatest
+exertions of intellect that are at present known."[104]
+
+And the moral progress would be as great as the intellectual. The vices
+which are inseparably joined to the present system of property "would
+inevitably expire in a state of society where men lived in the midst of
+plenty, and where all shared alike the bounties of nature. The narrow
+principle of selfishness would vanish. No man being obliged to guard his
+little store, or provide with anxiety and pain for his restless wants,
+each would lose his individual existence in the thought of the general
+good. No man would be an enemy to his neighbor, for they would have no
+subject of contention; and of consequence philanthropy would resume the
+empire which reason assigns her."[105]
+
+3. But how could such a distribution of commodities be effected in a
+particular case?
+
+"As soon as law was abolished, men would begin to inquire after equity.
+In this situation let us suppose a litigated succession brought before
+them, to which there were five heirs, and that the sentence of their old
+legislation had directed the division of this property into five equal
+shares. They would begin to inquire into the wants and situation of the
+claimants. The first we will suppose to have a fair character and be
+prosperous in the world: he is a respectable member of society, but
+farther wealth would add little either to his usefulness or his
+enjoyments. The second is a miserable object, perishing with want, and
+overwhelmed with calamity. The third, though poor, is yet tranquil; but
+there is a situation to which his virtue leads him to aspire and in
+which he may be of uncommon service, but which he cannot with propriety
+accept, without a capital equal to two-fifths of the whole succession.
+One of the claimants is an unmarried woman past the age of
+child-bearing. Another is a widow, unprovided, and with a numerous
+family depending on her succor. The first question that would suggest
+itself to unprejudiced persons having the allotment of this succession
+referred to their unlimited decision, would be, what justice is there in
+the indiscriminate partition which has hitherto prevailed?"[106] And
+their answer could not be doubtful.
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION.
+
+_The change which is called for by the general welfare should, according
+to Godwin, be effected by those who have recognized the truth persuading
+others how necessary the change is for the general welfare, so that law,
+the State, and property would spontaneously disappear and the new
+condition would take their place._
+
+I. The sole requirement is to convince men that the general welfare
+demands the change.
+
+1. Every other way is to be rejected. "Our judgment will always suspect
+those weapons that can be used with equal prospect of success on both
+sides. Therefore we should regard all force with aversion. When we enter
+the lists of battle, we quit the sure domain of truth and leave the
+decision to the caprice of chance. The phalanx of reason is
+invulnerable; it moves forward with calm, sure step, and nothing can
+withstand it. But, when we lay aside arguments, and have recourse to the
+sword, the case is altered. Amidst the clamorous din of civil war, who
+shall tell whether the event will be prosperous or adverse? We must
+therefore distinguish carefully between instructing the people and
+exciting them. We must refuse indignation, rage, and passion, and desire
+only sober reflection, clear judgment, and fearless discussion."[107]
+
+2. The point is to convince men as generally as possible. Only when this
+is accomplished can acts of violence be avoided. "Why did the revolution
+in France and America find all sorts and conditions of men almost
+unanimous, while the resistance to Charles the First divided our nation
+into two equal parties? Because the latter occurred in the seventeenth
+century, the former at the end of the eighteenth. Because at the time of
+the revolutions in France and America philosophy had already developed
+some of the great truths of political science, and under the influence
+of Sydney and Locke, of Montesquieu and Rousseau, a number of strong and
+thoughtful minds had perceived what an evil force is. If these
+revolutions had taken place still later, not a drop of civic blood would
+have been shed by civic hands, not in a single case would force have
+been used against persons or things."[108]
+
+3. The means to convince men as generally as possible of the necessity
+of a change consist in "proof and persuasion. The best warrant of a
+happy outcome lies in free, unrestricted discussion. In this arena truth
+must always be victor. If, therefore, we would improve the social
+institutions of mankind, we must seek to convince by spoken and written
+words. This activity has no limits; this endeavor admits of no
+interruption. Every means must be used, not so much to draw men's
+attention and bring them over to our opinion by persuasion, as rather to
+remove every barrier to thought and to open to everybody the temple of
+science and the field of study."[109]
+
+"Therefore the man who has at heart the regeneration of his species
+should always bear in mind two principles, to regard hourly progress in
+the discovery and dissemination of truth as essential, and calmly to let
+years pass before he urges the carrying into effect of his teaching.
+With all his prudence, it may be that the boisterous multitude will
+hurry ahead of the calm, quiet progress of reason; then he will not
+condemn the revolution that takes place some years before the time set
+by wisdom. But if he is ruled by strict prudence he can without doubt
+frustrate many over-hasty attempts, and considerably prolong the general
+quietness."[110]
+
+"This does not mean, as one might think, that the changing of our
+conditions lies at an immeasurable distance. It is the nature of human
+affairs that great alterations take place suddenly, and great
+discoveries are made unexpectedly, as it were accidentally. When I
+cultivate a young person's mind, when I exert myself to influence that
+of an older person, it will long seem as if I had accomplished little,
+and the fruits will show themselves when I least expect them. The
+kingdom of truth comes quietly. The seed of virtue may spring up when it
+was fancied to be lost."[111] "If the true philanthropist but tirelessly
+proclaims the truth and vigilantly opposes all that hinders its
+progress, he may look forward, with heart at rest, to a speedy and
+favorable outcome."[112]
+
+II. As soon as the conviction that the general welfare demands a change
+in our condition has made itself generally felt, law, the State, and
+property will disappear spontaneously and give way to the new condition.
+"Reform, under this meaning of the term, can scarcely be considered as
+of the nature of action. [It is a general enlightenment.] Men feel their
+situation; and the restraints that shackled them before, vanish like a
+deception. When such a crisis has arrived, not a sword will need to be
+drawn, not a finger to be lifted up in purposes of violence. The
+adversaries will be too few and too feeble, to be able to entertain a
+serious thought of resistance against the universal sense of
+mankind."[113]
+
+In what way may the change of our conditions take place?
+
+1. "The opinion most popular in France at the time that the national
+convention entered upon its functions, was that the business of the
+convention extended only to the presenting a draft of a constitution, to
+be submitted in the sequel to the approbation of the districts, and then
+only to be considered as law."[114]
+
+"The first idea that suggests itself respecting this opinion is, that,
+if constitutional laws ought to be subjected to the revision of the
+districts, then all laws ought to undergo the same process. [But if the
+approbation of the districts to any declarations is not to be delusive,
+the discussion of these declarations in the districts must be unlimited.
+Then] a transaction will be begun to which it is not easy to foresee a
+termination. Some districts will object to certain articles; and, if
+these articles be modeled to obtain their approbation, it is possible
+that the very alteration introduced to please one part of the community
+may render the code less acceptable to another."[115]
+
+"This principle of a consent of districts has an immediate tendency, by
+a salutary gradation perhaps, to lead to the dissolution of all
+government."[116] It is indeed "desirable that the most important acts
+of the national representatives should be subject to the approbation or
+rejection of the districts whose representatives they are, for exactly
+the same reason as it is desirable that the acts of the districts
+themselves should, as speedily as practicability will admit, be in force
+only so far as relates to the individuals by whom those acts are
+approved."[117]
+
+2. This system would have the effect, first, that the constitution would
+be very short. The impracticability of obtaining the free approbation of
+a great number of districts to an extensive code would speedily manifest
+itself; and the whole constitution might consist of a scheme for the
+division of the country into parts equal in their population, and the
+fixing of stated periods for the election of a national assembly, not to
+say that the latter of these articles may very probably be dispensed
+with.[118]
+
+A second effect would be, that it would soon be found a proceeding
+unnecessarily circuitous to send laws to the districts for their
+revision, unless in cases essential to the general safety, and that in
+as many instances as possible the districts would be suffered to make
+laws for themselves. "Thus, that which was at first a great empire with
+legislative unity would speedily be transformed into a confederacy of
+lesser republics, with a general congress or Amphictyonic council,
+answering the purpose of a point of co-operation upon extraordinary
+occasions."[119]
+
+A third effect would consist in the gradual cessation of legislation. "A
+great assembly collected from the different provinces of an extensive
+territory, and constituted the sole legislator of those by whom the
+territory is inhabited, immediately conjures up to itself an idea of the
+vast multitude of laws that are necessary. A large city, impelled by the
+principles of commercial jealousy, is not slow to digest the volume of
+its by-laws and exclusive privileges. But the inhabitants of a small
+parish, living with some degree of that simplicity which best
+corresponds with nature, would soon be led to suspect that general laws
+were unnecessary, and would adjudge the causes that came before them,
+not according to certain axioms previously written, but according to the
+circumstances and demands of each particular cause."[120]
+
+A fourth effect would be that the abrogation of property would be
+favored. "All equalization of rank and station strongly tends toward an
+equalization of possessions."[121] So not only the lower orders, but
+also the higher, would see the injustice of the present distribution of
+property.[122] "The rich and great are far from callous to views of
+general felicity, when such views are brought before them with that
+evidence and attraction of which they are susceptible."[123] But even so
+far as they might think only of their own emolument and ease, it would
+not be difficult to show them that it is in vain to fight against truth,
+and dangerous to bring upon themselves the hatred of the people, and
+that it might be to their own interest to make up their minds to
+concessions at least.[124]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[25] Godwin pp. IX-X [1. VI-VII].
+
+[26] _Ib._ pp. 548-9 [2. 132-3].
+
+[27] _Ib._ p. 90 [1, 120].
+
+[28] _Ib._ p. 150 [1, 164].
+
+[29] _Ib._ p. 90 [1, 120-21].
+
+[30] Godwin p. 101 [1. 134].
+
+[31] _Ib._ pp. 150, 80 [1. 120, 112].
+
+[32] _Ib._ p. 81 [1. 117-18?].
+
+[33] _Ib._ p. 254 [1. 253].
+
+[34] _Ib._ pp. 360-61 [1. ?42].
+
+[35] _Ib._ p. 361. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[36] _Ib._ p. 361 [1. 342; bracketed words omitted in ed. 2]
+
+[37] _Ib._ p. 771 [2. 294].
+
+[38] Godwin pp. 766-7 [2. 290-91].
+
+[39] _Ib._ p. 768 [2. 291].
+
+[40] _Ib._ p. 769 [2. 292].
+
+[41] _Ib._ p. 773 [2. 295].
+
+[42] _Ib._ p. 166 [1. 182, except bracketed words].
+
+[43] _Ib._ p. 381 [2. 3]
+
+[44] Godwin p. 774 [2. 296].
+
+[45] _Ib._ p. 775 [2. 296].
+
+[46] _Ib._ p. 776 [2. 297].
+
+[47] _Ib._ p. 151 [1. 165, except bracketed words].
+
+[48] _Ib._ pp. 121, 81 [1. 145, 118].
+
+[49] _Ib._ p. 773 [2. 295].
+
+[50] Godwin pp. 773-4 [2. 295].
+
+[51] _Ib._ p. 778 [2. 298-9].
+
+[52] _Ib._ p. 140-1 [1. 156].
+
+[53] Godwin p. 141 [2. 156]
+
+[54] _Ib._ p. 148. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[55] _Ib._ p. 149. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[56] _Ib._ p. 572 [2. 149-50].
+
+[57] _Ib._ p. 185 [1. 200].
+
+[58] Godwin p. 380 [2. 2].
+
+[59] _Ib._ p. 79 [1. 111].
+
+[60] _Ib._ p. 79 [1. 111; credited to Paine's "Common Sense," p. 1].
+
+[61] _Ib._ p. 788 [2. 305].
+
+[62] _Ib._ p. 163 [1. 174-6? 180?].
+
+[63] _Ib._ p. 151 [1. 164-5; but see _per contra_ p. 170].
+
+[64] _Ib._ p. 156. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[65] Godwin p. 151. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[66] _Ib._ pp. 161-2 [1. 179].
+
+[67] _Ib._ 164-5 [1. 181].
+
+[68] _Ib._ p. 561 [2. 142].
+
+[69] _Ib._ 566 [2. 145].
+
+[70] Godwin p. 562 [2. 142].
+
+[71] _Ib._ 559 [2. 140].
+
+[72] Godwin p. 561 [2. 141. Obviously Eltzbacher has misunderstood this
+passage. His German translation shows that he mistook "interests" for
+"interest" in the sense of "incentive." Note also that Godwin expressly
+restricts the application of this paragraph, even in its right sense, on
+pp. 111, 145].
+
+[73] _Ib._ p. 566 [2. 145].
+
+[74] _Ib._ p. 564 [2. 144].
+
+[75] _Ib._ p. 564-5 [2. 144].
+
+[76] _Ib._ pp. 773, 778, 779-80 [2. 295, 298-300]
+
+[77] Godwin p. 565 [2. 144].
+
+[78] _Ib._ p. 566 [2. 145].
+
+[79] _Ib._ p. 566 [2. 145].
+
+[80] _Ib._ pp. 573-4 [2. 150-51].
+
+[81] _Ib._ pp. 573-4 [2. 150-51].
+
+[82] _Ib._ pp. 568-9, 571-2 [2. 146, 149].
+
+[83] Godwin pp. 569-70 [2. 148].
+
+[84] _Ib._ pp. 570-71 [2. 148-49].
+
+[85] _Ib._ p. 574 [2. 151]
+
+[86] _Ib._ pp. 576-8 [2. 152-3].
+
+[87] Godwin pp. 578-9 [2. 154]
+
+[88] _Ib._ p. 794 [2. 326].
+
+[89] _Ib._ p. 803. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[90] _Ib._ p. 794. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[91] Godwin p. 795. [Not in ed. 2; cf. 2. 312].
+
+[92] _Ib._ p. 806 [2. 335].
+
+[93] _Ib._ p. 795. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[94] _Ib._ pp. 811, 810 [2. 339, 338--but the words "in the poor" seem
+to be added out of Eltzbacher's head].
+
+[95] Godwin p. 802 [2. 332].
+
+[96] _Ib._ p. 809 [2. 338]
+
+[97] _Ib._ p. 809 [2. 337]
+
+[98] _Ib._ p. 789. [Not in ed. 2; cf. 2. 306-7.]
+
+[99] _Ib._ p. 790. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[100] Godwin pp. 790-91. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[101] _Ib._ p. 821 [2. 351].
+
+[102] _Ib._ p. 821 [2. 352]
+
+[103] _Ib._ p. 806 [2. 335].
+
+[104] _Ib._ p. 807 [2. 336].
+
+[105] Godwin p. 810 [2. 338].
+
+[106] Godwin pp. 779-80 [2. 299-300].
+
+[107] Godwin p. 203 [1, 223, only the two sentences beginning at "But"].
+
+[108] _Ib._ pp. 203-4. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[109] Godwin pp. 202-3. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[110] _Ib._ p. 204. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[111] _Ib._ p. 223. [Not in ed. 2; cf. 1. 226.]
+
+[112] Godwin p. 225. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[113] _Ib._ pp. 222-3 [1. 222, except bracketed words].
+
+[114] _Ib._ pp. 657-8 [2. 210].
+
+[115] Godwin pp. 658-9 [2. 211-12; bracketed words a paraphrase].
+
+[116] _Ib._ pp. 659-60 [2. 212].
+
+[117] _Ib._ p. 660 [2. 212].
+
+[118] _Ib._ pp. 660-61 [2. 212-13].
+
+[119] Godwin pp. 661-2 [2. 213-14].
+
+[120] _Ib._ p. 662 [2. 214].
+
+[121] Godwin p. 888 [cf. 2. 396].
+
+[122] _Ib._ pp. 888-9 [2. 396].
+
+[123] _Ib._ pp. 882-3 [2. 392].
+
+[124] _Ib._ pp. 883-84 [2. 393].
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+PROUDHON'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+1. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was born at Besançon in 1809. At first he
+followed the occupation of a printer there and in other cities. In 1838
+a stipend of the Academy of Besançon enabled him to go to Paris for
+scientific studies. In 1843 he took a mercantile position at Lyons. In
+1847 he gave it up and moved to Paris.
+
+Here, in the years from 1848 to 1850, Proudhon published several
+periodicals, one after the other. In 1848 he became a member of the
+National Assembly. In 1849 he founded a People's Bank. Soon after this
+he was condemned to three years' imprisonment for an offence against the
+press laws, and served his time without having to interrupt his activity
+as an author.
+
+In 1852 Proudhon was released from prison. He remained in Paris till, in
+1858, he was again condemned to three years' imprisonment for an offence
+against the press laws. He fled and settled in Brussels. In 1860 he was
+pardoned, and returned to France. Thenceforth he lived at Passy. He died
+there in 1865.
+
+Proudhon published many books and other writings, especially in the
+fields of jurisprudence, political economy, and politics.
+
+2. Of special importance for Proudhon's teaching about law, the State,
+and property are, among the writings before 1848, the book "_Qu'est-ce
+que la propriété? ou recherches sur le principe du droit et du
+gouvernement_" (1840) and the two-volume work "_Système des
+contradictions économiques, ou philosophie de la misère_" (1846); among
+the writings from 1848 to 1851 the "_Confessions d'un révolutionnaire_"
+(1849) and the "_Idée générale de la révolution au XIXe siècle_" (1851);
+and lastly, among the writings after 1851, the three-volume work "_De la
+justice dans la révolution et dans l'Eglise, nouveaux principes de
+philosophie pratique_" (1858) and the book "_Du principe fédératif et de
+la nécessité de reconstituer le parti de la révolution_" (1863).[125]
+
+Proudhon's teaching regarding law, the State, and property underwent
+changes in minor points, but remained the same in its essentials; the
+opinion that it changed also in essentials is caused by Proudhon's
+arbitrary and varying use of language. Since no history of the evolution
+of Proudhon's teaching can be given here, I shall present, so far as
+concerns such minor points, only the teaching of 1848-51, in which years
+Proudhon developed his views with especial clearness and did especially
+forcible work for them.
+
+3. Proudhon calls his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." "'What form of government shall we prefer?' 'Can you ask?'
+replies one of my younger readers without doubt; 'you are a Republican.'
+'Republican, yes; but this word makes nothing definite. _Res publica_ is
+"the public thing"; now, whoever wants the public thing, under whatever
+form of government, may call himself a Republican. Even kings are
+Republicans.' 'Well, you are a Democrat.' 'No.' 'What? can you be a
+Monarchist?' 'No.' 'A Constitutionalist?' 'I should hope not.' 'You are
+an Aristocrat then?' 'Not a bit.' 'You want a mixed government, then?'
+'Still less.' 'What are you then?' 'I am an Anarchist.'"[126]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_According to Proudhon the supreme law for us is justice._
+
+What is justice? "Justice is respect, spontaneously felt and mutually
+guaranteed, for human dignity, in whatever person and under whatever
+circumstances we find it compromised, and to whatever risk its defence
+may expose us."[127]
+
+"I ought to respect my neighbor, and make others respect him, as myself;
+such is the law of my conscience. In consideration of what do I owe him
+this respect? In consideration of his strength, his talent, his wealth?
+No, what chance gives is not what makes the human person worthy of
+respect. In consideration of the respect which he in turn pays to me?
+No, justice assumes reciprocity of respect, but does not wait for it. It
+asserts and wills respect for human dignity even in an enemy, which
+causes the existence of _laws of war_; even in the murderer whom we kill
+as having fallen from his manhood, which causes the existence of _penal
+laws_. It is not the gifts of nature or the advantages of fortune that
+make me respect my neighbor; it is not his ox, his ass, or his
+maid-servant, as the decalogue says; it is not even the welfare that he
+owes to me as I owe mine to him; it is his manhood."[128]
+
+"Justice is at once a reality and an idea."[129] "Justice is a faculty
+of the soul, the foremost of all, that which constitutes a social being.
+But it is more than a faculty; it is an idea, it indicates a relation,
+an equation. As a faculty it may be developed; this development is what
+constitutes the education of humanity. As an equation it presents
+nothing antinomic; it is absolute and immutable like every law, and,
+like every law, very intelligible."[130]
+
+Justice is for us the supreme law. "Justice is the inviolable yardstick
+of all human actions."[131] "By it the facts of social life, by nature
+indeterminate and contradictory, become susceptible of definition and
+arrangement."[132]
+
+"Justice is the central star which governs societies, the pole about
+which the political world revolves, the principle and rule of all
+transactions. Nothing is done among men that is not in the name of
+_right_; nothing without invoking justice. Justice is not the work of
+the law; on the contrary, the law is never anything but a declaration
+and application of what is _just_."[132] "Suppose a society where
+justice is outranked, however little, by another principle, say
+religion; or in which certain individuals are regarded more highly, by
+however little, than others; I say that, justice being virtually
+annulled, it is inevitable that the society will perish sooner or
+later.[133]
+
+"It is the privilege of justice that the faith which it inspires is
+unshakable, and that it cannot be dogmatically denied or rejected. All
+peoples invoke it; reasons of State, even while they violate it, profess
+to be based on it; religion exists only for it; skepticism dissembles
+before it; irony has power only in its name; crime and hypocrisy do it
+homage. [If liberty is not an empty phrase, it acts only in the service
+of right; even when it rebels against right, at bottom it does not curse
+it.]"[134] "All the most rational teachings of human wisdom about
+justice are summed up in this famous adage: _Do to others what you would
+have done to you; Do not to others what you would not have done to
+you._"[135]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _In the name of justice Proudhon rejects, not law indeed, but almost
+all individual legal norms, and the State laws in particular._
+
+The State makes laws, and "as many laws as the interests which it meets
+with; and, since interests are innumerable, the legislation-machine must
+work uninterruptedly. Laws and ordinances fall like hail on the poor
+populace. After a while the political soil will be covered with a layer
+of paper, and all the geologists will have to do will be to list it,
+under the name of _papyraceous formation_, among the epochs of the
+earth's history. The Convention, in three years one month and four days,
+issued eleven thousand six hundred laws and decrees; the Constituent and
+Legislative Assemblies had produced hardly less; the empire and the
+later governments have wrought as industriously. At present the
+'_Bulletin des Lois_' contains, they say, more than fifty thousand; if
+our representatives did their duty this enormous figure would soon be
+doubled. Do you believe that the populace, or the government itself, can
+keep its sanity in this labyrinth?"[136]
+
+"But what am I saying? Laws for him who thinks for himself, and is
+responsible only for his own acts! laws for him who would be free, and
+feels himself destined to become free! I am ready to make terms, but I
+will have no laws; I acknowledge none; I protest against every order
+which an ostensibly necessary authority shall please to impose on my
+free will. Laws! we know what they are and what they are worth. Cobwebs
+for the powerful and the rich, chains which no steel can break for the
+little and the poor, fishers' nets in the hands of the government."[137]
+
+"You say they shall make _few_ laws, make them _simple_, make them
+_good_. But it is impossible. Must not government adjust all interests,
+decide all disputes? Now interests are by the nature of society
+innumerable, relationships infinitely variable and mobile; how is it
+possible that only a few laws should be made? how can they be simple?
+how can the best law escape soon being detestable?"[138]
+
+II. _Justice requires that only one legal norm be in force: to wit, the
+norm that contracts must be lived up to._
+
+"What do we mean by a _contract_? A contract, says the civil code, art.
+1101, is an agreement whereby one or more persons bind themselves to one
+or more others to do or not to do something."[139] "That I may remain
+free, that I may be subjected to no law but my own, and that I may
+govern myself, the edifice of society must be rebuilt upon the idea of
+CONTRACT."[140] "We must start with the idea of contract as the dominant
+idea of politics."[141] This norm, that contracts must be lived up to,
+is to be based not only on its justice, but at the same time on the fact
+that among men who live together there prevails a will to enforce the
+keeping of contracts, if necessary, with violence;[142] so it is to be
+not only a commandment of morality, but also a legal norm.
+
+"Several of your fellow-men have agreed to treat each other with good
+faith and fair play,--that is, to respect those rules of action which
+the nature of things points out to them as being alone capable of
+assuring to them, in the fullest measure, prosperity, safety, and peace.
+Are you willing to join their league? to form a part of their society?
+Do you promise to respect the honor, the liberty, the goods, of your
+brothers? Do you promise never to appropriate to yourself, neither by
+violence, by fraud, by usury, nor by speculation, another's product or
+possession? Do you promise never to lie and deceive, neither in court,
+in trade, nor in any of your dealings? You are free to accept or to
+refuse.
+
+"If you refuse, you form a part of the society of savages. Having left
+the fellowship of the human race, you come under suspicion. Nothing
+protects you. At the least insult anybody you meet may knock you down,
+without incurring any other charge than that of cruelty to animals.
+
+"If you swear to the league, on the contrary, you form a part of the
+society of free men. All your brothers enter into an engagement with
+you, promising you fidelity, friendship, help, service, commerce. In
+case of infraction on their part or on yours, through negligence, hot
+blood, or evil intent, you are responsible to one another, for the
+damage and also for the scandal and insecurity which you have caused;
+this responsibility may extend, according to the seriousness of the
+perjury or the repetition of the crime, as far as to excommunication and
+death."[143]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. Since Proudhon approves only the single legal norm that contracts
+must be lived up to, he can sanction only a single legal relation, that
+of parties to a contract. Hence he must necessarily reject the State;
+for it is established by particular legal norms, and, as an involuntary
+legal relation, it binds even those who have not entered into any
+contract at all. _Proudhon does accordingly reject the State
+absolutely, without any spatial or temporal limitation; he even regards
+it as a legal relation which offends against justice to an unusual
+degree._
+
+"The government of man by man is slavery."[144] "Whoever lays his hand
+on me to govern me is a usurper and a tyrant; I declare him my
+enemy."[145] "In a given society the authority of man over man is in
+inverse ratio to the intellectual development which this society has
+attained, and the probable duration of this authority may be calculated
+from the more or less general desire for a true--that is, a
+scientific--government."[146]
+
+"Royalty is never legitimate. Neither heredity, election, universal
+suffrage, the excellence of the sovereign, nor the consecration of
+religion and time, makes royalty legitimate. In whatever form it may
+appear, monarchical, oligarchic, democratic,--royalty, or the government
+of man by man, is illegal and absurd."[147] Democracy in particular "is
+nothing but a constitutional arbitrary power succeeding another
+constitutional arbitrary power; it has no scientific value, and we must
+see in it only a preparation for the REPUBLIC, one and
+indivisible."[148]
+
+"Authority was no sooner begun on earth than it became the object of
+universal competition. Authority, Government, Power, State,--these words
+all denote the same thing,--each man sees in it the means of oppressing
+and exploiting his fellows. Absolutists, doctrinaires, demagogues, and
+socialists, turned their eyes incessantly to authority as their sole
+cynosure."[149] "All parties without exception, in so far as they seek
+for power, are varieties of absolutism; and there will be no liberty for
+citizens, no order for societies, no union among workingmen, till in the
+political catechism the renunciation of authority shall have replaced
+faith in authority. _No more parties, no more authority, absolute
+liberty of man and citizen_,--there, in three words, is my political and
+social confession of faith."[150]
+
+II. _Justice demands, in place of the State, a social human life on the
+basis of the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to._ Proudhon
+calls this social life "anarchy"[151] and later "federation"[152] also.
+
+1. After the abrogation of the State, men are still to live together in
+society. As early as 1841 Proudhon says that the point is "to discover a
+system of absolute equality, in which all present institutions, minus
+property or the sum of the abuses of property, might not only find a
+place, but be themselves means to equality; individual liberty, the
+division of powers, the cabinet, the jury, the administrative and
+judiciary organization."[153]
+
+But men are not to be kept together in society by any supreme authority,
+but only by the legally binding force of contract. "When I bargain for
+any object with one or more of my fellow-citizens, it is clear that
+then my will alone is my law; it is I myself who, in fulfilling my
+obligation, am my government. If then I could make that contract with
+all, which I do make with some; if all could renew it with each other;
+if every group of citizens, commune, canton, department, corporation,
+company, etc., formed by such a contract and considered as a moral
+person, could then, always on the same terms, treat with each of the
+other groups and with all, it would be exactly as if my will was
+repeated _ad infinitum_. I should be sure that the law thus made on all
+points that concern the republic, on the various motions of millions of
+persons, would never be anything but my law; and, if this new order of
+things was called government, that this government would be mine. The
+_régime of contracts_, substituted for the _régime of laws_, would
+constitute the true government of man and of the citizen, the true
+sovereignty of the people, the REPUBLIC."[154]
+
+"The Republic is the organization by which, all opinions and all
+activities remaining free, the People, by the very divergence of
+opinions and of wills, thinks and acts as a single man. In the Republic
+every citizen, in doing what he wishes and nothing but what he wishes,
+participates directly in legislation and government, just as he
+participates in the production and circulation of wealth. There every
+citizen is king; for he has plenary power, he reigns and governs. The
+Republic is a positive anarchy. It is neither liberty subjected TO
+order, as in the constitutional monarchy, nor liberty imprisoned IN
+order, as the provisional government would have it. It is liberty
+delivered from all its hobbles, superstition, prejudice, sophism,
+speculation, authority; it is mutual liberty, not self-limiting liberty;
+liberty, not the daughter but the MOTHER of order."[155]
+
+2. Anarchy may easily seem to us "the acme of disorder and the
+expression of chaos. They say that when a Parisian burgher of the
+seventeenth century once heard that in Venice there was no king, the
+good man could not get over his astonishment, and thought he should die
+of laughing. Such is our prejudice."[156] As against this, Proudhon
+draws a picture of how men's life in society under anarchy might perhaps
+shape itself in detail, to execute the functions now belonging to the
+State.
+
+He begins with an example. "For many centuries the spiritual power has
+been separated, within traditional limits, from the temporal power. [But
+there has never been a complete separation, and therefore, to the great
+detriment of the church's authority and of believers, centralization has
+never been sufficient.] There would be a complete separation if the
+temporal power not only did not concern itself with the celebration of
+mysteries, the administration of sacraments, the government of parishes,
+etc., but did not intervene in the nomination of bishops either. There
+would ensue a greater centralization, and consequently a more regular
+government, if in each parish the people had the right to choose for
+themselves their vicars and curates, or to have none at all; if in each
+diocese the priests elected their bishop; if the assembly of bishops,
+or a primate of the Gauls, had sole charge of the regulation of
+religious affairs, theological instruction, and worship. By this
+separation the clergy would cease to be, in the hands of political
+power, an instrument of tyranny over the people; and by this application
+of universal suffrage the ecclesiastical government, centralized in
+itself, receiving its inspirations from the people and not from the
+government or the pope, would be in constant harmony with the needs of
+society and with the moral and intellectual condition of the citizens.
+We must, then, in order to return to truth, organic, political,
+economic, or social (for here all these are one), first, abolish the
+constitutional cumulation by taking from the State the nomination of the
+bishops, and definitively separating the spiritual from the temporal;
+second, centralize the church in itself by a system of graded elections;
+third, give to the ecclesiastical power, as we do to all the other
+powers in the State, the vote of the citizens as a basis. By this system
+what to-day is GOVERNMENT will no longer be anything but
+_administration_; all France is centralized, so far as concerns
+ecclesiastical functions; the country, by the mere fact of its electoral
+initiative, governs itself in matters of eternal life as well as in
+those of this world. And one may already see that if it were possible to
+organize the entire country in temporal matters on the same bases, the
+most perfect order and the most vigorous centralization would exist
+without there being anything of what we to-day call constituted
+authority or government."[157]
+
+Proudhon gives a second example in judicial authority. "The judicial
+functions, by their different specialties, their hierarchy, [their
+permanent tenure of office,] their convergence under a single
+departmental head, show an unequivocal tendency to separation and
+centralization. But they are in no way dependent on those who are under
+their jurisdiction; they are all at the disposal of the executive power,
+which is appointed by the people once in four years with authority that
+cannot be diminished; they are subordinated not to the country by
+election, but to the government, president or prince, by appointment. It
+follows that those who are under the jurisdiction of a court are given
+over to their 'natural' judges just as are parishioners to their vicars;
+that the people belong to the magistrate like an inheritance; that the
+litigant is the judge's, not the judge the litigant's. Apply universal
+suffrage and graded election to the judicial as well as the
+ecclesiastical functions; suppress the permanent tenure of office, which
+is an alienation of the electoral right; take away from the State all
+action, all influence, on the judicial body; let this body, separately
+centralized in itself, no longer depend on any but the people,--and, in
+the first place, you will have deprived power of its mightiest
+instrument of tyranny; you will have made justice a principle of liberty
+as well as of order. And, unless you suppose that the people, from whom
+all powers should spring by universal suffrage, is in contradiction with
+itself,--that what it wants in religion it does not want in
+justice,--you are assured that the separation of powers can beget no
+conflict; you may boldly lay it down as a principle that _separation_
+and _equilibrium_ are henceforth synonymous."[158]
+
+Then Proudhon goes on to the army, the customhouses, the public
+departments of agriculture and commerce, public works, public education,
+and finance; for each of these administrations he demands independence
+and centralization on the basis of general suffrage.[159]
+
+"That a nation may manifest itself in its unity, it must be centralized
+in its religion, centralized in its justice, centralized in its army,
+centralized in its agriculture, industry, and commerce, centralized in
+its finances,--in a word, centralized in all its functions and
+faculties; the centralization must work from the bottom to the top, from
+the circumference to the centre; all the functions must be independent
+and severally self-governing.
+
+"Would you then make this invisible unity perceptible by a special
+organ, preserve the image of the old government? Group these different
+administrations by their heads; you have your cabinet, your _executive_,
+which can then very well do without a Council of State.
+
+"Set up above all this a grand jury, legislature, or national assembly,
+appointed directly by the whole country, and charged not with appointing
+the cabinet officers,--they have their investiture from their particular
+constituents,--but with auditing the accounts, making the laws, settling
+the budget, deciding controversies between the administrations, all
+after having heard the reports of the Public Department, or Department
+of the Interior, to which the whole government will thenceforth be
+reduced; and you will have a centralization the stronger the more you
+multiply its foci, a responsibility the more real the more clear-cut is
+the separation between the powers; you have a constitution at once
+political and social."[160]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. Since Proudhon sanctions only the one legal norm that contracts must
+be kept, he can approve only one legal relation, that between
+contracting parties. Hence he must necessarily reject property as well
+as the State, since it is established by particular legal norms, and, as
+an involuntary legal relation, binds even such as have in no way entered
+into a contract. _And he does reject property[161] absolutely, without
+any spatial or temporal limitation; nay, it even appears to him to be a
+legal relation which is particularly repugnant to justice._
+
+"According to its definition, property is the right of using and
+abusing; that is to say, it is the absolute, irresponsible domain of man
+over his person and his goods. If property ceased to be the right to
+abuse, it would cease to be property. Has not the proprietor the right
+to give his goods to whomever he will, to let his neighbor burn without
+crying fire, to oppose the public good, to squander his patrimony, to
+exploit the laborer and hold him to ransom, to produce bad goods and
+sell them badly? Can he be judicially constrained to use his property
+well? can he be disturbed in the abuse of it? What am I saying? Is not
+property, precisely because it is full of abuse, the most sacred thing
+in the world for the legislator? Can one conceive of a property whose
+use the police power should determine, whose abuse it should repress? Is
+it not clear, in fine, that if one undertook to introduce justice into
+property, one would destroy property, just as the law, by introducing
+propriety into concubinage, destroyed concubinage?"[162]
+
+"Men steal: first, by violence on the highway; second, alone or in a
+band; third, by burglary; fourth, by embezzlement; fifth, by fraudulent
+bankruptcy; sixth, by forgery; seventh, by counterfeiting. Eighth, by
+pocket-picking; ninth, by swindling; tenth, by breach of trust;
+eleventh, by gambling and lotteries.--Twelfth, by usury. Thirteenth, by
+rent-taking.--Fourteenth, by commerce, when the profits are more than
+fair wages for the trader's work.--Fifteenth, by selling one's own
+product at a profit, and by accepting a sinecure or a fat salary."[163]
+"In theft such as the laws forbid, force and fraud are employed alone
+and openly; in authorized theft they are disguised under a produced
+utility, which they use as a device for plundering their victim. The
+direct use of violence and force was early and unanimously rejected; no
+nation has yet reached the point of delivering itself from theft when
+united with talent, labor, and possession."[164] In this sense property
+is "theft,"[165] "the exploitation of the weak by the strong,"[166]
+"contrary to right,"[167] "the suicide of society."[168]
+
+II. _Justice demands, in place of property, a distribution of goods
+based on the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to._
+
+Proudhon calls that portion of goods which is assigned to the individual
+by contract, "property." In 1840 he had demanded that individual
+possession be substituted for property; with this one change evil would
+disappear from the earth.[169] But in 1841 he is already explaining that
+by property he means only its abuses;[170] nay, he even then describes
+as necessary the creation of an immediately applicable social system in
+which the rights of barter and sale, of direct and collateral
+inheritance, of primogeniture and bequest, should find their place.[171]
+In 1846 he says, "Some day transformed property will be an idea
+positive, complete, social, and true; a property which will abolish the
+old property and will become equally effective and beneficent for
+all."[172] In 1848 he is declaring that "property, as to its principle
+or substance, which is human personality, must never perish; it must
+remain in man's heart as a perpetual stimulus to labor, as the
+antagonist whose absence would cause labor to fall into idleness and
+death."[173]
+
+And in 1850 he announces: "What I sought for as far back as 1840, in
+defining property, what I am wanting now, is not a destruction; I have
+said it till I am tired. That would have been to fall with Rousseau,
+Plato, Louis Blanc himself, and all the adversaries of property, into
+_Communism_, against which I protest with all my might; what I ask for
+property is a BALANCE,"[174]--that is, "justice."[175]
+
+In all these pronouncements property means nothing else than that
+portion of goods which falls to the individual on the basis of
+contracts, on which society is to be built up.[176] The property which
+Proudhon sanctions cannot be a special legal relation, but only a
+possible part of the substance of the one legal relation which he
+approves, the relation of contract. It can afford no protection against
+a group of men whose extent is determined by legal norms, but only
+against a group of men who have mutually secured a certain portion of
+goods to each other by contract. Proudhon, therefore, is here using the
+word "property" in an inexact sense; in the strict sense it can denote
+only a portion of goods set apart in an involuntary legal relation by
+particular legal norms.
+
+Accordingly, when in the name of justice Proudhon demands a certain
+distribution of property, this means nothing more than that the
+contracts on which society is to be built should make a certain sort of
+provision with respect to the distribution of goods. And the way in
+which they should determine it is this: that every man is to have the
+product of his labor.
+
+"Let us conceive of wealth as a mass whose elements are held together
+permanently by a chemical force, and into which new elements incessantly
+enter and combine in different proportions, but according to a definite
+law: value is the proportion (the measure) in which each of these
+elements forms a part of the whole."[177] "I suppose, therefore, a force
+which combines the elements of wealth in definite proportions and makes
+of them a homogeneous whole."[178] "This force is LABOR. It is labor,
+labor alone, that produces all the elements of wealth and combines them,
+to the last molecule, according to a variable but definite law of
+proportionality."[179] "Every product is a representative sign of
+labor."[180]
+
+"Every product can consequently be exchanged for another."[181] "If then
+the tailor, in return for furnishing the value of one day of his work,
+consumes ten times the weaver's day, it is as if the weaver gave ten
+days of his life for one day of the tailor's. This is precisely what
+occurs when a peasant pays a lawyer twelve francs for a document that it
+costs one hour to draw up; and this inequality, this iniquity in
+exchange, is the mightiest cause of poverty. Every error in commutative
+justice is an immolation of the laborer, a transfusion of a man's blood
+into another man's body."[182]
+
+"What I demand with respect to property is a BALANCE. It is not for
+nothing that the genius of nations has equipped Justice with this
+instrument of precision. Justice applied to economy is in fact nothing
+but a perpetual balance; or, to express myself still more precisely,
+justice as regards the distribution of goods is nothing but the
+obligation which rests upon every citizen and every State, in their
+business relations, to conform to that law of equilibrium which
+manifests itself everywhere in economy, and whose violation, accidental
+or voluntary, is the fundamental principle of poverty."[183]
+
+2. That every man should enjoy the product of his labor is possible only
+through reciprocity, according to Proudhon; therefore he calls his
+doctrine "the theory of _mutuality_ or of the _mutuum_."[184]
+"RECIPROCITY is expressed in the precept, 'Do to others what you would
+have done to you,' a precept which political economy has translated into
+its celebrated formula, 'Products exchange for products.' Now the evil
+which is devouring us results from the fact that the law of reciprocity
+is unrecognized, violated. The remedy consists altogether in the
+promulgation of this law. The organization of our mutual and reciprocal
+relations is the whole of social science."[185]
+
+And so Proudhon, in the solemn declaration which he prefixed to the
+constitution of the People's Bank when he first published it, gives the
+following assurance: "I protest that in criticising property, or rather
+the whole body of institutions of which property is the pivot, I never
+meant either to attack the individual rights recognized by previous
+laws, or to dispute the legitimacy of acquired possessions, or to
+instigate an arbitrary distribution of goods, or to put an obstacle in
+the way of the free and regular acquisition of properties by bargain and
+sale; or even to prohibit or suppress by sovereign decree land-rent and
+interest on capital. I think that all these manifestations of human
+activity should remain free and optional for all; I would admit no other
+modifications, restrictions, or suppressions of them than naturally and
+necessarily result from the universalization of the principle of
+reciprocity and of the law of synthesis which I propound. This is my
+last will and testament. I allow only him to suspect its sincerity, who
+could tell a lie in the moment of death."[186]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_The change which justice calls for is to come about in this way, that
+those men who have recognized the truth are to convince others how
+necessary the change is for the sake of justice, and that hereby,
+spontaneously, law is to transform itself, the State and property to
+drop away, and the new condition to appear._ The new condition will
+appear "as soon as the idea is popularized";[187] that it may appear, we
+must "popularize the idea."[188]
+
+I. Nothing is requisite but to convince men that justice commands the
+change.
+
+1. Proudhon rejects all other methods. His doctrine is "in accord with
+the constitution and the laws."[189] "Accomplish the Revolution, they
+say, and after this everything will be cleared up. As if the Revolution
+itself could be accomplished without a leading idea!"[190] "To secure
+justice to one's self by bloodshed is an extremity to which the
+Californians, gathered since yesterday to seek for gold, may be reduced;
+but may the luck of France preserve us from it!"[191]
+
+"Despite the violence which we witness, I do not believe that hereafter
+liberty will need to use force to claim its rights and avenge its
+wrongs. Reason will serve us better; and patience, like the Revolution,
+is invincible."[192]
+
+2. But how shall we convince men, "how popularize the idea, if the
+_bourgeoisie_ remains hostile; if the populace, brutalized by servitude,
+full of prejudices and bad instincts, remains plunged in indifference;
+if the professors, the academicians, the press, are calumniating you; if
+the courts are truculent; if the powers that be muffle your voice? Don't
+worry. Just as the lack of ideas makes one lose the most promising
+games, war against ideas can only push forward the Revolution. Do you
+not see already that the _régime_ of authority, of inequality, of
+predestination, of eternal salvation, and of reasons of State, is daily
+becoming still more intolerable for the well-to-do classes, whose
+conscience and reason it tortures, than for the mass, whose stomach
+cries out against it?"[193]
+
+3. The most effective means for convincing men, according to Proudhon,
+is to present to the people, within the State and without violating its
+law, "an example of centralization spontaneous, independent, and
+social," thus applying even now the principles of the future
+constitution of society.[194] "Rouse that collective action without
+which the condition of the people will forever be unhappy and its
+efforts powerless. Teach it to produce wealth and order with its own
+hands, without the help of the authorities."[195]
+
+Proudhon sought to give such an example by the founding of the People's
+Bank.[196]
+
+The People's Bank was to "insure work and prosperity to all producers by
+organizing them as beginning and end of production with regard to one
+another,--that is, as capitalists and as consumers."[197]
+
+"The People's Bank was to be the property of all the citizens who
+accepted its services, who for this purpose furnished money to it if
+they thought that it could not yet for some time do without a metallic
+basis, and who, in every case, promised it their preference in
+discounting paper, and received its notes as cash. Accordingly the
+People's Bank, working for the profit of its customers themselves, had
+no occasion to take interest for its loans nor to charge a discount on
+commercial paper; it had only to take a very slight allowance to cover
+salaries and expenses. So credit was GRATUITOUS!--The principle being
+realized, the consequences unfolded themselves ad _infinitum_."[198]
+
+"So the People's Bank, giving an example of popular initiative alike in
+government and in public economy, which thenceforth were to be
+identified in a single synthesis, was becoming for the _prolétariat_ at
+once the principle and the instrument of their emancipation; it was
+creating political and industrial liberty. And, as every philosophy and
+every religion is the metaphysical or symbolic expression of social
+economy, the People's Bank, changing the material basis of society, was
+ushering in the revolution of philosophy and religion; it was thus, at
+least, that its founders had conceived of it."[199]
+
+All this can best be made clear by reproducing some provisions from the
+constitution of the People's Bank.
+
+
+     Art. 1. By these presents a commercial company is founded under the
+     name of _Société de la Banque du Peuple_, consisting of Citizen
+     Proudhon, here present, and the persons who shall give their assent
+     to this constitution by becoming stockholders.
+
+     Art. 3.... For the present the company will exist as a partnership
+     in which Citizen Proudhon shall be general partner, and the other
+     parties concerned shall be limited partners who shall in no case be
+     responsible for more than the value of their shares.
+
+     Art. 5.... The firm name shall be P. J. Proudhon & Co.
+
+     Art. 6. Besides the members of the company proper, every citizen is
+     invited to form a part of the People's Bank as a co-operator. For
+     this it suffices to assent to the bank's constitution and to accept
+     its paper.
+
+     Art. 7. The People's Bank Company being capable of indefinite
+     extension, its virtual duration is endless. However, to conform to
+     the requirements of the law, it fixes its duration at ninety-nine
+     years, which shall commence on the day of its definitive
+     organization.
+
+     Art. 9.... The People's Bank, having as its _basis_ the essential
+     gratuitousness of credit and exchange, as its _object_ the
+     circulation, not the production, of values, and as its _means_ the
+     mutual consent of producers and consumers, can and should work
+     without capital.
+
+     This end will be reached when the entire mass of producers and
+     consumers shall have assented to the constitution of the company.
+
+     Till then the People's Bank Company, having to conform to
+     established custom and the requirements of law, and especially in
+     order more effectively to invite citizens to join it, will provide
+     itself with capital.
+
+     Art. 10. The capital of the People's Bank shall be five million
+     francs, divided into shares of five francs each.
+
+     ... The company shall be definitively organized, and its business
+     shall begin, when ten thousand shares are taken.
+
+     Art. 12. Stock shall be issued only at par. It shall bear no
+     interest.
+
+     Art. 15. The principal businesses of the People's Bank are, 1, to
+     increase its cash on hand by issuing notes; 2, discounting endorsed
+     commercial paper; 3, discounting accepted orders (_commandes_) and
+     bills (_factures_); 4, loans on personal property; 5, loans on
+     personal security; 6, advances on annuities and collateral
+     security; 7, payments and collections; 8, advances to productive
+     and industrial enterprises (_la commande_).
+
+     To these departments the People's Bank will add: 9, the functions
+     of a savings bank and endowment insurance; 10, insurance; 11, safe
+     deposit vaults; 12, the service of the budget.[200]
+
+     Art. 18. In distinction from ordinary bank notes, payable in
+     _specie_ to some one's _order_, the paper of the People's Bank is
+     an order for goods, vested with a social character, rendered
+     perpetual, and is payable at sight by every stockholder and
+     co-operator in the _products_ or _services_ of his industry or
+     profession.
+
+     Art. 21. Every co-operator agrees to trade by preference, for all
+     goods which the company can offer him, with the co-operators of the
+     bank, and to reserve his orders exclusively for his fellow
+     stockholders and fellow co-operators.
+
+     In return, every producer or tradesman co-operating with the bank
+     agrees to furnish his goods to the other co-operators at a reduced
+     price.
+
+     Art. 62. The People's Bank has its headquarters in Paris.
+
+     Its aim is, in the course of time, to establish a branch in every
+     _arrondissement_ and a correspondent in every commune.
+
+     Art. 63. As soon as circumstances permit, the present company shall
+     be converted into a corporation, since this form allows us to
+     realize, according to the wish of the founders, the threefold
+     principle, first, of election; second, of the separation and the
+     independence of the branches of work; third, of the personal
+     responsibility of every employee.[201]
+
+
+II. If once men are convinced that justice commands the change, then
+will "despotism fall of itself by its very uselessness."[202] The State
+and property disappear, law is transformed, and the new condition of
+things begins.
+
+"The Revolution does not act after the fashion of the old governmental,
+aristocratic, or dynastic principle. It is Right, the balance of forces,
+equality. It has no conquests to pursue, no nations to reduce to
+servitude, no frontiers to defend, no fortresses to build, no armies to
+feed, no laurels to pluck, no preponderance to maintain. The might of
+its economic institutions, the gratuitousness of its credit, the
+brilliancy of its thought, are its sufficient means for converting the
+universe."[203] "The Revolution has for allies all who suffer oppression
+and exploitation; let it appear, and the universe stretches its arms to
+it."[204]
+
+"I want the peaceable revolution. I want you to make the very
+institutions which I charge you to abolish, and the principles of law
+which you will have to complete, serve toward the realization of my
+wishes, so that the new society shall appear as the spontaneous,
+natural, and necessary development of the old, and that the Revolution,
+while abrogating the old order of things, shall nevertheless be the
+progress of that order."[205] "When the people, once enlightened
+regarding its true interests, declares its will not to reform the
+government but to revolutionize society,"[206] then "the dissolution of
+government in the economic organism"[207] will follow in a way about
+which one can at present only make guesses.[208]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[125] Not (as stated by Diehl vol. 2 p. 116, Zenker p. 61) 1852.
+
+[126] Proudhon "_Propriété_" p. 295 [212. Bracketed references under
+Proudhon are to the collected edition of his "_OEuvres complètes_,"
+Paris, 1866-83.--The passage quoted above is probably the first case in
+history where anybody called himself an Anarchist, though the word had
+long been in use as a term of reproach for enemies].
+
+[127] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 182-3 [1. 224-5].
+
+[128] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 184-5 [1. 227].
+
+[129] _Ib._ 1. 73 [132? but there he says _must be_, not _is_].
+
+[130] _Ib._ 1. 185 [1. 228].
+
+[131] _Ib._ 1. 195 [1. 235].
+
+[132] _Ib._ 1. 185 [1. 228].
+
+[133] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 195 [1. 235].
+
+[134] _Ib._ 3. 45 [3. 276, but with the bracketed sentence much
+abridged. For the phrase "rebel against right," remember that in French
+_right_ and _common law_ are one and the same word].
+
+[135] Pr. "_Propriété_" p. 18 [24-5].
+
+[136] Pr. "_Idée_" 147-8 [136-7]
+
+[137] _Ib._ 149 [138].
+
+[138] Pr. "_Idée_" pp. 149-50 [138].
+
+[139] Pr. "_Principe_" p. 64 [44].
+
+[140] Pr. "_Idée_" p. 235 [215].
+
+[141] Pr. "_Principe_" p. 64 [44].
+
+[142] Pr. "_Idée_" p. 343 [312].
+
+[143] Pr. "_Idée_" pp. 342-3 [311-12].
+
+[144] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 8 [29].
+
+[145] _Ib._ p. 6 [23].
+
+[146] Pr. "_Propriété_" p. 301 [216].
+
+[147] _Ib._ pp. 298-9 [214].
+
+[148] Pr. "_Solution_" p. 54 [39].
+
+[149] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 7 [24].
+
+[150] _Ib._ p. 7 [25-6].
+
+[151] Pr. "_Propriété_" p. 301 [216], "_Confessions_" p. 68 [192],
+"_Solution_" p. 119 [87].
+
+[152] Pr. "_Principe_" p. 67 [46].--Proudhon's teaching was not, as
+asserted by Diehl vol. 2 p. 116, vol. 3 pp. 166-7, and Zenker p. 61,
+Anarchism till 1852 and Federalism thenceforward; his Anarchism was
+Federalism from the start, only he later gave it the additional name of
+Federalism.
+
+[153] Pr. "_Propriété_" pp. XIX-XX [10-11].
+
+[154] Pr. "_Idée_" pp. 235-6 [215-16].
+
+[155] Pr. "_Solution_" p. 119 [87].
+
+[156] Pr. "_Propriété_" pp. 301-2 [216].
+
+[157] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 65 [180-3; bracketed words a paraphrase.]
+
+[158] Pr. "_Confessions_" pp. 65-6 [183-4, except bracketed words].
+
+[159] _Ib._ pp. 66-8 [185-9].
+
+[160] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 68 [191-2].
+
+[161] Pfau pp. 227-31, Adler p. 372, Zenker pp. 26, 41, fail to see
+this, being influenced by the improper sense in which Proudhon uses the
+word "property" for a contractually guaranteed share of goods.
+[Eltzbacher's statement, on the other hand, is not so much drawn from
+Proudhon himself as deduced from a comparison of Eltzbacher's definition
+of property with the statement that Proudhon admits no law but the law
+of contract. I do not think this last statement is correct; I think
+Proudhon would have his voluntary contractual associations protect their
+members in certain definable respects--among others, in the possession
+of goods--against those who stood outside the contract as well as
+against those within. Then this would be, by Eltzbacher's definitions,
+both law and property.]
+
+[162] Pr. "_Contradictions_" 2. 303-4 [2. 237-8].
+
+[163] Pr. "_Propriété_" pp. 285-90 [205-9].
+
+[164] Pr. "_Propriété_" p. 293 [211].
+
+[165] _Ib._ pp. 1-2 [13].
+
+[166] _Ib._ p. 283 [204].
+
+[167] _Ib._ p. 311 [223].
+
+[168] _Ib._ p. 311 [223].
+
+[169] _Ib._ p. 311 [223].
+
+[170] _Ib._ pp. XVIII-XIX [10; consult the passage].
+
+[171] _Ib._ pp. XIX-XX [11].
+
+[172] Pr. "_Contradictions_" 2. 234-5 [2. 184].
+
+[173] Pr. "_Droit_" p. 50 [230].
+
+[174] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 302-3 [1. 324-5].
+
+[175] _Ib._ 303 [1. 325].
+
+[176] Pr. "_Idée_" p. 235 [215]; "_Principe_" p. 64 [44].
+
+[177] Pr. "_Contradictions_" 1. 51 [1. 74].
+
+[178] _Ib._ 1. 53 [1. 75].
+
+[179] _Ib._ 1. 55. [1. 76-7].
+
+[180] _Ib._ 1. 68 [1. 87].
+
+[181] _Ib._ 1. 68 [1. 87].
+
+[182] _Ib._ 1. 83 [1. 98-9].
+
+[183] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 302-3 [1. 325].
+
+[184] Pr. "_Contradictions_" 2. 528 [2. 414].
+
+[185] Pr. "_Organisation_" p. 5 [93].
+
+[186] Pr. "_Banque_" pp. 3-4 [260].
+
+[187] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 515 [2. 133].
+
+[188] _Ib._ 1. 515 [2. 133].
+
+[189] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 71 [201].
+
+[190] Pr. "_Justice_" 1, 515 [2, 133. Eltzbacher finds the sense "all
+will be enlightened" where I translate "everything will be cleared up."
+Eltzbacher's view of the sense--that to those who say "Enlightenment
+must come by the Revolution" Proudhon replies, "No, the Revolution must
+come by enlightenment"--correctly gives the thought brought out in the
+context].
+
+[191] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 466 [2. 90].
+
+[192] _Ib._ 1. 470-71 [2. 94].
+
+[193] _Ib._ 1. 515 [2. 133-4].
+
+[194] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 69 [196].
+
+[195] _Ib._ p. 72 [203].
+
+[196] _Ib._ p. 69 [196].
+
+[197] _Ib._ p. 69 [196].
+
+[198] _Ib._ pp. 69-70 [197].
+
+[199] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 70 [197-8].
+
+[200] [French dictionaries leave us somewhat in the lurch as to
+commercial usages which differ from the English. Eltzbacher translates
+8, "investment as silent partner"; 12, "balancing accounts."]
+
+[201] Pr. "_Banque_" pp. 5-20 [261-77].
+
+[202] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 72 [202-3].
+
+[203] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 509 [2. 128-9].
+
+[204] _Ib._ 1. 510 [2. 129].
+
+[205] Pr. "_Idée_" pp. 196-7 [181].
+
+[206] _Ib._ p. 197 [181].
+
+[207] _Ib._ p. 277 [253].
+
+[208] _Ib._ pp. 195, 197 [180-81].
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+STIRNER'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+1. Johann Kaspar Schmidt was born in 1806, at Bayreuth in Bavaria. He
+studied philosophy and theology at Berlin from 1826 to 1828, at Erlangen
+from 1828 to 1829. In 1829 he interrupted his studies, made a prolonged
+tour through Germany, and then lived alternately at Koenigsberg and Kulm
+till 1832. From 1832 to 1834 he studied at Berlin again; in 1835 he
+passed his tests there as _Gymnasiallehrer_. He received no government
+appointment, however, and in 1839 became teacher in a young ladies'
+seminary in Berlin. He gave up this place in 1844, but continued to live
+in Berlin, and died there in 1856.
+
+In part under the pseudonym Max Stirner, in part anonymously, Schmidt
+published a small number of works, mostly of a philosophical nature.
+
+2. Stirner's teaching about law, the State, and property is contained
+chiefly in his book "_Der Einzige und sein Eigentum_" (1845).
+
+--But here arises the question, Can we speak of such a thing as a
+"teaching" of Stirner's?
+
+Stirner recognizes no _ought_. "Men are such as they should be--can be.
+What should they be? Surely not more than they can be! And what can they
+be? Not more, again, than they--can, _i. e._ than they have the
+ability, the strength, to be."[209] "A man is 'called' to nothing, and
+has no 'proper business,' no 'function,' as little as a plant or beast
+has a 'vocation.' He has not a vocation; but he has powers, which
+express themselves where they are, because their being consists only in
+their expression, and which can remain idle as little as life, which
+would no longer be life if it 'stood still' but for a second. Now one
+might cry to man, 'Use your power.' But this imperative would be given
+the meaning that it was man's proper business to use his power. It is
+not so. Rather, every one really does use his power, without first
+regarding this as his vocation; every one uses in every moment as much
+power as he possesses."[210]
+
+Nay, Stirner acknowledges no such thing as truth. "Truths are phrases,
+ways of speaking, words (_logos_); brought into connection, or arranged
+by ranks and files, they form logic, science, philosophy."[211] "Nor is
+there a truth,--not right, not liberty, humanity, etc.,--which could
+subsist before me, and to which I would submit."[212] "If there is a
+single truth to which man must consecrate his life and his powers
+because he is man, then he is subjected to a rule, dominion, law, etc.;
+he is a man in service."[213] "As long as you believe in truth, you do
+not believe in yourself; you are a--servant, a--religious man. You
+alone are truth; or rather, you are more than truth, which is nothing
+at all before you."[214]
+
+If one chose to draw the extreme inference from this, Stirner's book
+would be only a self-avowal, an expression of thoughts without any claim
+to general validity; in it Stirner would not be informing us what he
+thinks to be true, or what in his opinion we ought to do, but only
+giving us an opportunity to observe the play of his ideas. Stirner did
+not draw this inference,[215] and one should not let the style of the
+book, which speaks mostly of Stirner's "I," lead him to think that
+Stirner did draw it. He calls that man "blinded, who wants to be only
+'Man'."[216] He takes the floor against "the erroneous consciousness of
+not being able to entitle myself to as much as I want."[217] He mocks at
+our grandmothers' belief in ghosts.[218] He declares that "penalty must
+make room for satisfaction,"[219] that man "should defend himself
+against man."[220] And he asserts that "over the door of our time stands
+not Apollo's 'Know thyself,' but a 'Turn yourself to account!'"[221] So
+Stirner intends not only to give us information about his inward
+condition at the time he composed his book, but to tell us what he
+thinks to be true and what we ought to do; his book is not a mere
+self-avowal, but a scientific teaching.
+
+3. Stirner does not call his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." He prefers to use the epithet "anarchic" to designate
+political liberalism, which he combats.[222]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_According to Stirner the supreme law for each one of us is his own
+welfare._
+
+What does one's own welfare mean? "Let us seek out the enjoyment of
+life!"[223] "Henceforth the question is not how one can acquire life,
+but how he can expend it, enjoy it; not how one is to produce in himself
+the true ego, but how he is to dissolve himself, to live himself
+out."[224] "If the enjoyment of life is to triumph over the longing or
+hope for life, it must overcome it in its double significance which
+Schiller brings out in 'The Ideal and Life'; it must crush spiritual and
+temporal poverty, abolish the ideal and--the want of daily bread. He who
+must lay out his life in prolonging life cannot enjoy it, and he who is
+still seeking his life does not have it, and can as little enjoy it;
+both are poor."[225]
+
+Our own welfare is our supreme law. Stirner recognizes no duty.[226]
+"Whether what I think and do is Christian, what do I care? Whether it is
+human, humane, liberal, or unhuman, inhumane, illiberal, what do I ask
+about that? If only it aims at what I would have, if only I satisfy
+myself in it, then fit it with predicates as you like; it is all one to
+me."[227] "So then my relation to the world is this: I no longer do
+anything for it 'for God's sake', I do nothing 'for man's sake', but
+what I do I do 'for my sake'."[228] "Where the world comes in my
+way--and it comes in my way everywhere--I devour it to appease the
+hunger of my egoism. You are to me nothing but--my food, just as I also
+am fed upon and used up by you. We have only one relation to each other,
+that of utility, of usableness, of use."[229] "I too love men, not
+merely individuals, but every one. But I love them with the
+consciousness of egoism; I love them because love makes me happy, I love
+because love is natural to me, because it pleases me. I know no
+'commandment of love'."[230]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _Looking to each one's own welfare, Stirner rejects law, and that
+without any limitation to particular spatial or temporal conditions._
+
+Law[231] exists not by the individual's recognizing it as favorable to
+his interests, but by his holding it sacred. "Who can ask about 'right'
+if he is not occupying the religious standpoint just like other people?
+Is not 'right' a religious concept, _i. e._ something sacred?"[232]
+"When the Revolution stamped liberty as a 'right' it took refuge in the
+religious sphere, in the region of the sacred, the ideal."[233] "I am to
+revere the sultanic law in a sultanate, the popular law in republics,
+the canon law in Catholic communities, etc. I am to subordinate myself
+to these laws, I am to count them sacred."[234] "The law is sacred, and
+he who outrages it is a criminal."[235] "There are no criminals except
+against something sacred";[236] crime falls when the sacred
+disappears.[237] Punishment has a meaning only in relation to something
+sacred.[238] "What does the priest who admonishes the criminal do? He
+sets forth to him the great wrong of having by his act desecrated that
+which was hallowed by the State, its property (in which, you will see,
+the lives of those who belong to the State must be included)."[239]
+
+But law is no more sacred than it is favorable to the individual's
+welfare. "Right--is a delusion, bestowed by a ghost."[240] Men have "not
+recovered the mastery over the thought of 'right,' which they themselves
+created; their creature is running away with them."[241] "Let the
+individual man claim ever so many rights; what do I care for his right
+and his claim?"[242] I do not respect them.--"What you have the might to
+be you have the right to be. I deduce all right and all entitlement from
+myself; I am entitled to everything that I have might over. I am
+entitled to overthrow Zeus, Jehovah, God, etc., if I can; if I cannot,
+then these gods will always remain in the right and in the might as
+against me."[243]
+
+"Right crumbles into its nothingness when it is swallowed up by
+force,"[244] "but with the concept the word too loses its meaning."[245]
+"The people will perhaps be against the blasphemer; hence a law against
+blasphemy. Shall I therefore not blaspheme? Is this law to be more to me
+than an order?"[246] "He who has might 'stands above the law'."[247]
+"The earth belongs to him who knows how to take it, or who does not let
+it be taken from him, does not let himself be deprived of it. If he
+appropriates it, then not merely the earth, but also the right to it,
+belongs to him. This is egoistic right; _i. e._, it suits me, therefore
+it is right."[248]
+
+II. _Self-welfare commands that in future it itself should be men's rule
+of action in place of the law._
+
+Each of us is "unique,"[249] "a world's history for himself,"[250] and,
+when he "knows himself as unique,"[251] he is a "self-owner."[252] "God
+and mankind have made nothing their object, nothing but themselves. Let
+me then likewise make myself my object, who am, as well as God, the
+nothing of all else, who am my all, who am the Unique."[253] "Away then
+with every business that is not altogether my business! You think at
+least the 'good cause' must be my business? What good, what bad? Why, I
+myself am my business, and I am neither good nor bad. Neither has
+meaning for me. What is divine is God's business, what is human 'Man's.'
+My business is neither what is divine nor what is human, it is not what
+is true, good, right, free, etc., but only what is mine; and it is no
+general business, but is--unique, as I am unique. Nothing is more to me
+than myself!"[254]
+
+"What a difference between freedom and self-ownership! I am free from
+what I am rid of; I am owner of what I have in my power."[255] "My
+freedom becomes complete only when it is my--might; but by this I cease
+to be a mere freeman and become a self-owner."[256] "Each must say to
+himself, I am all to myself and I do all for my sake. If it ever became
+clear to you that God, the commandments, etc., do you only harm, that
+they encroach on you and ruin you, you would certainly cast them from
+you just as the Christians once condemned Apollo or Minerva or heathen
+morality."[257] "How one acts only from himself, and asks no questions
+about anything further, the Christians have made concrete in the idea of
+'God.' He acts 'as pleases him'."[258]
+
+"Might is a fine thing and useful for many things; for 'one gets farther
+with a handful of might than with a bagful of right.' You long for
+freedom? You fools! If you took might, freedom would come of itself.
+See, he who has might 'stands above the law.' How does this prospect
+taste to you, you 'law-abiding' people? But you have no taste!"[259]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. _Together with law Stirner necessarily has to reject also, just as
+unconditionally, the legal institution which is called State._ Without
+law the State is not possible. "'Respect for the statutes!' By this
+cement the whole fabric of the State is held together."[260]
+
+The State as well as the law, then, exists, not by the individual's
+recognizing it as favorable to his welfare, but rather by his counting
+it sacred, by "our being entangled in the error that it is an I, as
+which it applies to itself the name of a 'moral, mystical, or political
+person.' I, who really am I, must pull off this lion's skin of the I
+from the parading thistle-eater."[261] The same holds good of the State
+as of the family. "If each one who belongs to the family is to recognize
+and maintain that family in its permanent existence, then to each the
+tie of blood must be sacred, and his feeling for it must be that of
+family piety, of respect for the ties of blood, whereby every
+blood-relative becomes hallowed to him. So, also, to every member of the
+State-community this community must be sacred, and the concept which is
+supreme to the State must be supreme to him too."[262] The State is "not
+only entitled, but compelled, to demand" this.[263]
+
+But the State is not sacred. "The State's behavior is violence, and it
+calls its violence 'law', but that of the individual 'crime'."[264] If I
+do not do what it wishes, "then the State turns against me with all the
+force of its lion-paws and eagle-talons; for it is the king of beasts,
+it is lion and eagle."[265] "Even if you do overpower your opponent as a
+power, it does not follow that you are to him a hallowed authority,
+unless he is a degenerate. He does not owe you respect, and reverence,
+even if he will be wary of your might."[266]
+
+Nor is the State favorable to the individual's welfare. "I am the mortal
+enemy of the State."[267] "The general welfare as such is not my
+welfare, but only the extremity of self-denial. The general welfare may
+exult aloud while I must lie like a hushed dog; the State may be in
+splendor while I starve."[268] "Every State is a despotism, whether the
+despot be one or many, or whether, as people usually conceive to be the
+case in a republic, all are masters, _i. e._ each tyrannizes over the
+others."[269] "Doubtless the State leaves the individuals as free play
+as possible, only they must not turn the play to earnest, must not
+forget it. The State has never any object but to limit the individual,
+to tame him, to subordinate him, to subject him to something general; it
+lasts only so long as the individual is not all in all, and is only the
+clear-cut limitation of me, my limitedness, my slavery."[270]
+
+"A State never aims to bring about the free activity of individuals, but
+only that activity which is bound to the State's purpose."[271] "The
+State seeks to hinder every free activity by its censorship, its
+oversight, its police, and counts this hindering as its duty, because it
+is in truth a duty of self-preservation."[272] "I am not allowed to do
+all the work I can, but only so much as the State permits; I must not
+turn my thoughts to account, nor my work, nor, in general, anything
+that is mine."[273] "Pauperism is the valuelessness of Me, the
+phenomenon of my being unable to turn myself to account. Therefore State
+and pauperism are one and the same. The State does not let me attain my
+value, and exists only by my valuelessness; its goal is always to get
+some benefit out of me, _i. e._ to exploit me, to use me up, even if
+this using consisted only in my providing a _proles_ (_prolétariat_); it
+wants me to be 'its creature'."[274]
+
+"The State cannot brook man's standing in a direct relation to man; it
+must come between as a--mediator, it must--intervene. It tears man from
+man, to put itself as 'spirit' in the middle. The laborers who demand a
+higher wage are treated as criminals so soon as they want to get it by
+compulsion. What are they to do? Without compulsion they don't get it,
+and in compulsion the State sees a self-help, a price fixed by the ego,
+a real, free turning to account of one's property, which it cannot
+permit."[275]
+
+II. _Every man's own welfare demands that a social human life solely on
+the basis of its precepts should take the place of the State._ Stirner
+calls this sort of social life "the union of egoists."[276]
+
+1. Even after the State is abolished men are to live together in
+society. "Self-owners will fight for the unity which is their own will,
+for union."[277] But what is to keep men together in the union?
+
+Not a promise, at any rate, "If I were bound to-day and hereafter to my
+will of yesterday," my will would "be benumbed. My creature, _viz._, a
+particular expression of will, would have become my dominator. Because I
+was a fool yesterday I must remain such all my life."[278] "The union is
+my own creation, my creature, not sacred, not a spiritual power above my
+spirit, as little as any association of whatever sort. As I am not
+willing to be a slave to my maxims, but lay them bare to my constant
+criticism without any warrant, and admit no bail whatever for their
+continuance, so still less do I pledge myself to the union for my future
+and swear away my soul to it as men are said to do with the devil, and
+as is really the case with the State and all intellectual authority; but
+I am and remain more to myself than State, Church, God, and the like,
+and, consequently, also infinitely more than the union."[279]
+
+Rather, men are to be held together in the union by the advantage which
+each individual has from the union at every moment. If I can "use" my
+fellow-men, "then I am likely to come to an understanding and unite
+myself with them, in order to strengthen my power by the agreement, and
+to do more by joint force than individual force could accomplish. In
+this joinder I see nothing at all else than a multiplication of my
+strength, and only so long as it is my multiplied strength do I retain
+it."[280]
+
+Hence the union is something quite different from "that society which
+Communism means to found."[281] "You bring into the union your whole
+power, your ability, and assert yourself; in society you with your
+labor-strength are spent. In the former you live egoistically, in the
+latter humanly, _i. e._ religiously, as a 'member in the body of this
+Lord'. You owe to society what you have, and are in duty bound to it,
+are--possessed by 'social duties'; you utilize the union, and, undutiful
+and unfaithful, give it up when you are no longer able to get any use
+out of it. If society is more than you, then it is of more consequence
+to you than yourself; the union is only your tool, or the sword with
+which you sharpen and enlarge your natural strength; the union exists
+for you and by you, society contrariwise claims you for itself and
+exists even without you; in short, society is sacred, the union is your
+own; society uses you up, you use up the union."[282]
+
+2. But what form may such a social life take in detail? In reply to his
+critic, Moses Hess, Stirner gives some examples of unions that already
+exist.
+
+"Perhaps at this moment children are running together under his window
+for a comradeship of play; let him look at them, and he will espy merry
+egoistic unions. Perhaps Hess has a friend or a sweetheart; then he may
+know how heart joins itself to heart, how two of them unite egoistically
+in order to have the enjoyment of each other, and how neither 'gets the
+worst of the bargain.' Perhaps he meets a few pleasant acquaintances on
+the street and is invited to accompany them into a wine-shop; does he go
+with them in order to do an act of kindness to them, or does he 'unite'
+with them because he promises himself enjoyment from it? Do they have to
+give him their best thanks for his 'self-sacrifice' or do they know
+that for an hour they formed an 'egoistic union' together?"[283] Stirner
+even thinks of a "German Union."[284]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _Together with law Stirner necessarily has to reject also, and just
+as unconditionally, the legal institution of property._ This "lives by
+grace of the law. It has its guarantee only in the law; it is not a
+fact, but a fiction, a thought. This is law-property, legal property,
+warranted property. It is mine not by me, but by--law."[285]
+
+Property in this sense, as well as the law and the State, is based not
+on the individual's recognizing it as favorable to his welfare, but on
+his counting it sacred. "Property in the civil sense means sacred
+property, in such a way that I must respect your property. 'Have respect
+for property!' Therefore the political liberals would like every one to
+have his bit of property, and have in part brought about an incredible
+parcellation by their efforts in this direction. Every one must have his
+bone, on which he may find something to bite."[286]
+
+But property is not sacred. "I do not step timidly back from your
+property, be you one or many, but look upon it always as my property, in
+which I have no need to 'respect' anything. Now do the like with what
+you call my property!"[287]
+
+Nor is property favorable to the individual's welfare. "Property, as the
+civic liberals understand it, is untenable, because the civic
+proprietor is really nothing but a propertyless man, a man everywhere
+excluded. Instead of the world's belonging to him, as it might, there
+belongs to him not even the paltry point on which he turns around."[288]
+
+II. _Every one's own welfare commands that a distribution of commodities
+based solely on its precepts should take the place of property._ When
+Stirner designates as "property" the share of commodities assigned to
+the individual by these precepts, it is in the improper sense in which
+he constantly uses the word property: in the proper sense only a share
+of commodities assigned by law can be called property.[289]
+
+Now, according to the decrees of his own welfare, every man should have
+all that he is powerful enough to obtain.
+
+"What they are not competent to tear from me the power over, that
+remains my property: all right, then let power decide about property,
+and I will expect everything from my power! Alien power, power that I
+leave to another, makes me a slave; then let own power make me an
+owner."[290] "To what property am I entitled? To any to which I--empower
+myself. I give myself the right of property in taking property to
+myself, or giving myself the proprietor's power, plenary power,
+empowerment."[291] "What I am competent to have is my
+'competence.'"[292] "The sick, children, the aged, are still competent
+for a great deal; _e. g._ to receive their living instead of taking it.
+If they are competent to control you to the extent of having you desire
+their continued existence, then they have a power over you."[293] "What
+competence the child possesses in its smile, its play, its crying,--in
+short, in its mere existence! Are you capable of resisting its demand?
+or do you not hold out to it, as a mother, your breast,--as a father, so
+much of your belongings as it needs? It puts you under constraint, and
+therefore possesses what you call yours."[294]
+
+"Property, therefore, should not and cannot be done away with; rather,
+it must be torn from ghostly hands and become my property; then will the
+erroneous consciousness that I cannot entitle myself to as much as I
+want vanish.--'But what cannot a man want?' Well, he who wants much, and
+knows how to get it, has in all times taken it to him, as Napoleon did
+the continent, and the French Algeria. Therefore the only point is just
+that the respectful 'lower classes' should at length learn to take to
+themselves what they want. If they reach their hands too far for you,
+why, defend yourselves."[295] "What 'man' wants does not by any means
+furnish a scale for me and my needs; for I may have a use for more, or
+for less. Rather, I must have as much as I am competent to appropriate
+to myself."[296]
+
+2. "In this matter, as well as in others, unions will multiply the
+individual's means and make secure his assailed property."[297] "When it
+is our will no longer to leave the land to the land-owners, but to
+appropriate it to ourselves, we unite ourselves for this purpose; we
+form a union, a _société_, which makes itself owner; if we are
+successful, they cease to be land-owners. And, as we chase them out from
+land and soil, so we can also from many another property, to make it our
+own, the property of the--conquerors. The conquerors form a society,
+which one may conceive of as so great that by degrees it embraces all
+mankind; but so-called mankind is also, as such, only a thought (ghost);
+its reality is the individuals. And these individuals as a collective
+mass will deal not less arbitrarily with land and soil than does an
+isolated individual."[298]
+
+"What all want to have a share in will be withdrawn from that individual
+who wants to have it for himself alone; it is made a common possession.
+As a common possession every one has a share in it, and this share is
+his property. Just so, even in our old relations, a house which belongs
+to five heirs is their common possession; but the fifth part of the
+proceeds is each one's property. The property which for the present is
+still withheld from us can be better made use of when it is in the hands
+of us all. Let us therefore associate ourselves for the purpose of this
+robbery."[299]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_According to Stirner the change which every one's own welfare requires
+is to come about in this way,--that men in sufficient number first
+undergo an inward change and recognize their own welfare as their
+highest law, and that these men then bring to pass by force the outward
+change also: to wit, the abrogation of law, State, and property, and
+the introduction of the new condition._
+
+I. The first and most important thing is the inward change of men.
+
+"Revolution and insurrection must not be regarded as synonymous. The
+former consists in an overturning of conditions, of the existing
+condition or state, the State or society, and so is a political or
+social act; the latter has indeed a transformation of conditions as its
+inevitable consequence, but starts not from this but from men's
+discontent with themselves, is not a lifting of shields but a lifting of
+individuals, a coming up, without regard to the arrangements that spring
+from it. The Revolution aimed at new arrangements: the Insurrection
+leads to no longer having ourselves arranged but arranging ourselves,
+and sets no brilliant hope on 'institutions.' It is not a fight against
+the existing order, since, if it prospers, the existing order collapses
+of itself; it is only a working my way out of the existing order. If I
+leave the existing order, it is dead and passes into decay. Now, since
+my purpose is not the upsetting of an existing order but the lifting of
+myself above it, my aim and act are not political or social, but, as
+directed upon myself and my ownness alone, egoistic."[300]
+
+Why was the founder of Christianity "not a revolutionist, not a
+demagogue as the Jews would have liked to see him; why was he not a
+Liberal? Because he expected no salvation from a change of _conditions_,
+and this whole business was indifferent to him. He was not a
+revolutionist, like Cæsar for instance, but an insurgent; not an
+overturner of the State, but one who straightened _himself_ up. He waged
+no Liberal or political war against the existing authorities, but wanted
+to go his own way regardless of these authorities and undisturbed by
+them."[301]
+
+"Everything sacred is a bond, a fetter. Everything sacred will be, must
+be, perverted by perverters of law; therefore our present time has such
+perverters by the quantity in all spheres. They are preparing for the
+break of the law, for lawlessness."[302] "Regard yourself as more
+powerful than they allege you to be, and you have more power; regard
+yourself as more, and you are more."[303] "The poor become free and
+proprietors only when they--'rise'."[304] "Only from egoism can the
+lower classes get help, and this help they must give to themselves
+and--will give to themselves. If they do not let themselves be
+constrained into fear, they are a power."[305]
+
+II. Furthermore, in order to bring about the "transformation of
+conditions"[306] and put the new condition in the place of law, State,
+and property, violent insurrection against the condition that has
+hitherto existed is requisite.
+
+1. "The State can be overcome only by a violent arbitrariness."[307]
+"The individual's violence [_Gewalt_] is called crime [_Verbrechen_],
+and only by crime does he break [_brechen_] the State's authority
+[_Gewalt_] when he opines that the State is not above him, but he above
+the State."[308] "Here too the result is that the thinkers' combat
+against the government is wrong, _viz._ in impotence, so far as it
+cannot bring into the field anything but thoughts against a personal
+power (the egoistic power stops the mouths of the thinkers). The
+theoretical combat cannot complete the victory, and the sacred power of
+thought succumbs to the might of egoism. It is only the egoistic combat,
+the combat of egoists on both sides, that clears up everything."[309]
+
+"The property question cannot be solved so gently as the Socialists,
+even the Communists, dream. It is solved only by the war of all against
+all."[310] "Let me then retract the might which I have conceded to
+others out of ignorance regarding the strength of my own might! Let me
+say to myself, 'Whatever my might reaches to is my property,' and then
+claim as property all that I feel myself strong enough to attain; and
+let me make my real property extend as far as I entitle (_i. e._
+empower) myself to take."[311] "In order to extirpate the unpossessing
+rabble, egoism does not say, 'Wait and see what the Board of Equity
+will--donate to you in the name of the collectivity', but 'Put your hand
+to it and take what you need!'"[312]
+
+In this combat Stirner agrees to all methods. "I will not draw back with
+a shudder from any act because there dwells in it a spirit of
+godlessness, immorality, wrongfulness, as little as St. Boniface was
+disposed to abstain from chopping down the heathens' sacred oak on
+account of religious scruples."[313] "The power over life and death,
+which Church and State reserved to themselves, this too I
+call--mine."[314] "The life of the individual man I rate only at what it
+is worth. His goods, the material and the spiritual alike, are mine, and
+I dispose of them as proprietor to the extent of my--might."[315]
+
+2. Stirner depicts for us a single event in this violent transformation
+of conditions. He assumes that certain men come to realize that they
+occupy a disproportionately unfavorable position in the State as
+compared with others who receive the preference.
+
+"Those who are in the unfavorable position take courage to ask the
+question, 'By what, then, is your property secure, you favored ones?'
+and give themselves the answer, 'By our refraining from interference! By
+our protection, therefore! And what do you give us for it? Kicks and
+contempt you give the "common people"; police oversight, and a catechism
+with the chief sentence "Respect what is not yours, what belongs to
+others! respect others, and especially superiors!" But we reply, "If you
+want our respect, buy it for a price that shall be acceptable to us." We
+will leave you your property, if you pay duly for this leaving. With
+what, indeed, does the general in time of peace pay for the many
+thousands of his yearly income? or Another for the sheer
+hundred-thousands and millions? With what do you pay us for chewing
+potatoes and looking quietly on while you swallow oysters? Only buy the
+oysters from us as dear as we have to buy the potatoes from you, and
+you may go on eating them. Or do you suppose the oysters do not belong
+to us as much as to you? You will make an outcry about violence if we
+take hold and help eat them, and you are right. Without violence we do
+not get them, as you no less have them by doing violence to us.
+
+"'But take the oysters and done with it, and let us come to what is in a
+closer way our property (for this other is only possession)--to labor.
+We toil twelve hours in the sweat of our foreheads, and you offer us a
+few groschen for it. Then take the like for your labor too. We will come
+to terms all right if only we have first agreed on the point that
+neither any longer needs to--donate anything to the other. For centuries
+we have offered you alms in our kindly--stupidity, have given the mite
+of the poor and rendered to the masters what is--not the masters'; now
+just open your bags, for henceforth there is a tremendous rise in the
+price of our ware. We will take nothing away from you, nothing at all,
+only you shall pay better for what you want to have. What have you then?
+"I have an estate of a thousand acres." And I am your plowman, and will
+hereafter do your plowing only for a thaler a day wages. "Then I'll get
+another." You will not find one, for we plowmen are no longer doing
+anything different, and if one presents himself who takes less, let him
+beware of us.'"[316]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[209] Stirner p. 439. [The page-numbers of Stirner's first edition, here
+cited, agree almost exactly with those of the English translation under
+the title "The Ego and His Own." Any passage quoted here will in general
+be found in the English translation either on the page whose number is
+given or on the preceding page; for the early pages, subtract two or
+three from the number.]
+
+[210] _Ib._ pp. 435-6.
+
+[211] _Ib._ p. 465.
+
+[212] _Ib._ p. 464.
+
+[213] _Ib._ p. 466.
+
+[214] Stirner p. 473.
+
+[215] No more do his adherents, _e. g._ Mackay, "Stirner" pp. 164-5.
+
+[216] Stirner p. 322.
+
+[217] _Ib._ p. 343.
+
+[218] _Ib._ p. 45.
+
+[219] _Ib._ p. 318.
+
+[220] _Ib._ p. 318.
+
+[221] _Ib._ p. 420.
+
+[222] _Ib._ pp. 189-90.
+
+[223] Stirner p. 427.
+
+[224] _Ib._ p. 428.
+
+[225] _Ib._ p. 429.
+
+[226] _Ib._ p. 258.
+
+[227] _Ib._ p. 478.
+
+[228] _Ib._ p. 426.
+
+[229] Stirner p. 395.
+
+[230] _Ib._ p. 387.
+
+[231] [To understand some of the following citations it is necessary to
+remember that in German "law" (in the sense of common law, or including
+this) and "right" are one and the same word.--While it is probably not
+fair to say that these assaults of Stirner are directed only against
+some laws, it does seem fair to say that they deny to the laws only some
+sorts of validity. We have very little material for compiling the
+constructive side of Stirner's teaching, for he avoided specifying what
+things the Egoists or their unions were to do in his future social
+order; he said explicitly that the only way to know what a slave will do
+when he breaks his fetters is to wait and see. But, while he may nowhere
+have stated a law which is to obtain in the good time coming, neither
+has he said anything which authorizes us to declare that none of his
+unions will ever make laws on such a basis as (for instance) the rules
+of the Stock Exchange. On page 114 below is quoted a passage where he
+distinctly and approvingly contemplates the possibility that a union of
+his followers may fix a minimum wage, and may threaten violence to any
+person who consents to work below the scale. This would be law, and
+might easily be the germ of a State. On pages 108 and 109 are quoted
+passages which strongly suggest that the Egoistic union would undertake
+to defend its member against all interference with his possession of
+certain goods; this would be both law and property.]
+
+[232] Stirner p. 247.
+
+[233] Stirner p. 248.
+
+[234] _Ib._ p. 246.
+
+[235] _Ib._ p. 314.
+
+[236] _Ib._ p. 268.
+
+[237] _Ib._ p. 317.
+
+[238] _Ib._ pp. 317, 316.
+
+[239] _Ib._ pp. 265-6.
+
+[240] _Ib._ p. 276.
+
+[241] _Ib._ p. 270.
+
+[242] _Ib._ pp. 326-7.
+
+[243] _Ib._ pp. 248-9.
+
+[244] Stirner p. 275.
+
+[245] _Ib._ p. 275.
+
+[246] _Ib._ pp. 259, 256.
+
+[247] _Ib._ p. 220.
+
+[248] _Ib._ p. 251. [The German idiom for "it suits me" is "it is right
+to me"].
+
+[249] _Ib._ p. 8.
+
+[250] _Ib._ p. 490.
+
+[251] _Ib._ p. 491.
+
+[252] _Ib._ p. 491.
+
+[253] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[254] Stirner p. 8.
+
+[255] _Ib._ p. 207.
+
+[256] _Ib._ p. 219.
+
+[257] _Ib._ p. 214.
+
+[258] _Ib._ p. 212.
+
+[259] _Ib._ p. 220.
+
+[260] Stirner p. 314.
+
+[261] _Ib._ p. 295.
+
+[262] _Ib._ pp. 231-2.
+
+[263] _Ib._ p. 231.
+
+[264] _Ib._ p. 259.
+
+[265] _Ib._ p. 337.
+
+[266] Stirner p. 258.
+
+[267] _Ib._ p. 339.
+
+[268] _Ib._ p. 280.
+
+[269] _Ib._ p. 257.
+
+[270] _Ib._ p. 298.
+
+[271] _Ib._ p. 298.
+
+[272] _Ib._ p. 299.
+
+[273] Stirner p. 298.
+
+[274] _Ib._ p. 336.
+
+[275] _Ib._ pp. 337-8.
+
+[276] _Ib._ p. 235; Stirner "_Vierteljahrsschrift_" p. 192.
+
+[277] Stirner p. 304.
+
+[278] Stirner p. 258.
+
+[279] _Ib._ p 411.
+
+[280] _Ib._ p. 416.
+
+[281] _Ib._ p. 411.
+
+[282] Stirner pp. 417-18.
+
+[283] Stirner "_Vierteljahrsschrift_" pp. 193-4.
+
+[284] Stirner p. 305.
+
+[285] _Ib._ p. 332.
+
+[286] _Ib._ pp. 327-8.
+
+[287] _Ib._ pp. 328, 326.
+
+[288] Stirner pp. 328-9.
+
+[289] Zenker fails to recognize this when he asserts (p. 80) that
+Stirner demands property based on the right of occupation
+
+[290] Stirner p. 340.
+
+[291] _Ib._ p. 339.
+
+[292] _Ib._ p. 351.
+
+[293] Stirner p. 351.
+
+[294] _Ib._ pp. 351-2.
+
+[295] _Ib._ pp. 343-4.
+
+[296] _Ib._ p. 349.
+
+[297] _Ib._ p. 342.
+
+[298] Stirner pp. 329-30. [See footnote on page 97.]
+
+[299] _Ib._ p. 330.
+
+[300] Stirner pp. 421-2.
+
+[301] Stirner p. 423.
+
+[302] _Ib._ p. 284.
+
+[303] _Ib._ p. 483.
+
+[304] _Ib._ p. 344.
+
+[305] _Ib._ p. 343.
+
+[306] _Ib._ p. 422.
+
+[307] _Ib._ p. 199.
+
+[308] _Ib._ 259.
+
+[309] Stirner pp. 198-9.
+
+[310] _Ib._ p. 344. [But Stirner does not mean that all are to fight
+against all; they are merely to declare themselves no longer bound by
+the obligations of peace, and then those who are able to agree with each
+other can at once make terms to suit themselves.]
+
+[311] _Ib._ p. 340.
+
+[312] _Ib._ p. 341.
+
+[313] Stirner p. 479.
+
+[314] _Ib._ p. 424.
+
+[315] _Ib._ pp. 326-7.
+
+[316] Stirner pp. 359-60.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+BAKUNIN'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+1. Mikhail Alexandrovitch Bakunin was born in 1814 at Pryamukhino,
+district of Torshok, government of Tver. In 1834 he entered the
+Artillery School at St. Petersburg; in 1835 he became an officer, but
+resigned his commission in the same year. He then lived alternately in
+Pryamukhino and in Moscow.
+
+In 1840 Bakunin left Russia. In the following years revolutionary plans
+took him now to this part of Europe, now to that; in Paris he associated
+much with Proudhon. In 1849 he was condemned to death in Saxony, but was
+pardoned; in 1850 he was handed over to Austria and was condemned to
+death there also; in 1851 he was handed over to Russia and was there
+kept a prisoner first at St. Petersburg, then at Schluesselburg; in 1857
+he was sent to Siberia.
+
+From Siberia Bakunin escaped to London in 1865, by way of Japan and
+California. He took up his revolutionary activities again at once, and
+thereafter lived by turns in the most various parts of Europe. In 1868
+he became a member of the _Association internationale des travailleurs_,
+and soon afterward he founded the _Alliance internationale de la
+démocratie socialiste_. In 1869 he came into intimate relations with the
+fanatic Nechayeff, but broke away from him in the next year. In 1872 he
+was expelled from the _Association internationale des travailleurs_ on
+the ground that his aims were different from those of the Association.
+He died at Berne in 1876.
+
+Bakunin wrote a number of works of a philosophical and political nature.
+
+2. Bakunin's teaching about law, the State, and property finds its
+expression especially in the "_Proposition motivée au comité central de
+la Ligue de la paix et de la liberté_"[317] offered by him in 1868; in
+the principles[318] of the _Alliance internationale de la démocratie
+socialiste_, drawn up by him in 1868; and in his work "_Dieu et
+l'Etat_"[319] (1871).
+
+Writings which cannot with certainty be assigned to Bakunin are here
+disregarded. Among such we may name especially the two works "The
+Principles of the Revolution"[320] and "Catechism of the
+Revolution,"[321] in which Nechayeff's views are set forth. They are
+indeed ascribed to Bakunin by some,[322] but their matter is in
+contradiction to his other utterances as well as to his deeds; he even
+used vehement language on several occasions against Nechayeff's
+"Machiavellianism and Jesuitism."[323] Even on the assumption that they
+are by Bakunin, they would at any rate express only a very insignificant
+chapter in his development.
+
+3. Bakunin designates his teaching about law, the State, and property as
+"Anarchism." "In a word, we reject all legislation, all authority, all
+privileged, chartered, official, and legal influence,--even if it were
+created by universal suffrage,--in the conviction that such things can
+but redound always to the advantage of a ruling minority of exploiters
+and to the disadvantage of the vast enslaved majority. In this sense we
+are in truth Anarchists."[324]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_Bakunin regards the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a
+less perfect existence to the most perfect possible existence as the law
+which has supreme validity for man._
+
+"Science has no other task than the careful intellectual reproduction,
+in the most systematic form possible, of the natural laws of corporeal,
+mental, and moral life, alike in the physical and in the social world,
+which two worlds constitute in fact only a single natural world."[325]
+
+Now "science--that is, true, unselfish science"[326]--teaches us the
+following: "Every evolution signifies the negation of its
+starting-point. Since according to the materialists the basis or
+starting-point is material, the negation must necessarily be
+ideal."[327] That is, "everything that lives makes the effort to
+perfect itself as fully as possible."[328]
+
+Thus, "according to the conception of materialists, man's historical
+evolution also moves in a constantly ascending line."[329] "It is an
+altogether natural movement from the simple to the compound, from down
+to up, from the lower to the higher."[330] "History consists in the
+progressive negation of man's original bestiality by the evolution of
+his humanity."[331]
+
+"Man is originally a wild beast, a cousin of the gorilla. But he has
+already come out of the deep night of bestial impulses to make his way
+to the light of the mind. This explains all his former missteps in the
+most natural way, and comforts us somewhat with regard to his present
+aberrations. He has turned his back on bestial slavery, and is now
+moving toward freedom through the realm of slavery to God, which lies
+between his bestial and his human existence. Behind us, therefore, lies
+our bestial existence, before us our human; the light of humanity, which
+alone can light us and warm us, deliver us and exalt us, make us free,
+happy, and brothers, stands never at the beginning of history, but
+always only at its end."[332]
+
+This "historical negation of the past takes place now slowly,
+sluggishly, sleepily, but now again passionately and violently."[333] It
+always takes place with the inevitable certainty of natural law: "we
+believe in the final triumph of humanity on earth."[G] "We yearn for the
+coming of this triumph, and seek to hasten it with united effort";[334]
+"we must never look back, always forward alone; before us is our sun,
+before us our bliss."[335]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _In the progress of mankind from its bestial existence to a human
+existence, one of the next steps, according to Bakunin, will be the
+disappearance--not indeed of law, but--of enacted law._
+
+Enacted law belongs to a low stage of evolution. "A political
+legislation, whether it is based on a ruler's will or on the votes of
+representatives chosen by universal suffrage, can never correspond to
+the laws of nature, and is always baleful, hostile to the liberty of the
+masses, if only because it forces upon them a system of external and
+consequently despotic laws."[336] No legislation has ever "had another
+aim than that of confirming, and exalting into a system, the
+exploitation of the laboring populace by the ruling classes."[337] Thus
+every legislation "has for its consequence at once the enslavement of
+society and the depravation of the legislators."[338]
+
+But mankind will soon leave behind it the stage of evolution to which
+law belongs. Enacted law is indissolubly connected with the State: "the
+State is a historically necessary evil,"[339] "a transitory form of
+society";[340] "with the State, law in the jurists' sense, the so-called
+legal regulation of popular life from above downward by legislation,
+must necessarily fall."[341] Everybody feels already that this moment is
+approaching,[342] the transformation is at hand,[343] it is to be
+expected within the nineteenth century.[344]
+
+II. _In the next stage of evolution, which mankind must speedily reach,
+there will be no enacted law to be sure, but there will be law even
+there._ What Bakunin predicts with regard to this next stage of
+evolution enables us to perceive that according to his expectation norms
+will then prevail which "are based on a general will,"[345] and which
+even secure obedience by forcible compulsion if necessary,[346] so that
+they are legal norms.
+
+Among such legal norms of our next stage of evolution Bakunin mentions
+that by virtue of which there exists a "right to independence."[347] For
+me as an individual this means "that I as a man am entitled to obey no
+other man, and to act only in accordance with my own judgment."[348]
+But, furthermore, "every nation, every province, and every commune has
+the unlimited right to complete independence, provided that its internal
+constitution does not threaten the independence and liberty of the
+adjoining territories."[349]
+
+Likewise Bakunin regards it as a legal norm of the next stage of
+evolution that contracts must be lived up to. To be sure, the obligation
+of contracts has its limits. "Human justice cannot recognize anything as
+creating an obligation in perpetuity. All rights and duties are founded
+on liberty. The right of freely uniting and separating is the first and
+most important of all political rights."[350]
+
+Another legal norm mentioned by Bakunin as belonging to the next stage
+of evolution is that by virtue of which "the land, the instruments of
+labor, and all other capital, as the collective property of the whole of
+society, will exclusively serve for the use of the agricultural and
+industrial associations."[351]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. _In the progress of mankind from its bestial existence to a human
+existence the State will shortly, according to Bakunin, disappear._ "The
+State is a historically temporary arrangement, a transitory form of
+society."[352]
+
+1. The State belongs to a low stage of evolution.
+
+"Man takes the first step from his bestial existence to a human
+existence by religion; but so long as he remains religious he will never
+reach his goal; for every religion condemns him to absurdity, guides him
+into a wrong course, and makes him seek the divine in place of the
+human."[353] "All religions, with their gods, demigods, and prophets,
+their Messiahs and saints, are products of the credulous fancy of men
+who had not yet come to the full development and entire possession of
+their intellectual powers."[354] This holds good also, and particularly,
+of Christianity: it is "the complete inversion of common-sense and
+reason."[355]
+
+The State is a product of religion. "In all lands it is born of a
+marriage of violence, robbery, spoliation,--in short, of war and
+conquest,--with the gods whom the religious enthusiasm of the nations
+had gradually created."[356] "He who speaks of revelation speaks thereby
+of revealers enlightened by God, of Messiahs, prophets, priests, and
+lawgivers; and, if once these are recognized on earth as representatives
+of the Deity, as sacred teachers of mankind chosen by God himself, then
+of course they have unlimited authority. All men owe them blind
+obedience; for no human reason, no human justice, is valid against the
+divine reason and justice. As slaves of God, men must be also slaves of
+the Church, and of the State so far as the Church hallows the
+State."[357]
+
+"No State is without religion, and none can be without religion. Take
+the freest States in the world,--for instance, the United States of
+America or the Swiss Confederacy,--and see what an important part divine
+providence plays in all public utterances there."[358] "It is not
+without good reason that governments hold the belief in God to be an
+essential condition of their power."[359] "There is a class of people
+who, even if they do not believe, must necessarily act as if they
+believed. This class embraces all mankind's tormentors, oppressors, and
+exploiters. Priests, monarchs, statesmen, soldiers, financiers,
+office-holders of all sorts; policemen, _gendarmes_, jailers, and
+executioners; capitalists, usurers, heads of business, and house-owners;
+lawyers, economists, politicians of all shades,--all of them, down to
+the smallest grocer, will always repeat in chorus the words of Voltaire,
+that, if there were no God, it would be necessary to invent him; 'for
+must not the populace have its religion?' It is the very
+safety-valve."[360]
+
+2. The characteristics of the State correspond to the low stage of
+evolution to which it belongs.
+
+The State enslaves the governed. "The State is force; nay, it is the
+silly parading of force. It does not propose to win love or to make
+converts; if it puts its finger into anything, it does so only in an
+unfriendly way; for its essence consists not in persuasion, but in
+command and compulsion. However much pains it may take, it cannot
+conceal the fact that it is the legal maimer of our will, the constant
+negation of our liberty. Even when it commands the good, it makes this
+valueless by commanding it; for every command slaps liberty in the face;
+as soon as the good is commanded, it is transformed into the evil in the
+eyes of true (that is, human, by no means divine) morality, of the
+dignity of man, of liberty; for man's liberty, morality, and dignity
+consist precisely in doing the good not because he is commanded to but
+because he recognizes it, wills it, and loves it."[361]
+
+At the same time the State depraves those who govern. "It is
+characteristic of privilege, and of every privileged position, that they
+poison the minds and hearts of men. He who is politically or
+economically privileged has his mind and heart depraved. This is a law
+of social life, which admits of no exceptions and is applicable to
+entire nations as well as to classes, corporations, and individuals. It
+is the law of equality, the foremost of the conditions of liberty and
+humanity."[362]
+
+"Powerful States can maintain themselves only by crime, little States
+are virtuous only from weakness."[363] "We abhor monarchy with all our
+hearts; but at the same time we are convinced that a great republic too,
+with army, bureaucracy, and political centralization, will make a
+business of conquest without and oppression within, and will be
+incapable of guaranteeing happiness and liberty to its subjects even if
+it calls them citizens."[364] "Even in the purest democracies, such as
+the United States and Switzerland, a privileged minority faces the vast
+enslaved majority."[365]
+
+3. But the stage of mankind's evolution to which the State belongs will
+soon be left behind.
+
+"From the beginning of historic society to this day, there has always
+been oppression of the nations by the State. Is it to be inferred that
+this oppression is inseparably connected with the existence of human
+society?"[366] Certainly not! "The great, true goal of history, the only
+one for which there is justification, is our humanization and
+deliverance, the genuine liberty and prosperity of all socially-living
+men."[367] "In the triumph of humanity is at the same time the goal and
+the essential meaning of history, and this triumph can be brought about
+only by liberty."[368] "As in the past the State was historically
+necessary evil, it must just as necessarily, sooner or later, disappear
+altogether."[369] Everybody feels already that this moment is
+approaching,[370] the transformation is at hand,[371] it is to be
+expected within the nineteenth century.[372]
+
+II. _In the next stage of evolution, which mankind must speedily reach,
+the place of the State will be taken by a social human life on the basis
+of the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to._
+
+1. Even after the State is done away, men will live together socially.
+The goal of human evolution, "complete humanity,"[373] can be attained
+only in a society. "Man becomes man, and his humanity becomes conscious
+and real, only in society and by the joint activity of society. He frees
+himself from the yoke of external nature only by joint--that is,
+societary--labor: it alone is capable of making the surface of the earth
+fit for the evolution of mankind; but without such external liberation
+neither intellectual nor moral liberation is possible. Furthermore, man
+gets free from the yoke of his own nature only by education and
+instruction: they alone make it possible for him to subordinate the
+impulses and motions of his body to the guidance of his more and more
+developed mind; but education and instruction are of an exclusively
+societary nature. Outside of society man would have remained forever a
+wild beast, or, what comes to about the same thing, a saint. Finally, in
+his isolation man cannot have the consciousness of liberty. What liberty
+means for man is that he is recognized as free, and treated as free, by
+those who surround him; liberty is not a matter of isolation, therefore,
+but of mutuality--not of separateness, but of combination; for every man
+it is only the mirroring of his humanity (that is, of his human rights)
+in the consciousness of his brothers."[374]
+
+But men will be held together in society no longer by a supreme
+authority, but by the legally binding force of contract. Complete
+humanity can be attained only in a free society. "My liberty, or, what
+means the same, my human dignity, consists in my being entitled, as man,
+to obey no other man and to act only on my own judgment."[375] "I myself
+am a free man only so far as I recognize the humanity and liberty of all
+the men who surround me. In respecting their humanity I respect my own.
+A cannibal, who treats his prisoner as a wild beast and eats him, is
+himself not a man, but a beast. A slaveholder is not a man, but a
+master."[376] "The more free men surround me, and the deeper and broader
+their freedom is, so much deeper, broader, and more powerful is my
+freedom too. On the other hand, every enslavement of men is at the same
+time a limitation of my freedom, or, what is the same thing, a negation
+of my human existence by its bestial existence."[377] But a free society
+cannot be held together by authority,[378] but only by contract.[379]
+
+2. How will the future society shape itself in detail?
+
+"Unity is the goal toward which mankind ceaselessly moves."[380]
+Therefore men will unite with the utmost amplitude. But "the place of
+the old organization, built from above downward upon force and
+authority, will be taken by a new one which has no other basis than the
+natural needs, inclinations, and endeavors of men."[381] Thus we come to
+a "free union of individuals into communes, of communes into provinces,
+of provinces into nations, and finally of nations into the United States
+of Europe and later of the whole world."[382]
+
+"Every nation,--be it great or small, strong or weak,--every province,
+and every commune has the unlimited right to complete independence,
+provided that its internal constitution does not threaten the
+independence and liberty of the adjoining territories."[383]
+
+"All of what are known as the historic rights of nations are totally
+done away; all questions regarding natural, political, strategic, and
+economic boundaries are henceforth to be classed as ancient history and
+resolutely disallowed."[384]
+
+"By the fact that a territory has once belonged to a State, even by a
+voluntary adhesion, it is in no wise bound to remain always united with
+this State. Human justice, the only justice that means anything to us,
+cannot recognize anything as creating an obligation in perpetuity. All
+rights and duties are founded on liberty. The right of freely uniting
+and separating is the first and most important of all political rights.
+Without this right the League would be merely a concealed centralization
+still."[385]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _In the progress of mankind from its bestial existence to a human
+existence, according to Bakunin, we must shortly come to the
+disappearance--not indeed of property, but--of property's present form,
+unlimited private property._
+
+1. Private property, so far as it fastens upon all things without
+distinction, belongs to the same low stage of evolution as the State.
+
+"Private property is at once the consequence and the basis of the
+State."[386] "Every government is necessarily based on exploitation on
+the one hand, and on the other hand has exploitation for its goal and
+bestows upon exploitation protection and legality."[387] In every State
+there exist "two kinds of relationship,--to wit, government and
+exploitation. If really governing means sacrificing one's self for the
+good of the governed, then indeed the second relationship is in direct
+contradiction to the first. But let us only understand our point
+rightly! From the ideal standpoint, be it theological or metaphysical,
+the good of the masses can of course not mean their temporal welfare:
+what are a few decades of earthly life in comparison to eternity? Hence
+one must govern the masses with regard not to this coarse earthly
+happiness, but to their eternal good. Outward sufferings and privations
+may even be welcomed from the educator's standpoint, since an excess of
+sensual enjoyment kills the immortal soul. But now the contradiction
+disappears. Exploiting and governing mean the same; the one completes
+the other, and serves as its means and its end."[388]
+
+2. Private property, when it exists in all things without distinction,
+has such characteristics as correspond to the low stage of evolution to
+which it belongs.
+
+"On the privileged representatives of head-work (who at present are
+called to be the representatives of society, not because they have more
+sense, but only because they were born in the privileged class) such
+property bestows all the blessings and also all the debasement of our
+civilization: wealth, luxury, profuse expenditure, comfort, the
+pleasures of family life, the exclusive enjoyment of political liberty,
+and hence the possibility of exploiting millions of laborers and
+governing them at discretion in one's own interest. What is there left
+for the representatives of handwork, these numberless millions of
+proletarians or of small farmers? Hopeless misery, not even the joys of
+the family (for the family soon becomes a burden to the poor man),
+ignorance, barbarism, an almost bestial existence, and this for
+consolation with it all, that they are serving as pedestal for the
+culture, liberty, and depravity of a minority."[389]
+
+The freer and more highly developed trade and industry are in any place,
+"the more complete is the demoralization of the privileged few on the
+one hand, and the greater are the misery, the complaints, and the just
+indignation of the laboring masses on the other. England, Belgium,
+France, Germany, are certainly the countries of Europe in which trade
+and industry enjoy greatest freedom and have made most progress. In
+these very countries the most cruel pauperism prevails, the gulf between
+capitalists and landlords on the one hand and the laboring class on the
+other is greater than in any other country. In Russia, in the
+Scandinavian countries, in Italy, in Spain, where trade and industry are
+still embryonic, people but seldom die of hunger except on extraordinary
+occasions. In England starvation is an every-day thing. And not only
+individuals starve, but thousands, tens of thousands, hundreds of
+thousands."[390]
+
+3. But mankind will soon have passed the low stage of evolution to which
+private property belongs.
+
+As there has at all times been oppression of the nations by the State,
+so has there also always been "exploitation of the masses of slaves,
+serfs, wage-workers, by a ruling minority."[391] But this exploitation
+is no more "inseparably united with the existence of human society"[392]
+than is that oppression. "By the force of things themselves"[393]
+unlimited private property will be done away. Everybody feels already
+that this moment is approaching,[394] the transformation is already at
+hand,[395] it is to be expected within the nineteenth century.[396]
+
+II. _In the next stage of evolution, which mankind must speedily reach,
+property will be so constituted that there will indeed be private
+property in the objects of consumption, but in land, instruments of
+labor, and all other capital, there will be only social property. The
+future society will be collectivist._
+
+In this way every laborer has the product of his labor guaranteed to
+him.
+
+1. "Justice must serve as basis for the new world: without it, no
+liberty, no living together, no prosperity, no peace."[397] "Justice,
+not that of jurists, nor yet that of theologians, nor yet that of
+metaphysicians, but simple human justice, commands"[398] that "in future
+every man's enjoyment corresponds to the quantity of goods produced by
+him."[399] The thing is, then, to find a means "which makes it
+impossible for any one, whoever he may be, to exploit the labor of
+another, and permits each to share in the enjoyment of society's stock
+of goods (which is solely a product of labor) only so far as he has, by
+his labor, directly contributed to the production of this stock of
+goods."[400]
+
+This means consists in the principle "that the land, the instruments of
+labor, and all other capital, as the collective property of the whole of
+society, shall exclusively serve for the use of the laborers,--that is,
+of their agricultural and industrial associations."[401] "I am not a
+Communist, but a Collectivist."[402]
+
+2. The collectivism of the future society "by no means demands the
+setting up of any supreme authority. In the name of liberty, on which
+alone an economic or a political organization can be founded, we shall
+always protest against everything that looks even remotely similar to
+Communism or State Socialism."[403] "I would have the organization of
+society, and of the collective or social property, from below upward by
+the voice of free union, not from above downward by means of any
+authority."[404]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_The change that is promptly to be expected in the course of mankind's
+progress from its bestial existence to a human existence,--the
+disappearance of the State, the transformation of law and property, and
+the appearance of the new condition,--will come to pass, according to
+Bakunin, by a social revolution; that is, by a violent subversion of the
+old order, which will be automatically brought about by the power of
+things, but which those who foresee the course of evolution have the
+task of hastening and facilitating._
+
+I. "To escape its wretched lot the populace has three ways, two
+imaginary and one real. The two first are the rum-shop and the church,
+the third is the social revolution."[405] "A cure is possible only
+through the social revolution,"[406]--that is, through "the destruction
+of all institutions of inequality, and the establishment of economic and
+social equality."[407] The revolution will not be made by anybody.
+"Revolutions are never made, neither by individuals nor yet by secret
+societies. They come about automatically, in a measure; the power of
+things, the current of events and facts, produces them. They are long
+preparing in the depth of the obscure consciousness of the masses--then
+they break out suddenly, not seldom on apparently slight occasion."[408]
+The revolution is already at hand to-day;[409] everybody feels its
+approach;[410] we are to expect it within the nineteenth century.[411]
+
+1. "By the revolution we understand the unchaining of everything that
+is to-day called 'evil passions,' and the destruction of everything that
+in the same language is called 'public order'."[412]
+
+The revolution will rage not against men, but against relations and
+things.[413] "Bloody revolutions are often necessary, thanks to human
+stupidity; yet they are always an evil, a monstrous evil and a great
+disaster, not only with regard to the victims, but also for the sake of
+the purity and perfection of the purpose in whose name they take
+place."[414] "One must not wonder if in the first moment of their
+uprising the people kill many oppressors and exploiters--this
+misfortune, which is of no more importance anyhow than the damage done
+by a thunderstorm, can perhaps not be avoided. But this natural fact
+will be neither moral nor even useful. Political massacres have never
+killed parties; particularly have they always shown themselves impotent
+against the privileged classes; for authority is vested far less in men
+than in the position which the privileged acquire by any institutions,
+particularly by the State and private property. If one would make a
+thorough revolution, therefore, one must attack things and
+relationships, destroy property and the State: then there is no need of
+destroying men and exposing one's self to the inevitable reaction which
+the slaughtering of men always has provoked and always will provoke in
+every society. But, in order to have the right to deal humanely with men
+without danger to the revolution, one must be inexorable toward things
+and relationships, destroy everything, and first and foremost property
+and its inevitable consequence the State. This is the whole secret of
+the revolution."[415]
+
+"The revolution, as the power of things to-day necessarily presents it
+before us, will not be national, but international,--that is, universal.
+In view of the threatened league of all privileged interests and all
+reactionary powers in Europe, in view of the terrible instrumentalities
+that a shrewd organization puts at their disposal, in view of the deep
+chasm that to-day yawns between the _bourgeoisie_ and the laborers
+everywhere, no revolution can count on success if it does not speedily
+extend itself beyond the individual nation to all other nations. But the
+revolution can never cross the frontiers and become general unless it
+has in it the foundations for this generality; that is, unless it is
+pronouncedly socialistic, and, by equality and justice, destroys the
+State and establishes liberty. For nothing can better inspire and uplift
+the sole true power of the century, the laborers, than the complete
+liberation of labor and the shattering of all institutions for the
+protection of hereditary property and of capital."[416] "A political and
+national revolution cannot win, therefore, unless the political
+revolution becomes social, and the national revolution, by the very fact
+of its fundamentally socialistic and State-destroying character, becomes
+a universal revolution."[417]
+
+2. "The revolution, as we understand it, must on its very first day
+completely and fundamentally destroy the State and all State
+institutions. This destruction will have the following natural and
+necessary effects. (a) The bankruptcy of the State. (b) The cessation
+of State collection of private debts, whose payment is thenceforth left
+to the debtor's pleasure. (c) The cessation of the payment of taxes, and
+of the levying of direct or indirect imposts. (d) The dissolution of the
+army, the courts, the corps of office-holders, the police, and the
+clergy. (e) The stoppage of the official administration of justice, the
+abolition of all that is called juristic law and of its exercise. Hence,
+the valuelessness, and the consignment to an _auto-da-fe_, of all titles
+to property, testamentary dispositions, bills of sale, deeds of gift,
+judgments of courts--in short, of the whole mass of papers relating to
+private law. Everywhere, and in regard to everything, the revolutionary
+fact in place of the law created and guaranteed by the State. (f) The
+confiscation of all productive capital and instruments of labor in favor
+of the associations of laborers, which will use them for collective
+production. (g) The confiscation of all Church and State property, as
+well as of the bullion in private hands, for the benefit of the commune
+formed by the league of the associations of laborers. In return for the
+confiscated goods, those who are affected by the confiscation receive
+from the commune their absolute necessities; they are free to acquire
+more afterward by their labor."[418]
+
+The destruction will be followed by the reshaping. Hence, (h) "The
+organization of the commune by the permanent association of the
+barricades and by its organ, the council of the revolutionary commune,
+to which every barricade, every street, every quarter, sends one or two
+responsible and revocable representatives with binding instructions. The
+council of the commune can appoint executive committees out of its
+membership for the various branches of the revolutionary administration.
+(i) The declaration of the capital, insurgent and organized as a
+commune, that, after the righteous destruction of the State of authority
+and guardianship, it renounces the right (or rather the usurpation) of
+governing the provinces and setting a standard for them. (k) The summons
+to all provinces, communities, and associations, to follow the example
+given by the capital, first to organize themselves in revolutionary
+form, then to send to a specified meeting-place responsible and
+revocable representatives with binding instructions, and so to
+constitute the league of the insurgent associations, communities, and
+provinces, and to organize a revolutionary power capable of defeating
+the reaction. The sending, not of official commissioners of the
+revolution with some sort of badges, but of agitators for the
+revolution, to all the provinces and communities--especially to the
+peasants, who cannot be revolutionized by scientific principles nor yet
+by the edicts of any dictatorship, but only by the revolutionary fact
+itself: that is, by the inevitable effects of the complete cessation of
+official State activity in all the communities. The abolition of the
+national State, not only in other senses, but in this,--that all foreign
+countries, provinces, communities, associations, nay, all individuals
+who have risen in the name of the same principles, without regard to the
+present State boundaries, are accepted as part of the new political
+system and nationality; and that, on the other hand, it shall exclude
+from membership those provinces, communities, associations, or
+personages, of the same country, who take the side of the reaction. Thus
+must the universal revolution, by the very fact of its binding the
+insurgent countries together for joint defence, march on unchecked over
+the abolished boundaries and the ruins of the formerly existing States
+to its triumph."[419]
+
+II. "To serve, to organize, and to hasten"[420] "the revolution, which
+must everywhere be the work of the people"[421]--this alone is the task
+of those who foresee the course of evolution. We have to perform
+"midwife's services"[422] for the new time, "to help on the birth of the
+revolution."[423]
+
+To this end we must, "first, spread among the masses thoughts that
+correspond to the instincts of the masses."[424] "What keeps the
+salvation-bringing thought from going through the laboring masses with a
+rush? Their ignorance; and particularly the political and religious
+prejudices which, thanks to the exertions of the ruling classes, to this
+day obscure the laborer's natural thought and healthy feelings."[425]
+"Hence the aim must consist in making him completely conscious of what
+he wants, evoking in him the thought that corresponds to his impulses.
+If once the thoughts of the laboring masses have mounted to the level
+of their impulses, then will their will be soon determined and their
+power irresistible."[426]
+
+Furthermore, we must "form, not indeed the army of the revolution,--the
+army can never be anything but the people,--but yet a sort of staff for
+the revolutionary army. These must be devoted, energetic, talented men,
+who, above all, love the people without ambition and vanity, and who
+have the faculty of mediating between the revolutionary thought and the
+instincts of the people. No very great number of such men is requisite.
+A hundred revolutionists firmly and seriously bound together are enough
+for the international organization of all Europe. Two or three hundred
+revolutionists are enough for the organization of the largest
+country."[427]
+
+Here, especially, is the field for the activity of secret
+societies.[428] "In order to serve, organize, and hasten the general
+revolution"[429] Bakunin founded the _Alliance internationale de la
+démocratie socialiste_. It was to pursue a double purpose: "(a) The
+spreading of correct views about politics, economics, and philosophical
+questions of every kind, among the masses in all countries; an active
+propaganda by newspapers, pamphlets, and books, as well as by the
+founding of public associations. (b) The winning of all wise, energetic,
+silent, well-disposed men who are sincerely devoted to the idea; the
+covering of Europe, and America too so far as possible, with a network
+of self-sacrificing revolutionists, strong by unity."[430]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[317] Printed in "_OEuvres de Michel Bakounine_" (1895) pp. 1-205, under
+the title "_Fédéralisme, socialisme et antithéologisme_."
+
+[318] Printed in "_L'Alliance de la démocratie socialiste et
+l'Association internationale des travailleurs_" (1873) pp. 118-35.
+
+[319] Only fragments have been printed: one under the title "_L'Empire
+knoutogermanique et la Révolution sociale_" (1871), a second under the
+title "_Dieu et l'Etat_" (1882), a third under the same title in
+"_OEuvres de Michel Bakounine_" (1895) pp. 261-326.
+
+[320] Printed in Dragomanoff, "_Michail Bakunins sozial-politischer
+Briefwechsel mit Alexander Iw. Herzen und Ogarjow_," German translation
+by Minzès (1895) pp. 358-64.
+
+[321] A part is printed in French translation, in "_L'Alliance de la
+démocratie socialiste et l'Association internationale des travailleurs_"
+(1873) pp. 90-95, the rest in Dragomanoff pp. 371-83.
+
+[322] "_L'Alliance de la démocratie socialiste et l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs_" p. 89; Dragomanoff p. IX.
+
+[323] Ba. "_Briefe_" pp. 223, 233, 266, 272.
+
+[324] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 34.
+
+[325] _Ib._ p. 33.
+
+[326] _Ib._ p. 3.
+
+[327] _Ib._ p. 52.
+
+[328] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 104.
+
+[329] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 52.
+
+[330] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[331] _Ib._ p. 16.
+
+[332] _Ib._ p. 16.
+
+[333] _Ib._ p. 16.
+
+[334] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 155.
+
+[335] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 16.
+
+[336] _Ib._ pp. 27-8.
+
+[337] Ba. "_Programme_" p. 382.
+
+[338] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 30.
+
+[339] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 287.
+
+[340] _Ib._ p. 285.
+
+[341] Ba. "_Programme_" p. 382.
+
+[342] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 113.
+
+[343] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 125.
+
+[344] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[345] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 281.
+
+[346] Ba. "_Statuts_" pp. 129-31.
+
+[347] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 17-18.
+
+[348] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 281.
+
+[349] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 17-18.
+
+[350] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 18.
+
+[351] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 133.
+
+[352] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 285.
+
+[353] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 134.
+
+[354] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 19.
+
+[355] _Ib._ p. 87.
+
+[356] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 287.
+
+[357] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 20.
+
+[358] _Ib._ p. 97.
+
+[359] _Ib._ p. 9.
+
+[360] _Ib._ p. 11.
+
+[361] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 288.
+
+[362] Ba. "_Dieu_" pp. 29-30.
+
+[363] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 154
+
+[364] _Ib._ p. 10.
+
+[365] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ pp. 287-8.
+
+[366] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 14.
+
+[367] _Ib._ p. 65.
+
+[368] _Ib._ p. 53
+
+[369] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 287.
+
+[370] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 113.
+
+[371] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 125.
+
+[372] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 125.
+
+[373] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 11.
+
+[374] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ pp. 277-8.
+
+[375] _Ib._ p. 281.
+
+[376] _Ib._ p. 279.
+
+[377] _Ib._ p. 281.
+
+[378] _Ib._ p. 283.
+
+[379] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 16-18.
+
+[380] _Ib._ p. 20.
+
+[381] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 16.
+
+[382] _Ib._ pp. 16-17.
+
+[383] _Ib._ pp. 17-18.
+
+[384] _Ib._ p. 17.
+
+[385] _Ib._ p. 18.
+
+[386] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 128.
+
+[387] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 324.
+
+[388] _Ib._ pp. 323-4.
+
+[389] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 32-3.
+
+[390] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 26-7.
+
+[391] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 14.
+
+[392] _Ib._ p. 14.
+
+[393] Ba. "_Programme_" p. 382.
+
+[394] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 113.
+
+[395] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 125.
+
+[396] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[397] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 54-5.
+
+[398] _Ib._ p. 59.
+
+[399] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 133.
+
+[400] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 55.
+
+[401] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 133.
+
+[402] Ba. "_Discours_" p. 27.
+
+[403] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 56.
+
+[404] Ba. "_Discours_" p. 28.
+
+[405] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 10.
+
+[406] _Ib._ p. 18.
+
+[407] _Ib._ p. 45.
+
+[408] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 132.
+
+[409] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[410] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 113.
+
+[411] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 125.
+
+[412] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 129.
+
+[413] _Ib._ p. 126.
+
+[414] Ba. "_Volkssache_" p. 309.
+
+[415] Ba. "_Statuts_" pp. 127-8.
+
+[416] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[417] _Ib._ p. 131.
+
+[418] Ba. "_Statuts_" pp. 129-30. [Bakunin is writing in a world where
+the Church is everywhere part of the State machine. Would his words
+about Church property apply equally, according to him, in the United
+States, where the Church property is in general made up of the free
+gifts of individual believers? Perhaps; for he would have no love for
+the Church even here, and he is obviously hostile to anything in the
+nature of mortmain. If so, how about college property?]
+
+[419] Ba. "_Statuts_" pp. 130-31.
+
+[420] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[421] _Ib._ p. 131.
+
+[422] Ba. "_Volkssache_" p. 309.
+
+[423] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 132.
+
+[424] _Ib._ p. 132.
+
+[425] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 103.
+
+[426] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 103.
+
+[427] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 132.
+
+[428] _Ib._ p. 132.
+
+[429] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[430] _Ib._ pp. 125-6.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+KROPOTKIN'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+1. Prince Peter Alexeyevitch Kropotkin was born at Moscow in 1842. From
+1862 to 1867 he was an officer of the Cossacks of the Amur; during this
+time he traveled over a great part of Siberia and Manchuria. From 1867
+to 1871 he studied mathematics at St. Petersburg; at this time he was
+also secretary of the Geographical Society; under its commission he
+explored the glaciers of Finland and Sweden in 1871.
+
+In 1872 Kropotkin visited Belgium and Switzerland, where he joined the
+_Association internationale des travailleurs_. In the same year he
+returned to St. Petersburg and became a prominent member of the
+Tchaikoffski secret society. This was found out in 1874. He was arrested
+and kept in prison until in 1876 he succeeded in escaping to England.
+
+From England Kropotkin went to Switzerland in 1877, but was expelled
+from that country in 1881. Thenceforth he resided alternately in England
+and France. In France, in 1883, he was condemned to five years'
+imprisonment for membership in a prohibited association; he was kept in
+prison till 1886, and then pardoned. Since then he has lived in England.
+
+Kropotkin has published geographical works and accounts of travel, and
+also writings in the spheres of economics, politics, and the philosophy
+of law.
+
+2. For Kropotkin's teaching about law, the State, and property, the most
+important sources are his many short works, newspaper articles, and
+lectures. The articles that he published from 1879 to 1882 in "_Le
+Révolté_" of Geneva, appeared in 1885 as a book under the title
+"_Paroles d'un révolté_." The only large work in which he develops his
+teaching is "_La conquête du pain_" (1892).
+
+3. Kropotkin calls his teaching "Anarchism." "When in the bosom of the
+International there was formed a party which no more acknowledged an
+authority inside that association than any other authority, this party
+called itself at first federalist, then anti-authoritarian or hostile to
+the State. At that time it avoided describing itself as Anarchistic. The
+word _an-archie_ (it was so written at that time) seemed to identify the
+party too much with the adherents of Proudhon, whose reform ideas the
+International was opposing. But for this very reason its opponents
+delighted in using this designation in order to produce confusion;
+besides, the name made the assertion possible that from the very name of
+the Anarchists it was evident that they aimed merely at disorder and
+chaos, without thinking any farther. The Anarchistic party was not slow
+to adopt the designation that was given to it. At first it still
+insisted on the hyphen between _an_ and _archie_, with the explanation
+that in this form the word _an-archie_, being of Greek origin, denoted
+absence of dominion and not 'disorder'; but it soon decided to spare the
+proof-reader his useless trouble and the reader his lesson in Greek, and
+used the name as it stood."[431] And in fact "the word _anarchie_,
+which negates the whole of this so-called order and reminds us of the
+fairest moments in the lives of the nations, is well chosen for a party
+that looks forward to conquering a better future."[432]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_According to Kropotkin, the law which has supreme validity for man is
+the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible; from this law he derives
+the commandment of justice and the commandment of energy._
+
+1. The supreme law for man is the evolutionary law of the progress of
+mankind from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as
+possible.
+
+There is "only one scientific method, the method of the natural
+sciences,"[433] and we apply this method also "in the sciences that
+relate to man,"[434] particularly in the "science of society."[435] Now,
+a mighty revolution is at present taking place[436] in the entire realm
+of science; it is the result of the "philosophy of evolution."[437] "The
+idea hitherto prevalent, that everything in nature stands fast, is
+fallen, destroyed, annihilated. Everything in nature changes; nothing
+remains: neither the rock which appears to us to be immovable and the
+continent which we call _terra firma_, nor the inhabitants, their
+customs, habits, and thoughts. All that we see about us is a transitory
+phenomenon, and must change, because motionlessness would be
+death."[438] In the case of organisms this evolution is progress, in
+consequence of "their admirable adaptivity to their conditions of life.
+They develop such faculties as render more complete both the adaptations
+of the aggregates to their surroundings and those of each of the
+constituent parts of the aggregate to the needs of free
+co-operation."[439] "This is the 'struggle for existence,' which,
+therefore, must not be conceived merely in its restricted sense of a
+struggle between individuals for the means of subsistence."[440]
+
+"Evolution never advances so slowly and evenly as has been asserted.
+Evolution and revolution alternate, and the revolutions--that is, the
+times of accelerated evolution--belong to the unity of nature just as
+much as do the times in which evolution takes place more slowly."[441]
+"Order is the free equilibrium of all forces that operate upon the same
+point; if any of these forces are interfered with in their operation by
+a human will, they operate none the less, but their effects accumulate
+till some day they break the artificial dam and provoke a
+revolution."[442]
+
+Kropotkin applies these general propositions to the social life of
+men.[443] "A society is an aggregation of organisms trying to combine
+the wants of the individual with those of co-operation for the welfare
+of the species";[444] it is "a whole which serves toward the purpose of
+attaining the largest possible amount of happiness at the least possible
+expense of human force."[445] Now human societies evolve,[446] and one
+may try to determine the direction of this evolution.[447] Societies
+advance from lower to higher forms of organization;[448] but the goal of
+this evolution--that is, the point towards which it directs
+itself--consists in "establishing the best conditions for realizing the
+greatest happiness of humanity."[449] What we call progress is the right
+path to this goal;[450] humanity may for the time err from this path,
+but will always be brought back to it at last.[451]
+
+But not even here does evolution take place without revolutions. What is
+true of a man's views, of the climate of a country, of the
+characteristics of a species, is true also of societies: "they evolve
+slowly, but there are also times of the quickest transformation."[452]
+For circumstances of many kinds may oppose themselves to the effort of
+human associations to attain to the greatest possible measure of
+happiness.[453] "New thoughts germinate everywhere, try to get to the
+light, try to get themselves applied in life; but they are kept back by
+the inertia of those who have an interest in keeping up the old
+conditions, they are stifled under long-established prejudices and
+traditions."[454] "Political, economic, and social institutions fall in
+ruins, and the building which has become uninhabitable hinders the
+development of what is sprouting in its crevices and around it."[455]
+Then there is need of "great events which rudely break the thread of
+history and hurl mankind out of its ruts into new roads";[456] "the
+Revolution becomes a peremptory necessity."[457]--"Man has recognized
+his place in nature; he has recognized that his institutions are his
+work and can be refashioned by him alone."[458] "What has not the
+engineer's art dared, and what do not literature, painting, music, the
+drama dare to-day?"[459] Thus must we also, where any institutions
+hinder the progress of society, "dare the fight, to make a rich and
+overflowing life possible to all."[460]
+
+2. From the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a less
+happy existence to the happiest existence possible Kropotkin derives the
+commandment of justice and the commandment of energy.
+
+In the struggle for existence human societies evolve toward a condition
+in which there are given the best conditions for the attainment of the
+greatest happiness of mankind.[461] When we describe anything as "good,"
+we mean by this that it favors the attainment of the goal; that is, it
+is beneficial to the society in which we live; and we call that "evil"
+which in our opinion hinders the attainment of the goal, that is, is
+harmful to the society we live in.[462]
+
+Now, men's views as to what favors and what hinders the establishment of
+the best conditions for the attainment of mankind's greatest happiness,
+and hence as to what is beneficial or harmful to society, may certainly
+change.[463] But one fundamental requisite for the attainment of the
+goal will always have to be recognized as such, whatever the diversity
+of opinions. It "may be summed up in the sentence 'Do to others as you
+would have it done to you in the like case'."[464] But this sentence "is
+nothing else than the principle of equality";[465] and equality, in
+turn, "means the same as equity,"[466] "solidarity,"[467]
+"justice."[468]
+
+But there is indisputably yet another fundamental requisite for the
+attainment of the goal. This is "something greater, finer, and mightier
+than mere equality";[469] it may be expressed in the sentence "Be
+strong; overflow with the passion of thought and action: so shall your
+understanding, your love, your energy, pour itself into others."[470]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _In mankind's progress from a less happy existence to an existence as
+happy as possible, one of the next steps, according to Kropotkin, will
+be the disappearance--not indeed of law, but--of enacted law._
+
+1. Enacted law has become a hindrance to mankind's progress toward an
+existence as happy as possible.
+
+"For thousands of years those who govern have been repeating again and
+again, 'Respect the law!'";[471] "in the States of to-day a new law is
+regarded as the cure for all evils."[472] But "the law has no claim to
+men's respect."[473] "It is an adroit mixture of such customs as are
+beneficial to society, and would be observed even without a law, with
+others which are to the advantage only of a ruling minority, but are
+harmful to the masses and can be upheld only by terror."[474] "The law,
+which first made its appearance as a collection of customs which serve
+for the maintenance of society, is now merely an instrument to keep up
+the exploitation and domination of the industrious masses by wealthy
+idlers. It has now no longer any civilizing mission; its only mission is
+to protect exploitation."[475] "It puts rigid immobility in the place of
+progressive development,"[476] "it seeks to confirm permanently the
+customs that are advantageous to the ruling minority."[477]
+
+"If one looks over the millions of laws which mankind obeys, one can
+distinguish three great classes: protection of property, protection of
+government, protection of persons. But in examining these three classes
+one comes in every case to the necessary conclusion that the law is
+valueless and harmful. What the protection of property is worth, the
+Socialists know only too well. The laws about property do not exist to
+secure to individuals or to society the product of their labor. On the
+contrary, they exist to rob the producer of a part of his product, and
+to protect a few in the enjoyment of what they have stolen from the
+producer or from the whole of society."[478] And as regards the laws for
+the protection of government, "we know well that all governments,
+without exception, have it for their mission to uphold by force the
+privileges of the propertied classes--the nobility, the clergy, and the
+_bourgeoisie_. A man has only to examine all these laws, only to observe
+their every-day working, and he will be convinced that not one is worth
+keeping."[479] Equally "superfluous and harmful, finally, are the laws
+for the protection of persons, for the punishment and prevention of
+'crimes'. The fear of punishment never yet restrained a murderer. He who
+would kill his neighbor, for revenge or for necessity, does not beat his
+brains about the consequences; and every murderer hitherto has had the
+firm conviction that he would escape prosecution. If murder were
+declared not punishable, the number of murders would not increase even
+by one; rather it would decrease to the extent that murders are at
+present committed by habitual criminals who have been corrupted in
+prison."[480]
+
+2. The stage of evolution to which enacted law belongs will soon be left
+behind by man.
+
+"The law is a comparatively young formation. Mankind lived for ages
+without any written law. At that time the relations of men to each other
+were regulated by mere habits, by customs and usages, which age made
+venerable, and which every one learned from his childhood in the same
+way as he learned hunting, cattle-raising, or agriculture."[481] "But
+when society came to be more and more split into two hostile classes, of
+which the one wanted to rule and the other to escape from rule, the
+victor of the moment sought to give permanence to the accomplished fact
+and to hallow it by all that was venerable to the defeated. Consecrated
+by the priest and protected by the strong hand of the warrior, law
+appeared."[482]
+
+But its days are already numbered. "Everywhere we find insurgents who
+will no longer obey the law till they know where it comes from, what it
+is good for, by what right it demands obedience, and for what reason it
+is held in honor. They bring under their criticism everything that has
+until now been respected as the foundation of society, but first and
+foremost the fetish, law."[483] The moment of its disappearance, for the
+hastening of which we must fight,[484] is close at hand,[485] perhaps
+even at the end of the nineteenth century.[486]
+
+II. _In the next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown, mankind
+must soon reach, there will indeed be no enacted law, but there will be
+law even there._ "The laws will be totally abrogated;"[487] "unwritten
+customs,"[488] "'customary law,' as jurists say,"[489] will "suffice to
+maintain a good understanding."[490] These norms of the next stage of
+evolution will be based on a general will;[491] and conformity to them
+will be adequately assured "by the necessity, which every one feels, of
+finding co-operation, support, and sympathy"[492] and by the fear of
+expulsion from the fellowship,[493] but also, if necessary, by the
+intervention of the individual citizen[494] or of the masses;[495] they
+will therefore be legal norms.
+
+Of legal norms of the next stage of evolution Kropotkin mentions in the
+first place this,--that contracts must be lived up to.[496]
+
+Furthermore, according to Kropotkin there will obtain in the next stage
+of evolution a legal norm by virtue of which not only the means of
+production, but all things, are common property.[497]
+
+An additional legal norm in the next stage of evolution will, according
+to Kropotkin, be that by virtue of which "every one who co-operates in
+production to a certain extent has, for one thing, the right to live;
+for another, the right to live comfortably."[498]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. _According to Kropotkin, in mankind's progress from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible the State will shortly
+disappear._
+
+1. The State has become a hindrance to mankind's evolution toward a
+happiness as great as possible.
+
+"What does this monstrous engine serve for, that we call 'State'? For
+preventing the exploitation of the laborer by the capitalist, of the
+peasant by the landlord? or for assuring us of work? for providing us
+food when the mother has nothing but water left for her child? No, a
+thousand times no."[499] But instead of this the State "meddles in all
+our affairs, pinions us from cradle to grave. It prescribes all our
+actions, it piles up mountains of laws and ordinances that bewilder the
+shrewdest lawyer. It creates an army of office-holders who sit like
+spiders in their webs and have never seen the world except through the
+dingy panes of their office-window. The immense and ever-increasing sums
+that the State collects from the people are never sufficient: it lives
+at the expense of future generations, and steers with all its might
+toward bankruptcy. 'State' is tantamount to 'war'; one State seeks to
+weaken and ruin another in order to force upon the latter its law, its
+policy, its commercial treaties, and to enrich itself at its expense;
+war is to-day the usual condition in Europe, there is a thirty years'
+supply of causes of war on hand. And civil war rages at the same time
+with foreign war; the State, which was originally to be a protection for
+all and especially for the weak, has to-day become a weapon of the rich
+against the exploited, of the propertied against the propertyless."[500]
+
+In these respects there is no distinction to be made between the
+different forms of the State. "Toward the end of the last century the
+French people overthrew the monarchy, and the last absolute king
+expiated on the scaffold his own crimes and those of his
+predecessors."[501] "Later all the countries of the Continent went
+through the same evolution: they overthrew their absolute monarchies and
+flung themselves into the arms of parliamentarism."[502] "Now it is
+being perceived that parliamentarism, which was entered upon with such
+great hopes, has everywhere become a tool for intrigue and personal
+enrichment, for efforts hostile to the people and to evolution."[503]
+"Precisely like any despot, the body of representatives of the
+people--be it called Parliament, Convention, or anything else; be it
+appointed by the prefects of a Bonaparte or elected with all conceivable
+freedom by an insurgent city--will always try to enlarge its competence,
+to strengthen its power by all sorts of meddling, and to displace the
+activity of the individual and the group by the law."[504] "It was only
+a forty years' movement, which occasionally even set fire to
+grain-fields, that could bring the English Parliament to secure to the
+tenant the value of the improvements made by him. But if it is a
+question of protecting the capitalist's interest, threatened by a
+disturbance or even by agitation,--ah, then every representative of the
+people is on hand, then it acts with more recklessness and cowardice
+than any despot. The six-hundred-headed beast without a name has outdone
+Louis IX and Ivan IV."[505] "Parliamentarism is nauseating to any one
+who has seen it near at hand."[506]
+
+"The dominion of men, which calls itself 'government,' is incompatible
+with a morality founded on solidarity."[507] This is best shown by "the
+so-called civil rights, whose value and importance the _bourgeois_ press
+is daily praising to us in every key."[508] "Are they made for those who
+alone need them? Certainly not. Universal suffrage may under some
+circumstances afford to the _bourgeoisie_ a certain protection against
+encroachments by the central authority, it may establish a balance
+between two authorities without its being necessary for the rivals to
+draw the knife on each other as formerly; but it is valueless when the
+object is to overthrow authority or even to set bounds to it. For the
+rulers it is an excellent means of deciding their disputes; but of what
+use is it to the ruled? Just so with the freedom of the press. To the
+mind of the _bourgeoisie_, what is the best thing that has been alleged
+in its favor? Its impotence. 'Look at England, Switzerland, the United
+States,' they say. 'There the press is free and yet the dominion of
+capital is more assured than in any other country.' Just so they think
+about the right of association. 'Why should we not grant full right of
+association?' says the _bourgeoisie_. 'It will not impair our
+privileges. What we have to fear is secret societies; public unions are
+the best means to cripple them.' 'The inviolability of the home? Yes,
+this we must proclaim aloud, this we must inscribe in the
+statute-books,' say the sly _bourgeois_, 'the police certainly must not
+be looking into our pots and kettles. If things go wrong some day, we
+will snap our fingers at a man's right to his own house, rummage
+everything, and, if necessary, arrest people in their beds.' 'The
+secrecy of letters? Yes, just proclaim its inviolability aloud
+everywhere, our little privacies certainly must not come to the light.
+If we scent a plot against our privileges, we shall not stand much on
+ceremony. And if anybody objects, we shall say what an English minister
+lately said among the applause of Parliament: "Yes, gentlemen, it is
+with a heavy heart and with the deepest reluctance that we are having
+letters opened, but the country (that is, the aristocracy and
+_bourgeoisie_) is in danger!"' That is what political rights are.
+Freedom of the press and freedom of association, the inviolability of
+the home, and all the rest, are respected only so long as the people
+make no use of them against the privileged classes. But on the day when
+the people begin to use them for the undermining of privileges all these
+'rights' are thrown overboard."[509]
+
+2. The stage of evolution to which the State belongs will soon be left
+behind by man. The State is doomed.[510]
+
+It is "of a relatively modern origin."[511] "The State is a historic
+formation which, in the life of all nations, has at a certain time
+gradually taken the place of free associations. Church, law, military
+power, and wealth acquired by plunder, have for centuries made common
+cause, have in slow labor piled stone on stone, encroachment on
+encroachment, and thus created the monstrous institution which has
+finally fixed itself in every corner of social life--nay, in the brains
+and hearts of men--and which we call the State."[512]
+
+It has now begun to decompose. "The peoples--especially those of the
+Latin races--are bent on destroying its authority, which merely hampers
+their free development; they want the independence of provinces,
+communes, and groups of laborers; they want not to submit to any
+dominion, but to league themselves together freely."[513] "The
+dissolution of the States is advancing at frightful speed. They have
+become decrepit graybeards, with wrinkled skins and tottering feet,
+gnawed by internal diseases and without understanding for the new
+thoughts; they are squandering the little strength that they still had
+left, living at the expense of their numbered years, and hastening their
+end by falling foul of each other like old women."[514] The moment of
+the State's disappearance is therefore close at hand.[515] Kropotkin
+says now that it will come in a few years,[516] now that it will come at
+the end of the nineteenth century.[517]
+
+II. _In the next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown, mankind
+must soon reach, the place of the State will be taken by a social human
+life on the basis of the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to._
+Anarchism is the "inevitable"[518] "next phase,"[519] "higher
+form,"[520] of society.
+
+1. Even after the State is done away men will live together socially;
+but they will no longer be held together in society by a governmental
+authority, but by the legally binding force of contract. "Free expansion
+of individuals into groups and of groups into associations, free
+organization from the simple to the complex as need and inclination are
+felt,"[521] will be the future form of society.
+
+We can at present perceive a growing Anarchistic movement; that is, "a
+movement towards limiting more and more the sphere of action of
+government. After having tried all kinds of government, humanity is
+trying now to free itself from the bonds of any government whatever, and
+to respond to its needs of organization by the free understanding
+between individuals prosecuting the same common aims."[522] "Free
+associations are beginning to take to themselves the entire field of
+human activity."[523] "The large organizations resulting merely and
+simply from free agreement have grown recently. The railway net of
+Europe--a confederation of so many scores of separate societies--is an
+instance; the Dutch _Beurden_, or associations of ship and boat owners,
+are extending now their organizations over the rivers of Germany, and
+even to the shipping trade of the Baltic; the numberless amalgamated
+manufacturers' associations, and the _syndicats_ of France, are so many
+instances in point. But there also is no lack of free organizations for
+nobler pursuits: the Lifeboat Association, the Hospitals Association,
+and hundreds of like organizations. One of the most remarkable societies
+which has[524] recently arisen is the Red Cross Society. To slaughter
+men on the battle-fields, that remains the duty of the State; but these
+very States recognize their inability to take care of their own wounded;
+they abandon the task, to a great extent, to private initiative."[525]
+"These endeavors will attain to free play, will find a new and vast
+field for their application, and will form the foundation of the future
+society."[526]
+
+"The agreement between the hundreds of companies to which the European
+railroads belong has been entered into directly, without the meddling of
+any central authority that prescribed laws to the several companies. It
+has been kept up by conventions at which delegates met to consult
+together and then to lay before their principals plans, not laws. This
+is a new procedure, utterly different from any government whether
+monarchical or republican, absolute or constitutional. It is an
+innovation which at first makes its way into European manners only by
+hesitating steps, but to which the future belongs."[527]
+
+2. "To rack our brains to-day about the details of the form which public
+life shall take in the future society, would be silly. Yet we must come
+to an agreement now about the main outlines."[528] "We must not forget
+that perhaps in a year or two we shall be called on to decide all
+questions of the organization of society."[529]
+
+Communes will continue to exist; but "these communes are not
+agglomerations of men in a territory, and know neither walls nor
+boundaries; the commune is a clustering of like-minded persons, not a
+closed integer. The various groups in one commune will feel themselves
+drawn to similar groups in other communes; they will unite themselves
+with these as firmly as with their fellow-citizens; and thus there will
+come about communities of interest whose members are scattered over a
+thousand cities and villages."[530]
+
+Men will join themselves together by "contracts"[531] to form such
+communes. They will "take upon themselves duties to society,"[532] which
+on its part engages to do certain things for them.[533] It will not be
+necessary to compel the fulfilment of these contracts,[534] there will
+be no need of penalties and judges.[535] Fulfilment will be sufficiently
+assured by "the necessity, which every one feels, of finding
+co-operation, support, and sympathy among his neighbors;"[536] he who
+does not live up to his obligations can of course be expelled from
+fellowship.[537]
+
+In the commune every one will "do what is necessary himself, without
+waiting for a government's orders."[538] "The commune will not first
+destroy the State and then set it up again."[539] "People will see that
+they are freest and happiest when they have no plenipotentiary agents
+and depend as little on the wisdom of representatives as on that of
+Providence."[540] Nor will there be prisons or other penal
+institutions;[541] "for the few anti-social acts that may still take
+place the best remedy will consist in loving treatment, moral influence,
+and liberty."[542]
+
+The communes on their part will join themselves together by
+contracts[543] quite in the same way as do the members of the individual
+communes. "The commune will recognize nothing above it except the
+interests of the league that it has of its own accord made with other
+communes."[544] "Owing to the multiplicity of our needs, a single league
+will soon not be enough; the commune will feel the necessity of entering
+into other connections also, joining this or that other league. For the
+purpose of obtaining food it is already a member of one group; now it
+must join a second in order to obtain other objects that it
+needs,--metal, for instance,--and then a third and fourth too, that will
+supply it with cloth and works of art. If one takes up an economic atlas
+of any country, one sees that there are no economic boundaries: the
+areas of production and exchange for the different objects are blended,
+interlaced, superimposed. Thus the combinations of the communes also, if
+they followed their natural development, would soon intertwine in the
+same way and form an infinitely denser network and a far more consummate
+'unity' than the States, whose individual parts, after all, only lie
+side by side like the rods around the lictor's axe."[545]
+
+3. The future society will be able easily to accomplish the tasks that
+the State accomplishes at present.
+
+"Suppose there is need of a street. Well, then let the inhabitants of
+the neighboring communes come to an understanding about it, and they
+will do their business better than the Minister of Public Works would do
+it. Or a railroad is needed. Here too the communes that are concerned
+will produce something very different from the work of the promoters who
+only build bad pieces of track and make millions by it. Or schools are
+required. People can fit them up for themselves at least as well as the
+gentlemen at Paris. Or the enemy invades the country. Then we defend
+ourselves instead of relying on generals who would merely betray us. Or
+the farmer must have tools and machines. Then he comes to an
+understanding with the city workingmen, these supply him with them at
+cost in return for his products, and the middleman, who now robs both
+the farmer and the workingman, is superfluous."[546] "Or there comes up
+a little dispute, or a stronger man tries to push down a weaker. In the
+first case the people will know enough to create a court of arbitration,
+and in the second every citizen will regard it as his duty to interfere
+himself and not wait for the police; there will be as little need of
+constables as of judges and turnkeys."[547]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _According to Kropotkin, the progress of mankind from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible will shortly bring us to
+the disappearance not indeed of property, but of its present form,
+private property._
+
+1. Private property has become a hindrance to the evolution of mankind
+toward a happiness as great as possible.
+
+What are the effects of private property to-day? "The crisis, which was
+formerly acute, has become chronic; the crisis in the cotton trade, the
+crisis in the production of metals, the crisis in watchmaking, all the
+crises, rage concurrently now and do not come to an end. The unemployed
+in Europe to-day are estimated at several million; those who beg their
+way from city to city, or gather in mobs to demand 'work or bread' with
+threats, are estimated at tens of thousands. Great branches of industry
+are destroyed; great cities, like Sheffield, forsaken. Everything is at
+a standstill, want and misery prevail everywhere: the children are pale,
+the wife has grown five years older in one winter, disease and death are
+rife among the workingmen--and people talk of over-production!"[548] One
+might reply that in peasant ownership of land, at least, private
+property has good effects.[549] "But the golden age is over for the
+small farmer. To-day he hardly knows how to make both ends meet. He gets
+into debt, becomes a victim of the cattle-dealer, the real-estate
+jobber, the usurer; notes and mortgages ruin whole villages, even more
+than the frightful taxes imposed by State and commune. Small
+proprietorship is in a desperate condition; and even if the small farmer
+is still owner in name, he is in fact nothing more than a tenant paying
+rent to money-dealers and usurers."[550]
+
+But private property has still more sweeping indirect effects. "So long
+as we have a caste of idlers who have us feed them under the pretext
+that they must lead us, so long these idlers will always be a focus of
+pestilence to general morality. He who lives his life in dull laziness,
+who is always bent merely on getting new pleasures, who by the very
+basis of his existence can know no solidarity, and who by his course of
+life cultivates the vilest self-seeking,--he will always pursue the
+coarsest sensual pleasures and debase everything around him. With his
+bag full of dollars and his bestial impulses he will go and dishonor
+women and children, degrade art, the drama, the press, sell his country
+and its defenders, and, because he is too cowardly to murder with his
+own hands, will have his proxies murder the choicest of his nation when,
+some day, he is afraid for his darling money-bag."[551] "Year by year
+thousands of children grow up in the physical and moral filth of our
+great cities, among a population corrupted by the struggle for daily
+bread, and at the same time they daily see the immorality, idleness,
+prodigality, and ostentation of which these same cities are full."[552]
+"Thus society is incessantly bringing forth beings who are incapable of
+an honorable and industrious life, and who are full of anti-social
+feelings. It does homage to them when success crowns their crimes, and
+sends them to the penitentiary when they are unlucky."[553]
+
+Private property offends against justice. "The labor of all has produced
+the entire accumulated mass of wealth, that of the present generation as
+well as that of all that went before. The house in which we happen to be
+together has value only by its being in Paris, this glorious city in
+which the labor of twenty generations is piled layer upon layer. If it
+were removed to the snow-fields of Siberia, it would be worth
+substantially nothing. This machine, invented and patented by you, has
+in it the labor of five or six generations; it has a value only as a
+part of the vast whole that we call nineteenth-century industry. Take
+your lace-making machine to the Papuans in New Guinea, and it is
+valueless."[554] "Science and industry; theory and practice; the
+invention and the putting the invention in operation, which leads to new
+inventions again; head work and hand work,--all is connected. Every
+discovery, every progress, every increase in our wealth, has its origin
+in the total bodily and mental activity of the past and present. Then by
+what right can any one appropriate to himself the smallest fraction of
+this vast total and say 'this belongs to me and not to you'?"[555]--But
+this unjust appropriation of what belongs to all has nevertheless taken
+place. "Among the changes of time a few have taken possession of all
+that is made possible to man by the production of goods and the increase
+of his productive power. To-day the land, though it owes its value to
+the needs of a ceaselessly increasing population, belongs to a minority
+which can hinder the people from cultivating it, and which does so--or
+at least does not permit the people to cultivate it in a manner
+accordant with modern needs. The mines, which represent the toil of
+centuries, and whose value is based solely on the needs of industry and
+the necessities of population, belong likewise to a few, and these few
+limit the mining of coal, or entirely forbid it when they find a better
+investment for their money. The machines, too, are the property of a
+handful of men; and, even if a machine has indubitably been brought to
+its present perfection by three generations of workers, it nevertheless
+belongs to a few givers of work. The roads, which would be scrap-iron
+but for Europe's dense population, industry, trade, and travel, are in
+the possession of a few shareholders who perhaps do not even know the
+location of the lines from which they draw princely incomes."[556]
+
+2. Mankind will soon have passed the stage of evolution to which private
+property belongs. Private property is doomed.[557]
+
+Private property is a historic formation: it "has developed
+parasitically amidst the free institutions of our earliest
+ancestors,"[558] and this in the closest connection with the State. "The
+political constitution of a society is always the expression, and at the
+same time the consecration, of its economic constitution."[559] "The
+origin of the State, and its reason for existence, lie in the fact that
+it interferes in favor of the propertied and to the disadvantage of the
+propertyless."[560] "The omnipotence of the State constitutes the
+foundation of the strength of the _bourgeoisie_."[561]
+
+But private property is already on the way to dissolution. "The economic
+chaos can last no longer. The people are tired of the crises which the
+greed of the ruling classes provokes. They want to work and live, not
+first drudge a few years for scanty wages and then become for many years
+victims of want and objects of charity. The workingman sees the
+incapacity of the ruling classes: he sees how unable they are either to
+understand his efforts or to manage the production and exchange of
+goods."[562] Hence "one of the leading features of our century is the
+growth of Socialism and the rapid spreading of Socialist views among the
+working classes."[563] The moment when private property is to disappear
+is near, therefore: be it in a few years,[564] be it at the end of the
+nineteenth century,[565] in any case it will come soon.[566]
+
+II. _In mankind's next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown,
+must soon be attained, property will take such form that only property
+of society shall exist._ The "next phase of evolution,"[567] "higher
+form of social organization,"[568] will "inevitably"[569] be not only
+Anarchism, but "Anarchistic Communism."[570] "The tendencies towards
+economical and political freedom are two different manifestations of the
+very same need of equality which constitutes the very essence of all
+struggles mentioned by history";[571] "these two powerful currents of
+thought characterize our century."[572]
+
+In this way a comfortable life will be guaranteed to every person who
+co-operates in production to a certain extent.
+
+1. Mankind's next stage of evolution will no longer know any but the
+property of society.
+
+"In our century the Communist tendency is continually reasserting
+itself. The penny bridge disappears before the public bridge; and the
+turnpike road before the free road. The same spirit pervades thousands
+of other institutions. Museums, free libraries, and free public schools;
+parks and pleasure grounds; paved and lighted streets, free for
+everybody's use; water supplied to private dwellings, with a growing
+tendency towards disregarding the exact amount of it used by the
+individual; tramways and railways which have already begun to introduce
+the season ticket or the uniform tax, and will surely go much further on
+this line when they are no longer private property: all these are tokens
+showing in what direction further progress is to be expected."[573]
+
+So will the future society be Communistic. "The first act of the
+nineteenth-century commune will consist in laying hands on the entire
+capital accumulated in its bosom."[574] This applies "to the materials
+for consumption as well as to those for production."[575] "People have
+tried to make a distinction between the capital that serves for the
+production of goods and that which satisfies the wants of life, and have
+said that machines, factories, raw materials, the means of
+transportation, and the land are destined to become the property of the
+community; while dwellings, finished products, clothing, and provisions
+will remain private property. This distinction is erroneous and
+impracticable. The house that shelters us, the coal and gas that we
+burn, the nutriment that our body burns up, the clothing that covers us,
+and the book from which we draw instruction, are all essential to our
+existence and are just as necessary for successful production and for
+the further development of mankind as are machines, factories, raw
+materials, and other factors of production. With private property in the
+former goods, there would still remain inequality, oppression, and
+exploitation; a half-way abolition of private property would have its
+effectiveness crippled in advance."[576]
+
+There is no fear that the Communistic communes will isolate
+themselves.[577] "If to-day a great city transforms itself into a
+Communistic commune, and introduces community of the materials for both
+work and enjoyment, then in a very few days, if it is not shut in by
+hostile armies, trains of wagons will appear in its markets, and raw
+materials will arrive from distant ports; and the city's industrial
+products, when once the wants of the population are satisfied, will go
+to the ends of the earth seeking purchasers; throngs of strangers will
+stream in from near and far, and will afterward tell at home of the
+marvelous life of the free city where everybody works, where there are
+neither poor nor oppressed, where every one enjoys the fruit of his
+toil, and no one interferes with another's doing so."[578]
+
+2. The Communism of the future society will "not be the Communism of the
+convent or the barrack, such as was formerly preached, but a free
+Communism which puts the joint products at the disposal of all while
+leaving to every one the liberty of using them at home."[579] To get an
+entirely clear idea of every detail of it, indeed, is not as yet
+possible; "nevertheless we must come to an agreement about the
+fundamental features at least."[580]
+
+What form will production take?
+
+That must first be produced which is requisite "for the satisfaction of
+man's most urgent wants."[581] For this it suffices "that all adults,
+with the exception of those women who are occupied with the education of
+children, engage to do five hours a day, from the age of twenty or
+twenty-two to the age of forty-five or fifty, of any one (at their
+option) of the labors that are regarded as necessary."[582] "For
+instance, a society would enter into the following contract with each of
+its members: 'We will guarantee to you the enjoyment of our houses,
+stores of goods, streets, conveyances, schools, museums, etc., on
+condition that from your twentieth year to your forty-fifth or fiftieth
+you apply five hours every day to one of the labors necessary to life.
+Every moment you will have your choice of the groups you will join, or
+you may found a new one provided that it proposes to do necessary
+service. For the rest of your time you may associate yourself with whom
+you like for the purpose of scientific or artistic recreation at your
+pleasure. We ask of you, therefore, nothing but twelve or fifteen
+hundred hours' work annually in one of the groups which produce food,
+clothing, and shelter, or which care for health, transportation, etc.;
+and in return we insure to you all that these groups produce or have
+produced'."[583]
+
+There will be time enough, therefore, to produce what is requisite for
+the satisfaction of less urgent wants. "When one has done in the field
+or the factory the work that he is under obligation to do for society,
+he can devote the other half of his day, his week, or his year, to the
+satisfaction of artistic or scientific wants."[584] "The lover of music
+who wishes a piano will enter the association of instrument-makers; he
+will devote part of his half-days, and will soon possess the longed-for
+piano. Or the enthusiast in astronomy will join the astronomers'
+association with its philosophers, observers, calculators, and
+opticians, its scholars and amateurs; and he will obtain the telescope
+he wishes, if only he dedicates some work to the common cause--for there
+is a deal of rough work necessary for an observatory, masons' work,
+carpenters' work, founders' work, machinists' work--the final polish, to
+be sure, can be given to the instrument of precision by none but the
+artist. In a word, the five to seven hours that every one has left,
+after he has first devoted some hours to the production of the
+necessary, are quite sufficient to render possible for him every kind of
+luxury."[585]
+
+"The separation of agriculture from manufactures will pass away. The
+factory workmen will be at the same time field workmen."[586] "As an
+eminently periodic industry, which at certain times (and even more in
+the making of improvements than in harvest) needs a large additional
+force, agriculture will form the link between village and city."[587]
+And "the separation of mental from bodily labor will come to an
+end"[588] too. "Poets and scientists will no longer find poor devils
+who will sell their energies to them for a plate of soup; they will have
+to get together and print their writings themselves. Then the authors,
+and their admirers of both sexes, will soon acquire the art of handling
+the type-case and composing-stick; they will learn the pleasure of
+producing jointly, with their own hands, a work that they value."[589]
+"Every labor will be agreeable."[590] "If there is still work which is
+really disagreeable in itself, it is only because our scientific men
+have never cared to consider the means of rendering it less so: they
+have always known that there were plenty of starving men who would do it
+for a few pence a day."[591] "Factories, smelters, mines, can be as
+sanitary and as splendid as the best laboratories of our universities;
+and the more perfectly they are fitted up the more they will
+produce."[592] And the product of such labor will be "infinitely better,
+and considerably greater, than the mass of goods hitherto produced under
+the goad of slavery, serfdom, and wage-slavery."[593]
+
+How will distribution take place?
+
+Every one who contributes his part to production will also have his
+share in the product. But it must not be assumed that this share in the
+product will correspond to that share in the production. "Each according
+to his powers; to each according to his wants."[594] "Need will be put
+above service; it will be recognized that every one who co-operates in
+production to a certain extent has in the first place the right to
+live, and in the second place the right to live comfortably."[595]
+"Every one, no matter how strong or weak, how competent or incompetent
+he may be, will have the right to live,"[596] and "to have a comfortable
+life; he will furthermore have the right to decide for himself what
+belongs to a comfortable life."[597]
+
+Society's stock of goods will quite permit this. "If one considers on
+the one hand the rapidity with which the productive power of civilized
+nations is increasing, and on the other hand the limits that are
+directly or indirectly set to its production by present conditions, one
+comes to the conclusion that even a moderately sensible economic
+constitution would permit the civilized nations to heap up in a few
+years so many useful things that we should have to cry out 'Enough!
+enough coal! enough bread! enough clothes! Let us rest, take recreation,
+put our strength to a better use, spend our time in a better way!'"[598]
+
+However, what if the stock should in fact not suffice for all wants?
+"The solution is--free taking of everything that exists in superfluity,
+and rations of that in which there is a possibility of dearth: rations
+according to needs, with preference to children, the aged, and the weak
+in general. That is what is done even now in the country. What commune
+thinks of limiting the use of the meadows so long as there are enough of
+them? what commune, so long as there are chestnuts and brushwood enough,
+hinders those who belong to it from taking as much as they please? And
+what does the peasant introduce when there is a prospect that firewood
+will give out? Rationing."[599]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_The change that is promptly to be expected in the course of mankind's
+progress from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as
+possible,--the disappearance of the State, the transformation of law and
+property, and the appearance of the new condition,--will be
+accomplished, according to Kropotkin, by a social revolution; that is,
+by a violent subversion of the old order, which will come to pass of
+itself, but for which it is the function of those who foresee the course
+of evolution to prepare men's minds._
+
+I. We know that we shall not reach the future condition "without intense
+perturbations."[600] "That justice may be victorious, and the new
+thoughts become reality, there is need of a frightful storm to sweep
+away all this rottenness, to vivify torpid souls with its breath, and to
+restore self-sacrifice, self-denial, and heroism to our senile,
+decrepit, crumbling society."[601] There is need of "social revolution:
+that is, the people's taking possession of society's total stock of
+goods, and the abolition of all authorities."[602] "The social
+revolution is at the door,"[603] "it stands before us at the end of this
+century,"[604] "it will be here in a few years."[605] It is "the task
+which history sets for us,"[606] but "whether we will or not, it will
+be accomplished independently of our will."[607]
+
+1. "The social revolution will be no uprising of a few days: we shall
+have to go through a period of three, four, or five years of revolution,
+till the transformation of the social and economic situation is
+completed."[608] "During this time what we have sown to-day will be
+coming up and bearing fruit; and he who now is yet indifferent will
+become a convinced adherent of the new doctrine."[609] Nor will the
+social revolution be limited to a narrow area. "We must not assume, to
+be sure, that it will break out in all Europe at once."[610] "Germany is
+nearer the revolution than people think";[611] "but whether it start
+from France, Germany, Spain, or Russia, it will anyhow be a European
+revolution in the end. It will spread as rapidly as that of our
+predecessors the heroes of 1848, and set Europe afire."[612]
+
+2. The first act of the social revolution will be a work of
+destruction.[613] "The impulse to destruction, which is so natural and
+justifiable because it is at the same time an impulse to renovation,
+will find its full satisfaction. How much old trash there is to clear
+away! Does not everything have to be transformed, the houses, the
+cities, the businesses of manufacturing and farming,--in short, all the
+arrangements of society?"[614] "Everything that it is necessary to
+abolish should be destroyed without delay: the penitentiaries and
+prisons, the forts that threaten cities, the slums whose disease-laden
+air people have breathed so long."[615]
+
+Yet the social revolution will not be a reign of terror. "Naturally the
+fight will demand victims. One can understand how it was that the people
+of Paris, before they hurried to the frontiers, killed the aristocrats
+in the prisons, who had planned with the enemy for the annihilation of
+the revolution. He who would blame the people for this should be asked,
+'Have you suffered with them and like them? if not, blush and be
+still.'"[616] But yet the people will never, like the kings and czars,
+exalt terror into a system. "They have sympathy for the victims; they
+are too good-hearted not to feel a speedy repugnance at cruelty. The
+public prosecutor, the corpse-cart, the guillotine, speedily become
+repulsive. After a little while it is recognized that such a reign of
+terror is merely preparing the way for a dictatorship, and the
+guillotine is abolished."[617]
+
+The government will be overthrown first. "There is no need of fearing
+its strength. Governments only seem terrible; the first collision with
+the insurgent people lays them prostrate; many have collapsed in a few
+hours before now."[618] "The people rise, and the State machine is
+already at a standstill; the officials are in confusion and know not
+what to do; the army has lost confidence in its leaders."[619]
+
+But it cannot stop with this. "On the day when the people has swept away
+the governments, it will also, without waiting for any directions from
+above, abolish private property by forcible expropriation."[620] "The
+peasants will drive out the great landlords and declare their estates
+common property; they will annul the mortgages and proclaim general
+release from debt";[621] and in the cities "the people will seize on the
+entire wealth accumulated there, turn out the factory-owners, and
+undertake the management themselves."[622] "The expropriation will be
+general; nothing but an expropriation of the broadest kind can initiate
+the re-shaping of society--expropriation on a small scale would appear
+like ordinary plunder."[623] It will extend not only to the materials of
+production, but also to those of consumption: "the first thing that the
+people do after the overthrow of the governments will be to provide
+itself with sanitary dwellings and with sufficient food and
+clothing."[624]--Yet expropriation will "have its limits."[625] "Suppose
+by pinching, a poor devil has got himself a house that will hold him and
+his family. Will he be thrown on the street? Certainly not! If the house
+is just big enough for him and his family, he shall keep it, and he
+shall also continue to work the garden under his window. Our young men
+will even lend him a hand in case of need. But, if he has rented a room
+to somebody else, the people will say to this one, 'You know, friend,
+don't you, that you no longer owe the old fellow anything? Keep your
+room gratis; you need no longer fear the officer of the court, we have
+the new society!"[626] "Expropriation will extend just to that which
+makes it possible for any one to exploit another's labor."[627]
+
+3. "The work of destruction will be followed by a work of
+re-shaping."[628]
+
+Most people conceive of revolution as with "a 'revolutionary
+government'"[629]--this in two ways. Some understand by this an elective
+government. "It is proposed to summon the people to elections, to elect
+a government as quickly as possible, and entrust to it the work which
+each of us ought to be doing of his own accord."[630] "But any
+government which an insurgent people attains by elections must
+necessarily be a leaden weight on its feet, especially in so immense an
+economic, political, and moral reorganization as the social
+revolution."[631] This is perceived by others; "therefore they give up
+the thought of a 'legal' government, at least for the time of
+insurrection against all laws, and preach the 'revolutionary
+dictatorship.' 'The party which has overthrown the government,' say
+they, 'will forcibly put itself in the government's place. It will seize
+the authority and adopt a revolutionary procedure. For every one who
+does not recognize it--the guillotine; for every one who refuses
+obedience to it--the guillotine likewise.' So talk the little
+Robespierres. But we Anarchists know that this thought is nothing but an
+unwholesome fruit of government fetishism, and that any dictatorship,
+even the best disposed, is the death of the revolution."[632]
+
+"We will do what is needful ourselves, without waiting for the orders
+of a government."[633] "If the dissolution of the State is once started,
+if once the oppression-machine begins to give out, free associations
+will be formed quite automatically. Just remember the voluntary
+combinations of the armed _bourgeoisie_ during the great Revolution.
+Remember the societies which were voluntarily formed in Spain, and which
+defended the independence of the country, when the State was shaken to
+its foundations by Napoleon's armies. As soon as the State no longer
+compels any co-operation, natural wants bring about a voluntary
+co-operation quite automatically. If the State be but overthrown, free
+society will rise up at once on its ruins."[634]
+
+"The reorganization of production will not be possible in a few
+days,"[635] especially as the revolution will presumably not break out
+in all Europe at a time.[636] The people will consequently have to take
+temporary measures to assure themselves, first of all, of food,
+clothing, and shelter. First the populace of the insurgent cities will
+take possession of the dealers' stocks of food, and of the grain
+warehouses and the slaughter-houses. Volunteers make an inventory of the
+provisions found, and distribute printed tabular statements by the
+million. Henceforth free taking of all that is present in abundance;
+rations of what has to be measured out, with preference to the sick and
+the weak; a supply for deficiencies by importation from the country
+(which will come in plenty if we produce things that the farmer needs
+and put them at his disposal) and also by the inhabitants of the city
+entering upon the cultivation of the royal parks and meadows in the
+vicinity.[637] The people will take possession of the dwelling-houses in
+like manner. Again volunteers make lists of the available dwellings and
+distribute them. People come together by streets, quarters, districts,
+and agree about the allotment of the dwellings. But the evils that will
+at first still have to be borne are soon to be done away: the artisans
+of the building trades need only work a few hours a day, and soon the
+over-spacious dwellings that were on hand will be sensibly altered, and
+model houses, entirely new, will be built.[638] The same procedure will
+be followed with regard to clothing. The people take possession of the
+great clothiers' establishments, and volunteers list the stocks. People
+take freely what is on hand in abundance, in rations what is limited in
+quantity. What is lacking is supplied in the shortest of time by the
+factories with their perfected machines.[639]
+
+II. "To prepare men's minds"[640] for the approaching revolution is the
+task of those who foresee the course of evolution. This is especially
+"the task of the secret societies and revolutionary organizations."[641]
+It is the task of "the Anarchist party."[642] The Anarchists "are to-day
+as yet a minority, but their number is daily growing, will grow more and
+more, and will on the eve of the revolution become a majority."[643]
+"What a dismal sight France presented a few years before the great
+Revolution, and how weak was the minority of those who thought of the
+abolition of royalty and feudalism; but what a change three or four
+years later! the minority had begun the revolution and had carried the
+masses with it."[644]--But how are men's minds to be prepared for the
+revolution?
+
+1. First and foremost, the aim of the revolution is to be made generally
+known. "It is to be proclaimed by word and deed till it is thoroughly
+popularized, so that on the day of the rising it is in everybody's
+mouth. This task is greater and more serious than is generally assumed;
+for, if some few do have the aim clearly before their eyes, it is quite
+otherwise with the masses, constantly worked upon as they are by the
+_bourgeois_ press."[645]
+
+But this does not suffice. "The spirit of insurrection must be aroused;
+the sense of independence and the wild boldness without which no
+revolution comes about must awake."[646] "Between the peaceable
+discussion of evils and tumult, insurrection, lies a chasm--the same
+chasm that in the greater part of mankind separates reflection from act,
+thought from will."[647]
+
+2. The way to obtain these two results is "action--constant, incessant
+action by minorities. Courage, devotion, self-sacrifice are as
+contagious as cowardice, servility, and apprehension."[648]
+
+"What forms is the propaganda to take? Every form that is prescribed by
+the situation, by opportunity, and propensity. It may be now serious,
+now jocular; but it must always be bold. It must never leave a means
+unused, never leave a fact of public life unobserved, to keep minds
+alert, to give aliment and expression to discontent, to stir hate
+against exploiters, to make the government ridiculous, and to
+demonstrate its impotence. But above all, to arouse boldness and the
+spirit of insurrection, it must continually preach by example."[649]
+
+"Men of courage, willing not only to speak but to act; pure characters
+who prefer prison, exile, and death to a life that contradicts their
+principles; bold natures who know that in order to win one must
+dare,--these are the advance-guard who open the fight long before the
+masses are ripe to lift the banner of insurrection openly and to seek
+their rights arms in hand. In the midst of the complaining, talking,
+discussing, comes a mutinous deed by one or more persons, which
+incarnates the longings of all."[650]
+
+"Perhaps at first the masses remain indifferent and believe the wise
+ones who regard the act as 'crazy', but soon they are privately
+applauding the crazy and imitating them. While the first of them are
+filling the penitentiaries, others are already continuing their work.
+The declarations of war against present-day society, the mutinous deeds,
+the acts of revenge, multiply. General attention is aroused; the new
+thought makes its way into men's heads and wins their hearts. A single
+deed makes more propaganda in a few days than a thousand pamphlets. The
+government defends itself, it rages pitilessly; but by this it only
+causes further deeds to be committed by one or more persons, and drives
+the insurgents to heroism. One deed brings forth another; opponents
+join the mutiny; the government splits into factions; harshness
+intensifies the conflict; concessions come too late; the revolution
+breaks out."[651]
+
+3. To make still clearer the means by which the aim of the revolution is
+to be made generally known and the spirit of insurrection is to be
+aroused, Kropotkin tells some of the history of what preceded the
+Revolution of 1789.
+
+He tells how at that time thousands of lampoons acquainted the people
+with the vices of the court, and how a multitude of satirical songs
+flagellated crowned heads and stirred hatred against the nobility and
+clergy. He sets before us how in placards the king, the queen, the
+farmers-general, were threatened, reviled, and jeered at; how enemies of
+the people were hanged or burned or quartered in effigy. He describes to
+us the way in which the insurrectionists got the people used to the
+streets and taught them to defy the police, the military, the cavalry.
+We learn how in the villages secret organizations, the jacques, set fire
+to the barns of the lord of the manor, destroyed his crops or his game,
+murdered him himself, threatened the collection or payment of rent with
+death. He sets forth to us how then, one day, the storehouses were
+broken into, the trains of wagons were stopped on the highway, the
+toll-gates were burned and the officials killed, the tax-lists and the
+account-books and the city archives went up in flames, and the
+revolution broke out on all sides.[652]
+
+"What conclusions are to be drawn from this"[653] Kropotkin does not
+think it necessary to explain. He contents himself with characterizing
+as "a precious instruction for us"[654] the facts which he reports.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[431] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 99.
+
+[432] _Ib._ p. 104.
+
+[433] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 39.
+
+[434] _Ib._ p. 39.
+
+[435] _Ib._ pp. 8, 39.
+
+[436] _Ib._ p. 5.
+
+[437] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[438] Kr. "Studies" p. 9.
+
+[439] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 8-9.
+
+[440] _Ib._ p. 9.
+
+[441] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 13.
+
+[442] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[443] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[444] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[445] Kr. "Studies" p. 24.
+
+[446] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 7.
+
+[447] _Ib._ p. 4.
+
+[448] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[449] _Ib._ p. 4.
+
+[450] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 28.
+
+[451] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 17.
+
+[452] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 59.
+
+[453] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[454] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 275-6.
+
+[455] _Ib._ pp. 277-8.
+
+[456] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 17.
+
+[457] _Ib._ p. 275.
+
+[458] Kr. "Studies" p. 9.
+
+[459] _Ib._ p. 10.
+
+[460] Kr. "_Morale_" p. 74.
+
+[461] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[462] Kr. "_Morale_" pp. 24, 31.
+
+[463] _Ib._ p. 30.
+
+[464] Kr. "_Morale_" pp. 30-31.
+
+[465] _Ib._ p. 41.
+
+[466] _Ib._ p. 42.
+
+[467] _Ib._ p. 38; Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 296.
+
+[468] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 342, 129.
+
+[469] Kr. "_Morale_" p. 57.
+
+[470] _Ib._ pp. 61-2.
+
+[471] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 215. [In Eltzbacher's general discussions, and
+his summaries of the different writers' views on law, the word
+translated "law" is everywhere _Recht_, French _droit_, Latin _jus_, law
+as a body of rights and duties. But in the quotations from Kropotkin
+under the heading "Law" the word is everywhere (with the single
+exception of the phrase "customary law") _Gesetz_, French _loi_, Latin
+_lex_, a law as an enacted formula to describe men's actions; and the
+same is the word translated "law" in Eltzbacher's summaries under the
+heading "Basis" in the different chapters.]
+
+[472] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 214.
+
+[473] _Ib._ p. 227.
+
+[474] _Ib._ p. 227.
+
+[475] _Ib._ p. 235.
+
+[476] _Ib._ p. 219.
+
+[477] _Ib._ p. 226.
+
+[478] _Ib._ p. 236.
+
+[479] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 239.
+
+[480] _Ib._ pp. 240-42.
+
+[481] _Ib._ p. 221.
+
+[482] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 226.
+
+[483] _Ib._ pp. 218-19.
+
+[484] Kr. "_Morale_" p. 74.
+
+[485] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 264-5.
+
+[486] _Ib._ p. 235; Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" pp.
+28-9.
+
+[487] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 227, 235.
+
+[488] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 29.
+
+[489] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 221.
+
+[490] _Ib._ p. 221.
+
+[491] Kr. "_Conquête_" pp. 229, 109.
+
+[492] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 24.
+
+[493] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 202.
+
+[494] Kr. "Studies" p. 30.
+
+[495] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 110, 134-5, "_Conquête_" p. 109.
+
+[496] Kr. "_Conquête_" pp. 169, 128-9, 203-5.
+
+[497] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 136-7.
+
+[498] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 229.
+
+[499] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 14.
+
+[500] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 11-14.
+
+[501] _Ib._ p. 172.
+
+[502] _Ib._ p. 173.
+
+[503] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 175.
+
+[504] _Ib._ pp. 181-2.
+
+[505] _Ib._ pp. 183-4.
+
+[506] _Ib._ p. 190.
+
+[507] _Ib._ p. 19.
+
+[508] _Ib._ p. 33.
+
+[509] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 35-9.
+
+[510] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 30.
+
+[511] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 7.
+
+[512] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" pp. 49-50.
+
+[513] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 10.
+
+[514] _Ib._ pp 9-10.
+
+[515] _Ib._ pp. 264-5.
+
+[516] _Ib._ p. 139.
+
+[517] _Ib._ p. 235; Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" pp.
+28-9.
+
+[518] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 30.
+
+[519] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[520] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[521] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 26.
+
+[522] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 23.
+
+[523] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 117-18.
+
+[524] [_Sic_, edition of 1891].
+
+[525] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 25-7.
+
+[526] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 118.
+
+[527] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 174.
+
+[528] Kr. "Studies" p. 25.
+
+[529] _Ib._ p. 26.
+
+[530] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 117.
+
+[531] Kr. "_Conquête_" pp. 169, 203.
+
+[532] _Ib._ pp. 145, 136, 128-9.
+
+[533] _Ib._ pp. 203-5.
+
+[534] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 29-30, "_Conquête_" p. 188.
+
+[535] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 49.
+
+[536] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 24. [Kropotkin prefixes "his own
+social habits and."]
+
+[537] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 202.
+
+[538] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139.
+
+[539] _Ib._ p. 111.
+
+[540] _Ib._ p. 175.
+
+[541] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 49.
+
+[542] _Ib._ pp. 58-9.
+
+[543] Kr. "_Conquête_" pp. 44-5.
+
+[544] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 108.
+
+[545] _Ib._ pp. 115-16.
+
+[546] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 166.
+
+[547] Kr. "_Studies_" p. 30.
+
+[548] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 5-6.
+
+[549] _Ib._ pp. 322-3.
+
+[550] _Ib._ p. 326.
+
+[551] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 24.
+
+[552] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 47.
+
+[553] _Ib._ p. 49.
+
+[554] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 10.
+
+[555] Kr. "_Conquête_" pp. 8-9.
+
+[556] Kr. "_Conquête_" pp. 9-10.
+
+[557] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 30.
+
+[558] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 11.
+
+[559] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 169.
+
+[560] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 45.
+
+[561] Kr. "Studies" p. 17.
+
+[562] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 7-8.
+
+[563] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[564] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139, "_L'Anarchie--sa philosophie son idéal_"
+p. 25.
+
+[565] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 235, "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_"
+pp. 28-9.
+
+[566] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 264-5.
+
+[567] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[568] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[569] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 30.
+
+[570] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 88, "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_"
+p. 30.
+
+[571] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 8.
+
+[572] _Ib._ p. 8.
+
+[573] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 21.
+
+[574] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 110.
+
+[575] _Ib._ p. 137.
+
+[576] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 136.
+
+[577] _Ib._ p. 114.
+
+[578] _Ib._ pp. 113-14.
+
+[579] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 12.
+
+[580] Kr. "Studies" p. 25.
+
+[581] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 239.
+
+[582] _Ib._ pp. 128-9.
+
+[583] _Ib._ pp. 203-4.
+
+[584] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 136.
+
+[585] _Ib._ pp. 150-51.
+
+[586] _Ib._ p. 96.
+
+[587] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 330-1.
+
+[588] Kr. "_Conquête_" pp. 195-6.
+
+[589] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 137.
+
+[590] _Ib._ p. 153.
+
+[591] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 31.
+
+[592] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 156.
+
+[593] _Ib._ p. 193.
+
+[594] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 12.
+
+[595] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 229.
+
+[596] _Ib._ p. 26.
+
+[597] _Ib._ p. 28.
+
+[598] _Ib._ p. 20.
+
+[599] Kr. "L'_Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 13.
+
+[600] _Ib._ p. 28.
+
+[601] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 280.
+
+[602] _Ib._ p. 261.
+
+[603] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 22.
+
+[604] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 28. [The
+nineteenth century, of course, is meant.]
+
+[605] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139.
+
+[606] Kr. "_Siècle_" p. 32.
+
+[607] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" p. 29.
+
+[608] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 90, "Studies" p. 23.
+
+[609] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 90-91.
+
+[610] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 85.
+
+[611] Kr. "_L'Anarchie. Sa philosophie--son idéal_" p. 26.
+
+[612] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'évolution socialiste_" pp. 28-9.
+
+[613] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 263.
+
+[614] _Ib._ p. 342.
+
+[615] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 342.
+
+[616] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 57.
+
+[617] Kr. "_Studies_" p. 16.
+
+[618] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 166.
+
+[619] _Ib._ p. 246.
+
+[620] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 134-5.
+
+[621] _Ib._ p. 167.
+
+[622] _Ib._ p. 135.
+
+[623] _Ib._ p. 337.
+
+[624] Kr. "_Conquête_" pp. 63.
+
+[625] _Ib._ p. 56.
+
+[626] _Ib._ p. 109.
+
+[627] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 56.
+
+[628] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 263.
+
+[629] _Ib._ p. 246.
+
+[630] _Ib._ pp. 248-9.
+
+[631] _Ib._ p. 253.
+
+[632] _Ib._ pp. 253-5.
+
+[633] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139.
+
+[634] _Ib._ pp. 116-17.
+
+[635] Kr. "_Conquête_" p. 75.
+
+[636] _Ib._ p. 85.
+
+[637] Kr. "_Conquête_" pp. 76-96.
+
+[638] _Ib._ pp. 104-7.
+
+[639] _Ib._ pp. 114-16.
+
+[640] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 260.
+
+[641] _Ib._ p. 260.
+
+[642] _Ib._ pp. 99, 254; Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 54.
+
+[643] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 90.
+
+[644] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 92-5.
+
+[645] _Ib._ p. 312.
+
+[646] _Ib._ p. 285.
+
+[647] _Ib._ p. 283.
+
+[648] _Ib._ p. 284.
+
+[649] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 284.
+
+[650] _Ib._ p. 285.
+
+[651] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 285-8.
+
+[652] _Ib._ pp. 293-304.
+
+[653] _Ib._ p. 292.
+
+[654] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 304.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+TUCKER'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+Benjamin R. Tucker was born in 1854 at South Dartmouth, near New
+Bedford, Massachusetts. From 1870 to 1872 he studied technology in
+Boston; there he made the acquaintance of Josiah Warren[655] in 1872. In
+1874 he traveled in England, France, and Italy.
+
+In 1877 Tucker took the temporary editorship of the "Word," published at
+Princeton, Massachusetts. In 1878 he published the quarterly "The
+Radical Review" in New Bedford; but only four numbers appeared. In 1881,
+in Boston, he founded the semi-monthly paper "Liberty," of which there
+also appeared for a short time a German edition under the title
+"Libertas"; in Boston, also, he was for ten years one of the editorial
+staff of the "Globe." Since 1892 he has lived in New York, and "Liberty"
+has appeared there as a weekly.[656]
+
+2. Tucker's teaching about law, the State, and property is contained
+mainly in his articles in "Liberty." He has published a collection[657]
+of these articles under the title "Instead of a Book. By a Man Too Busy
+to Write One. A fragmentary exposition of philosophical Anarchism"
+(1893).
+
+[Illustration]
+
+3. Tucker calls his teaching "Anarchism." "Circumstances have combined
+to make me somewhat conspicuous as an exponent of the theory of Modern
+Anarchism."[658] "Anarchy does not mean simply opposed to the _archos_,
+or political leader. It means opposed to _arch[=e]_. Now, _arch[=e]_, in
+the first instance, means _beginning_, _origin_. From this it comes to
+mean _a first principle_, _an element_; then _first place_, _supreme
+power_, _sovereignty_, _dominion_, _command_, _authority_; and finally
+_a sovereignty_, _an empire_, _a realm_, _a magistracy_, _a governmental
+office_. Etymologically, then, the word anarchy may have several
+meanings. But the word Anarchy as a philosophical term and the word
+Anarchist as the name of a philosophical sect were first appropriated in
+the sense of opposition to dominion, to authority, and are so held by
+right of occupancy, which fact makes any other philosophical use of them
+improper and confusing."[659]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_Tucker considers that the law which has supreme validity for every one
+of us is self-interest; and from this he derives the law of equal
+liberty._
+
+1. For every man self-interest is the supreme law. "The Anarchists are
+not only utilitarians, but egoists in the farthest and fullest
+sense."[660]
+
+What does self-interest mean? My interest is everything that serves my
+purposes.[661] It takes in not only the lowest but also "the higher
+forms of selfishness."[662] Thus, in particular, the interest of society
+is at the same time that of every individual: "its life is inseparable
+from the lives of individuals; it is impossible to destroy one without
+destroying the other."[663]
+
+Self-interest is the supreme law for man. "The Anarchists totally
+discard the idea of moral obligation, of inherent rights and
+duties."[664] "So far as inherent right is concerned, might is its only
+measure. Any man, be his name Bill Sykes or Alexander Romanoff, and any
+set of men, whether the Chinese highbinders or the Congress of the
+United States, have the right, if they have the power, to kill or coerce
+other men and to make the entire world subservient to their ends."[665]
+"The Anarchism of to-day affirms the right of society to coerce the
+individual and of the individual to coerce society so far as either has
+the requisite power."[666]
+
+2. From this supreme law Tucker derives "the law of equal liberty."[667]
+The law of equal liberty is based on every individual's self-interest.
+For "liberty is the chief essential to man's happiness, and therefore
+the most important thing in the world, and I want as much of it as I can
+get."[668] On the other hand, "human equality is a necessity of stable
+society,"[669] and the life of society "is inseparable from the lives
+of individuals."[670] Consequently every individual's self-interest
+demands the equal liberty of all.
+
+"Equal liberty means the largest amount of liberty compatible with
+equality and mutuality of respect, on the part of individuals living in
+society, for their respective spheres of action."[671] "'Mind your own
+business' is the only moral law of the Anarchistic scheme."[672] "It is
+our duty to respect others' rights, assuming the word 'right' to be used
+in the sense of the limit which the principle of equal liberty logically
+places upon might."[673]--On the law of equal liberty is founded "the
+distinction between invasion and resistance, between government and
+defence. This distinction is vital: without it there can be no valid
+philosophy of politics."[674]
+
+"By 'invasion' I mean the invasion of the individual sphere, which is
+bounded by the line inside of which liberty of action does not conflict
+with others' liberty of action."[675] This boundary-line is in part
+unmistakable; for instance, a threat is not an invasion if the
+threatened act is not an invasion, "a man has a right to threaten what
+he has a right to execute."[676] But the boundary-line may also be
+dubious; for instance, "we cannot clearly identify the maltreatment of
+child by parent as either invasive or non-invasive of the liberty of
+third parties."[677] "Additional experience is continually sharpening
+our sense of what constitutes invasion. Though we still draw the line by
+rule of thumb, we are drawing it more clearly every day."[678] "The
+nature of such invasion is not changed, whether it is made by one man
+upon another man, after the manner of the ordinary criminal, or by one
+man upon all other men, after the manner of an absolute monarch, or by
+all other men upon one man, after the manner of a modern
+democracy."[679]
+
+"On the other hand, he who resists another's attempt to control is not
+an aggressor, an invader, a governor, but simply a defender, a
+protector."[680] "The individual has the right to repel invasion of his
+sphere of action."[681] "Anarchism justifies the application of force to
+invasive men,"[682] "violence is advisable when it will accomplish the
+desired end and inadvisable when it will not."[683] And "defensive
+associations acting on the Anarchistic principle would not only demand
+redress for, but would prohibit, all clearly invasive acts. They would
+not, however, prohibit non-invasive acts, even though these acts create
+additional opportunity for invasive persons to act invasively: for
+instance, the selling of liquor."[684] "And the nature of such
+resistance is not changed whether it be offered by one man to another
+man, as when one repels a criminal's onslaught, or by one man to all
+other men, as when one declines to obey an oppressive law, or by all
+other men to one man, as when a subject people rises against a despot,
+or as when the members of a community voluntarily unite to restrain a
+criminal."[685]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+_According to Tucker, from the standpoint of every one's self-interest
+and the equal liberty of all there is no objection to law._ Legal norms
+are to obtain: that is, norms that are based on a general will[686] and
+to which obedience is enforced, if necessary, by every means,[687] even
+by prison, torture, and capital punishment.[688] But the law is to be
+"so flexible that it will shape itself to every emergency and need no
+alteration. And it will then be regarded as _just_ in proportion to its
+flexibility, instead of as now in proportion to its rigidity."[689] The
+means to this end is that "juries will judge not only the facts, but the
+law";[690] machinery for altering the law is then unnecessary.[691]--In
+particular, there are to be recognized the following legal norms, whose
+correctness Tucker tries to deduce from the law of equal liberty:
+
+First, a legal norm by which the person is secured against hurt. "We are
+the sternest enemies of invasion of the person, and, although chiefly
+busy in destroying the causes thereof, have no scruples against such
+heroic treatment of its immediate manifestations as circumstances and
+wisdom may dictate."[692] Capital punishment is quite compatible with
+the protection of the person against hurt, for its essence is not that
+of an act of hurting, but of an act of defence.[693]
+
+Next, there is to be recognized a legal norm by virtue of which
+"ownership on a basis of labor"[694] exists. "This form of property
+secures each in the possession of his own products, or of such products
+of others as he may have obtained unconditionally without the use of
+fraud or force."[695] "It will be seen from this definition that
+Anarchistic property concerns only products. But anything is a product
+upon which human labor has been expended. It should be stated, however,
+that in the case of land, or of any other material the supply of which
+is so limited that all cannot hold it in unlimited quantities, Anarchism
+undertakes to protect no titles except such as are based on actual
+occupancy and use."[696] Against injury to property, as well as against
+injury to the person, Anarchism has no scruples against "such heroic
+treatment as circumstances and wisdom may dictate."[697]
+
+Furthermore, there is to be recognized the legal norm that contracts
+must be lived up to. Obligation comes into existence when obligations
+are "consciously and voluntarily assumed";[698] and the other party thus
+acquires "a right."[699] To be sure, the obligatory force of contract is
+not without bounds. "Contract is a very serviceable and most important
+tool, but its usefulness has its limits; no man can employ it for the
+abdication of his manhood";[700] therefore "the constituting of an
+association in which each member waives the right of secession would be
+a mere _form_."[701] Furthermore, no one can employ it for the invasion
+of third parties; therefore a promise "whose fulfilment would invade
+third parties"[702] would be invalid.--"I deem the keeping of promises
+such an important matter that only in the extremest cases would I
+approve their violation. It is of such vital consequence that associates
+should be able to rely upon each other that it is better never to do
+anything to weaken this confidence except when it can be maintained only
+at the expense of some consideration of even greater importance."[703]
+"The man who has received a promise is defrauded by its non-fulfilment,
+invaded, deprived of a portion of his liberty against his will."[704] "I
+have no doubt of the right of any man to whom, for a consideration, a
+promise has been made, to insist, even by force, upon the fulfilment of
+that promise, provided the promise be not one whose fulfilment would
+invade third parties. And, if the promisee has a right to use force
+himself for such a purpose, he has a right to secure such co-operative
+force from others as they are willing to extend. These others, in turn,
+have a right to decide what sort of promises, if any, they will help him
+to enforce. When it comes to the determination of this point, the
+question is one of policy solely; and very likely it will be found that
+the best way to secure the fulfilment of promises is to have it
+understood in advance that the fulfilment is not to be enforced."[705]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. _With regard to every man's self-interest, especially on the basis of
+the law of equal liberty, Tucker rejects the State; and that
+universally, not merely for special circumstances determined by place
+and time._ For the State is "the embodiment of the principle of
+invasion."[706]
+
+1. "Two elements are common to all the institutions to which the name
+'State' has been applied: first, aggression."[707] "Aggression,
+invasion, government, are interconvertible terms."[708] "This is the
+Anarchistic definition of government: the subjection of the non-invasive
+individual to an external will."[709] And "second, the assumption of
+authority over a given area and all within it, exercised generally for
+the double purpose of more complete oppression of its subjects and
+extension of its boundaries."[710] Therefore "this is the Anarchistic
+definition of the State: the embodiment of the principle of invasion in
+an individual, or a band of individuals, assuming to act as
+representatives or masters of the entire people within a given
+area."[711]
+
+"Rule is evil, and it is none the better for being majority rule."[712]
+"The theocratic despotism of kings or the democratic despotism of
+majorities"[713] are alike condemnable. "What is the ballot? It is
+neither more nor less than a paper representative of the bayonet, the
+billy, and the bullet. It is a labor-saving device for ascertaining on
+which side force lies and bowing to the inevitable. The voice of the
+majority saves bloodshed, but it is no less the arbitrament of force
+than is the decree of the most absolute of despots backed by the most
+powerful of armies."[714]
+
+2. "In the first place, all the acts of governments are indirectly
+invasive, because dependent upon the primary invasion called
+taxation."[715] "The very first act of the State, the compulsory
+assessment and collection of taxes, is itself an aggression, a violation
+of equal liberty, and, as such, vitiates every subsequent act, even
+those acts which would be purely defensive if paid for out of a treasury
+filled by voluntary contributions. How is it possible to sanction, under
+the law of equal liberty, the confiscation of a man's earnings to pay
+for protection which he has not sought and does not desire?"[716]
+
+"And, if this is an outrage, what name shall we give to such
+confiscation when the victim is given, instead of bread, a stone,
+instead of protection, oppression? To force a man to pay for the
+violation of his own liberty is indeed an addition of insult to injury.
+But that is exactly what the State is doing."[717] For "in the second
+place, by far the greater number of their acts are directly invasive,
+because directed, not to the restraint of invaders, but to the denial of
+freedom to the people in their industrial, commercial, social, domestic,
+and individual lives."[718]
+
+"How thoughtless, then, to assert that the existing political order is
+of a purely defensive character!"[719] "Defence is a service, like any
+other service. It is labor both useful and desired, and therefore an
+economic commodity subject to the law of supply and demand. In a free
+market this commodity would be furnished at the cost of production. The
+production and sale of this commodity are now monopolized by the State.
+The State, like almost all monopolists, charges exorbitant prices. Like
+almost all monopolists, it supplies a worthless, or nearly worthless,
+article. Just as the monopolist of a food product often furnishes poison
+instead of nutriment, so the State takes advantage of its monopoly of
+defence to furnish invasion instead of protection. Just as the patrons
+of the one pay to be poisoned, so the patrons of the other pay to be
+enslaved. And the State exceeds all its fellow-monopolists in the extent
+of its villany because it enjoys the unique privilege of compelling all
+people to buy its product whether they want it or not."[720]
+
+3. It cannot be alleged in favor of the State that it is necessary as a
+means for combating crime.[721] "The State is itself the most gigantic
+criminal extant. It manufactures criminals much faster than it punishes
+them."[722] "Our prisons are filled with criminals which our virtuous
+State has made what they are by its iniquitous laws, its grinding
+monopolies, and the horrible social conditions that result from them. We
+enact many laws that manufacture criminals, and then a few that punish
+them."[723]
+
+No more can the State be defended on the ground that it is wanted for
+the relief of suffering. "The State is rendering assistance to the
+suffering and starving victims of the Mississippi inundation. Well, such
+work is better than forging new chains to keep the people in subjection,
+we allow; but is not worth the price that is paid for it. The people
+cannot afford to be enslaved for the sake of being insured. If there
+were no other alternative, they would do better, on the whole, to take
+Nature's risks and pay her penalties as best they might. But Liberty
+supplies another alternative, and furnishes better insurance at cheaper
+rates. Mutual insurance, by the organization of risk, will do the utmost
+that can be done to mitigate and equalize the suffering arising from the
+accidental destruction of wealth."[724]
+
+II. _Every man's self-interest, and equal liberty particularly, demands,
+in place of the State, a social human life on the basis of the legal
+norm that contracts must be lived up to._ The "voluntary association of
+contracting individuals"[725] is to take the place of the State.
+
+1. "The Anarchists have no intention or desire to abolish society. They
+know that its life is inseparable from the lives of individuals; that it
+is impossible to destroy one without destroying the other."[726]
+"Society has come to be man's dearest possession. Pure air is good, but
+no one wants to breathe it long alone. Independence is good, but
+isolation is too heavy a price to pay for it."[727]
+
+But men are not to be held together in society by a concrete supreme
+authority, but solely by the legally binding force of contract.[728] The
+form of society is to be "voluntary association,"[729] whose
+"constitution"[730] is nothing but a contract.
+
+2. But what is to be the nature of the voluntary association in detail?
+
+In the first place, it cannot bind its members for life. "The
+constituting of an association in which each member waives the right of
+secession would be a mere _form_, which every decent man who was a party
+to it would hasten to violate and tread under foot as soon as he
+appreciated the enormity of his folly. To indefinitely waive one's right
+of secession is to make one's self a slave. Now, no man can make himself
+so much a slave as to forfeit the right to issue his own emancipation
+proclamation."[731]
+
+In the next place, the voluntary association, as such, can have no
+dominion over a territory. "Certainly such voluntary association would
+be entitled to enforce whatever regulations the contracting parties
+might agree upon within the limits of whatever territory, or divisions
+of territory, had been brought into the association by these parties as
+individual occupiers thereof, and no non-contracting party would have a
+right to enter or remain in this domain except upon such terms as the
+association might impose. But if, somewhere between these divisions of
+territory, had lived, prior to the formation of the association, some
+individual on his homestead, who for any reason, wise or foolish, had
+declined to join in forming the association, the contracting parties
+would have had no right to evict him, compel him to join, make him pay
+for any incidental benefits that he might derive from proximity to their
+association, or restrict him in the exercise of any previously-enjoyed
+right to prevent him from reaping these benefits. Now, voluntary
+association necessarily involving the right of secession, any seceding
+member would naturally fall back into the position and upon the rights
+of the individual above described, who refused to join at all. So much,
+then, for the attitude of the individual toward any voluntary
+association surrounding him, his support thereof evidently depending
+upon his approval or disapproval of its objects, his view of its
+efficiency in attaining them, and his estimate of the advantages and
+disadvantages involved in joining, seceding, or abstaining."[732]
+
+For the members of the voluntary association numerous obligations arise
+from their membership. The association may require, as a condition of
+membership, the agreement to perform certain services,--for instance,
+"jury service."[733] And "inasmuch as Anarchistic associations recognize
+the right of secession, they may utilize the ballot, if they see fit to
+do so. If the question decided by ballot is so vital that the minority
+thinks it more important to carry out its own views than to preserve
+common action, the minority can withdraw. In no case can a minority,
+however small, be governed without its consent."[734] The voluntary
+association is entitled to compel its members to live up to their
+obligations. "If a man makes an agreement with men, the latter may
+combine to hold him to his agreement";[735] therefore a voluntary
+association is "entitled to enforce whatever regulations the contracting
+parties may agree upon."[736] To be sure, one must bear in mind that
+"very likely the best way to secure the fulfilment of promises is to
+have it understood in advance that the fulfilment is not to be
+enforced."[737]
+
+Of especial importance among the obligations of the members of a
+voluntary association is the duty of paying taxes; but the tax is
+voluntary by virtue of the fact that it is based on contract.[738]
+"Voluntary taxation, far from impairing the association's credit, would
+strengthen it";[739] for, in the first place, because of the simplicity
+of its functions, the association seldom or never has to borrow; in the
+second place, it cannot, like the present State upon its basis of
+compulsory taxation, repudiate its debts and still continue business;
+and, in the third place, it will necessarily be more intent on
+maintaining its credit by paying its debts than is the State which
+enforces taxation.[740] And furthermore, the voluntariness of the tax
+has this advantage, that "the defensive institution will be steadily
+deterred from becoming an invasive institution through fear that the
+voluntary contributions will fall off; it will have this constant motive
+to keep itself trimmed down to the popular demand."[741]
+
+"Ireland's true order: the wonderful Land League, the nearest approach,
+on a large scale, to perfect Anarchistic organization that the world has
+yet seen. An immense number of local groups, scattered over large
+sections of two continents separated by three thousand miles of ocean;
+each group autonomous, each free; each composed of varying numbers of
+individuals of all ages, sexes, races, equally autonomous and free; each
+inspired by a common, central purpose; each supported entirely by
+voluntary contributions; each obeying its own judgment; each guided in
+the formation of its judgment and the choice of its conduct by the
+advice of a central council of picked men, having no power to enforce
+its orders except that inherent in the convincing logic of the reasons
+on which the orders are based; all co-ordinated and federated, with a
+minimum of machinery and without sacrifice of spontaneity, into a vast
+working unit, whose unparalleled power makes tyrants tremble and armies
+of no avail."[742]
+
+3. Among the prominent associations of the new society are mutual
+insurance societies and mutual banks,[743] and, especially, defensive
+associations.
+
+"The abolition of the State will leave in existence a defensive
+association"[744] which will give protection against those "who violate
+the social law by invading their neighbors."[745] To be sure, this need
+will be only transitory. "We look forward to the ultimate disappearance
+of the necessity of force even for the purpose of repressing
+crime."[746] "The necessity for defence against individual invaders is
+largely and perhaps, in the end, wholly due to the oppressions of the
+invasive State. When the State falls, criminals will begin to
+disappear."[747]
+
+A number of defensive associations may exist side by side. "There are
+many more than five or six insurance companies in England, and it is by
+no means uncommon for members of the same family to insure their lives
+and goods against accident or fire in different companies. Why should
+there not be a considerable number of defensive associations in England,
+in which people, even members of the same family, might insure their
+lives and goods against murderers or thieves? Defence is a service, like
+any other service."[748] "Under the influence of competition the best
+and cheapest protector, like the best and cheapest tailor, would
+doubtless get the greater part of the business. It is conceivable even
+that he might get the whole of it. But, if he should, it would be by his
+virtue as a protector, not by his power as a tyrant. He would be kept at
+his best by the possibility of competition and the fear of it; and the
+source of power would always remain, not with him, but with his patrons,
+who would exercise it, not by voting him down or by forcibly putting
+another in his place, but by withdrawing their patronage."[749] But, if
+invader and invaded belong to different defensive associations, will not
+a conflict of associations result? "Anticipations of such conflicts
+would probably result in treaties, and even in the establishment of
+federal tribunals, as courts of last resort, by the co-operation of the
+various associations, on the same voluntary principle in accordance with
+which the associations themselves were organized."[750]
+
+"Voluntary defensive associations acting on the Anarchistic principle
+would not only demand redress for, but would prohibit, all clearly
+invasive acts."[751] To fulfil this function they may choose any
+appropriate means, without thereby exercising a government. "Government
+is the subjection of the _non-invasive_ individual to a will not his
+own. The subjection of the _invasive_ individual is not government, but
+resistance to and protection from government."[752]--"Anarchism
+recognizes the right to arrest, try, convict, and punish for wrong
+doing."[753] "Anarchism will take enough of the invader's property from
+him to repair the damage done by his invasion."[754] "If it can find no
+better instrument of resistance to invasion, Anarchism will use
+prisons."[755] It admits even capital punishment. "The society which
+inflicts capital punishment does not commit murder. Murder is an
+offensive act. The term cannot be applied legitimately to any defensive
+act. There is nothing sacred in the life of an invader, and there is no
+valid principle of human society that forbids the invaded to protect
+themselves in whatever way they can."[756] "It is allowable to punish
+invaders by torture. But, if the 'good' people are not fiends, they are
+not likely to defend themselves by torture until the penalties of death
+and tolerable confinement have shown themselves destitute of
+efficacy."[757]--"All disputes will be submitted to juries."[758]
+"Speaking for myself, I think the jury should be selected by drawing
+twelve names by lot from a wheel containing the names of all the
+citizens in the community."[759] "The juries will judge not only the
+facts, but the law, the justice of the law, its applicability to the
+given circumstances, and the penalty or damage to be inflicted because
+of its infraction."[760]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _According to Tucker, from the standpoint of every one's
+self-interest and the equal liberty of all there is no objection to
+property._ Tucker rejects only the distribution of property on the basis
+of monopoly, as it everywhere and always exists in the State. That the
+State is essentially invasion appears in the laws which "not only
+prescribe personal habits, but, worse still, create and sustain
+monopolies"[761] and thereby make usury possible.[762]
+
+1. Usury is the taking of surplus value.[763] "A laborer's product is
+such portion of the value of that which he delivers to the consumer as
+his own labor has contributed."[764] The laborer does not get this
+product, "at least not as laborer; he gains a bare subsistence by his
+work."[765] But, "somebody gets the surplus wealth. Who is the
+somebody?"[766] "The usurer."[767]
+
+"There are three forms of usury: interest on money, rent of land and
+houses, and profit in exchange. Whoever is in receipt of any of these is
+a usurer. And who is not? Scarcely any one. The banker is a usurer; the
+manufacturer is a usurer; the merchant is a usurer; the landlord is a
+usurer; and the workingman who puts his savings, if he has any, out at
+interest, or takes rent for his house or lot, if he owns one, or
+exchanges his labor for more than an equivalent,--he too is a usurer.
+The sin of usury is one under which all are concluded, and for which all
+are responsible. But all do not benefit by it. The vast majority suffer.
+Only the chief usurers accumulate: in agricultural and thickly settled
+countries, the landlords; in industrial and commercial countries, the
+bankers. Those are the Somebodies who swallow up the surplus
+wealth."[768]
+
+2. "And where do they get their power? From monopoly maintained by the
+State. Usury rests on this."[769] And "of the various monopolies that
+now prevail, four are of principal importance."[770]
+
+"First in the importance of its evil influence they [the founders of
+Anarchism] considered the money monopoly, which consists of the
+privilege given by the government to certain individuals, or to
+individuals holding certain kinds of property, of issuing the
+circulating medium, a privilege which is now enforced in this country by
+a national tax of ten per cent. upon all other persons who attempt to
+furnish a circulating medium, and by State laws making it a criminal
+offence to issue notes as currency. It is claimed that holders of this
+privilege control the rate of interest, the rate of rent of houses and
+buildings, and the prices of goods,--the first directly, and the second
+and third indirectly. For, if the business of banking were made free to
+all, more and more persons would enter into it until the competition
+should become sharp enough to reduce the price of lending money to the
+labor cost, which statistics show to be less than three-fourths of one
+per cent."[771] "Then down will go house-rent. For no one who can borrow
+capital at one per cent. with which to build a house of his own will
+consent to pay rent to a landlord at a higher rate than that."[772]
+Finally, "down will go profits also. For merchants, instead of buying at
+high prices on credit, will borrow money of the banks at less than one
+per cent., buy at low prices for cash, and correspondingly reduce the
+prices of their goods to their customers."[773]
+
+"Second in importance comes the land monopoly, the evil effects of which
+are seen principally in exclusively agricultural countries, like
+Ireland. This monopoly consists in the enforcement by government of
+land-titles which do not rest upon personal occupancy and
+cultivation."[774] "Ground-rent exists only because the State stands by
+to collect it and to protect land-titles rooted in force or fraud."[775]
+"As soon as individuals should no longer be protected in anything but
+personal occupancy and cultivation of land, ground-rent would disappear,
+and so usury have one less leg to stand on."[776]
+
+The third and fourth places are occupied by the tariff and patent
+monopolies.[777] "The tariff monopoly consists in fostering production
+at high prices and under unfavorable conditions by visiting with the
+penalty of taxation those who patronize production at low prices and
+under favorable conditions. The evil to which this monopoly gives rise
+might more properly be called _mis_usury than usury, because it compels
+labor to pay, not exactly for the use of capital, but rather for the
+misuse of capital."[778] "The patent monopoly protects inventors and
+authors against competition for a period long enough to enable them to
+extort from the people a reward enormously in excess of the labor
+measure of their services,--in other words, it gives certain people a
+right of property for a term of years in laws and facts of nature, and
+the power to exact tribute from others for the use of this natural
+wealth, which should be open to all."[779] It is on the tariff and
+patent monopolies, next to the money monopoly, that profit in exchange
+is based. If they were done away along with the money monopoly, it would
+disappear.[780]
+
+II. _Every one's self-interest, and particularly the equal liberty of
+all, demands a distribution of property in which every one is guaranteed
+the product of his labor._[781]
+
+1. "Equal liberty, in the property sphere, is such a balance between the
+liberty to take and the liberty to keep that the two liberties may
+coexist without conflict or invasion."[782] "Nearly all Anarchists
+consider labor to be the only basis of the right of ownership in harmony
+with that law";[783] "the laborers, instead of having only a small
+fraction of the wealth in the world, should have all the wealth."[784]
+This form of property "secures each in the possession of his own
+products, or of such products of others as he may have obtained
+unconditionally without the use of fraud or force, and in the
+realization of all titles to such products which he may hold by virtue
+of free contract with others."[785]
+
+"It will be seen from this definition that Anarchistic property concerns
+only products. But anything is a product upon which human labor has been
+expended, whether it be a piece of iron or a piece of land. (It should
+be stated, however, that in the case of land, or of any other material
+the supply of which is so limited that all cannot hold it in unlimited
+quantities, Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles except such as are
+based on actual occupancy and use.)"[786]
+
+2. A distribution of property in which every one is guaranteed the
+product of his labor presupposes merely that equal liberty be applied in
+those spheres which are as yet dominated by State monopoly.[787]
+
+"Free money first."[788] "I mean by free money the utter absence of
+restriction upon the issue of all money not fraudulent";[789] "making
+the issue of money as free as the manufacture of shoes."[790]
+
+Money is here understood in the broadest sense, it means both
+"commodity money and credit money,"[791] by no means coin alone; "if the
+idea of the royalty of gold and silver could once be knocked out of the
+people's heads, and they could once understand that no particular kind
+of merchandise is created by nature for monetary purposes, they would
+settle this question in a trice."[792] "If they only had the liberty to
+do so, there are enough large and small property-holders willing and
+anxious to issue money, to provide a far greater amount than is
+needed."[793] "Does the law of England allow citizens to form a bank for
+the issue of paper money against any property that they may see fit to
+accept as security; said bank perhaps owning no specie whatever; the
+paper money not redeemable in specie except at the option of the bank;
+the customers of the bank mutually pledging themselves to accept the
+bank's paper in lieu of gold or silver coin of the same face value; the
+paper being redeemable only at the maturity of the mortgage notes, and
+then simply by a return of said notes and a release of the mortgaged
+property,--is such an institution, I ask, allowed by the law of England?
+If it is, then I have only to say that the working people of England are
+very great fools not to take advantage of this inestimable
+liberty."[794] Then "competition would reduce the rate of interest on
+capital to the mere cost of banking, which is much less than one per
+cent.,"[795] for "capitalists will not be able to lend their capital at
+interest when people can get money at the bank without interest with
+which to buy capital outright."[796] Likewise the charge of rent on
+buildings "would be almost entirely and directly abolished,"[797] and
+"profits fall to the level of the manufacturer's or merchant's proper
+wage,"[798] "except in business protected by tariff or patent
+laws."[799] "This facility of acquiring capital will give an unheard-of
+impetus to business";[800] "if free banking were only a picayunish
+attempt to distribute more equitably the small amount of wealth now
+produced, I would not waste a moment's energy on it."[801]
+
+Free land is needed in the second place.[802] "'The land for the
+people,' according to 'Liberty', means the protection of all people who
+desire to cultivate land in the possession of whatever land they
+personally cultivate, without distinction between the existing classes
+of landlords, tenants, and laborers, and the positive refusal of the
+protecting power to lend its aid to the collection of any rent
+whatsoever."[803] This "system of occupying ownership, accompanied by no
+legal power to collect rent, but coupled with the abolition of the
+State-guaranteed monopoly of money, thus making capital readily
+available,"[804] would "abolish ground-rent"[805] and "distribute the
+increment naturally and quietly among its rightful owners."[806]
+
+In the third and fourth place, free trade and freedom of intellectual
+products are necessary.[807] If they were added to freedom in money,
+"profit on merchandise would become merely the wages of mercantile
+labor."[808] Free trade "would result in a great reduction in the prices
+of all articles taxed."[809] And "the abolition of the patent monopoly
+would fill its beneficiaries with a wholesome fear of competition which
+would cause them to be satisfied with pay for their services equal to
+that which other laborers get for theirs."[810]
+
+If equal liberty is realized in these four spheres, its realization in
+the sphere of property follows of itself: that is, a distribution of
+property in which every one is guaranteed the product of his labor.[811]
+"Economic privilege must disappear as a result of the abolition of
+political tyranny."[812] In a society in which there is no more
+government of man by man, there can be no such things as interest, rent,
+and profits;[813] every one is guaranteed the ownership of the product
+of his labor. "Socialism does not say: 'Thou shalt not steal!' It says:
+'When all men have Liberty, thou wilt not steal.'"[814]
+
+3. "Liberty will abolish all means whereby any laborer can be deprived
+of any of his product; but it will not abolish the limited inequality
+between one laborer's product and another's."[815] "There will remain
+the slight disparity of products due to superiority of soil and skill.
+But even this disparity will soon develop a tendency to decrease. Under
+the new economic conditions and enlarged opportunities resulting from
+freedom of credit and land classes will tend to disappear; great
+capacities will not be developed in a few at the expense of stunting
+those of the many; freedom of locomotion will be vastly increased; the
+toilers will no longer be anchored in such large numbers in the present
+commercial centres, and thus made subservient to the city landlords;
+territories and resources never before utilized will become easy of
+access and development; and under all these influences the disparity
+above mentioned will decrease to a minimum."[816]
+
+"Probably it will never disappear entirely."[817] "Now, because liberty
+has not the power to bring this about, there are people who say: We will
+have no liberty, for we must have absolute equality. I am not of them.
+If I can go through life free and rich, I shall not cry because my
+neighbor, equally free, is richer. Liberty will ultimately make all men
+rich; it will not make all men equally rich. Authority may (and may not)
+make all men equally rich in purse; it certainly will make them equally
+poor in all that makes life best worth living."[818]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_According to Tucker, the manner in which the change called for by every
+one's self-interest takes place is to be that those who have recognized
+the truth shall first convince a sufficient number of people how
+necessary the change is to their own interests, and that then they all
+of them, by refusing obedience, abolish the State, transform law and
+property, and thus bring about the new condition._
+
+I. First a sufficient number of men are to be convinced that their own
+interests demand the change.
+
+1. "A system of Anarchy in actual operation implies a previous education
+of the people in the principles of Anarchy."[819] "The individual must
+be penetrated with the Anarchistic idea and taught to rebel."[820]
+"Persistent inculcation of the doctrine of equality of liberty, whereby
+finally the majority will be made to see in regard to existing forms of
+invasion what they have already been made to see in regard to its
+obsolete forms,--namely, that they are not seeking equality of liberty
+at all, but simply the subjection of all others to themselves."[821]
+"The Irish Land League failed because the peasants were acting, not
+intelligently in obedience to their wisdom, but blindly in obedience to
+leaders who betrayed them at the critical moment. Had the people
+realized the power they were exercising and understood the economic
+situation, they would not have resumed the payment of rent at Parnell's
+bidding, and to-day they might have been free. The Anarchists do not
+propose to repeat their mistake. That is why they are devoting
+themselves entirely to the inculcation of principles, especially of
+economic principles. In steadfastly pursuing this course regardless of
+clamor, they alone are laying a sure foundation for the success of the
+revolution."[822]
+
+2. In particular, according to Tucker, appropriate means for the
+inculcation of the Anarchistic idea are "speech and the
+press."[823]--But what if the freedom of speech and of the press be
+suppressed? Then force is justifiable.[824]
+
+But force is to be used only as a "last resort."[825] "When a physician
+sees that his patient's strength is being exhausted so rapidly by the
+intensity of his agony that he will die of exhaustion before the medical
+processes inaugurated have a chance to do their curative work, he
+administers an opiate. But a good physician is always loth to do so,
+knowing that one of the influences of the opiate is to interfere with
+and defeat the medical processes themselves. It is the same with the use
+of force, whether of the mob or of the State, upon diseased society; and
+not only those who prescribe its indiscriminate use as a sovereign
+remedy and a permanent tonic, but all who ever propose it as a cure, and
+even all who would lightly and unnecessarily resort to it, not as a
+cure, but as an expedient, _are social quacks_."[826]
+
+Therefore violence "should be used against the oppressors of mankind
+only when they have succeeded in hopelessly repressing all peaceful
+methods of agitation."[827] "Bloodshed in itself is pure loss. When we
+must have freedom of agitation, and when nothing but bloodshed will
+secure it, then bloodshed is wise."[828] "As long as freedom of speech
+and of the press is not struck down, there should be no resort to
+physical force in the struggle against oppression. It must not be
+inferred that, because 'Libertas' thinks it may become advisable to use
+force to secure free speech, it would therefore sanction a bloody deluge
+as soon as free speech had been struck down in one, a dozen, or a
+hundred instances. Not until the gag had become completely efficacious
+would 'Libertas' advise that last resort, the use of force."[829]
+"Terrorism is expedient in Russia and inexpedient in Germany and
+England."[830]--In what form is violence to be used? "The days of armed
+revolution have gone by. It is too easily put down."[831] "Terrorism and
+assassination"[832] are necessary, but they "will have to consist of a
+series of acts of individual dynamiters."[833]
+
+3. But, besides speech and the press, there are yet other methods of
+"propagandism."[834]
+
+Such a method is "isolated individual resistance to taxation."[835]
+"Some year, when an Anarchist feels exceptionally strong and
+independent, when his conduct can impair no serious personal
+obligations, when on the whole he would a little rather go to jail than
+not, and when his property is in such shape that he can successfully
+conceal it, let him declare to the assessor property of a certain value,
+and then defy the collector to collect. Or, if he have no property, let
+him decline to pay his poll tax. The State will then be put to its
+trumps. Of two things one,--either it will let him alone, and then he
+will tell his neighbors all about it, resulting the next year in an
+alarming disposition on their part to keep their own money in their own
+pockets; or else it will imprison him, and then by the requisite legal
+processes he will demand and secure all the rights of a civil prisoner
+and live thus a decently comfortable life until the State shall get
+tired of supporting him and the increasing number of persons who will
+follow his example. Unless, indeed, the State, in desperation, shall see
+fit to make its laws regarding imprisonment for taxes more rigorous, and
+then, if our Anarchist be a determined man, we shall find out how far a
+republican government, 'deriving its just powers from the consent of the
+governed,' is ready to go to procure that 'consent,'--whether it will
+stop at solitary confinement in a dark cell or join with the czar of
+Russia in administering torture by electricity. The farther it shall go
+the better it will be for Anarchy, as every student of the history of
+reform well knows. Who shall estimate the power for propagandism of a
+few cases of this kind, backed by a well-organized force of agitators
+outside the prison walls?"[836]
+
+Another method of propaganda consists in "a practical test of
+Anarchistic principles."[837] But this cannot take place in isolated
+communities, but only "in the very heart of existing industrial and
+social life."[838] "In some large city fairly representative of the
+varied interests and characteristics of our heterogeneous civilization
+let a sufficiently large number of earnest and intelligent Anarchists,
+engaged in nearly all the different trades and professions, combine to
+carry on their production and distribution on the cost principle,
+and,"[839] "setting at defiance the national and State banking
+prohibitions,"[840] "to start a bank through which they can obtain a
+non-interest-bearing currency for the conduct of their commerce and
+dispose their steadily accumulating capital in new enterprises, the
+advantages of this system of affairs being open to all who should choose
+to offer their patronage,--what would be the result? Why, soon the whole
+composite population, wise and unwise, good, bad, and indifferent, would
+become interested in what was going on under their very eyes, more and
+more of them would actually take part in it, and in a few years, each
+man reaping the fruit of his labor and no man able to live in idleness
+on an income from capital, the whole city would become a great hive of
+Anarchistic workers, prosperous and free individuals."[841]
+
+II. If a sufficient number of persons are convinced that their
+self-interest demands the change, then the time is come to abolish the
+State, transform law and property, and bring about the new condition, by
+"the Social Revolution,"[842] _i. e._ by as general a refusal of
+obedience as possible. The State "is sheer tyranny, and has no rights
+which any individual is bound to respect; on the contrary, every
+individual who understands his rights and values his liberties will do
+his best to overthrow it."[843]
+
+1. Many believe "that the State cannot disappear until the individual is
+perfected.
+
+"In saying which, Mr. Appleton joins hands with those wise persons who
+admit that Anarchy will be practicable when the millennium arrives. No
+doubt it is true that, if the individual could perfect himself while
+the barriers to his perfection are standing, the State would afterwards
+disappear. Perhaps, too, he could go to heaven, if he could lift himself
+by his boot-straps."[844] "'Bullion' thinks that 'civilization consists
+in teaching men to govern themselves and then letting them do it.' A
+very slight change suffices to make this stupid statement an entirely
+accurate one, after which it would read: 'Civilization consists in
+teaching men to govern themselves by letting them do it.'"[845]
+Therefore it is necessary to "abolish the State"[846] by "the impending
+social revolution."[847]
+
+2. Others have the "fallacious idea that Anarchy can be inaugurated by
+force."[848]
+
+In what way it is to be inaugurated is solely a question of
+"expediency."[849] "To brand the policy of terrorism and assassination
+as immoral is ridiculously weak. 'Liberty' does not assume to set any
+limit on the right of an invaded individual to choose his own methods of
+defence. The invader, whether an individual or a government, forfeits
+all claim to consideration from the invaded. This truth is independent
+of the character of the invasion. It makes no difference in what
+direction the individual finds his freedom arbitrarily limited; he has a
+right to vindicate it in any case, and he will be justified in
+vindicating it by whatever means are available."[850]
+
+"The right to resist oppression by violence is beyond doubt. But its
+exercise would be unwise unless the suppression of free thought, free
+speech, and a free press were enforced so stringently that all other
+means of throwing it off had become hopeless."[851] "If government
+should be abruptly and entirely abolished to-morrow, there would
+probably ensue a series of physical conflicts about land and many other
+things, ending in reaction and a revival of the old tyranny. But, if the
+abolition of government shall take place gradually, it will be
+accompanied by a constant acquisition and steady spreading of social
+truth."[852]
+
+3. The social revolution is to come about by passive resistance; that
+is, refusal of obedience.[853]
+
+"Passive resistance is the most potent weapon ever wielded by man
+against oppression."[854] "'Passive resistance,' said Ferdinand
+Lassalle, with an obtuseness thoroughly German, 'is the resistance which
+does not resist.' Never was there a greater mistake. It is the only
+resistance which in these days of military discipline meets with any
+result. There is not a tyrant in the civilized world to-day who would
+not do anything in his power to precipitate a bloody revolution rather
+than see himself confronted by any large fraction of his subjects
+determined not to obey. An insurrection is easily quelled, but no army
+is willing or able to train its guns on inoffensive people who do not
+even gather in the street but stay at home and stand back on their
+rights."[855]
+
+"Power feeds on its spoils, and dies when its victims refuse to be
+despoiled. They can't persuade it to death; they can't vote it to death;
+they can't shoot it to death; but they can always starve it to death.
+When a determined body of people, sufficiently strong in numbers and
+force of character to command respect and make it unsafe to imprison
+them, shall agree to quietly close their doors in the faces of the
+tax-collector and the rent-collector, and shall, by issuing their own
+money in defiance of legal prohibition, at the same time cease paying
+tribute to the money-lord, government, with all the privileges which it
+grants and the monopolies which it sustains, will go by the board."[856]
+
+Consider "the enormous and utterly irresistible power of a large and
+intelligent minority, comprising say one-fifth of the population in any
+given locality," refusing to pay taxes.[857] "I need do no more than
+call attention to the wonderfully instructive history of the Land League
+movement in Ireland, the most potent and instantly effective
+revolutionary force the world has ever known so long as it stood by its
+original policy of 'Pay No Rent,' and which lost nearly all its strength
+the day it abandoned that policy. But it was pursued far enough to show
+that the British government was utterly powerless before it; and it is
+scarcely too much to say, in my opinion, that, had it been persisted in,
+there would not to-day be a landlord in Ireland. It is easier to resist
+taxes in this country than it is to resist rent in Ireland; and such a
+policy would be as much more potent here than there as the intelligence
+of the people is greater, providing always that you can enlist in it a
+sufficient number of earnest and determined men and women. If one-fifth
+of the people were to resist taxation, it would cost more to collect
+their taxes, or try to collect them, than the other four-fifths would
+consent to pay into the treasury."[858]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[655] [Recognized by Tucker as the originator of Anarchism, so far as
+any man can claim this title. See Bailie's life of Warren.]
+
+[656] [At present (1908) a bi-monthly magazine.]
+
+[657] [Or rather a selection.]
+
+[658] Tucker p. 21.
+
+[659] _Ib._ p. 112.
+
+[660] _Ib._ p. 24.
+
+[661] _Ib._ pp. 24, 64.
+
+[662] _Ib._ p. 64.
+
+[663] Tucker p. 35. [This passage refers merely to what it mentions, the
+alleged intent utterly to destroy society. As to identity of interests,
+I believe Tucker's position is that the interest of society is that of
+_almost_ every individual.]
+
+[664] _Ib._ p. 24.
+
+[665] _Ib._ p. 24.
+
+[666] _Ib._ p. 132.
+
+[667] _Ib._ p. 42. [Eltzbacher does not seem to perceive that Tucker
+uses this as a ready-made phrase, coined by Herbert Spencer and
+designating Spencer's well-known formula that in justice "every man has
+freedom to do all that he wills, provided he infringes not the equal
+freedom of any other man."]
+
+[668] _Ib._ p. 41.
+
+[669] _Ib._ p. 64.
+
+[670] Tucker p. 35. [This citation is again irrelevant, but Eltzbacher's
+misapplication of it does not misrepresent Tucker's views.]
+
+[671] _Ib._ p. 65.
+
+[672] _Ib._ p. 15.
+
+[673] _Ib._ p. 59. [It should be understood that a great part of
+"Instead of a Book" is made up of the reprints of discussions with
+various opponents whose language is quoted and alluded to.]
+
+[674] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[675] _Ib._ p. 67.
+
+[676] _Ib._ p. 153.
+
+[677] _Ib._ p. 135. [Since the publication of "Instead of a Book" Tucker
+has had a notable discussion of the child question in "Liberty," which,
+while developing much disagreement on this point among Tucker's friends,
+has at least brought definiteness into the judgments passed upon it.]
+
+[678] Tucker p. 78.
+
+[679] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[680] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[681] _Ib._ p. 59. [The wording of this clause is so thoroughly
+Eltzbacher's own that his quotation-marks appear unjustifiable; but the
+doctrine is Tucker's.]
+
+[682] _Ib._ p. 81.
+
+[683] _Ib._ p. 80.
+
+[684] _Ib._ p. 167.
+
+[685] Tucker p. 23.
+
+[686] _Ib._ pp. 60, 52, 158, 104, 167.
+
+[687] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[688] _Ib._ p. 60. [But see below, page 200, where Tucker's page 60 is
+quoted _verbatim_.]
+
+[689] _Ib._ p. 312.
+
+[690] _Ib._ p. 312. [Tucker is not likely to think that he is fairly
+represented without a fuller quotation: "not only the facts, but the
+law, the justice of the law, its applicability to the given
+circumstances, and the penalty or damage to be inflicted because of its
+infraction." He would emphasize "the justice of the law"--a juryman will
+disregard a law that he disapproves. Tucker here prefixes "All rules and
+laws will be little more than suggestions for the guidance of juries."
+Nevertheless the juryman is to be guided by norm and not by caprice: see
+"Liberty" Sept. 7, 1895, where he says: "I am asked by a correspondent
+if I would 'passively see a woman throw her baby into the fire as a man
+throws his newspaper'. It is highly probable that I would interfere in
+such a case. But it is as probable, and perhaps more so, that I would
+personally interfere to prevent the owner of a masterpiece by Titian
+from applying the torch to the canvas. My interference in the former
+case no more invalidates the mother's property right in her child than
+my interference in the latter case would invalidate the property right
+of the owner of the painting. If I interfere in either case, I am an
+invader, acting in obedience to my injured feelings. As such I deserve
+to be punished. I consider that it would be the duty of a policeman in
+the service of the defence association to arrest me for assault. On my
+arraignment I should plead guilty, and it would be the duty of the jury
+to impose a penalty on me. I might ask for a light sentence on the
+strength of the extenuating circumstances, and I believe that my prayer
+would be heeded. But, if such invasions as mine were persisted in, it
+would become the duty of the jury to impose penalties sufficiently
+severe to put a stop to them."]
+
+[691] Tucker p. 312.
+
+[692] _Ib._ p. 52.
+
+[693] _Ib._ pp. 156-7. [Compare the exact words of this passage as
+quoted on page 200 below.]
+
+[694] _Ib._ p. 131. [Not _verbatim_.]
+
+[695] _Ib._ p. 60.
+
+[696] _Ib._ p. 61.
+
+[697] Tucker p. 52.
+
+[698] _Ib._ p. 24.
+
+[699] _Ib._ pp. 146, 350.
+
+[700] _Ib._ p. 48.
+
+[701] _Ib._ p. 48.
+
+[702] _Ib._ p. 158.
+
+[703] _Ib._ p. 51.
+
+[704] _Ib._ p. 158.
+
+[705] Tucker pp. 157-8.
+
+[706] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[707] _Ib._ p. 22.
+
+[708] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[709] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[710] Tucker p. 22.
+
+[711] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[712] _Ib._ p. 169.
+
+[713] _Ib._ p. 115. [The words are Lucien V. Pinney's, but Tucker quotes
+them approvingly.]
+
+[714] _Ib._ pp. 426-7.
+
+[715] _Ib._ p. 57.
+
+[716] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[717] Tucker pp. 25-6.
+
+[718] _Ib._ p. 57.
+
+[719] _Ib._ p. 26.
+
+[720] _Ib._ p. [32-]33.
+
+[721] Tucker p. 54.
+
+[722] _Ib._ p. 53.
+
+[723] _Ib._ pp. 26-7.
+
+[724] _Ib._ pp. 158-9.
+
+[725] Tucker p. 44. [See my note below, page 195.]
+
+[726] _Ib._ p. 35.
+
+[727] _Ib._ p. 321.
+
+[728] _Ib._ p. 32.
+
+[729] _Ib._ p. 44. [Or rather p. 167, and sundry other passages; on p.
+44 see my note below, page 195.]
+
+[730] _Ib._ p. 342.
+
+[731] _Ib._ p. 48.
+
+[732] Tucker pp. 44-5. [All this is a discussion of the characteristics
+which the State of to-day would have to possess if it were to deserve to
+be characterized as a voluntary association. The same conditions must of
+course be fulfilled by any future voluntary association; but it does not
+follow that all the points mentioned are such as Anarchistic
+associations would have most occasion to contemplate.]
+
+[733] Tucker p. 56.
+
+[734] _Ib._ pp. 56-7.
+
+[735] _Ib._ p. 24.
+
+[736] _Ib._ p. 44. [For context and limitations see page 195 of the
+present book.]
+
+[737] _Ib._ p. 158.
+
+[738] _Ib._ p. 32. [It is not necessary that taxation exist, though it
+may be altogether presumable that it will. Still less is it necessary
+that the taxation be considerable in amount.]
+
+[739] Tucker pp. 36-7.
+
+[740] _Ib._ p. 37.
+
+[741] _Ib._ p. 43.
+
+[742] Tucker p. 414.
+
+[743] _Ib._ p. 159. [Tucker himself would assuredly have given the
+emphasis of "especially" to the mutual banks. The defensive associations
+receive especially frequent mention because of the need of incessantly
+answering the objection "If we lose the State, who will protect us
+against ruffians?" but Tucker certainly expects that the defensive
+association will from the start fill a much smaller sphere in every
+respect than the present police. See _e. g._ "Instead of a Book" p. 40.]
+
+[744] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[745] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[746] _Ib._ p. 52.
+
+[747] _Ib._ p. 40.
+
+[748] Tucker p. 32.
+
+[749] _Ib._ pp. 326-7.
+
+[750] _Ib._ p. 36.
+
+[751] _Ib._ p. 167. [But the restraint of aggressions against those with
+whom the association has no contract, and also the possible refusal to
+pay any attention to some particular class of aggressions which it may
+be thought best to let alone, are optional; in these respects the
+association will do what seems best to serve the interests (including
+the pleasure, altruistic or other) of its members; those who do not
+approve the policy adopted may quit the association if they like.]
+
+[752] Tucker p. 39.
+
+[753] _Ib._ p. 55 [where Tucker explicitly refuses to approve this
+statement unless he is allowed to add the caveat "if by the words wrong
+doing is meant invasion"].
+
+[754] _Ib._ p. 56.
+
+[755] _Ib._ p. 56.
+
+[756] _Ib._ pp. 156-7. [But accompanied by a disapproval of the ordinary
+practice of capital punishment.]
+
+[757] _Ib._ p. 60 [where the particular torture under discussion is
+failure to "feed, clothe, and make comfortable" the prisoners].
+
+[758] _Ib._ p. 312. [But "Anarchism, as such, neither believes nor
+disbelieves in jury trial; it is a matter of expediency," pp. 55-6.]
+
+[759] Tucker p. 56.
+
+[760] _Ib._ p. 312.
+
+[761] _Ib._ p. 26.
+
+[762] _Ib._ p. 178.
+
+[763] _Ib._ pp. 178, 177.
+
+[764] _Ib._ p. 241.
+
+[765] _Ib._ p. 177. [This is given as an answer to the question here
+quoted next, about "surplus wealth."]
+
+[766] _Ib._ p. 177. [Quoted from N. Y. "Truth."]
+
+[767] _Ib._ p. 178.
+
+[768] Tucker p. 178.
+
+[769] _Ib._ p. 178. [Not _verbatim_.]
+
+[770] _Ib._ p. 11.
+
+[771] Tucker p. 11.
+
+[772] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[773] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[774] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[775] _Ib._ p. 178.
+
+[776] _Ib._ p. 12. [This is given as the view of Proudhon and Warren;
+the next sentence states Tucker's belief that for perfect correctness it
+should be modified by admitting that a small fraction of ground-rent,
+tending constantly to a minimum, would persist even then, but would be
+no cause for "serious alarm."]
+
+[777] Tucker pp. 12-13.
+
+[778] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[779] _Ib._ p. 13.
+
+[780] _Ib._ pp. 12-13, 178.
+
+[781] _Ib._ pp. 59-60.
+
+[782] Tucker p. 67.
+
+[783] _Ib._ p. 131.
+
+[784] _Ib._ p. 185. [Quoted, with express approval, from A. B. Brown.]
+
+[785] _Ib._ p. 60.
+
+[786] _Ib._ p. 61.
+
+[787] _Ib._ p. 178.
+
+[788] _Ib._ p. 273.
+
+[789] _Ib._ p. 274.
+
+[790] _Ib._ p. 374.
+
+[791] Tucker p. 272.
+
+[792] _Ib._ p. 198.
+
+[793] _Ib._ p. 248.
+
+[794] _Ib._ p. 226.
+
+[795] _Ib._ p. 474.
+
+[796] Tucker p. 287.
+
+[797] _Ib._ pp. 274-5.
+
+[798] _Ib._ p. 287.
+
+[799] _Ib._ p. 178.
+
+[800] _Ib._ p. 11.
+
+[801] _Ib._ p. 243.
+
+[802] _Ib._ p. 275.
+
+[803] _Ib._ p. 299.
+
+[804] _Ib._ p. 325.
+
+[805] _Ib._ p. 275.
+
+[806] _Ib._ p. 325. [Meaning, of course, John Stuart Mill's "unearned
+increment" in the value of land.]
+
+[807] _Ib._ pp. 12-13.
+
+[808] Tucker pp. 474, 178.
+
+[809] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[810] _Ib._ p. 13.
+
+[811] _Ib._ p. 403.
+
+[812] _Ib._ p. 403.
+
+[813] _Ib._ p. 470.
+
+[814] _Ib._ p. 362. ["Socialism" is here used as including Anarchism;
+and Tucker prefers so to use the word.]
+
+[815] _Ib._ p. [347-]348.
+
+[816] Tucker pp. 332-3.
+
+[817] _Ib._ p. 333.
+
+[818] _Ib._ p. 348.
+
+[819] Tucker p. 104.
+
+[820] _Ib._ p. 114.
+
+[821] _Ib._ pp. 77-8.
+
+[822] _Ib._ p. 416.
+
+[823] Tucker pp. 397, 413.
+
+[824] _Ib._ p. 413.
+
+[825] _Ib._ p. 397.
+
+[826] _Ib._ p. 428.
+
+[827] _Ib._ p. 428 [where the subject is not "violence" of all sorts
+great and small, but "terrorism and assassination"].
+
+[828] _Ib._ p. 439.
+
+[829] Tucker p. 397.
+
+[830] _Ib._ p. 428.
+
+[831] _Ib._ p. 440.
+
+[832] _Ib._ p. 428 [with limiting context quoted above, page 211].
+
+[833] _Ib._ p. 440.
+
+[834] _Ib._ p. 45.
+
+[835] _Ib._ p. 45 [where nothing is said as to whether the work is the
+better or the worse for being "isolated"].
+
+[836] Tucker p. 412.
+
+[837] _Ib._ p. 423.
+
+[838] _Ib._ p. 423.
+
+[839] _Ib._ p. 423.
+
+[840] Tucker p. 27.
+
+[841] _Ib._ pp. 423-4.
+
+[842] _Ib._ pp. 416, 439.
+
+[843] _Ib._ p. 45.
+
+[844] Tucker p. 114.
+
+[845] _Ib._ p. 158.
+
+[846] _Ib._ p. 114.
+
+[847] _Ib._ p. 487.
+
+[848] _Ib._ p. 427.
+
+[849] _Ib._ p. 429.
+
+[850] _Ib._ pp. 428-9.
+
+[851] Tucker p. 439.
+
+[852] _Ib._ p. 329 [where the course it must take is somewhat more
+precisely described].
+
+[853] _Ib._ p. 413.
+
+[854] _Ib._ p. 415.
+
+[855] _Ib._ p. 413.
+
+[856] Tucker pp. 415-16.
+
+[857] _Ib._ p. 412.
+
+[858] Tucker pp. 412-13. [This chapter should be completed by a mention
+of Tucker's doctrine that we must expect Anarchy to be established by
+gradually getting rid of one oppression after another till at last all
+the domination of violence shall have disappeared. See, for instance,
+"Liberty" for December, 1900: "The fact is that Anarchist society was
+started thousands of years ago, when the first glimmer of the idea of
+liberty dawned upon the human mind, and has been advancing ever
+since,--not steadily advancing, to be sure, but fitfully, with an
+occasional reversal of the current. Mr. Byington looks upon the time
+when a jury of Anarchists shall sit, as a point not far from the
+beginning of the history of Anarchy's growth, whereas I look upon that
+time as a point very near the end of that history. The introduction of
+more Anarchy into our economic life will have made marriage a thing of
+the past long before the first drawing of a jury of Anarchists to pass
+upon any contract whatever." Also "Instead of a Book" p. 104:
+"Anarchists work for the abolition of the State, but by this they mean
+not its overthrow, but, as Proudhon put it, its dissolution in the
+economic organism. This being the case, the question before us is not,
+as Mr. Donisthorpe supposes, what measures and means of interference we
+are justified in instituting, but which ones of those already existing
+we should first lop off." Tucker has lately been laying more emphasis on
+this view than on the more programme-like propositions cited by
+Eltzbacher, which date from the first six years of the publication of
+"Liberty." Indeed, I am sure I remember that somewhere lately, being
+challenged as to the feasibility of some of the latter, he admitted that
+those precise forms of action might perhaps not be adequate to bring the
+State to its end, and added that the end of the State is at present too
+remote to allow us to specify the processes by which it must ultimately
+be brought about. All this, however, does not mean that Tucker's faith
+in passive resistance as the most potent instrument discoverable both
+for propaganda and for the practical winning of liberty has grown
+weaker; he has no more given up this principle than he has given up the
+plan of propaganda by discussion.]
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+TOLSTOI'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+I. Lef Nikolayevitch Tolstoi was born in 1828 at Yasnaya Polyana,
+district of Krapivna, government of Tula. From 1843 to 1846 he studied
+in Kazan at first oriental languages, then jurisprudence; from 1847 to
+1848, in St. Petersburg, jurisprudence. After a lengthy stay at Yasnaya
+Polyana, he entered an artillery regiment in the Caucasus, in 1851; he
+became an officer, remained in the Caucasus till 1853, then served in
+the Crimean war, and left the army in 1855.
+
+Tolstoi now lived at first in St. Petersburg. In 1857 he took a lengthy
+tour in Germany, France, Italy, and Switzerland. After his return he
+lived mostly in Moscow till 1860. In 1860-1861 he traveled in Germany,
+France, Italy, England, and Belgium; in Brussels he made the
+acquaintance of Proudhon.
+
+Since 1861 Tolstoi has lived almost uninterruptedly at Yasnaya Polyana,
+as at once agriculturist and author.
+
+Tolstoi has published numerous works; his works up to 1878 are mostly
+stories, among which the two novels "War and Peace" and "Anna Karenina"
+are notable; his later works are mostly of a philosophical nature.
+
+2. Of special importance for Tolstoi's teaching about law, the State,
+and property are his works "My Confession" (1879), "The Gospel in Brief"
+(1880), "What I Believe" (1884) [also known in English as "My
+Religion"], "What Shall We Do Then?" (1885), "On Life" (1887), "The
+Kingdom of God is Within You; or, Christianity not a mystical doctrine,
+but a new life-conception" (1893).
+
+3. Tolstoi does not call his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." He designates as "Anarchism" the teaching which sets up as
+its goal a life without government and wishes to see this realized by
+the application of force.[859]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_According to Tolstoi our supreme law is love; from this he derives the
+commandment not to resist evil by force._
+
+1. Tolstoi designates "Christianity"[860] as his basis; but by
+Christianity he means not the doctrine of one of the Christian churches,
+neither the Orthodox nor the Catholic nor that of any of the Protestant
+bodies,[861] but the pure teaching of Christ.[862]
+
+"Strange as it may sound, the churches have always been not merely alien
+but downright hostile to the teaching of Christ, and they must needs be
+so. The churches are not, as many think, institutions that are based on
+a Christian origin and have only erred a little from the right way; the
+churches as such, as associations that assert their infallibility, are
+anti-Christian institutions. The Christian churches and Christianity
+have no fellowship except in name; nay, the two are utterly opposite and
+hostile elements. The churches are arrogance, violence, usurpation,
+rigidity, death; Christianity is humility, penitence, submissiveness,
+progress, life."[863] The church has "so transformed Christ's teaching
+to suit the world that there no longer resulted from it any demands, and
+that men could go on living as they had hitherto lived. The church
+yielded to the world, and, having yielded, followed it. The world did
+everything that it chose, and left the church to hobble after as well as
+it could with its teachings about the meaning of life. The world led its
+life, contrary to Christ's teaching in each and every point, and the
+church contrived subtleties to demonstrate that in living contrary to
+Christ's law men were living in harmony with it. And it ended in the
+world's beginning to lead a life worse than the life of the heathen, and
+the church's daring not only to justify such a life but even to assert
+that this was precisely what corresponded to Christ's teaching."[864]
+
+Particularly different from Christ's teaching is the church
+"creed,"[865]--that is, the totality of the utterly incomprehensible and
+therefore useless "dogmas."[866] "Of a God, external creator, origin of
+all origins, we know nothing";[867] "God is the spirit in man,"[868]
+"his conscience,"[869] "the knowledge of life";[870] "every man
+recognizes in himself a free rational spirit independent of the flesh:
+this spirit is what we call God."[871] Christ was a man,[872] "the son
+of an unknown father; as he did not know his father, in his childhood he
+called God his father";[873] and he was a son of God as to his spirit,
+as every man is a son of God,[874] he embodied "Man confessing his
+sonship of God."[875] Those who "assert that Christ professed to redeem
+with his blood mankind fallen by Adam, that God is a trinity, that the
+Holy Spirit descended upon the apostles and that it passes to the priest
+by the laying on of hands, that seven mysteries are necessary to
+salvation, and so forth,"[876] "preach doctrines utterly alien to
+Christ."[877] "Never did Christ with a single word attest the personal
+resurrection and the immortality of man beyond the grave,"[878] which
+indeed is "a very low and coarse idea";[879] the Ascension and the
+Resurrection are to be counted among "the most objectionable
+miracles."[880]
+
+Tolstoi accepts Christ's teaching as valid not on the ground of faith in
+a revelation, but solely for its rationality. Faith in a revelation "was
+the main reason why the teaching was at first misunderstood and later
+mutilated outright."[881] Faith in Christ is "not a trusting in
+something related to Christ, but the knowledge of the truth."[882]
+
+"'There is a law of evolution, and therefore one must live only his own
+personal life and leave the rest to the law of evolution,' is the last
+word of the refined culture of our day, and, at the same time, of that
+obscuration of consciousness to which the cultured classes are a
+prey."[883] But "human life, from getting up in the morning to going to
+bed at night, is an unbroken series of actions; man must daily choose
+out from hundreds of actions possible to him those actions which he will
+perform; therefore, man cannot live without something to guide the
+choice of his actions."[884] Now, reason alone can offer him this guide.
+"Reason is that law, recognized by man, according to which his life is
+to be accomplished."[885] "If there is no higher reason,--and such there
+is not, nor can anything prove its existence,--then my reason is the
+supreme judge of my life."[886] "The ever-increasing subjugation"[887]
+"of the bestial personality to the rational consciousness"[888] is "the
+true life,"[889] is "life"[890] as opposed to mere "existence."[891]
+
+"It used to be said, 'Do not argue, but believe in the duty that we have
+prescribed to you; reason will deceive you; faith alone will bring you
+the true happiness of life.' And the man exerted himself to believe, and
+he believed. But intercourse with other men showed him that in many
+cases these believed something quite different, and asserted that this
+other faith bestowed the highest happiness. It has become unavoidable to
+decide the question which of the many faiths is the right one; and only
+reason can decide this."[892] "If the Buddhist who has learned to know
+Islam remains a Buddhist, he is no longer a Buddhist in faith but in
+reason. As soon as another faith comes up before him, and with it the
+question whether to reject his faith or this other, reason alone can
+give him an answer. If he has learned to know Islam and has still
+remained a Buddhist, then rational conviction has taken the place of his
+former blind faith in Buddha."[893] "Man recognizes truth only by
+reason, not by faith."[894]
+
+"The law of reason reveals itself to men gradually."[895] "Eighteen
+hundred years ago there appeared in the midst of the pagan Roman world a
+remarkable new teaching, which was not comparable to any that had
+preceded it, and which was ascribed to a man called Christ."[896] This
+teaching contains "the very strictest, purest, and completest"[897]
+apprehension of the law of reason to which "the human mind has hitherto
+raised itself."[898] Christ's teaching is "reason itself";[899] it must
+be accepted by men because it alone gives those rules of life "without
+which no man ever has lived or can live, if he would live as a
+man,--that is, with reason."[900] Man has, "on the basis of reason, no
+right to refuse allegiance to it."[901]
+
+2. Christ's teaching sets up love as the supreme law for us.
+
+What is love? "What men who do not understand life call 'love' is only
+the giving to certain conditions of their personal comfort a preference
+over any others. When the man who does not understand life says that he
+loves his wife or child or friend, he means by this only that his
+wife's, child's, or friend's presence in his life heightens his personal
+comfort."[902]
+
+"True love is always renunciation of one's personal comfort"[903] for a
+neighbor's sake. True love "is a condition of wishing well to all men,
+such as commonly characterizes children but is produced in grown men
+only by self-abnegation."[904] "What living man does not know the happy
+feeling, even if he has felt it only once and in most cases only in
+earliest childhood, of that emotion in which one wishes to love
+everybody, neighbors and father and mother and brothers and bad men and
+enemies and dog and horse and grass; one wishes only one thing, that it
+were well with all, that all were happy; and still more does one wish
+that he were himself capable of making all happy, one wishes he might
+give himself, give his whole life, that all might be well off and enjoy
+themselves. Just this, this alone, is that love in which man's life
+consists."[905]
+
+True love is "an ideal of full, infinite, divine perfection."[906]
+"Divine perfection is the asymptote of human life, toward which it
+constantly strives, to which it draws nearer and nearer, but which can
+be attained only at infinity."[907] "True life, according to previous
+teachings, consists in the fulfilling of commandments, the fulfilling of
+the law; according to Christ's teaching it consists in the maximum
+approach to the divine perfection which has been exhibited, and which is
+felt in himself by every man."[908]
+
+According to the teaching of Christ, love is our highest law. "The
+commandment of love is the expression of the inmost heart of the
+teaching."[909] There are "three conceptions of life, and only three:
+first the personal or bestial, second the social or heathenish,"[910]
+"third the Christian or divine."[911] The man of the bestial conception
+of life, "the savage, acknowledges life only in himself; the mainspring
+of his life is personal enjoyment. The heathenish, social man recognizes
+life no longer in himself alone, but in a community of persons, in the
+tribe, the family, the race, the State; the mainspring of his life is
+reputation. The man of the divine conception of life acknowledges life
+no longer in his person, nor yet in a community of persons, but in the
+prime source of eternal, never-dying life--in God; the mainspring of his
+life is love."[912]
+
+That love is our supreme law according to Christ's teaching means
+nothing else than that it is such according to reason. As early as 1852
+Tolstoi gives utterance to the thought "That love and beneficence are
+truth is the only truth on earth,"[913] and much later, in 1887, he
+calls love "man's only rational activity,"[914] that which "resolves all
+the contradictions of human life."[915] Love abolishes the insensate
+activity directed to the filling of the bottomless tub of our bestial
+personality,[916] does away with the foolish fight between beings that
+strive after their own happiness,[917] gives a meaning independent of
+space and time to life, which without it would flow off without meaning
+in the face of death.[918]
+
+3. From the law of love Christ's teaching derives the commandment not to
+resist evil by force. "'Resist not evil' means 'never resist the evil
+man', that is, 'never do violence to another', that is, 'never commit an
+act that is contrary to love'."[919]
+
+Christ expressly derived this commandment from the law of love. He gave
+numerous commandments, among which five in the Sermon on the Mount are
+notable; "these commandments do not constitute the teaching, they only
+form one of the numberless stages of approach to perfection";[920] they
+"are all negative, and only show"[921] what "at mankind's present
+age"[922] we "have already the full possibility of not doing, along the
+road by which we are striving to reach perfection."[923] The first of
+the five commandments of the Sermon on the Mount reads "Keep the peace
+with all, and if the peace is broken use every effort to restore
+it";[924] the second says "Let the man take only one woman and the woman
+only one man, and let neither forsake the other under any pretext";[925]
+the third, "make no vows";[926] the fourth, "endure injury, return not
+evil for evil";[927] the fifth, "break not the peace to benefit thy
+people."[928] Among these commandments the fourth is the most important;
+it is enunciated in the fifth chapter of Matthew, verses 38-9: "Ye have
+heard that it was said, Eye for eye, and tooth for tooth. But I say to
+you, Resist not evil."[929] Tolstoi tells how to him this passage
+"became the key of the whole."[930] "I needed only to take these words
+simply and downrightly, as they were spoken, and at once everything in
+Christ's whole teaching that had seemed confused to me, not only in the
+Sermon on the Mount but in the Gospels altogether, was comprehensible to
+me, and everything that had been contradictory agreed, and the main gist
+appeared no longer useless but a necessity; everything formed a whole,
+and the one confirmed the other past a doubt, like the pieces of a
+shattered column that one has rightly put together."[931] The principle
+of non-resistance binds together "the entire teaching into a whole; but
+only when it is no mere dictum but a peremptory rule, a law."[932] "It
+is really the key that opens everything, but only when it goes into the
+inmost of the lock."[933]
+
+We must necessarily derive the commandment not to resist evil by force
+from the law of love. For this demands that either a sure, indisputable
+criterion of evil be found, or all violent resistance to evil be
+abandoned.[934] "Hitherto it has been the business now of the pope, now
+of an emperor or king, now of an assembly of elected representatives,
+now of the whole nation, to decide what was to be rated as an evil and
+combated by violent resistance. But there have always been men, both
+without and within the State, who have not acknowledged as binding upon
+them either the decisions that were given out as divine commandments or
+the decisions of the men who were clothed with sanctity or the
+institutions that were supposed to represent the will of the people; men
+who regarded as good what to the powers that be appeared evil, and who,
+in opposition to the force of these powers, likewise made use of force.
+The men who were clothed with sanctity regarded as an evil what appeared
+good to the men and institutions that were clothed with secular
+authority, and the combat grew ever sharper and sharper. Thus it came to
+what it has come to to-day, to the complete obviousness of the fact that
+there is not and cannot be a generally binding external definition of
+evil."[935] But from this follows the necessity of accepting the
+solution given by Christ.[936]
+
+According to Tolstoi, the precept of non-resistance must not be taken
+"as if it forbade every combat against evil."[937] It forbids only the
+combating of evil by force.[938] But this it forbids in the broadest
+sense. It refers, therefore, not only to evil practised against
+ourselves, but also to evil practised against our fellow-men;[939] when
+Peter cut off the ear of the high priest's servant, he was defending
+"not himself but his beloved divine Teacher, but Christ forbade him
+outright and said 'All who take the sword will perish by the
+sword.'"[940] Nor does the precept say that only a part of men are under
+obligation "to submit without a contest to what is prescribed to them
+by certain authorities,"[941] but it forbids "everybody, therefore even
+those in whom power is vested, and these especially, to use force in any
+case against anybody."[942]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _For love's sake, particularly on the ground of the commandment not
+to resist evil by force, Tolstoi rejects law; not unconditionally,
+indeed, but as an institution for the more highly developed peoples of
+our time._ To be sure, he speaks only of enacted laws; but he means all
+law,[943] for he rejects on principle every norm based on the will of
+men,[944] upheld by human force,[945] especially by courts,[946] capable
+of deviating from the moral law,[947] of being different in different
+territories,[948] and of being at any time arbitrarily changed.[949]
+
+Perhaps once upon a time law was better than its non-existence. Law is
+"upheld by violence";[950] on the other hand, it guards against violence
+of individuals to each other;[951] perhaps there was once a time when
+the former violence was less than the latter.[952] Now, at any rate,
+this time is past for us; manners have grown milder; the men of our time
+"acknowledge the commandments of philanthropy, of sympathy with one's
+neighbor, and ask only the possibility of quiet, peaceable life."[953]
+
+Law offends against the commandment not to resist evil by force.[954]
+Christ declared this. The words "Judge not, that ye be not judged"
+(Matt. 7.1), "Condemn not, and ye shall not be condemned" (Luke 6.37),
+"mean not only 'do not judge your neighbor in words,' but also 'do not
+condemn him by act; do not judge your neighbor according to your human
+laws by your courts.'"[955] Christ here speaks not merely "of every
+individual's personal relation to the court,"[956] but rejects "the
+administration of law itself."[957] "He says, 'You believe that your
+laws better the evil; they only make it greater; there is only one way
+to check evil, and this consists in returning good for evil, doing good
+to all without discrimination.'"[958] And "my heart and my reason"[959]
+say to me the same as Christ says.
+
+But this is not the only objection to be made against law. "Authority
+condemns in the rigid form of law only what public opinion has in most
+cases long since disallowed and condemned; withal, public opinion
+disallows and condemns all actions that are contrary to the moral law,
+but the law condemns and prosecutes only the actions included within
+certain quite definite and very narrow limits, and thereby, in a
+measure, justifies all similar actions that do not come within these
+limits. Ever since Moses's day public opinion has regarded selfishness,
+sensuality, and cruelty as evils and has condemned it; it has repudiated
+and condemned every form of selfishness, not only the appropriation of
+others' property by force, fraud, or guile, but exploitation
+altogether; it has condemned every sort of unchastity, be it with a
+concubine, a slave, a divorced woman, or even with one's own wife; it
+has condemned all cruelty, as it finds expression in the ill-treating,
+starving, and killing not only of men but of animals too. But the law
+prosecutes only particular forms of selfishness, like theft and fraud,
+and only particular forms of unchastity and cruelty, like marital
+infidelity, murder, and mayhem; therefore, in a measure, it permits all
+the forms of selfishness, unchastity, and cruelty that do not come under
+its narrow definitions inspired by a false conception."[960]
+
+"The Jew could easily submit to his laws, for he did not doubt that they
+were written by God's finger; likewise the Roman, as he thought they
+originated from the nymph Egeria; and man in general so long as he
+regarded the princes who gave him laws as God's anointed, or believed
+that the legislating assemblies had the wish and the capacity to make
+the best laws."[961] But "as early as the time when Christianity made
+its appearance men were beginning to comprehend that human laws were
+written by men; that men, whatever outward splendor may enshroud them,
+cannot be infallible, and that erring men do not become infallible even
+by getting together and calling themselves 'Senate' or something
+else."[962] "We know how laws are made; we have all been behind the
+scenes; we all know that the laws are products of selfishness,
+deception, partisanship, that true justice does not and cannot dwell in
+them."[963] Therefore "the recognition of any special laws is a sign of
+the crassest ignorance."[964]
+
+II. _Love requires that in place of law it itself be the law for men._
+From this it follows that instead of law Christ's commandments should be
+our rule of action.[965] But this is "the Kingdom of God on earth."[966]
+
+"When the day and the hour of the Kingdom of God appear, depends on men
+themselves alone."[967] "Each must only begin to do what we must do, and
+cease to do what we must not do, and the near future will bring the
+promised Kingdom of God."[968] "If only everybody would bear witness, in
+the measure of his strength, to the truth that he knows, or at least not
+defend as truth the untruth in which he lives, then in this very year
+1893 there would take place such changes toward the setting up of truth
+on earth as we dare not dream of for centuries to come."[969] "Only a
+little effort more, and the Galilean has won."[970]
+
+The Kingdom of God is "not outside in the world, but in man's
+soul."[971] "The Kingdom of God cometh not with outward show; neither
+will men say, 'Lo here!' or, 'There!' for, behold, the kingdom of God is
+within you (Luke 17.20)."[972] The Kingdom of God is nothing else than
+the following of Christ's commandments, especially the five commandments
+of the Sermon on the Mount,[973] which tell us how we must act in our
+present stage in order to correspond to the ideal of love as much as
+possible,[974] and which command us to keep the peace and do everything
+for its restoration when it is broken, to remain true to one another as
+man and wife, to make no vows, to forgive injury and not return evil for
+evil, and, finally, not to break the peace with anybody for our people's
+sake.[975]
+
+But what form will outward life take in the Kingdom of God? "The
+disciple of Christ will be poor; that is, he will not live in the city
+but in the country; he will not sit at home, but work in wood and field,
+see the sunshine, the earth, the sky, and the beasts; he will not worry
+over what he is to eat to tempt his appetite, and what he can do to help
+his digestion, but will be hungry three times a day; he will not roll on
+soft cushions and think upon deliverance from insomnia, but sleep; he
+will be sick, suffer, and die like all men--the poor who are sick and
+die seem to have an easier time of it than the rich--";[976] he "will
+live in free fellowship with all men";[977] "the Kingdom of God on earth
+is the peace of men with each other; thus it appeared to the prophets,
+and thus it appears to every human heart."[978]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+II. _Together with law Tolstoi necessarily has to reject also, for the
+more highly developed nations of our time, the legal institution of the
+State._
+
+"Perhaps there was once a time when, in a low state of morality with a
+general inclination of men to mutual violence, the existence of a power
+limiting this violence was advantageous--that is, in which the State
+violence was less than that of individuals against each other. But such
+an advantage of State violence over its non-existence could not last;
+the more the individuals' inclination to violence decreased and manners
+grew milder, and the more the governments degenerated by having nothing
+to check them, the more worthless did State violence grow. In this
+change--in the moral evolution of the masses on the one hand and the
+degeneration of the governments on the other--lies the whole history of
+the last two thousand years."[979] "I cannot prove either the general
+necessity of the State or its general perniciousness,"[980] "I know only
+that on the one hand the State is no longer necessary for me, and that
+on the other hand I can no longer do the things that are necessary for
+the existence of the State."[981]
+
+"Christianity in its true significance abolishes the State,"[982]
+annihilates all government.[983] The State offends against love,
+particularly against the commandment not to resist evil by force.[984]
+And not only this; in founding a dominion[985] the State furthermore
+offends against the principle that for love "all men are God's sons and
+there is equality among them all";[986] it is therefore to be rejected
+even aside from the violence on which it is based as a legal
+institution. "That the Christian teaching has an eye only to the
+redemption of the individual, and does not relate to public questions
+and State affairs, is a bold and unfounded assertion."[987] "To every
+honest, earnest man in our time it must be clear that true
+Christianity--the doctrine of humility, forgiveness, love--is
+incompatible with the State and its haughtiness, its deeds of violence,
+its capital punishments and wars."[988] "The State is an idol";[989] its
+objectionableness is independent of its form, be this "absolute
+monarchy, the Convention, the Consulate, the empire of a first or third
+Napoleon or yet of a Boulanger, constitutional monarchy, the Commune, or
+the republic."[990]--Tolstoi carries this out into detail.
+
+1. The State is the rule of the bad, raised to the highest pitch.
+
+The State is rule. Government in the State is "an association of men who
+do violence to the rest."[991]
+
+"All governments, the despotic and the liberal alike, have in our time
+become what Herzen has so aptly called a Jenghis Khan with
+telegraphs."[992] The men in whom the power is vested "practise violence
+not in order to overcome evil, but solely for their advantage or from
+caprice; and the other men submit to the violence not because they
+believe that it is practised for their good,--that is, in order to
+liberate them from evil,--but only because they cannot free themselves
+from it."[993] "If Nice is united with France, Lorraine with Germany,
+Bohemia with Austria, if Poland is divided, if both Ireland and India
+are subjected to the English dominion, if people fight with China, kill
+the Africans, expel the Chinese from America, and persecute the Jews in
+Russia, it is not because this is good or necessary or useful for men
+and the opposite would be evil, but only because it so pleases those in
+whom the power is vested."[994]
+
+The State is the rule of the bad.[995] "'If the State power were to be
+annihilated, the wicked would rule over the less wicked,' say the
+defenders of State rule."[996] But has the power, when it has passed
+from some men to some others in the State, really always come to the
+better men? "When Louis the Sixteenth, Robespierre, Napoleon, came to
+power, who ruled then, the better or the worse? When did the better
+rule, when the power was vested in the Versaillese or in the Communards,
+when Charles the First or Cromwell stood at the head of the government?
+When Peter the Third was czar, and then when after his murder the
+authority of czar was exercised in one part of Russia by Catharine and
+in another by Pugatcheff, who was wicked then and who was good? All men
+who find themselves in power assert that their power is necessary in
+order that the wicked may not do violence to the good, and regard it as
+self-evident that they are the good and are giving the rest of the good
+protection against the bad."[997] But in reality those who grasp and
+hold the power cannot possibly be the better.[998] "In order to obtain
+and retain power, one must love it. But the effort after power is not
+apt to be coupled with goodness, but with the opposite qualities, pride,
+craft, and cruelty. Without exalting self and abasing others, without
+hypocrisy, lying, prisons, fortresses, penalties, killing, no power can
+arise or hold its own."[999] "It is downright ridiculous to speak of
+Christians in power."[1000] To this it is to be added "that the
+possession of power depraves men."[1001] "The men who have the power
+cannot but misuse it; they must infallibly be unsettled by such
+frightful authority."[1002] "However many means men have invented to
+hinder the possessors of power from subordinating the welfare of the
+whole to their own advantage, hitherto not one of these means has
+worked. Everybody knows that those in whose hands is the power--be they
+emperors, ministers, chiefs of police, or common policemen--are, just
+because the power is in their hands, more inclined to immorality, to the
+subordinating of the general welfare to their advantage, than those who
+have no power; nor can it be otherwise."[1003]
+
+The State is the rule of the bad, raised to the highest pitch. We shall
+always find "that the scheming of the possessors of authority--nay,
+their unconscious effort--is directed toward weakening the victims of
+their authority as much as possible; for, the weaker the victim is, the
+more easily can he be held down."[1004] "To-day there is only one sphere
+of human activity left that has not been conquered by the authority of
+government: the sphere of the family, of housekeeping, private life,
+labor. And even this sphere, thanks to the fighting of the Communists
+and Socialists, the governments are already beginning to invade, so that
+soon, if the reformers have their way, work and rest, housing,
+clothing, and food, will likewise be fixed and regulated by the
+governments."[1005] "The most fearful band of robbers is not so horrible
+as a State organization. Every robber chief is at any rate limited by
+the fact that the men who make up his band retain at least a part of
+human liberty, and can refuse to commit acts which are repugnant to
+their consciences."[1006] But in the State there is no such limit; "no
+crime is so horrible that it will not be committed by the officials and
+the army at the will of him--Boulanger, Pugatcheff, Napoleon--who
+accidentally stands at the head."[1007]
+
+2. The rule in the State is based on physical force.
+
+Every government has for its prop the fact that there are in the State
+armed men who are ready to execute the government's will by physical
+force, a class "educated to kill those whose killing the authorities
+command."[1008] Such men are the police[1009] and especially the
+army.[1010] The army is nothing else than a collectivity of "disciplined
+murderers",[1011] its training is "instruction in murdering",[1012] its
+victories are "deeds of murder."[1013] "The army has always formed the
+basis of power, and does to this day. The power is always in the hands
+of those who command the army, and, from the Roman Cæsars to the Russian
+and German emperors, all possessors of power have always cared first and
+foremost for their armies."[1014]
+
+In the first place, the army upholds the government's rule against
+external assaults. It protects it against having the rule taken from it
+by another government.[1015] War is nothing but a contest of two or more
+governments for the rule over their subjects. It is "impossible to
+establish international peace in a rational way, by treaty or
+arbitration, so long as the insensate and pernicious subjection of
+nations to governments continues to exist."[1016] In consequence of this
+importance of armies "every State is compelled to increase its army to
+face the others, and this increase has the effect of a contagion, as
+Montesquieu observed a hundred and fifty years since."[1017]
+
+But, if one thinks armies are kept by governments only for external
+defence, he forgets "that governments need armies particularly to
+protect them against their oppressed and enslaved subjects."[1018] "In
+the German Reichstag lately, in reply to the question why money was
+needed in order to increase the pay of the petty officers, the
+chancellor made the direct statement that reliable petty officers were
+necessary for the combating of Socialism. Caprivi merely said out loud
+what everybody knows, carefully as it is concealed from the
+peoples,--the reason why the French kings and the popes kept Swiss and
+Scots, why in Russia the recruits are so introduced that the interior
+regiments get their contingents from the frontiers and the frontier
+regiments theirs from the interior. Caprivi told, by accident, what
+everybody knows or at least feels,--to wit, that the existing order
+exists not because it must exist or because the people wills its
+existence, but because the government's force, the army with its bribed
+petty-officers and officers and generals, keeps it up."[1019]
+
+3. The rule in the State is based on the physical force of the ruled.
+
+It is peculiar to government that it demands from the citizens the very
+force on which it is based, and that consequently in the State "all the
+citizens are their own oppressors."[1020] The government demands from
+the citizens both force and the supporting of force. Here belongs the
+obligation, general in Russia, to take an oath at the czar's accession
+to the throne, for by this oath one vows obedience to the
+authorities,--that is, to men who are devoted to violence; likewise the
+obligation to pay taxes, for the taxes are used for works of violence,
+and the compulsory use of passports, for by taking out a passport one
+acknowledges his dependence on the State's institution of violence;
+withal the obligation to testify in court and to take part in the court
+as juryman, for every court is the fulfilment of the commandment of
+revenge; furthermore, the obligation to police service which in Russia
+rests upon all the country people, for this service demands that we do
+violence to our brother and torment him; and above all the general
+obligation to military service,--that is, the obligation to be
+executioners and to prepare ourselves for service as executioners.[1021]
+The unchristianness of the State comes to light most plainly in the
+general obligation to military service: "every man has to take in hand
+deadly weapons, a gun, a knife; and, if he does not have to kill, at
+least he does have to load the gun and sharpen the knife,--that is, be
+ready for killing."[1022]
+
+But how comes it that the citizens fulfil these demands of the
+government, though the government is based on this very fulfilment, and
+so mutually oppress each other? This is possible only by "a highly
+artificial organization, created with the help of scientific progress,
+in which all men are bewitched into a circle of violence from which they
+cannot free themselves. At present this circle consists of four means of
+influence; they are all connected and hold each other, like the links of
+a chain."[1023] The first means is "what is best described as the
+hypnotization of the people."[1024] This hypnotization leads men to "the
+erroneous opinion that the existing order is unchangeable and must be
+upheld, while in reality it is unchangeable only by its being
+upheld."[1025] The hypnotization is accomplished "by fomenting the two
+forms of superstition called religion and patriotism";[1026] it "begins
+its influence even in childhood, and continues it till death."[1027]
+With reference to this hypnotization one may say that State authority is
+based on the fraudulent misleading of public opinion.[1028] The second
+means consists in "bribery; that is, in taking from the laboring
+populace its wealth, by money taxes, and dividing this among the
+officials, who, for this pay, must maintain and strengthen the
+enslavement of the people."[1029] The officials "more or less believe in
+the unchangeability of the existing order, mainly because it benefits
+them."[1030] With reference to this bribery one may say that State
+authority is based on the selfishness of those to whom it guarantees
+profitable positions.[1031] The third means is "intimidation. It
+consists in setting down the present State order--of whatever sort, be
+it a free republican order or be it the most grossly despotic--as
+something sacred and unchangeable, and imposing the most frightful
+penalties upon every attempt to change it."[1032] Finally, the fourth
+means is to "separate a certain part of all the men whom they have
+stupefied and bewitched by the three first means, and subject these men
+to special stronger forms of stupefaction and bestialization, so that
+they become will-less tools of every brutality and cruelty that the
+government sees fit to resolve upon."[1033] This is done in the army, to
+which, at present, all young men belong by virtue of the general
+obligation to military service.[1034] "With this the circle of violence
+is made complete. Intimidation, bribery, hypnosis, bring men to enlist
+as soldiers. The soldiers, in turn, afford the possibility of punishing
+men, plundering them in order to bribe officials with the money,
+hypnotizing them, and thus bringing them into the ranks of the very
+soldiers on whom the power for all this is based."[1035]
+
+II. _Love requires that a social life based solely on its commandments
+take the place of the State._ "To-day every man who thinks, however
+little, sees the impossibility of keeping on with the life hitherto
+lived, and the necessity of determining new forms of life."[1036] "The
+Christian humanity of our time must unconditionally renounce the heathen
+forms of life that it condemns, and set up a new life on the Christian
+bases that it recognizes."[1037]
+
+1. Even after the State is done away, men are to live in societies. But
+what is to hold them together in these societies?
+
+Not a promise, at any rate. Christ commands us to make "no vows,"[1038]
+to "promise men nothing."[1039] "The Christian cannot promise that he
+will do or not do a particular thing at a particular hour, because he
+cannot know what the law of love, which it is the meaning of his life to
+obey, will demand of him at that hour."[1040] And still less can he
+"give his word to fulfil somebody's will, without knowing what the
+substance of this will is to be";[1041] by the mere fact of such a
+promise he would "make it manifest that the inward divine law is no
+longer the sole law of his life";[1042] "one cannot serve two
+masters."[1043]
+
+Men are to be held together in societies in future by the mental
+influence which the men who have made progress in knowledge exert upon
+the less advanced. "Mental influence is such a way of working upon a man
+that by it his wishes change and coincide with what is wanted of him;
+the man who yields to a mental influence acts according to his own
+wishes."[1044] Now, the force "by which men can live in societies"[1045]
+is found in the mental influence which the men who have made progress
+in knowledge exert upon the less advanced, in the "characteristic of
+little-thinking men, that they subordinate themselves to the directions
+of those who stand on a higher level of knowledge."[1046] In consequence
+of this characteristic "a body of men put themselves under the same
+rational principles, the minority consciously, because the principles
+agree with the demands of their reason, and the majority unconsciously,
+because the principles have become public opinion."[1047] "In this
+subordination there is nothing irrational or self-contradictory."[1048]
+
+2. But in the future societary condition how shall the functions which
+the State at present performs be performed? Here people usually have
+three things in mind.[1049]
+
+First, protection against the bad men in our midst.[1050] "But who are
+the bad men among us? If there once were such men three or four
+centuries ago, when people still paraded warlike arts and equipments and
+looked upon killing as a brilliant deed, they are gone to-day anyhow;
+nobody any longer carries weapons, everybody acknowledges the commands
+of philanthropy. But, if by the men from whom the State must protect us
+we mean the criminals, then we know that they are not special creatures
+like the wolf among the sheep, but just such men as all of us, who like
+committing crimes as little as we do; we know that the activity of
+governments with their cruel forms of punishment, which do not
+correspond to the present stage of morality, their prisons, tortures,
+gallows, guillotines, contributes more to the barbarizing of the people
+than to their culture, and hence rather to the multiplication than to
+the diminution of such criminals."[1051] If we are Christians and start
+from the principle that "what our life exists for is the serving of
+others, then no one will be foolish enough to rob men that serve him of
+their means of support or to kill them. Miklucho-Maclay settled among
+the wildest so-called 'savages', and they not only left him alive but
+loved him and submitted to his authority, solely because he did not fear
+them, asked nothing of them, and did them good."[1052]
+
+Secondly, the question is asked how in the future societary condition we
+can find protection against external enemies.[1053] But we do know "that
+the nations of Europe profess the principles of liberty and fraternity,
+and therefore need no protection against each other; but, if it were a
+protection against the barbarians that was meant, a thousandth part of
+the armies that are now kept up would suffice. State authority not
+merely leaves in existence the danger of hostile attacks, but even
+itself provokes this danger."[1054] But, "if there existed a community
+of Christians who did evil to nobody and gave to others all the
+superfluous products of their labor, then no enemy, neither the German
+nor the Turk nor the savage, would kill or vex such men; all one could
+do would be to take from them what they were ready to give voluntarily
+without distinguishing between Russians, Germans, Turks, and
+savages."[1055]
+
+Thirdly, the question is asked how in the future societary condition
+institutions for education, popular culture, religion, commerce, etc.
+are to be possible.[1056] "Perhaps there was once a time when men lived
+so far apart, when the means for coming together and exchanging thoughts
+were so undeveloped, that people could not, without a State centre,
+discuss and agree on any matter either of trade and economy or of
+culture. But to-day this separation no longer exists; the means of
+intercourse have developed extraordinarily; for the forming of
+societies, associations, corporations, for the gathering of congresses
+and the creation of economic and political institutions, governments are
+not needed; nay, in most cases they are rather a hindrance than a help
+toward the attainment of such ends."[1057]
+
+3. But what form will men's life together in the future societary
+condition take in detail? "The future will be as circumstances and men
+shall make it."[1058] We are not at this moment able to get perfectly
+clear ideas of it.[1059]
+
+"Men say, 'What will the new orders be like, that are to take the place
+of the present ones? So long as we do not know what form our life will
+take in future, we will not go forward, we will not stir from this
+spot.'"[1060] "If Columbus had gone to making such observations, he
+would never have weighed anchor. It was insanity to steer across an
+ocean that no man had ever yet sailed upon toward a land whose
+existence was a question. With this insanity, he discovered the New
+World. It would certainly be more convenient if nations had nothing to
+do but move out of one ready-furnished mansion into another and a
+better; only, by bad luck, there is nobody there to furnish the new
+quarters."[1061]
+
+But what disquiets men in their imagining of the future is "less the
+question 'What will be?' They are tormented by the question 'How are we
+to live without all the familiar conditions of our existence, that are
+called science, art, civilization, culture?'"[1062] "But all these, bear
+in mind, are only forms in which truth appears. The change that lies
+before us will be an approach to the truth and its realization. How can
+the forms in which truth appears be brought to naught by an approach to
+the truth? They will be made different, better, higher, but by no means
+will they be brought to naught. Only that which was false in the forms
+of its appearance hitherto will be brought to naught; what was genuine
+will but unfold itself the more splendidly."[1063]
+
+"If the individual man's life were completely known to him when he
+passes from one stage of maturity to another, he would have no reason
+for living. So it is with the life of mankind too; if at its entrance
+upon a new stage of growth a programme lay before it already drawn up,
+this would be the surest sign that it was not alive, not progressing,
+but that it was sticking at one point. The details of a new order of
+life cannot be known to us, they have to be worked out by us ourselves.
+Life consists only in learning to know the unknown, and putting our
+action in harmony with the new knowledge. In this consists the life of
+the individual, in this the life of human societies and of
+humanity."[1064]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _Together with law Tolstoi necessarily has to reject also, for the
+more highly developed nations of our time, the legal institution of
+property._
+
+Perhaps there was once a time when the violence necessary to secure the
+individual in the possession of a piece of goods against all others was
+less than the violence which would have been practised in a general
+fight for the possession of the goods, so that the existence of property
+was better than its non-existence. But at any rate this time is past,
+the existing order has "lived out its time";[1065] among the men of
+to-day no wild fight for the possession of goods would break out even if
+there were no property; they all "profess allegiance to the commands of
+philanthropy,"[1066] each of them "knows that all men have equal rights
+in the goods of the world,"[1067] and already we see "many a rich man
+renounce his inheritance from a specially delicate sense of germinant
+public opinion."[1068]
+
+Property offends against love, especially against the commandment not to
+resist evil by force.[1069] But not only this; in founding a dominion of
+possessors over non-possessors it also offends against the principle
+that for love "all men are God's sons and there is equality among them
+all";[1070] and it is therefore to be rejected, even aside from the
+violence on which it is based as a legal institution. The rich are under
+"guilt by the very fact that they are rich."[1071] It is "a crime"[1072]
+that tens of thousands of "hungry, cold, deeply degraded human beings
+are living in Moscow, while I with a few thousand others have tenderloin
+and sturgeon for dinner and cover horses and floors with blankets and
+carpets."[1073] I shall be "an accomplice in this unending and
+uninterrupted crime so long as I still have a superfluous bit of bread
+while another has no bread at all, or still possess two garments while
+another does not possess even one."[1074]--Tolstoi carries this out into
+detail.
+
+1. Property means the dominion of the possessors over the
+non-possessors.
+
+Property is the exclusive right to use some things, whether one actually
+uses them or not.[1075] "Many of the men who called me their horse,"
+Tolstoi makes the horse Linen-Measurer say, "did not ride me; quite
+different men rode me. Nor did they feed me; quite different men fed me.
+Nor was it those who called me their horse that did me kindnesses, but
+coachmen, veterinary surgeons, strangers altogether. Later, when the
+circle of my observations grew wider, I convinced myself that the idea
+'mine,' which has no other basis than men's low and bestial propensity
+which they call 'sense of ownership' or 'right of property,' finds
+application not only with respect to us horses. A man says 'this house
+is mine' and never lives in it, he only attends to the building and
+repair of the house. A merchant says 'my store, my dry-goods store,' and
+his clothing is not of the best fabrics he has in his store. There are
+men who call a piece of land 'mine' and have never seen this piece of
+land nor set foot on it. What men aim at in life is not to do what they
+think good, but to call as many things as possible 'mine.'"[1076]
+
+But the significance of property consists in the fact that the poor man
+who has no property is dependent on the rich man who has property; in
+order to come by the things which he needs for his living, but which
+belong to another, he must do what this other wills--in particular, he
+must work for him. Thus property divides men into "two castes, an
+oppressed laboring caste that famishes and suffers and an idle
+oppressing caste that enjoys and lives in superfluity."[1077] "We are
+all brothers, and yet every morning my brother or my sister carries out
+my dishes. We are all brothers, but every morning I have to have my
+cigar, my sugar, my mirror, and other such things, in whose production
+healthy brothers and sisters, people like me, have sacrificed and are
+sacrificing their health."[1078] "I spend my whole life in the following
+way: I eat, talk, and listen; eat, write, and read--that is, talk and
+listen again; eat and play; eat, talk, and listen again; eat and go to
+bed; and so it goes on, one day like another. I cannot do, do not know
+how to do, anything beyond this. And, that I may be able to do this,
+the porter, the farmer, the cook, the cook's maid, the lackey, the
+coachman, the laundress, must work from morning till night, not to speak
+of the work of other men which is necessary in order that those
+coachmen, cooks, lackeys, and so on may have all that they need when
+they work for me--the axes, barrels, brushes, dishes, furniture,
+likewise the wax, the blacking, the kerosene, the hay, the wood, the
+beef. All of them have to work day by day, early and late, that I may be
+able to talk, eat, and sleep."[1079]
+
+This significance of property makes itself especially felt in the case
+of the things that are necessary for the producing of other things, and
+so most notably in the case of land and tools.[1080] "There can be no
+farmer without land that he tills, without scythes, wagons, and horses;
+no shoemaker is possible without a house built on the earth, without
+water, air, and tools";[1081] but property means that in many cases "the
+farmer possesses no land, no horses, no scythe, the shoemaker no house,
+no water, no awl: that somebody is keeping these things back from
+them."[1082] This leads to the consequence "that for a large fraction of
+the workers the natural conditions of production are deranged, that this
+fraction is necessitated to use other people's stock,"[1083] and may by
+the owner of the stock be compelled "to work not on their own account,
+but for an employer."[1084] Consequently the workman works "not for
+himself, to suit his own wish, but under compulsion, to suit the whim of
+some idle persons who live in superfluity, for the benefit of some rich
+man, the proprietor of a factory or other industrial plant."[1085] Thus
+property means the exploitation of the laborer by those to whom the land
+and tools belong; it means "that the products of human labor pass more
+and more out of the hands of the laboring masses into the hands of the
+unlaboring."[1086]
+
+Furthermore, the significance of property as making the poor dependent
+on the rich becomes especially prominent in the case of money. "Money is
+a value that remains always equal, that always ranks as correct and
+legal."[1087] Consequently, as the saying is, "he who has money has in
+his pocket those who have none."[1088] "Money is a new form of slavery,
+distinguished from the old solely by its impersonality, by the lack of
+any human relation between the master and the slave";[1089] for "the
+essence of all slavery consists in drawing the benefit of another's
+labor-force by compulsion, and it is quite immaterial whether the
+drawing of this benefit is founded upon property in the slave or upon
+property in money which is indispensable to the other man."[1090] "Now,
+honestly, of what sort is my money, and how have I come by it? I got
+part for the land that I inherited from my father. The peasant sold his
+last sheep, his last cow, to pay me this money. Another part of my
+assets consists of the sums which I have received for my literary
+productions, my books. If my books are harmful, then by them I have
+seduced the purchasers to evil and have acquired the money by bad
+means. If, on the contrary, my books are useful to people, the case is
+still worse; I have not given them without ceremony to those who had a
+use for them, but have said 'Give me seventeen rubles and you shall have
+them,' and, as in the other case the peasant sold his last sheep, so
+here the poor student or teacher, and many another poor person, have
+denied themselves the plainest necessities to give me the money. And
+thus I have piled up a quantity of such money, and what do I do with it?
+I bring it to the city and give it to the poor here on condition that
+they satisfy all my whims, that they come after me into the city to
+clean the sidewalks for me, and to make me lamps, shoes, and so forth,
+in the factories. With my money I take all their products to myself, and
+I take pains to give them as little as possible and get from them as
+much as possible for it. And then all at once, quite unexpectedly, I
+begin to distribute to the poor this same money gratis--not to all, but
+arbitrarily to any whom I happen to take up at random";[1091] that is, I
+take from the poor thousands of rubles with one hand, and with the other
+I distribute to some of them a few kopeks.[1092]
+
+2. The dominion which property involves, of possessors over
+non-possessors, is based on physical force.
+
+"If the vast wealth that the laborers have piled up ranks not as the
+property of all, but only as that of an elect few,--if the power of
+raising taxes from labor and using them at pleasure is reserved to some
+men,--this is not based on the fact that the people want to have it so
+or that by nature it must be so, but on the fact that the ruling
+classes see their advantage in it and determine it so by virtue of their
+power over men's bodies";[1093] it is based on "violence and slaying and
+the threat thereof."[1094] "If men hand over the greatest part of the
+product of their labor to the capitalist or landlord, though they, as do
+all laborers now, hold this to be unjust,"[1095] they do it "only
+because they know they will be beaten and killed if they do not."[1096]
+"One may even say outright that in our society, in which to every
+well-to-do man living an aristocratic life there are ten weary,
+ravenous, envious laborers, probably pining away with wife and children
+too, all the privileges of the rich, all their luxury and their
+abundance, are acquired and secured only by chastisement, imprisonment,
+and capital punishment."[1097]
+
+Property is upheld by the police[1098] and the army.[1099] "We may act
+as if we did not see the policeman walking up and down before the window
+with loaded revolver to protect us while we eat a savory meal or look at
+a new play, and as if we had no inkling of the soldiers who are every
+moment ready to go with rifle and cartridges where any one tries to
+infringe on our property. Yet we well know, if we can finish our meal
+and see the new play in peace, if we can drive out or hunt or attend a
+festival or a race undisturbed, we have to thank for this only the
+policeman's bullet and the soldier's weapon, which are ready to pierce
+the poor victim of hunger who looks upon our enjoyments from his corner
+with grumbling stomach, and who would at once disturb them if the
+policeman with his revolver went away, or if in the barracks there were
+no longer any soldiers standing ready to appear at our first
+call."[1100]
+
+3. The dominion which property involves, of the possessors over the
+non-possessors, is based on the physical force of the ruled.
+
+Those very men of the non-possessing classes who through property are
+dependent on the possessing classes must do police duty, serve in the
+army, pay the taxes out of which police and army are kept up, and in
+these and other ways either themselves exercise or at least support the
+physical force by which property is upheld.[1101] "If there did not
+exist these men who are ready to discipline or kill any one whatever at
+the word of command, no one would dare assert what the non-laboring
+landlords now do all of them so confidently assert,--that the soil which
+surrounds the peasants who die off for lack of land is the property of a
+man who does not work on it";[1102] it would "not come into the head of
+the lord of the manor to take from the peasants a forest that has grown
+up under their eyes";[1103] nor would any one say "that the stores of
+grain accumulated by fraud in the midst of a starving population must
+remain unscathed that the merchant may have his profit."[1104]
+
+II. _Love requires that a distribution based solely on its commandments
+take the place of property._ "The impossibility of continuing the life
+that has hitherto been led, and the necessity of determining new forms
+of life,"[1105] relate to the distribution of goods as well as to other
+things. "The abolition of property,"[1106] and its replacement by a new
+kind of distribution of goods, is one of the "questions now in
+order."[1107]
+
+According to the law of love, every man who works as he has strength
+should have so much--but only so much--as he needs.
+
+1. That every man who works as he has strength should have so much as he
+needs and no more is a corollary from two precepts which follow from the
+law of love.
+
+The first of these precepts says, Man shall "ask no work from others,
+but himself devote his whole life to work for others. 'Man lives not to
+be served but to serve.'"[1108] Therefore, in particular, he is not to
+keep accounts with others about his work, or think that he "has the more
+of a living to claim, the greater or more useful his quantum of work
+done is."[1109] Following this precept provides every man with what he
+needs. This is true primarily of the healthy adult. "If a man works, his
+work feeds him. If another makes use of this man's work for himself, he
+will feed him for the very reason that he is making use of his
+work."[1110] Man assures himself of a living "not by taking it away from
+others, but by making himself useful and necessary to others. The more
+necessary he is to others, the more assured is his existence."[1111] But
+the following of the precept to serve others also provides the sick, the
+aged, and children with their living. Men "do not stop feeding an
+animal when it falls sick; they do not even kill an old horse, but give
+it work appropriate to its strength; they bring up whole families of
+little lambs, pigs, and puppies, because they expect benefit from them.
+How, then, should they not support the sick man who is necessary to
+them? How should they not find appropriate work for old and young, and
+bring up human beings who will in turn work for them?"[1112]
+
+The second precept that follows from the law of love, and of which a
+corollary is that every man who works as he has strength should have as
+much as he needs and no more, bids us "Share what you have with the
+poor; gather no riches."[1113] "To the question of his hearers, what
+they were to do, John the Baptist gave the short, clear, simple answer,
+'He who hath two coats, let him share with him who hath none; and he who
+hath food let him do likewise' (Luke 3.10-11). And Christ too made the
+same declaration several times, only still more unambiguously and
+clearly. He said, 'Blessed are the poor, woe to the rich.' He said that
+one could not serve God and Mammon at once. He not only forbade his
+disciples to take money, but also to have two garments. He told the rich
+young man that because he was rich he could not enter into the Kingdom
+of God, and that a camel should sooner go through a needle's eye than a
+rich man come into heaven. He said that he who did not forsake
+everything--house, children, lands--to follow him could not be his
+disciple. He told his hearers the parable of the rich man who did
+nothing bad except that he--like our rich men--clothed himself in costly
+apparel and fed himself on savory food and drink, and who plunged his
+soul into perdition by this alone, and of the poor Lazarus who did
+nothing good and who entered into the Kingdom of Heaven only because he
+was a beggar."[1114]
+
+2. But what form can such a distribution of goods take in detail?
+
+This is best shown us by "the Russian colonists. These colonists arrive
+on the soil, settle, and begin to work, and no one of them takes it into
+his head that any one who does not begin to make use of the land can
+have any right to it; on the contrary, the colonists regard the ground
+_a priori_ as common property, and consider it altogether justifiable
+that everybody plows and reaps where he chooses. For working the fields,
+for starting gardens, and for building houses, they procure implements;
+and here too it does not suggest itself to them that these could of
+themselves produce any income--on the contrary, the colonists look upon
+any profit from the means of labor, any interest for grain lent, etc.,
+as an injustice. They work on masterless land with their own means or
+with means borrowed free of interest, either each for himself or all
+together on joint account."[1115]
+
+"In talking of such fellowship I am not setting forth fancies, but only
+describing what has gone on at all times, what is even at present taking
+place not only among the Russian colonists but everywhere where man's
+natural condition is not yet deranged by some circumstances or other. I
+am describing what seems to everybody natural and rational. The men
+settle on the soil and go each one to work, make their implements, and
+do their labor. If they think it advantageous to work jointly, they form
+a labor company."[1116] But, in individual business as well as in
+collective industry, "neither the water nor the ground nor the garments
+nor the plow can belong to anybody save him who drinks the water, wears
+the garments, and uses the plow; for all these things are necessary only
+to him who puts them to use."[1117] One can call "only his labor his
+own";[1118] by it one has as much as one needs.[1119]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_The way in which the change required by love is to take place,
+according to Tolstoi, is that those men who have learned to know the
+truth are to convince as many others as possible how necessary the
+change is for love's sake, and that they, with the help of the refusal
+of obedience, are to abolish law, the State, and property, and bring
+about the new condition._
+
+I. The prime necessity is that the men who have learned to know the
+truth should convince as many others as possible that love demands the
+change.
+
+1. "That an order of life corresponding to our knowledge may take the
+place of the order contrary to it, the present antiquated public opinion
+must first be replaced by a new and living one."[1120]
+
+It is not deeds of all sorts that bring to pass the grandest and most
+significant changes in the life of humanity, "neither the fitting out
+of armies a million strong nor the construction of roads and engines,
+neither the organization of expositions nor the formation of
+trade-unions, neither revolutions, barricades, and explosions nor
+inventions in aerial navigation--but the changes of public opinion, and
+these alone."[1121] Liberation is possible only "by a change in our
+conception of life";[1122] "everything depends on the force with which
+each individual man becomes conscious of Christian truth";[1123] "know
+the truth and the truth shall make you free."[1124] Our liberation must
+necessarily take place by "the Christian's recognizing the law of love,
+which his Master has revealed to him, as entirely sufficient for all
+human relations, and his perceiving the superfluousness and
+illegitimateness of all violence."[1125]
+
+The bringing about of this revolution in public opinion is in the hands
+of the men who have learned to know the truth.[1126] "A public opinion
+does not need hundreds and thousands of years to arise and spread; it
+has the quality of working by contagion and swiftly seizing a great
+number of men."[1127] "As a jarring touch is enough to change a fluid
+saturated with salts to crystals in a moment, so now the slightest
+effort may perhaps suffice to cause the unveiled truth to seize upon
+hundreds, thousands, millions of men so that a public opinion
+corresponding to knowledge shall be established and that hereby the
+whole order of life shall become other than it is. It is in our hands
+to make this effort."[1128]
+
+2. The best means for bringing about the necessary revolution in public
+opinion is that the men who have learned to know the truth should
+testify to it by deed.
+
+"The Christian knows the truth only in order to testify to it before
+those who do not know it,"[1129] and that "by deed."[1130] "The truth is
+imparted to men by deeds of truth, deeds of truth illuminate every man's
+conscience, and thus destroy the force of deceit."[1131] Hence you ought
+properly, "if you are a landlord, to give your land at once to the poor,
+and, if you are a capitalist, to give your money or your factory to the
+workingmen; if you are a prince, a cabinet minister, an official, a
+judge, or a general, you ought at once to resign your position, and, if
+you are a soldier, you ought to refuse obedience without regard to any
+danger."[1132] But, to be sure, "it is very probable that you are not
+strong enough to do this; you have connections, dependents,
+subordinates, superiors, the temptations are powerful, and your force
+gives out."[1133]
+
+3. But there is still another means, though a less effective one, for
+bringing about the necessary revolution in public opinion, and this "you
+can always"[1134] employ. It is that the men who have learned to know
+the truth should "speak it out frankly."[1135]
+
+"If men--yes, if even a few men--would do this, the antiquated public
+opinion would at once fall of itself, and a new, living, present-day one
+would arise."[1136] "Not billions of rubles, not millions of soldiers,
+no institutions, wars, or revolutions, have so much power as the simple
+declaration of a free man that he considers something to be right or
+wrong. If a free man speaks out honestly what he thinks and feels, in
+the midst of thousands who in word and act stand for the very contrary,
+one might think he must remain isolated. But usually it is otherwise;
+all, or most, have long been privately thinking and feeling in the same
+way; and then what to-day is still an individual's new opinion will
+perhaps to-morrow be already the general opinion of the majority."[1137]
+"If we would only stop lying and acting as if we did not see the truth,
+if we would only testify to the truth that summons us and boldly confess
+it, it would at once turn out that there are hundreds, thousands,
+millions, of men in the same situation as ourselves, that they see the
+truth like us, are afraid like us of remaining isolated if they confess
+it, and are only waiting, like us, for the rest to testify to it."[1138]
+
+II. To bring about the change and put the new condition in the place of
+law, the State, and property, it is further requisite that the men who
+have learned to know the truth should conform their lives to their
+knowledge, and, in particular, that they should refuse obedience to the
+State.
+
+1. Men are to bring about the change themselves. They are "no longer to
+wait for somebody to come and help them, be it Christ in the clouds with
+the sound of the trumpet, be it a historic law or a differential or
+integral law of forces. Nobody will help us if we do not help
+ourselves."[1139]
+
+"I have been told a story that happened to a courageous commissary of
+police. He came into a village where they had applied for soldiers on
+account of an outbreak among the peasants. In the spirit of Nicholas the
+First he proposed to make an end of the rising by his personal presence
+alone. He had a few cart-loads of sticks brought, gathered all the
+peasants in a barn, and shut himself in with them. By his shouts he
+succeeded in so cowing the peasants that they obeyed him and began to
+beat each other at his command. So they beat each other till there was
+found a simple-minded peasant who did not obey, and who called out to
+his fellows that they should not beat each other either. Only then did
+the beating cease, and the official made haste to get away. The advice
+of this simple-minded peasant" should be followed by the men of our
+time.[1140]
+
+2. But it is not by violence that men are to bring about the change.
+"Revolutionary enemies fight the government from outside; Christianity
+does not fight at all, but wrecks its foundations from within."[1141]
+
+"Some assert that liberation from force, or at least its diminution, can
+be effected by the oppressed men's forcibly shaking off the oppressing
+government; and many do in fact undertake to act on this doctrine. But
+they deceive themselves and others: their activity only enhances the
+despotism of governments, and the attempts at liberation are welcomed by
+the governments as pretexts for strengthening their power."[1142]
+
+However, suppose that by the favor of circumstances (as, for instance,
+in France in 1870) they succeed in overthrowing a government, the party
+which had won by force would be compelled, "in order to remain at the
+helm and introduce its order into life, not only to employ all existing
+violent methods, but to invent new ones in addition. It would be other
+men that would be enslaved, and they would be coerced into other things,
+but there would exist not merely the same but a still more cruel
+condition of violence and enslavement; for the combat would have fanned
+the flames of hatred, strengthened the means of enslavement, and evolved
+new ones. Thus it has been after all revolutions, insurrections, and
+conspiracies, after all violent changes of government. Every fight only
+puts stronger means of enslavement in the hands of the men who at a
+given time are in power."[1143]
+
+3. Men are to bring about the change by conforming their lives to their
+knowledge. "The Christian frees himself from all human authority by
+recognizing as sole plumb-line for his life and the lives of others the
+divine law of love that is implanted in man's soul and has been brought
+into consciousness by Christ."[1144]
+
+This means that one is to return good for evil,[1145] give to one's
+neighbor all that one has that is superfluous and take away from him
+nothing that one does not need,[1146] especially acquire no money and
+get rid of the money one has,[1147] not buy nor rent,[1148] and, without
+shrinking from any form of work, satisfy one's needs with one's own
+hands;[1149] and particularly does it mean that one is to refuse
+obedience to the unchristian demands of State authority.[1150]
+
+That obedience to these demands is refused we see in many cases in
+Russia at present. Men are refusing the payment of taxes, the general
+oath, the oath in court, the exercise of police functions, action as
+jurymen, and military service.[1151] "The governments find themselves in
+a desperate situation as they face the Christians' refusals."[1152] They
+"can chastise, put to death, imprison for life, and torture, any one who
+tries to overthrow them by force; they can bribe and smother with gold
+the half of mankind; they can bring into their service millions of armed
+men who are ready to annihilate all their foes. But what can they do
+against men who do not destroy anything, do not set up anything either,
+but only, each for himself, are unwilling to act contrary to the law of
+Christ, and therefore refuse to do what is most necessary for the
+governments?"[1153] "Let the State do as it will by such men, inevitably
+it will contribute only to its own annihilation,"[1154] and therewith to
+the annihilation of law and property and to the bringing in of the new
+order of life. "For, if it does not persecute people like the Dukhobors,
+the Stundists, etc., the advantages of their peaceable Christian way of
+living will induce others to join them--and not only convinced
+Christians, but also such as want to get clear of their obligations to
+the State under the cloak of Christianity. If, on the other hand, it
+deals cruelly with men against whom there is nothing except that they
+have endeavored to live morally, this cruelty will only make it still
+more enemies, and the moment must at last come when there can no longer
+be found any one who is ready to back up the State with
+instrumentalities of force."[1155]
+
+4. In the conforming of life to knowledge the individual must make the
+beginning. He must not wait for all or many to do it at the same time
+with him.
+
+The individual must not think it will be useless if he alone conforms
+his life to Christ's teaching.[1156] "Men in their present situation are
+like bees that have left their hive and are hanging on a twig in a great
+mass. The situation of the bees on the twig is a temporary one, and
+absolutely must be changed. They must take flight and seek a new abode.
+Every bee knows that, and wishes to make an end of its own suffering
+condition and that of the others; but this cannot be done by one so long
+as the others do not help. But all cannot rise at once, for one hangs
+over another and hinders it from letting go; therefore all remain
+hanging. One might think that there was no way out of this situation for
+the bees";[1157] if and really there would be none, were it not that
+each bee is an independent living being. But it is only needful "that
+one bee spread its wings, rise and fly, and after it the second, the
+third, the tenth, the hundredth, for the immobile hanging mass to become
+a freely flying swarm of bees. Thus it is only needful that one man
+comprehend life as Christianity teaches it, and take hold of it as
+Christianity teaches him to, and then that a second, a third, a
+hundredth follow him, and the magic circle from which no escape seemed
+possible is destroyed."[1158]
+
+Neither may the individual let himself be deterred by the fear of
+suffering. "'If I alone,' it is commonly said, 'fulfil Christ's teaching
+in the midst of a world that does not follow it, give away my
+belongings, turn my cheek without resistance, yes, and refuse the oath
+and military service, then I shall have the last bit taken from me, and,
+if I do not die of hunger, they will beat me to death, and, if they do
+not beat me to death, they will jail me or shoot me; and I shall have
+given all the happiness of my life, nay, my life itself, for
+nothing.'"[1159] Be it so. "I do not ask whether I shall have more
+trouble, or die sooner, if I follow Christ's teaching. That question can
+be asked only by one who does not see how meaningless and miserable is
+his life as an individual life, and who imagines that he shall 'not
+die'. But I know that a life for the sake of one's own happiness is the
+greatest folly, and that such an aimless life can be followed only by an
+aimless death. And therefore I fear nothing. I shall die like everybody,
+like even those who do not fulfil Christ's teaching, but my life and my
+death will have a meaning for me and for others. My life and my death
+will contribute to the rescue and life of others--and that is just what
+Christ taught."[1160]
+
+If once enough individuals have conformed their lives to their
+knowledge, the multitude will soon follow. "The passage of men from one
+order of life to another does not take place steadily, as the sand in
+the hour-glass runs out, one grain after another from the first to the
+last, but rather as a vessel that has been sunk into water fills itself.
+At first the water gets in only on one side, slowly and uniformly; but
+then its weight makes the vessel sink, and now the thing takes in, all
+at once, all the water that it can hold."[1161] Thus the impulse given
+by individuals will provoke a movement that goes on faster and faster,
+wider and wider, avalanche-like, suddenly sweeps along the masses, and
+brings about the new order of life.[1162] Then the time is come "when
+all men are filled with God, shun war, beat their swords into plowshares
+and their spears into pruning-hooks; that is, in our language, when the
+prisons and fortresses are empty, when the gallows, rifles, and cannon
+are out of use. What seemed a dream has found its fulfilment in a new
+form of life."[1163]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[859] To. "Kingdom" pp. 244-5, 280, 315, 325.
+
+[860] _Ib._ pp. 263, 285-6, To. "Gospel" p. 25, "Religion and Morality"
+p. 14.
+
+[861] To. "What I Believe" p. 251.
+
+[862] To. "Gospel" pp. 13-14, 16-17.
+
+[863] To. "Kingdom" p. 96-7.
+
+[864] To. "What I Believe" pp. 247-8.
+
+[865] To. "Reason and Dogma" p. 5.
+
+[866] To. "What I Believe" p. 196.
+
+[867] To. "Gospel" pp. 51, 29-30.
+
+[868] _Ib._ p. 47.
+
+[869] To. "Patriotism" p. 118.
+
+[870] To. "Gospel" p. 29.
+
+[871] To. "Gospel" p. 50; To. "Religion and Morality" p. 27.
+
+[872] To. "On Life" p. 214.
+
+[873] To. "Gospel" p. 31.
+
+[874] _Ib._ pp. 32, 31, 40, 112.
+
+[875] To. "What I Believe" p. 164.
+
+[876] To. "Gospel" p. 21.
+
+[877] _Ib._ p. 21.
+
+[878] To. "What I Believe" pp. 160, 174.
+
+[879] _Ib._ p. 166.
+
+[880] To. "Confession" p. 92.
+
+[881] To. "Kingdom" pp. 75-7, 79.
+
+[882] To. "What I Believe" pp. 195, 272, "Kingdom" pp. 72-3, "Gospel" p.
+5.
+
+[883] To. "Kingdom" p. 234.
+
+[884] To. "On Life" p. 48.
+
+[885] _Ib._ pp. 72, 66.
+
+[886] To. "Confession" p. 54.
+
+[887] To. "On Life" p. 101.
+
+[888] _Ib._ p. 100.
+
+[889] _Ib._ p. 100.
+
+[890] _Ib._ pp. 160, 101.
+
+[891] _Ib._ pp. 160, 101.
+
+[892] _Ib._ pp. 262-3.
+
+[893] To. "On Life" p. 263.
+
+[894] _Ib._ p. 263.
+
+[895] To. "Religion and Morality" pp. 21-2.
+
+[896] To. "Kingdom" p. 71.
+
+[897] To. "Gospel" p. 25.
+
+[898] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[899] To. "What I Believe" pp. 138-9
+
+[900] _Ib._ p. 268.
+
+[901] _Ib._ p. 148.
+
+[902] To. "On Life" pp. 159-60.
+
+[903] _Ib._ p. 165.
+
+[904] _Ib._ p. 164.
+
+[905] _Ib._ pp. 170-71.
+
+[906] To. "Kingdom" p. 140.
+
+[907] _Ib._ p. 139.
+
+[908] _Ib._ p. 138.
+
+[909] To. "Kingdom" p. 142, "What I Believe" p. 17.
+
+[910] To. "Kingdom" p. 123.
+
+[911] To. "Religion and Morality" p. 12.
+
+[912] To. "Kingdom" pp. 124-5.
+
+[913] To. "Morning" pp. 70-71.
+
+[914] To. "On Life" p. 148.
+
+[915] _Ib._ pp. 147, 148.
+
+[916] _Ib._ pp. 122, 133-5, 174, 176.
+
+[917] _Ib._ pp. 121, 174.
+
+[918] To. "On Life" pp. 26, 122-3, 196, 206.
+
+[919] To. "What I Believe" p. 17.
+
+[920] To. "Kingdom" p. 144.
+
+[921] _Ib._ pp. 142-3.
+
+[922] _Ib._ p. 160.
+
+[923] _Ib._ p. 144.
+
+[924] To. "What I Believe" p. 122.
+
+[925] _Ib._ p. 123.
+
+[926] _Ib._ p. 123.
+
+[927] _Ib._ p. 123.
+
+[928] _Ib._ p. 123.
+
+[929] To. "What I Believe" p. 12.
+
+[930] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[931] _Ib._ p. 15.
+
+[932] _Ib._ pp. 21-2.
+
+[933] _Ib._ p. 22.
+
+[934] To. "Kingdom" pp. 68-9.
+
+[935] To. "Kingdom" pp. 269-70.
+
+[936] _Ib._ p. 282.
+
+[937] _Ib._ p. 63.
+
+[938] To. "What I Believe" pp. 17, 20; "Kingdom" p. 268. [Has Tolstoi
+compared in a Greek concordance the other occurrences of the word
+translated "resist"?]
+
+[939] To. "Kingdom" pp. 49-50.
+
+[940] _Ib._ p. 50.
+
+[941] To. "Kingdom" pp. 268-9.
+
+[942] _Ib._ p. 269.
+
+[943] ["He speaks only of the _Gesetz_, but he means all _Recht_"; see
+footnote on page 145 of the present book.]
+
+[944] To. "Kingdom" pp. 268, 300-301.
+
+[945] _Ib._ pp. 361-2.
+
+[946] To. "What I Believe" pp. 29, 32.
+
+[947] To. "Kingdom" pp. 361-2, 172.
+
+[948] _Ib._ p. 172.
+
+[949] _Ib._ p. 300.
+
+[950] _Ib._ p. 361.
+
+[951] _Ib._ p. 241.
+
+[952] _Ib._ p. 240.
+
+[953] _Ib._ p. 256.
+
+[954] To. "What I Believe" p. 29.
+
+[955] _Ib._ pp. 28-9.
+
+[956] _Ib._ p. 32.
+
+[957] _Ib._ p. 32.
+
+[958] _Ib._ pp. 45-6.
+
+[959] _Ib._ p. 29.
+
+[960] To. "Kingdom" pp. 361-2.
+
+[961] _Ib._ p. 172.
+
+[962] _Ib._ p. 268.
+
+[963] _Ib._ p. 172.
+
+[964] To. "What I Believe" p. 120.
+
+[965] _Ib._ pp. 180, 235.
+
+[966] _Ib._ pp. 235, 180.
+
+[967] To. "Kingdom" p. 393, "What I Believe" p. 121.
+
+[968] To. "Kingdom" pp. 393-4.
+
+[969] _Ib._ pp. 486-7.
+
+[970] To. "Persecutions" p. 47.
+
+[971] To. "Gospel" p. 50.
+
+[972] To. "Kingdom" p. 526.
+
+[973] To. "What I Believe" p. 121.
+
+[974] To. "Kingdom" pp. 142-3, 144.
+
+[975] To. "What I Believe" pp. 122-3, 179, 124, 219-20; "Gospel" pp.
+59-60; "Kingdom" pp. 143-4.
+
+[976] To. "What I Believe" p. 225.
+
+[977] _Ib._ p. 225.
+
+[978] _Ib._ p. 121.
+
+[979] To. "Kingdom" pp. 240-41.
+
+[980] _Ib._ p. 336.
+
+[981] _Ib._ pp. 335-6.
+
+[982] _Ib._ p. 332.
+
+[983] _Ib._ p. 211.
+
+[984] To. "What I Believe" p. 21; "Persecutions" p. 46.
+
+[985] To. "Kingdom" pp. 209-10.
+
+[986] _Ib._ pp. 167, 164.
+
+[987] To. "What I Believe" p. 25.
+
+[988] To. "Kingdom" p. 332.
+
+[989] To. "What I Believe" p. 50.
+
+[990] To. "Kingdom" pp. 429-30, 244.
+
+[991] _Ib._ pp. 209-10.
+
+[992] _Ib._ p. 274.
+
+[993] _Ib._ pp. 271-2.
+
+[994] To. "Kingdom" p. 271.
+
+[995] _Ib._ pp. 341, 339.
+
+[996] _Ib._ p. 340.
+
+[997] _Ib._ p. 340.
+
+[998] _Ib._ p. 339.
+
+[999] To. "Kingdom" pp. 339-40.
+
+[1000] _Ib._ p. 342.
+
+[1001] _Ib._ p. 243.
+
+[1002] To. "Patriotism" p. 91.
+
+[1003] To. "Kingdom" p. 239.
+
+[1004] _Ib._ p. 243.
+
+[1005] To. "Kingdom" p. 281.
+
+[1006] _Ib._ p. 442.
+
+[1007] _Ib._ p. 442.
+
+[1008] To. "Persecutions" p. 41.
+
+[1009] To. "Kingdom" p. 327.
+
+[1010] _Ib._ p. 238.
+
+[1011] To. "Patriotism" p. 120.
+
+[1012] To. "Kingdom" p. 443.
+
+[1013] To. "Patriotism" p. 119.
+
+[1014] To. "Kingdom" p. 238.
+
+[1015] To. "Kingdom" pp. 248-9.
+
+[1016] To. "Patriotism" p. 91.
+
+[1017] To. "Kingdom" p. 249.
+
+[1018] _Ib._ p. 245.
+
+[1019] To. "Kingdom" p. 246-7.
+
+[1020] _Ib._ pp. 250, 423-4.
+
+[1021] _Ib._ pp. 314-28.
+
+[1022] To. "What I Believe" pp. 26-7.
+
+[1023] To. "Kingdom" p. 274.
+
+[1024] _Ib._ p. 276.
+
+[1025] _Ib._ p. 422.
+
+[1026] _Ib._ p. 277.
+
+[1027] _Ib._ p. 276.
+
+[1028] To. "Patriotism" pp. 40-41, 100-102; "Kingdom" pp. 429-32.
+
+[1029] To. "Kingdom" p. 275.
+
+[1030] To. "Kingdom" p. 422.
+
+[1031] _Ib._ pp. 275-6, 420-22, 444-5.
+
+[1032] _Ib._ p. 278.
+
+[1033] _Ib._ p. 278.
+
+[1034] _Ib._ p. 279.
+
+[1035] _Ib._ p. 279.
+
+[1036] To. "Kingdom" p. 511; "Patriotism" p. 117.
+
+[1037] To. "Kingdom" p. 189.
+
+[1038] To. "What I Believe" p. 123.
+
+[1039] To. "Kingdom" pp. 143-4.
+
+[1040] _Ib._ pp. 300-301.
+
+[1041] _Ib._ p. 300.
+
+[1042] _Ib._ p. 301.
+
+[1043] _Ib._ p. 301.
+
+[1044] _Ib._ p. 236.
+
+[1045] _Ib._ p. 461.
+
+[1046] To. "Kingdom" p. 461.
+
+[1047] _Ib._ pp. 461-2.
+
+[1048] _Ib._ p. 461.
+
+[1049] _Ib._ p. 255.
+
+[1050] _Ib._ p. 255.
+
+[1051] To. "Kingdom" pp. 255-6.
+
+[1052] To. "What I Believe" p. 290.
+
+[1053] To. "Kingdom" pp. 255, 258.
+
+[1054] _Ib._ p. 258.
+
+[1055] To. "What I Believe" p. 289.
+
+[1056] To. "Kingdom" pp. 255, 257.
+
+[1057] _Ib._ p. 257.
+
+[1058] _Ib._ p. 510.
+
+[1059] To. "Persecutions" pp. 46-7.
+
+[1060] To. "Kingdom" p. 372.
+
+[1061] To. "Kingdom" p. 510.
+
+[1062] _Ib._ p. 512.
+
+[1063] _Ib._ pp. 513-14.
+
+[1064] To. "Kingdom" pp. 372-3.
+
+[1065] _Ib._ p. 518.
+
+[1066] _Ib._ p. 256.
+
+[1067] _Ib._ p. 164.
+
+[1068] _Ib._ p. 376.
+
+[1069] To. "What I Believe" p. 21; "What Shall We Do" pp. 157-8.
+
+[1070] To. "Kingdom" pp. 167, 164.
+
+[1071] _Ib._ p. 273.
+
+[1072] To. "What Shall We Do" p. 19.
+
+[1073] _Ib._ pp. 18-19.
+
+[1074] _Ib._ p. 19.
+
+[1075] To. "Money" p. 18.
+
+[1076] To. "Linen-Measurer" pp. 602-3.
+
+[1077] To. "Kingdom" p. 164.
+
+[1078] _Ib._ p. 168.
+
+[1079] To. "What Shall We Do" p. 143.
+
+[1080] To. "Money" p. 18.
+
+[1081] _Ib._ p. 13.
+
+[1082] _Ib._ p. 13.
+
+[1083] _Ib._ p. 16.
+
+[1084] _Ib._ p. 15.
+
+[1085] To. "Kingdom" p. 166.
+
+[1086] To. "What Shall We Do" p. 139.
+
+[1087] _Ib._ p. 152.
+
+[1088] To. "Money" p. 6.
+
+[1089] To. "What Shall We Do" pp. 151-2.
+
+[1090] _Ib._ p. 160.
+
+[1091] To. "What Shall We Do" pp. 134-5.
+
+[1092] _Ib._ p. 135.
+
+[1093] To. "Kingdom" pp. 247-8.
+
+[1094] _Ib._ p. 406.
+
+[1095] _Ib._ p. 407.
+
+[1096] _Ib._ p. 407.
+
+[1097] _Ib._ p. 409.
+
+[1098] _Ib._ p. 492.
+
+[1099] _Ib._ pp. 247, 447.
+
+[1100] To. "Kingdom" pp. 492-3.
+
+[1101] _Ib._ pp. 314-28.
+
+[1102] _Ib._ pp. 424-5.
+
+[1103] _Ib._ p. 425.
+
+[1104] _Ib._ p. 425.
+
+[1105] To. "Kingdom" p. 511.
+
+[1106] To. "What I Believe" p. 249.
+
+[1107] _Ib._ p. 249.
+
+[1108] _Ib._ p. 228.
+
+[1109] _Ib._ pp. 227-8.
+
+[1110] _Ib._ p. 227.
+
+[1111] _Ib._ p. 229.
+
+[1112] To. "What I Believe" p. 230.
+
+[1113] To. "Kingdom" p. 520.
+
+[1114] To. "What Shall We Do" pp. 157-8.
+
+[1115] To. "Money" p. 10.
+
+[1116] To. "Money" p. 11.
+
+[1117] _Ib._ pp. 11-12.
+
+[1118] "Kernel" p. 89.
+
+[1119] _Ib._ p. 89.
+
+[1120] "Patriotism" p. 116.
+
+[1121] To. "Patriotism" pp. 108-9.
+
+[1122] To. "Kingdom" p. 301.
+
+[1123] _Ib._ p. 474.
+
+[1124] _Ib._ p. 302.
+
+[1125] _Ib._ p. 301.
+
+[1126] To. "Patriotism" pp. 116-17.
+
+[1127] To. "Kingdom" p. 358.
+
+[1128] To. "Kingdom" p. 508.
+
+[1129] To. "What I Believe" p. 290.
+
+[1130] _Ib._ p. 290.
+
+[1131] _Ib._ p. 293.
+
+[1132] To. "Kingdom" p. 523.
+
+[1133] _Ib._ p. 523.
+
+[1134] _Ib._ p. 523.
+
+[1135] To. "Patriotism" p. 116.
+
+[1136] _Ib._ p. 109.
+
+[1137] To. "Patriotism" pp. 112-13.
+
+[1138] To. "Kingdom" p. 509.
+
+[1139] To. "What I Believe" pp. 147-8.
+
+[1140] To. "Kingdom" pp. 306-7.
+
+[1141] _Ib._ p. 326.
+
+[1142] _Ib._ pp. 279-80.
+
+[1143] To. "Kingdom" pp. 280-81.
+
+[1144] _Ib._ p. 298.
+
+[1145] To. "What I Believe" p. 292.
+
+[1146] To. "What Shall We Do" p. 164; "What I Believe" p. 291.
+
+[1147] To. "What Shall We Do" p. 162.
+
+[1148] _Ib._ p. 161.
+
+[1149] To "What Shall We Do" p. 161.
+
+[1150] To. "Kingdom" p. 314.
+
+[1151] _Ib._ pp. 327-8.
+
+[1152] _Ib._ p. 330.
+
+[1153] _Ib._ p. 328.
+
+[1154] To. "Persecutions" p. 44.
+
+[1155] To. "Persecutions" p. 44.
+
+[1156] To. "Kingdom" p. 293.
+
+[1157] _Ib._ pp. 302-3.
+
+[1158] To. "Kingdom" pp. 303-4.
+
+[1159] "What I Believe" p. 148.
+
+[1160] _Ib._ pp. 179-80.
+
+[1161] To. "Kingdom" p. 353.
+
+[1162] _Ib._ p. 356.
+
+[1163] _Ib._ p. 392.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+THE ANARCHISTIC TEACHINGS
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+We have now gained the standpoint that permits us to view
+comprehensively the entire body of Anarchistic teachings.
+
+This comprehensive view is possible only as follows: first we have to
+look and see what the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings here
+presented have in common, and what specialties are to be found among
+them; next we must consider how far that which is common to the seven
+teachings may be equated to that which the entire body of Anarchistic
+teachings have in common, and, in addition, how far the specialties
+represented among the seven teachings may be equated to the specialties
+represented in the entire body of Anarchistic teachings.
+
+To characterize those qualities of the Anarchistic teachings to which
+attention is to be paid, words already existing are here used as far as
+has been found practicable. Where such were totally lacking, the need of
+a concise formula has of necessity overcome repugnance to neologisms.
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+I. As to their basis the seven teachings here presented have nothing in
+common.
+
+1. In part they recognize as the supreme law of human procedure merely
+a natural law, which, as such, does not tell us what ought to take place
+but what really will take place; these teachings may be called
+_genetic_. The other part of them regard as the supreme law of human
+procedure a norm, which, as such, tells us what ought to take place,
+even if it never really will take place; these teachings may be
+characterized as _critical_. Genetic are the teachings of Bakunin and
+Kropotkin: the supreme law of human procedure is for Bakunin the
+evolutionary law of mankind's progress from a less perfect existence to
+an existence as perfect as possible, and for Kropotkin that of mankind's
+progress from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as
+possible. Critical are the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner,
+Tucker, and Tolstoi.
+
+2. The critical teachings, again, are partly such as set up a duty as
+the supreme law of human procedure, the duty being itself the ultimate
+purpose,--these teachings may be characterized as _idealistic_,--and
+partly such as set up happiness as the supreme law of human procedure,
+all duty being only a means to happiness,--these may take the name of
+_eudemonistic_. Idealistic are the teachings of Proudhon and Tolstoi:
+Proudhon sets up as the supreme law of human procedure the duty of
+justice, Tolstoi the duty of love. Eudemonistic are the teachings of
+Godwin, Stirner, and Tucker.
+
+3. The eudemonistic teachings, finally, regard as the supreme law of
+human procedure either the happiness of mankind as a whole, which the
+individual is accordingly to further without regard to his own
+happiness,--these teachings may be characterized as _altruistic_,--or
+the happiness of the individual, which he is accordingly to further
+without regard to the welfare of mankind as a whole,--these teachings
+may be called _egoistic_. Altruistic is Godwin's teaching, egoistic
+Stirner's and Tucker's.
+
+II. With regard to what they have in common in their basis, the seven
+recognized Anarchistic teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings. They
+have in their basis nothing in common with each other; all the more is
+it impossible, therefore, that the entire body of recognized Anarchistic
+teachings should have in their basis anything in common.
+
+Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in respect to
+their basis the teachings here presented may be taken as equivalent to
+the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without limitation. For the
+specialties represented among them can be arranged as a system that has
+no room left for any more co-ordinate specialties, but only for
+subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching, therefore, can have any specialty
+that will not be subordinate to these specialties.
+
+Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+Anarchistic teachings altogether. In their basis they have nothing in
+common, and are to be divided with respect to its differences as shown
+in the table on page 273.
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. In their relation to law--that is, to those norms which are based on
+men's will to have a certain procedure generally observed within a
+circle which includes themselves--the seven teachings here presented
+have nothing in common.
+
+1. A part of them negate law for our future; these teachings may be
+called _anomistic_. The other part of them affirm it for our future;
+these teachings may be characterized as _nomistic_. Anomistic are the
+teachings of Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi; nomistic those of Proudhon,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Tucker.
+
+
+  ======================================================
+  |_Genetic_  |          _Critical Teachings_          |
+  |_Teachings_|                                        |
+  |           |----------------------------------------|
+  |           |  _Idealistic_  |    _Eudemonistic_     |
+  |           |                |-----------------------|
+  |           |                | Altruistic | Egoistic |
+  |===========+================+============+==========|
+  | Bakunin   |  Proudhon      | Godwin     | Stirner  |
+  | Kropotkin |  Tolstoi       |            | Tucker   |
+
+
+There cannot be given a more precise definition of what is common to the
+anomistic teachings on the one hand and to the nomistic on the other,
+and what is peculiar to the one group as against the other, than has
+here been given. For both the negation and the affirmation of law for
+our future have totally different meanings in the different teachings.
+
+The negation of law for our future means in the cases of Godwin and
+Stirner that they reject law unconditionally, and so for our future as
+well as everywhere else: Godwin because it is always and everywhere
+contrary to the general happiness, Stirner because it is always and
+everywhere contrary to the individual's happiness.
+
+In Tolstoi's case the meaning of the negation of law for our future is
+that he rejects law, though not unconditionally, yet for our future,
+because it is, though not at all times and in all places, yet under our
+circumstances, in a higher degree repugnant to love than its
+non-existence.
+
+The affirmation of law for our future means in the cases of Proudhon and
+Tucker that they approve law as such (though certainly not every
+particular form of law) unconditionally, and hence for our future as
+well as elsewhere: Proudhon because law as such never and nowhere
+offends against justice, Tucker because law as such never and nowhere
+impairs the individual's happiness.[1164]
+
+In the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin, finally, the affirmation of law
+for our future has the meaning that they foresee that the progress of
+evolution will in our future leave in existence law as such, even though
+not the present particular form of law: Bakunin meaning by this the
+progress of mankind from a less perfect existence to an existence as
+perfect as possible, and Proudhon its progress from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible.
+
+2. The anomistic teachings part company again in regard to what they (in
+the same different senses in which they negate law for our future)
+affirm for our future in contrast to the law.
+
+According to Godwin, in future the general happiness ought to be men's
+controlling principle in the place of law.
+
+According to Stirner, in future the happiness of self ought to be men's
+controlling principle in the place of law.
+
+According to Tolstoi, in future love ought to be men's controlling
+principle in the place of law.
+
+3. On the other part, the nomistic teachings part company in regard to
+the particular form of law that they affirm for our future.
+
+According to Tucker, even in future there ought to exist enacted law, in
+which the will that creates the law is expressly declared,[1165] as well
+as unenacted law, in which such an express declaration of this will is
+not present.
+
+According to Bakunin and Kropotkin, in future only unenacted law will
+exist.
+
+According to Proudhon, there ought to exist in future only the single
+legal norm that contracts must be lived up to.[1166]
+
+II. With regard to what they have in common in their relation to law,
+the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings here presented may be taken
+as equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings. In
+their relation to law they have nothing in common. Much less, therefore,
+can the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings have anything in
+common in their relation to law.
+
+Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in their
+relation to law the teachings here presented may be taken as equivalent
+to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without limitation. For the
+specialties represented among them can be arranged as a system in which
+there is no room left for any more co-ordinate specialties, but only for
+subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching, therefore, can have any specialty
+that will not be subordinate to these specialties.
+
+Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+Anarchistic teachings altogether. In their relation to law they have
+nothing in common, and are to be divided as follows with respect to the
+differences of this relation:
+
+
+  ================================================
+  | _Anomistic Teachings_ | _Nomistic Teachings_ |
+  |=======================+======================|
+  |      Godwin           |      Proudhon        |
+  |      Stirner          |      Bakunin         |
+  |      Tolstoi          |      Kropotkin       |
+  |                       |      Tucker          |
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. In their relation to the State--that is, to the legal relation by
+virtue of which a supreme authority exists in a territory--the seven
+teachings here presented have something in common.
+
+1. They have this in common, that they negate the State for our future.
+
+There cannot be given a more precise definition of what the teachings
+here presented have in common in their relation to the State than has
+here been given. For the negation of the State for our future has
+totally different meanings in them.
+
+In the cases of Godwin, Stirner, Tucker, and Proudhon, the negation of
+the State for our future means that they reject the State
+unconditionally, and hence for our future as well as everywhere else:
+Godwin because the State always and everywhere impairs the general
+happiness, Stirner and Tucker because it always and everywhere impairs
+the individual's happiness, Proudhon because at all times and in all
+places the State offends against justice.
+
+In Tolstoi's case the negation of the State for our future means that he
+rejects the State, though not unconditionally, yet for our future,
+because the State is, though not always and everywhere, yet under our
+circumstances, more repugnant to love than its non-existence.
+
+Finally, in the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin the negation of the State
+for our future has the meaning that they foresee that in our future the
+progress of evolution will abolish the State: Bakunin meaning mankind's
+progress from a less perfect existence to one as perfect as possible,
+Kropotkin its progress from a less happy existence to one as happy as
+possible.
+
+2. As to what they affirm for our future in contrast to the State (in
+the same different senses in which they negate the State for our future)
+the seven teachings here presented have nothing in common.
+
+One part of them affirm for our future, in contrast to the State, a
+social human life in a voluntary legal relation--to wit, under the
+legal norm that contracts must be lived up to; these teachings may take
+the name of _federalistic_. The other part of them affirm for our
+future, in contrast to the State, a social human life without any legal
+relation--to wit, under the same controlling principle that they affirm
+for our future in contrast to law; these teachings may be characterized
+as _spontanistic_. Federalistic are the teachings of Proudhon, Bakunin,
+Kropotkin, and Tucker; spontanistic those of Godwin,[1167] Stirner, and
+Tolstoi.
+
+3. The spontanistic teachings in turn part company in respect to the
+non-legal controlling principle which they affirm in contrast to the
+State as the basis of the social human life for our future.
+
+According to Godwin, the place of the State ought to be taken by a
+social human life based on the principle that the general happiness
+should be every one's rule of action.
+
+According to Stirner, the place of the State ought to be taken by a
+social human life based on the principle that each one's own happiness
+should be his rule of action.
+
+According to Tolstoi, the place of the State ought to be taken by a
+social human life based on the principle that love should be every
+one's rule of action.
+
+II. With regard to what they have in common in their relation to the
+State, the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings here presented may be
+taken as equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic
+teachings. In their relation to the State they have only this one thing
+in common, that they negate the State for our future--and in very
+different senses at that. But this is common to all recognized
+Anarchistic teachings: observation of any recognized Anarchistic
+teaching shows that in one sense or another it negates the State for our
+future.
+
+Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in their
+relation to the State the teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without
+limitation. For the specialties represented among them can be arranged
+as a system which affords no room for any more co-ordinate specialties,
+but only for subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching, therefore, can have
+any specialty that will not be subordinate to these specialties.
+
+Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+the Anarchistic teachings altogether. In their relation to the State
+they have in common their negating the State for our future; and with
+regard to the differences in what they affirm for our future in contrast
+to the State they are to be divided as shown in the table on page
+280.
+
+
+  =======================================================
+  | _Federalistic Teachings_ | _Spontanistic Teachings_ |
+  |==========================+==========================|
+  |       Proudhon           |        Godwin            |
+  |       Bakunin            |        Stirner           |
+  |       Kropotkin          |        Tolstoi           |
+  |       Tucker             |                          |
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. In their relation to property--that is, to that legal relation by
+virtue of which some one has within a certain group of men the exclusive
+privilege of ultimately disposing of a thing--the seven teachings here
+presented have nothing in common.
+
+1. One part of them negate property for our future; these teachings may
+be characterized as _indoministic_. The other part affirm it for our
+future; these teachings may be called _doministic_. Indoministic are the
+teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, and Tolstoi; doministic the
+teachings of Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Tucker.
+
+There cannot be given a more precise definition of what is common to the
+indoministic teachings on the one hand and to the doministic on the
+other, and what is peculiar to the one group as against the other, than
+has here been given. For both the affirmation and the negation of
+property for our future have totally different meanings in the different
+teachings.
+
+In the cases of Godwin, Stirner, and Proudhon, the negation of property
+for our future means that they reject property unconditionally, and so
+for our future as well as elsewhere: Godwin because it is always and
+everywhere contrary to the general happiness, Stirner because it is
+always and everywhere contrary to the individual's happiness, Proudhon
+because it always and everywhere offends against justice.
+
+In Tolstoi's case the meaning of the negation of property for our future
+is that he rejects property, though not absolutely, yet for our future,
+because it is, though not at all times and in all places, yet under our
+circumstances, in a higher degree repugnant to love than is its
+non-existence.
+
+In Tucker's case the affirmation of property for our future means that
+he approves property as such (though certainly not every particular form
+of property) unconditionally, and hence for our future as well as
+elsewhere, because property as such is never and nowhere contrary to the
+individual's happiness.[1168]
+
+Finally, in the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin the affirmation of
+property for our future is as much as to say that they foresee that in
+our future the progress of evolution will leave in existence property as
+such, even though not the present particular form of property: Bakunin
+meaning mankind's progress from a less perfect existence to one as
+perfect as possible, Kropotkin its progress from a less happy existence
+to one as happy as possible.
+
+2. The indoministic teachings part company again as to what they affirm
+for our future (in the same different senses in which they negate
+property for our future) in contrast to property.
+
+According to Proudhon, a distribution of goods determined by a voluntary
+legal relation, and based on the legal norm that contracts ought to be
+lived up to, ought to take the place of property.
+
+According to Godwin, Stirner, and Tolstoi, the place of property ought
+to be taken by a distribution without any legal relation, based rather
+on the same rule of action that is affirmed by them in contrast to law.
+
+According to Godwin, therefore, that distribution of goods which is to
+take the place of property ought to be based on what is prescribed to
+each one by the general happiness.
+
+According to Stirner it ought to be based on what is prescribed to each
+one by his own happiness.
+
+According to Tolstoi it ought to be based on what is prescribed to each
+one by love.
+
+3. The doministic teachings on their side part company again as to the
+particular form of property that they affirm for our future.
+
+According to Tucker there ought to exist in future, as at present, both
+property of the individual and property of the collectivity, in all
+things indiscriminately.[1169] This teaching may be called
+_individualistic_.
+
+According to Bakunin, in future there will exist property of the
+individual and of the entire community only in goods for consumption,
+indiscriminately, while in the materials and instruments of production
+there will be solely property of the collectivity. This teaching may be
+characterized as _collectivistic_.
+
+According to Kropotkin, in future there will exist solely property of
+the collectivity in all things indiscriminately. This teaching may be
+called _communistic_.
+
+II. With regard to what they have in common in their relation to
+property, the seven Anarchistic teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings. They
+have nothing in common in their relation to property. All the more is it
+impossible, therefore, that the entire body of recognized Anarchistic
+teachings should in their relation to property have anything in common.
+
+Furthermore, in regard to the specialties that they exhibit in their
+relation to property the teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without
+limitation. For the specialties represented among them can be arranged
+as a system in which there is no room left for any more co-ordinate
+specialties, but only for subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching,
+therefore, can have any specialty that will not be subordinate to these
+specialties.
+
+Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+Anarchistic teachings altogether. They have nothing in common in their
+relation to property, and are to be divided with respect to the
+differences of this relation as shown in the table on page
+284.
+
+
+  =================================================================
+  |_Indoministic_|             _Doministic Teachings_             |
+  |  _Teachings_ +-----------------+----------------+-------------+
+  |              |_Individualistic_|_Collectivistic_|_Communistic_|
+  |==============+=================+================+=============|
+  |  Godwin      |  Tucker         |  Bakunin       |  Kropotkin  |
+  |  Proudhon    |                 |                |             |
+  |  Stirner     |                 |                |             |
+  |  Tolstoi     |                 |                |             |
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+I. With regard to the manner in which they conceive their
+realization--that is, the transition from the negated condition to the
+affirmed condition--as taking place, the seven teachings here presented
+have nothing in common.
+
+1. The one part of them conceive their realization as taking place
+without breach of law: they have in mind a transition from the negated
+to the affirmed condition merely by the application of legal norms of
+the negated condition; these teachings may be characterized as
+_reformatory_. Reformatory are the teachings of Godwin and Proudhon. The
+other part conceive their realization as a breach of law: they have in
+mind a transition from the negated to the affirmed condition with
+violation of legal norms of the negated condition; these teachings may
+be called _revolutionary_. Revolutionary are the teachings of Stirner,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, and Tolstoi.
+
+There cannot be given a more precise definition of what is common to the
+reformatory teachings on the one hand, to the revolutionary on the
+other, and what is peculiar to the one group as against the other, than
+has here been given. For the conceiving the transition from a negated to
+an affirmed condition as taking place in any given way has totally
+different meanings in the different teachings.
+
+If Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Tucker, and Tolstoi conceive the
+transition from a negated to an affirmed condition as taking place in
+any given way, this is as much as to say that they demand that we should
+in a given way first prepare for, and then effect, the transition from a
+disapproved to an approved condition.
+
+If, on the contrary, Bakunin and Kropotkin conceive the transition from
+a negated to an affirmed condition as taking place in any given way,
+this means that they foresee that in the progress of evolution the
+transition from a disappearing to a newly-appearing condition will of
+itself take place in a given way, and that they only demand that we
+should make a certain sort of preparation for this transition.
+
+2. The revolutionary teachings part company again as to the fashion in
+which they conceive of the breach of law that helps in the transition
+from the negated to the affirmed condition.
+
+Some of them conceive of the breach of law as taking place without the
+employment of force; these teachings may be characterized as _renitent_.
+Renitent are the teachings of Tucker and Tolstoi: Tucker conceiving the
+breach of law chiefly as a refusal to pay taxes and rent and an
+infringement of the banking monopoly, Tolstoi especially as a refusal to
+do military, police, or jury service, and also to pay taxes.
+
+The other revolutionary teachings conceive of the breach of law that
+helps in the transition from the negated to the affirmed condition as
+taking place with the employment of force; these teachings may take the
+name of _insurgent_. Insurgent are the teachings of Stirner, Bakunin,
+and Kropotkin: Stirner and Bakunin conceiving only of the transition
+itself as attended with the use of violence, but Kropotkin also of
+preparation for it by such acts (propaganda of deed).
+
+II. With regard to what they have in common in respect of the conceived
+manner of realization, the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings which
+have been presented may be taken as equivalent to the entire body of
+recognized Anarchistic teachings. In respect of the conceived manner of
+realization they have nothing in common. Much less, therefore, can the
+entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings have anything in common
+in this respect.
+
+Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in respect of
+the conceived manner of realization the teachings here presented may be
+taken as equivalent to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without
+limitation. For the specialties represented among them can be arranged
+as a system in which there is no room left for any more co-ordinate
+specialties, but only for subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching,
+therefore, can have any specialty that will not be subordinate to these
+specialties.
+
+Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+the Anarchistic teachings altogether. In respect of the conceived manner
+of realization they have nothing in common, and are to be arranged as
+follows with reference to the differences therein:
+
+
+  ===============================================
+  |_Reformatory_ |  _Revolutionary Teachings_   |
+  | _Teachings_  +--------------+---------------|
+  |              |  _Renitent_  |  _Insurgent_  |
+  |==============+==============+===============|
+  |  Godwin      |   Tucker     |   Stirner     |
+  |  Proudhon    |   Tolstoi    |   Bakunin     |
+  |              |              |   Kropotkin   |
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1164] [I shall not indorse this statement till I understand it, and I
+doubt if Tucker will. Perhaps Eltzbacher might have been content with
+saying "is in no case more injurious to the happiness of most
+individuals than its non-existence."]
+
+[1165] [This, if interpreted by Eltzbacher's quotations from Tucker,
+must refer to the right of a voluntary association of any sort to make
+rules for its own members. But in this sense it seems in the highest
+degree doubtful whether Eltzbacher is justified in denying the same to
+all the other six, who have omitted to mention this point (perhaps
+regarding it as self-evident) while they were talking against laws in
+the sense of laws compulsorily binding everybody in the land.]
+
+[1166] [But see on Proudhon and Stirner my notes on pages 80 and 97.]
+
+[1167] [It will be seen by consulting the footnotes on pages 46, 47, and
+48 that the warrants for this statement about Godwin are drawn
+exclusively from the first one-fifth of his book, contrary to
+Eltzbacher's profession at the top of page 41; that the passages quoted
+_verbatim_ are not in Godwin's second edition; and that the quotations
+which are not _verbatim_ are of doubtful correctness by the second
+edition. This makes it appear that Godwin's sweeping rejection of the
+principle of contract was one of those over-hasty propositions about
+which he changed his mind even before they were published (see his words
+quoted on page 40, and the preface to his second edition). Yet I am not
+prepared to assert that Godwin would at any time have made contract the
+basis of his civil order.]
+
+[1168] [On Proudhon, Stirner, Tucker, see my notes on pages 80, 97,
+274.]
+
+[1169] [We are getting into an ambiguity of language here. The
+"collectivity" in which Kropotkin vests property is, as I understand,
+the entire population; the only "collectivity" which Tucker could
+recognize as owning property would be a voluntary association, whose
+membership, whether large or small, would in general be limited by the
+arbitrary choice of men.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES
+
+
+I.--ERRORS ABOUT ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES
+
+It has now become possible to set aside some of the numerous errors
+about Anarchism and its species.
+
+I. It is said that Anarchism has abolished morality and bases itself
+upon scientific materialism,[1170] that its ideal of society is
+determined by its peculiar conception of the way things come to pass in
+history.[1171] If this were correct, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon,
+Stirner, Tucker, Tolstoi, and very many other recognized Anarchistic
+teachings, would have to be regarded as not Anarchistic.
+
+2. It is asserted that Anarchism sets up the happiness of the individual
+as final goal,[1172] that it appraises every human action from the
+abstract view-point of the unlimited right of the individual,[1173] that
+to it the supreme law is not the general welfare but every individual's
+free preference.[1174] Were this really the case, we should have to look
+upon the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tolstoi, and
+a multitude of other recognized Anarchistic teachings, as not
+Anarchistic.
+
+3. The moral law of justice is set down as Anarchism's supreme
+law.[1175] Were this assertion correct, the teachings of Godwin,
+Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and numerous other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings, could not rank as Anarchistic.
+
+4. It is said that Anarchism culminates in the negation of every
+programme,[1176] that it has only a negative goal.[1177] If this were in
+accordance with truth, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and well-nigh all other recognized
+Anarchistic teachings, would not admit of being regarded as Anarchistic.
+
+5. It is asserted that Anarchism rejects law,[1178] the compulsion of
+law.[1179] If this were so, the teachings of Proudhon, Bakunin,
+Kropotkin, Tucker, and very many other recognized Anarchistic teachings,
+could not rank as Anarchistic.
+
+6. It is declared that Anarchism rejects society,[1180] that its ideal
+consists in wiping out society to make a fresh start,[1181] that for it
+fellowship exists only to be combated.[1182] Were this correct, we
+should have to look upon the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and pretty nearly all other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings, as not Anarchistic.
+
+7. It is said that Anarchism demands the abolition of the State,[1183]
+wills to destroy the State off the face of the earth,[1184] wills to
+have the State in no form at all,[1185] wills to have no
+government.[1186] If this were correct, the teachings of Bakunin and
+Kropotkin, and all the other recognized Anarchistic teachings which
+only foresee the abolition of the State but do not demand it, could not
+rank as Anarchistic.
+
+8. It is asserted that in Anarchism's future society the individual's
+consent binds him only so long as he is disposed to keep it up.[1187]
+Were this really so, then the teachings of Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin,
+Tucker, and very many other recognized Anarchistic teachings, would have
+to be looked upon as not Anarchistic.
+
+9. It is said that Anarchism wills to put a federation in the place of
+the State,[1188] that what it is striving for is the ordering of all
+public affairs by free contracts among federalistically instituted
+communes and societies.[1189] Were this in accordance with truth, the
+teachings of Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi, and very many other recognized
+Anarchistic teachings, would not admit of being regarded as Anarchistic,
+and no more would the teachings of Bakunin and Kropotkin and the rest of
+the recognized Anarchistic teachings that do not demand, but only
+foresee, a fellowship of contract.
+
+10. It is declared that Anarchism rejects property.[1190] If this were
+correct, we should have to rate the teachings of Bakunin, Kropotkin,
+Tucker, and all the other recognized Anarchistic teachings that affirm
+property either unconditionally or at any rate in some particular form,
+as not Anarchistic.
+
+11. It is asserted that Anarchism rejects private property,[1191]
+endeavors to establish community of goods,[1192] is necessarily
+communistic.[1193] Were Anarchism necessarily communistic, then, in the
+first place, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Tolstoi, and
+all the other recognized Anarchistic teachings which negate property in
+every form, even as the property of society, could not rank as
+Anarchistic; and furthermore, neither could the teachings of Tucker and
+Bakunin, and such other recognized Anarchistic teachings as affirm
+private property either in all things or at least in goods for direct
+consumption. And if in addition to this it were a matter of rejection or
+endeavor, then not even Kropotkin's teaching, and the rest of the
+recognized Anarchistic teachings which do not demand, but foresee, a
+communistic form of property, could be regarded as Anarchistic.
+
+12. A distinction is made between Communist, Collectivist, and
+Individualist Anarchism,[1194] or simply between Communist and
+Individualist Anarchism.[1195] Were the first division a complete one,
+the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Tolstoi, and all the other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings that do not affirm property in any
+form, could not rank as Anarchistic; were the second complete, these
+again could not, nor yet could Bakunin's teaching and such other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings as affirm a property in the means of
+production only for society, but in the supplies of consumption for
+individuals also.
+
+13. It is said that Anarchism preaches crime,[1196] looks to a violent
+revolution for the initiation of the new condition,[1197] seeks to
+attain its goal with the help of all agencies, even theft and
+murder.[1198] If Anarchism conceived of its realization as taking place
+by crime, we should have to look upon the teachings of Godwin and
+Proudhon and very many more recognized Anarchistic teachings as not
+Anarchistic; and, if it conceived of its realization as taking place by
+criminal acts of violence, the teachings of Tucker and Tolstoi and
+numerous other recognized Anarchistic teachings would also have to be
+regarded as not Anarchistic.
+
+14. It is asserted that Anarchism recognizes the propaganda of deed as a
+means toward its realization.[1199] If this were correct, the teachings
+of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Bakunin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and most of the
+other recognized Anarchistic teachings, could not rank as Anarchistic.
+
+
+2.--THE CONCEPTS OF ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES
+
+It is now possible, furthermore, to determine the common and special
+qualities of the Anarchistic teachings, to assign them a place in the
+total realm of our experience, and thus to define conceptually Anarchism
+and its species.
+
+I. _The common and special qualities of the Anarchistic teachings._
+
+1. The Anarchistic teachings have in common only this, that they negate
+the State for our future. In the cases of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, and
+Tucker, the negation means that they reject the State unconditionally,
+and so for our future as well as elsewhere; in the case of Tolstoi it
+means that he rejects the State, though not unconditionally, yet for our
+future; in the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin it means that they foresee
+that in future the progress of evolution will do away with the State.
+
+2. As to their basis, the Anarchistic teachings are classifiable as
+_genetic_, recognizing as the supreme law of human procedure merely a
+law of nature (Bakunin, Kropotkin) and _critical_, regarding a norm as
+the supreme law of human procedure. The critical teachings, again, are
+classifiable as _idealistic_, whose supreme law is a duty (Proudhon,
+Tolstoi), and _eudemonistic_, whose supreme law is happiness. The
+eudemonistic teachings, finally, are on their part further classifiable
+as _altruistic_, for which the general happiness is supreme law
+(Godwin), and _egoistic_, for which the individual's happiness takes
+this rank (Stirner, Tucker).
+
+As to what they affirm for our future in contrast to the State, the
+Anarchistic teachings are either _federalistic_--that is, they affirm
+for our future a social human life on the basis of the legal norm that
+contracts must be lived up to (Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker)--or
+_spontanistic_--that is, they affirm for our future a social human life
+on the basis of a non-juridical controlling principle (Godwin, Stirner,
+Tolstoi).
+
+As to their relation to law, a part of the Anarchistic teachings are
+_anomistic_, negating law for our future (Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi); the
+other part are _nomistic_, affirming it for our future (Proudhon,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker).
+
+As to their relation to property, the Anarchistic teachings are partly
+_indoministic_, negating property for our future (Godwin, Proudhon,
+Stirner, Tolstoi), partly _doministic_, affirming it for our future. The
+doministic teachings, again, are partly _individualistic_, affirming
+property, without limitation, for the individual as well as for the
+collectivity (Tucker), partly _collectivistic_, affirming as to supplies
+for direct consumption a property that will sometimes be the
+individual's, but as to the means of production a property that is only
+for the collectivity (Bakunin), and, finally, partly _communistic_,
+affirming property solely for the collectivity (Kropotkin).
+
+As to how they conceive their realization, the Anarchistic teachings
+divide into the _reformatory_, which conceive the transition from the
+negated to the affirmed condition as without breach of law (Godwin,
+Proudhon), and _revolutionary_, which conceive this transition as a
+breach of law. The revolutionary teachings, again, divide into
+_renitent_, which conceive the breach of law as without the use of force
+(Tucker, Tolstoi) and _insurgent_, which conceive it as attended by the
+use of force (Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin).
+
+II. _The place of the Anarchistic teachings in the total realm of our
+experience._
+
+1. There must be distinguished three lines of thought in the philosophy
+of law: that is, three fashions of judging law.
+
+The first is _jurisprudential dogmatism_. It judges whether a legal
+institution ought to exist or not, and it judges quite unconditionally,
+solely by what the institution consists of, without regard to its
+effect under this or that particular set of circumstances. It embraces,
+therefore, the doctrines of a _proper law_: that is, the schools that
+seek to determine what law--for instance, whether the legal institution
+of marriage--is under all circumstances to be approved or to be
+disapproved. Its best known form is "natural law."
+
+The weakness of jurisprudential dogmatism lies in its not taking account
+of the fact that our judgment of legal institutions must depend on their
+effects, and that one and the same legal institution has under different
+circumstances altogether different effects.
+
+The second line of thought is _jurisprudential skepticism_. In view of
+the weakness of jurisprudential dogmatism it foregoes judgment on
+whether a legal institution ought to exist or not, and pronounces
+judgment only on whether the tendency of evolution gives ground for
+expecting that a legal institution will persist or disappear, arise or
+remain non-existent. It embraces, therefore, the doctrines of the
+_evolution of law_: that is, the schools that undertake to inform us
+what sort of law is to be expected in future--for instance, whether the
+legal institution of marriage has a prospect of remaining in force among
+us. Its best-known forms are the historical school in the science of
+law, and Marxism.
+
+The weakness of jurisprudential skepticism consists in its not meeting
+our want of a scientific basis that shall enable us to recognize as
+correct or incorrect the incessantly-appearing judgments on the value of
+legal institutions, and to approve or disapprove the manifold
+propositions for changes in law.
+
+The third line of thought is _jurisprudential criticism_. In view of
+the weakness of jurisprudential dogmatism it foregoes passing judgment,
+without regard to the particular circumstances under which a legal
+institution operates, on whether that institution ought to exist or not;
+but yet in view of the weakness of jurisprudential skepticism it does
+not forego answering the question whether a legal institution ought to
+exist or not. It therefore sets up a supreme governing principle by
+which legal institutions are to be judged with regard to the particular
+circumstances under which they operate, the point being whether, under
+the particular circumstances under which a legal institution operates,
+it fulfils that supreme governing principle as well as is possible under
+these circumstances, or at least better than any other legal
+institution. It embraces, therefore, the doctrines of _the propriety of
+law_: that is, the schools that set up fundamental principles by which
+it is to be determined what law--for instance, whether the legal
+institution of marriage--ought under any particular circumstances to
+exist or not to exist.
+
+2. With respect to the State these three lines of thought in the
+philosophy of law may arrive at different judgments, each one from its
+standpoint.
+
+First, to the _affirmation of the State_.
+
+So far as the schools of jurisprudential dogmatism affirm the State,
+they approve of it unconditionally, and so for our future as well as
+elsewhere, without any regard to its effects under this or that
+particular set of circumstances.
+
+Among the numerous affirmative doctrines of the State in the sense of
+jurisprudential dogmatism, the teachings of Hobbes, Hegel, and Jhering
+may perhaps be selected for emphasis as belonging to different sections
+of history.
+
+So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential skepticism affirm the State,
+they foresee, looking to the course evolution is taking, that in our
+future the State will continue to exist.
+
+The most notable representatives of jurisprudential skepticism, such as
+Puchta and Merkel, have offered no teaching regarding the State; but
+affirmative doctrines of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+skepticism may be found, for instance, in Montaigne and Bernstein.
+
+Finally, so far as the doctrines of jurisprudential criticism affirm the
+State, they commend it for our future in consideration of the particular
+circumstances that at present prevail in our case.
+
+Jurisprudential criticism has thus far been most clearly set forth by
+Stammler, who, however, has offered no teaching with regard to the
+State; but, for instance, Spencer's teaching may rank as an affirmative
+doctrine of the State in the sense of jurisprudential criticism.
+
+Second, the three lines of thought in the philosophy of law may arrive
+at the _negation of the State_, each one from its standpoint.
+
+So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential dogmatism negate the State,
+they reject it unconditionally, and so for our future as well as
+elsewhere, without any regard to its effects under this or that
+particular set of circumstances.
+
+Negative doctrines of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+dogmatism are the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, and Tucker.
+
+So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential skepticism negate the State,
+they foresee, looking to the course evolution is taking, that in our
+future the State will disappear.
+
+Negative doctrines of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+skepticism are the teachings of Bakunin and Kropotkin.
+
+So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential criticism negate the State,
+they reject it for our future in consideration of the particular
+circumstances that at present prevail in our case.
+
+A negative doctrine of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+criticism is Tolstoi's teaching.
+
+3. Therefore, the place of the Anarchistic teachings in the total realm
+of our experience is defined by the fact that they, as a species of
+doctrine about the State in the philosophy of law,--to wit, as negative
+doctrines of the State,--stand in opposition to the other species of
+doctrine about the State, the affirmative doctrines of the State.
+
+This may be represented as shown in the table on the following page.
+
+III. _The concepts of Anarchism and its species._
+
+1. Anarchism is the negation of the State in the philosophy of law: that
+is, it is that species of jurisprudential doctrine of the State which
+negates the State.
+
+2. An Anarchistic teaching cannot be complete without stating on what
+basis it rests, what condition it affirms in contrast to the State, and
+how it conceives the transition to this condition as taking place. A
+basis, an affirmative side, and a conception of the transition to that
+which it affirms, are necessary constituents of any Anarchistic
+teaching. With regard to these constituents the following species of
+Anarchism may be distinguished.
+
+
+  ================================================================
+  |                 |_Affirmative Doctrines_|_Negative Doctrines_|
+  |                 |     _of the State_    |   _of the State_   |
+  |=================+======================+=====================|
+  |                 |      Hobbes           |     Godwin         |
+  | In the sense of |      Hegel            |     Proudhon       |
+  | jurisprudential |      Jhering          |     Stirner        |
+  |    dogmatism    |                       |     Tucker         |
+  +-----------------+----------------------+---------------------+
+  | In the sense of |      Montaigne        |     Bakunin        |
+  | jurisprudential |      Bernstein        |     Kropotkin      |
+  |    skepticism   |                       |                    |
+  +-----------------+----------------------+---------------------+
+  | In the sense of |                       |                    |
+  | jurisprudential |      Spencer          |     Tolstoi        |
+  |    criticism    |                       |                    |
+
+
+First, as to basis, _genetic Anarchism_, which recognizes as supreme law
+of human procedure only a law of nature (Bakunin, Kropotkin), and
+_critical Anarchism_, which regards a norm as supreme law of human
+procedure; as subspecies of critical Anarchism, _idealistic Anarchism_,
+whose supreme law is a duty (Proudhon, Tolstoi), and _eudemonistic
+Anarchism_, whose supreme law is happiness; and, finally, as subspecies
+of eudemonistic Anarchism, _altruistic Anarchism_, for which the supreme
+law is the general happiness (Godwin), and _egoistic Anarchism_, for
+which the supreme law is the individual's happiness (Stirner, Tucker).
+
+Second, as to the condition affirmed in contrast to the State, there
+may be distinguished _federalistic Anarchism_, which affirms for our
+future a social human life according to the legal norm that contracts
+must be lived up to (Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker), and
+_spontanistic Anarchism_, which affirms for our future a social life
+according to a non-juridical governing principle (Godwin, Stirner,
+Tolstoi).
+
+Third, as to the conception of the transition to the affirmed condition,
+there may be distinguished _reformatory Anarchism_, which conceives the
+transition from the State to the condition affirmed in contrast thereto
+as taking place without breach of law (Godwin, Proudhon), and
+_revolutionary Anarchism_, which conceives this transition as a breach
+of law; as subspecies of revolutionary Anarchism, _renitent Anarchism_,
+which conceives the breach of law as without the use of violence
+(Tucker, Tolstoi), and _insurgent Anarchism_, which conceives it as
+attended by the use of violence (Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin).
+
+3. An Anarchistic teaching may be complete without taking up a position
+toward law or property. Whenever, therefore, an Anarchistic teaching
+takes up a position toward the one or the other, it contains an
+accidental adjunct. The Anarchistic teachings that contain this adjunct
+may be classified according to its character; but, since Anarchism as
+such can be classified only according to the character of the necessary
+constituents of every Anarchistic teaching, such a classification _does
+not give us species of Anarchism_.
+
+So far as the Anarchistic teachings take up a position toward law, they
+are either _anomistic_--that is, they negate law for our future
+(Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi)--or _nomistic_--that is, they affirm it for
+our future (Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker).
+
+So far as they take up a position toward property, they are either
+_indoministic_, negating property for our future (Godwin, Proudhon,
+Stirner, Tolstoi), or _doministic_, affirming it for our future; the
+doministic teachings, again, are either _individualistic_, affirming
+property, without limitation, for the individual as well as for the
+collectivity (Tucker), or _collectivistic_, affirming as to supplies for
+direct consumption a property which may be the individual's, but as to
+the means of production a property that is only for the collectivity
+(Bakunin), or, last of all, _communistic_, affirming property for the
+collectivity alone (Kropotkin).
+
+All this is brought before the eye in the table on page 302.
+
+
+     [**Symbol: hand pointing right][The table is given as compiled by
+     Eltzbacher. For correction of errors either certain or probable,
+     see footnotes to pages 80, 97, 278; note also that under "condition
+     affirmed" the distinction is excessively fine between Stirner, who
+     would have men agree on the terms of a union which they are to
+     stick to as long as they find it advisable, and Bakunin and Tucker,
+     who would have them bound together by a contract limited by the
+     inalienable right of secession.]
+
+
+KEY:  A - Genetic
+      B - Idealistic
+      C - Altrustic
+      D - Egoistic
+      E - Federalistic
+      F - Spontanistic
+      G - Reformatory
+      H - Renitent
+      I - Insurgent
+      J - Anomistic
+      K - Nomistic
+      L - Indoministic
+      M - Individualistic
+      N - Collectivistic
+      O - Communistic
+
+  =====================================================================
+  |       _Doctrines of the State_       |  _Anarchistic Teachings_   |
+  |      _in the Philosophy of Law_      |     _may possibly be_      |
+  |-----------------+--------------------+                            |
+  |   Affirmative   |     Negative       |                            |
+  |    Doctrines    |     Doctrines      |                            |
+  |  of the State   |   of the State     |                            |
+  |-----------------+                    |                            |
+  |                         ANARCHISM    |                            |
+  |-----------------+---------+----------+--------+-------------------|
+  |                 |_As to   |_As to its| _As to |   _As to their    |
+  |                 |condition|conception|  their | attitude toward   |
+  |                 |affirmed |  of the  |attitude|    property_      |
+  |_As to its basis_|   in    |transition| toward |                   |
+  |                 |contrast |  to the  |  law_  |                   |
+  |                 | to the  | affirmed |        |                   |
+  |                 | State_  |condition_|        |                   |
+  |---+-------------+---------+--+-------+---+----+----+--------------|
+  |   |  Critical   |   |     |  |Revolu-|   |    |    |  Doministic  |
+  |   +----+--------+   |     |  |tionary|   |    |    +--------------|
+  |   |    |Eudemon-|   |     |  +-------+   |    |    |    |    |    |
+  |   |    |  istic |   |     |  |   |   |   |    |    |    |    |    |
+  |   |    +--------+   |     |  |   |   |   |    |    |    |    |    |
+  | A |  B | C  | D | E |  F  |G | H | I | J | K  | L  | M  | N  | O  |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+--+---+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |   |    | Go |   |   |Go*  |Go|   |   | Go|    | Go |    |    |    |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+--+---+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |   | Pr |    |   |Pr |     |Pr |  |   |   | Pr |Pr* |    |    |    |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+---+--+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |   |    |    |St |   | St* |   |  |St |St*|    |St* |    |    |    |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+---+--+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |Ba |    |    |   |Ba |     |   |  |Ba |   | Ba |    |    | Ba |    |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+---+--+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |Kr |    |    |   |Kr |     |   |  |Kr |   | Kr |    |    |    | Kr |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+---+--+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |   |    |    |Tu |Tu |     |   |Tu|   |   | Tu |    | Tu |    |    |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+---+--+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |   | To |    |   |   |  To |   |To|   |To |    | To |    |    |    |
+  =====================================================================
+
+* [See note, p. 301.]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1170] "_Der Anarchismus und seine Träger_" pp. 127, 124, 125.
+
+[1171] Reichesberg p. 27.
+
+[1172] Lenz p. 3.
+
+[1173] Plechanow p. 80.
+
+[1174] Rienzi p. 43.
+
+[1175] Bernatzik pp. 2, 3.
+
+[1176] Lenz p. 5.
+
+[1177] Crispi p. 4.
+
+[1178] Stammler pp. 2, 4, 34, 36.
+
+[1179] Lenz pp. 1, 4.
+
+[1180] Garraud p. 12, Tripels p. 253.
+
+[1181] Silió p. 145.
+
+[1182] Reichesberg pp. 14, 16.
+
+[1183] Bernstein p. 359.
+
+[1184] Lenz p. 5.
+
+[1185] Bernatzik p. 3.
+
+[1186] "_Hintermänner_" p. 14.
+
+[1187] Reichesberg p. 30.
+
+[1188] "_Hintermänner_" p. 14.
+
+[1189] Lombroso p. 31.
+
+[1190] Silió p. 145, Dubois p. 213.
+
+[1191] Proal p. 50.
+
+[1192] Lombroso p. 31.
+
+[1193] Sernicoli vol. 2 p. 67, Garraud pp. 3, 4.
+
+[1194] "_Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus_" p. 16; Zenker p.
+161.
+
+[1195] Rienzi p. 9; Stammler pp. 28-31; Merlino pp. 18, 27; Shaw p. 23.
+
+[1196] Garraud p. 6; Lenz p. 5.
+
+[1197] Sernicoli vol. 2 p. 116; Garraud p. 2; Reichesberg p. 38; Van
+Hamel p. 113.
+
+[1198] Lombroso pp. 31, 35.
+
+[1199] Garraud pp. 10-11; Lombroso p. 34; Ferri p. 257.
+
+
+
+
+CONCLUSION
+
+
+1. The personal want that impelled us toward a scientific knowledge of
+Anarchism has met with some satisfaction.
+
+The concepts of Anarchism and its species have been defined; the most
+important errors have been removed; the most prominent Anarchistic
+teachings of earlier and recent times have been presented in detail. We
+have become acquainted with Anarchism's armory. We have seen all that
+can be objected against the State from all possible standpoints. We have
+been shown the most diverse orders of life as destined to take the
+State's place in future. The transition from the State to these orders
+of life has been represented to us in the most manifold ways.
+
+He who would know Anarchism still more intimately, investigate the less
+notable teachings as well as the most prominent, and assign to both
+these and those their place in the causal nexus of historical events,
+will now find at least the foundation laid for his work. He knows with
+what sorts of teachings, and what parts of these teachings, he must
+concern himself, and what questions he must put to each of them. In this
+investigation he must expect many surprises: the teaching of the unknown
+Pisacane will astonish him by its originality, and that of the
+much-talked-of Most will show itself to be only a coarsened form of
+Kropotkin's. But on the whole it is hardly likely that the investigation
+will be worth the trouble it takes: the special ideas that Anarchism
+has to offer are given with tolerable completeness in the seven
+teachings here presented.
+
+2. The external want on account of which Anarchism had to be
+scientifically known may now also be satisfied.
+
+One thing we must at any rate do with regard to Anarchism: examine its
+teachings, as to their soundness or unsoundness, with courage,
+composure, and impartiality. But success in this task can be expected
+only if we no longer wander about aimlessly in the night of
+jurisprudential skepticism, or try to light it up with the lantern of
+dogmatism, but rather keep our eye fixed upon the guiding star of
+criticism.
+
+Whether, besides this, it is requisite to oppose Anarchism or at least
+one or another of its species by especial instrumentalities of
+power,--whether, in particular, crime committed for the realization of
+Anarchistic teachings is a more serious misdeed than any political or
+even ordinary crime,--as to this the legislators of each country must
+decide with a view to the special conditions existing therein.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+OF DETAILS, EXEMPLIFICATIONS, AND CATCHWORDS IN THE QUOTATIONS FROM THE
+SEVEN WRITERS
+
+
+     The following index is not a translation of Eltzbacher's, and does
+     not index his part of the work, but only the matter quoted from the
+     seven writers. Furthermore, it does not index such parts of their
+     work as are readily found by consulting the table of contents and
+     Chapter X. The reader will therefore, in general, for Justice, see
+     the sections "Basis" and "Property" in each chapter, and the whole
+     of Chapter IV; for Self-Interest, "Basis" in each chapter and the
+     whole of Chapters V and VIII; for Classes, "State" and "Property"
+     in each chapter; for Organization, "State" and "Realization"; for
+     Government, Democracy, Tyranny, "State"; for Capitalism, Poverty,
+     Inequality, "Property"; for Communism, Chapters VII and IX,
+     especially "Property" and "Realization", comparing Chapter VI; for
+     Propaganda, Social Revolution, "Realization" in each chapter; and
+     so on. So far as general points of this nature are mentioned in the
+     index, it is in most cases only on some incidental occasion, and
+     does not supersede this general reference: nor could this be
+     superseded without thereby misleading the reader. "Law" has
+     received somewhat exceptional treatment.
+
+     The reader will of course not assume, because in the index he does
+     not find a certain author among those who are cited on a certain
+     topic, that this author has not mentioned it. While the index shows
+     a wider range of topics than might have been expected in such a
+     book, the nature of Eltzbacher's compilation forbids us to expect
+     that it should serve as a complete Cyclopedia of Anarchism.
+
+
+Absenteeism, Kr. 162-3, To. 250-51, 256, 259
+
+Aged, see Dependent
+
+Agriculture, Kr. 168, 177, To. 234
+
+American Revolution, Go. 59
+
+Anarchism, first use of name, Pr. 67, Kr. 140
+
+Anarchy, lesser evil, Go. 41
+
+Areas of jurisdiction, ideally:
+  small, Go. 48-50
+  nation-wide, Pr. 76-80
+  larger and larger, Ba. 127
+  undefined, Kr. 156, Tu. 195
+
+Army:
+  cannot crush revolution, Kr. 173
+  basis of State, To. 239-43
+  refuse to serve in, To. 262, 266
+  of revolution, Ba. 136, 138, Kr. 176
+
+Associations, voluntary, St. 104-5, Kr. 155-6, Tu. 194-200
+
+Astronomy, Kr. 168
+
+Authority:
+  object of competition, Pr. 73-4
+  sought only by the bad, To. 237-8
+
+Bad men, see Criminals
+
+Ballot, see Voting
+
+Bank, Pr. 65, 88-91, Tu. 206-7, 214
+
+Bees swarming, To. 267
+
+Bloodshed:
+  insignificant, Ba. 133, Kr. 173
+  see Force, War
+
+Boundaries:
+  abolished, Ba. 127, 137
+  no economic, Kr. 158
+  see Areas
+
+Bribery by State, To. 242-3
+
+California, Pr. 87
+
+Central authority in future, Go. 51-2, Pr. 79-80, Ba. 136
+
+Centralization, Pr. 76-80
+
+Children, Tu. 185, ftn. 187;
+  see Dependent
+
+Christianity, To. 220-69
+
+Church:
+  anti-Christian, To. 220-2
+  organization, Pr. 76-7
+  property, Ba. 135
+
+Collectivism, Ba. 131, Kr. 165-6
+
+Colonists, To. 259-60
+
+Columbus, To. 247-8
+
+Commune:
+  economic unit, Kr. 156-9, 166, 170, 176-7
+  political unit, Ba. 136
+
+Communism in present society, Kr. 164-5, 170
+
+Contract:
+  basic, Pr. 71, 75, Kr. 157, Tu. 194-6
+  eschewed, Go. 46-8 (but see footnotes), 51, To. 244
+  scope of, Ba. 120, Tu. 189
+
+Courts, future:
+  drawn by lot, Tu. 200
+  elective, Pr. 78
+  free from law, Go. 45, 50
+  partly free from law, Tu. 201, ftn. 187
+  merely recommend, Go. 52
+
+Criminals:
+  State gives power to, To. 237-8
+  State makes, Kr. 147, 161, Tu. 193, 198, To. 245-6
+
+Debts:
+  private, Ba. 135, Tu. 189-90
+  of State, Ba. 135, Kr. 150
+
+Defence:
+  a commodity, Tu. 192, 198-9
+  force justified in, Tu. 185-90, 200, 215
+  force not justified in, To. 227-8
+  see Invasion
+
+Defensive associations, Tu. 198-200
+
+Deliberative assemblies, Go. 48, 51-2, 61-3;
+  see Central
+
+Dependent:
+  the poor are, To. 251-4
+  provision for the, Go. 57-8, St. 107-8, Kr. 170, To. 258
+
+Destruction, Kr. 172-3
+
+Discussion, Go. 59, Kr. 178, Tu. 210
+
+Distress, relief of, Tu. 193
+
+Egoism, St. 93-114, Tu. 183
+
+English history, Go. 59, Kr. 151-2
+
+Evolution no excuse for inertness, Kr. 142-5, To. 222-3, 263
+
+Example, propaganda by, Pr. 88, Ba. 136, Kr. 178-9, Tu. 212-14,
+  To. 262, 267-9
+
+Exploitation, State stands for, Ba. 117, 119, 128
+
+Expropriation, Kr. 174-5
+
+Expulsion, Pr. 72, Kr. 148, 157
+
+Extradition in future, Go. 50-51
+
+Force:
+  inadmissible, To. 227-30
+  justification of, Tu. 186, 190, 215
+  in law, To. 231
+  may be necessary, Tu. 211-12
+  necessary, St. 111, 114
+  in property, To. 255-6
+  in State, St. 101, Ba. 123, Tu. 191, To. 239-43
+  undesirable, Pr. 87
+  unreliable, Go. 58
+  useful, Kr. 151, 180
+  works badly, Tu. 211, 215-16, To. 264-5
+
+Frankness, To. 233, 262-3
+
+Freedom, see Liberty;
+  also Speech, etc.
+
+French Revolution:
+  events, Go. 59, Kr. 150, 176-8, 180-1
+  legislatures, Go. 61, Pr. 70
+
+Government, see State
+
+Heirs dividing property, Go. 57-8
+
+Houses, Kr. 174, 177
+
+Hypnotizing the people, To. 242
+
+Independence, Ba. 120, 126-7
+
+Inequality will persist but diminish, Tu. 208-9
+
+Institutions to be preserved, Pr. 74, 82
+
+Intelligence, government checks progress in, Go. 40, 46
+
+Intercourse of social organizations, Go. 49-50 and ftn., Kr. 157-8,
+  Tu. 199
+
+Intimidation, To. 243
+
+Invasion:
+  foreign, Go. 51, Kr. 159, To. 246
+  personal, Tu. 185-6
+
+Irish Land League, Tu. 197-8, 210, 217
+
+Judge, Jury, see Courts
+
+Labor:
+  amount of, Go. 56, Kr. 167-8
+  basis of distribution, Pr. 84, Ba. 131
+  basis of ownership, Tu. 188, 205
+  basis of sharing, Kr. 167, 169-70
+  of past generations, Kr. 161-2
+  product of, Tu. 201, 205
+  seeking higher pay, St. 103, 114
+  universal duty, To. 234, 257
+
+Land:
+  monopoly, Tu. 203
+  tenure, Tu. 188, 205, 207
+
+Law:
+  dwarfs character, Go. 44
+  is changeful, Go. 43
+  is consecrated, St. 97-8
+  is hostile in purpose, St. 102-3, Ba. 119, To. 238
+  is inadequate, To. 231-2
+  is not agreed to, Pr. 70, Kr. 148, To. 228-9
+  is not impartial, Pr. 70, St. 101, Kr. 146-7, 151-3
+  is not up to date, To. 231-2
+  is obstructive, St. 102, Kr. 151
+  is prophetic, Go. 43
+  is rigid, Go. 42-3, Kr. 146, Tu. 187
+  is uncertain, Go. 43
+  is violent, To. 231
+  is voluminous, Go. 43, 63, Pr. 69-70, Kr. 150
+  origin of, Go. 43, Kr. 146-8, To. 232
+  tends to encroach, Go. 43, Pr. 69, St. 102, Kr. 151, To. 238
+
+Liberty, equal, Tu. 184-7, ftn. 184
+
+Liquor, Tu. 186
+
+Mental influence, To. 244-5
+
+Military, see Army
+
+Money:
+  monopoly, Tu. 202-3, 205-7
+  power of, To. 253-4
+  see Bank
+
+Monopoly:
+  economic, Tu. 202-8
+  State is, Tu. 192
+
+Music, Kr. 168
+
+Mutuality, Pr. 85
+
+Non-resistance, To. 227-8
+
+Occupancy and use:
+  title to land, Tu. 188, 203
+  title to everything, To. 259-60
+
+Paine quoted, Go. 47 and ftn.
+
+Papers, legal, Pr. 70, Ba. 135
+
+Passive resistance, Tu. 216-18, To. 266-7
+
+Patents, Tu. 204, 208
+
+Peasants:
+  beating each other, To. 264
+  condition of, Kr. 160, To. 253
+  economic practices of, Kr. 170-71, To. 259-60
+  how to reach, Ba. 136
+  revolutionary achievements of, Kr. 151, 180;
+    see Irish
+
+Police:
+  agency of governmental violence, To. 239, 241
+  depraved, To. 238
+  in future society, Tu. ftn. 187, 198-9, ftn. 198;
+    see Extradition
+  lawless, Kr. 152
+  obstructive, St. 102
+  to be replaced by voluntary intervention of citizens, Kr. 159
+  the support of property, To. 255
+
+Power, see Authority
+
+Press, freedom of, Tu. 211
+
+Printing, Kr. 169
+
+Private wants in Communism, Kr. 168-9
+
+Product, see Labor
+
+Production will increase, Kr. 169-70, Tu. 207
+
+Promise, see Contract
+
+Property, definition of, Pr. 80-81, To. 250
+
+Public opinion:
+  in advance of law, To. 230-32
+  to be changed, Pr. 86-7, Ba. 137, Tu. 210, To. 260-61
+  doctored by State, Ba. 137, To. 242-3
+  society to be ruled by, To. 245
+
+Punishment:
+  is antiquated, To. 245
+  is not wanted, Kr. 157
+  is proper, Tu. 187-9, 200
+  is useless, Kr. 147
+  makes criminals, Kr. 147, To. 246
+  see Expulsion
+
+Railroads:
+  agreement of, Kr. 156
+  building, Kr. 158
+  ownership of, Kr. 163
+
+Rationing, Kr. 170-71, 176
+
+Red Cross Society, Kr. 155
+
+Religion foundation of State, Ba. 121-2
+
+Rent:
+  economic, Tu. 208-9, ftn. 203
+  of landlord, Kr. 174, Tu. 203, 207, 210, 217
+
+Resistance, see Defence, Force, Passive
+
+Revolution part of evolution, Kr. 142-3
+
+Rich, the:
+  depraved, Ba. 129, Kr. 160-61
+  guilty, To. 250, 253-4
+  will help us, Go. 64, Pr. 87
+
+Right, Rights:
+  admissible sense, Tu. 185
+  a delusion, St. 98-9, Tu. 184
+  to enforce contract, Tu. 189-90
+  to independence, Ba. 120, 126-7
+  to live comfortably, Go. 55-6, Kr. 149, 170
+  only for rich, Kr. 151-3
+  of secession, Ba. 127, Tu. 194-7
+  State has no, Tu. 214
+
+Robbery, forms of, Pr. 81-2
+
+Ruling classes:
+  bad men originally, To. 237-8
+  depraved by ruling, Ba. 123, To. 238
+  incompetent, Kr. 163
+
+Schools, Kr. 159, To. 247
+
+Secession, Ba. 127, Tu. 194-7
+
+Secret societies, Ba. 132, 138, Kr. 177
+
+Self the thing to be changed, St. 110-11, To. 233-4, 265
+
+Sick, see Dependent
+
+Society:
+  distinguished from government, Go. 47
+  indispensable, Ba. 125, Tu. 194
+  organism, evolving, Kr. 142-4
+  values all due to, Kr. 161-2
+  see Secret
+
+Soldiers, see Army
+
+Speech, freedom of, Tu. 211
+
+Spencer quoted, Tu. 184 and ftn.
+
+Spooner, Lysander, xi
+
+Staff of revolutionary army, Ba. 138
+
+State defined, Tu. 190-91
+
+Stop beating each other, To. 264
+
+Street-making, Kr. 158
+
+Tariff, Tu. 204
+
+Taxation:
+  robbery which vitiates all State's acts, Tu. 191
+  refuse to pay, Tu. 212-13, 217-18, To. 266
+
+Theft, see Robbery
+
+Violence, see Force
+
+Virtue, State hostile to, Ba. 123
+
+Voting:
+  for officers now appointed otherwise, Pr. 76-9
+  in State, a form of force, Tu. 191
+  irrational, Go. 51-2
+  in voluntary association, Tu. 196
+
+War:
+  a fight for dominion, To. 240
+  State stands for, Kr. 150
+  See Force, Invasion
+
+Warren, Josiah, Tu. ftn. 182, 202 (for "they" see ftn. 203)
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The Adventures of Caleb Williams
+
+OR
+
+Things as They Are
+
+BY
+
+WILLIAM GODWIN
+
+
+"_It was proposed, in the invention of the following work, to
+comprehend, as far as the progressive nature of a single story would
+allow, a general review of the modes of domestic and unrecorded
+despotism by which man becomes the destroyer of man._"--FROM THE
+PREFACE.
+
+Limp lambskin, gilt top, $1.29
+
+Photogravure Frontispiece
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
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+
+P. J. PROUDHON
+
+IN THE ORIGINAL FRENCH
+
+
++Qu'est-ce que la propriété?+ Premier mémoire: Recherches sur le
+principe du droit et du gouvernement. Deuxième mémoire: Lettre à M.
+Blanqui sur la propriété. 355 pages. 79 cents.
+
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+miserere. 308 pages. 72 cents.
+
++De la création de l'ordre dans l'humanité: ou, principes d'organisation
+politique.+ 394 pages. 77 cents.
+
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+2 vols. 796 pages. $1.51.
+
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+circulation; Banque d'échange; Banque du peuple. 315 pages. 75 cents.
+
++Du principe fédératif et de la nécessité de reconstituer le parti de la
+Révolution.+ Si les traités de 1815 ont cessé d'éxister. 320 pages. 75
+cents.
+
++Les confessions d'un révolutionnaire.+ Pour servir à l'histoire de la
+Révolution de février. 234 pages. 75 cents.
+
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+
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+
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+
+IN THE ORIGINAL FRENCH
+
+
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+
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+
++La pornocratie: ou, les femmes dans les temps modernes.+ 269 pages. 78
+cents.
+
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+With a preface by J. A. Langlois. 2 vols. 611 pages. $1.51.
+
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+       *       *       *       *       *
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+
+
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+
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+Langlois. 498 pages. $2.00.
+
+
+     "In a given society the authority of man over man is inversely
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+
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+     immutable, and absolute is reducible to individual and
+     transmissible possession, susceptible of exchange but not of
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+     idle caprice."--_The Author._
+
+
+IN GERMAN
+
++Was ist das Eigentum?+ Erste Denkschrift. Untersuchungen über den
+Ursprung und die Grundlagen des Rechts und der Herrschaft. Translated,
+with a preface, by Alfons Fedor Cohn. 255 pages. 27 cents.
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++Kapital und Zins.+ Die Polemik zwischen Bastiat und Proudhon.
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+
+IN ITALIAN
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+
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+
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+       *       *       *       *       *
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+
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+
+
+IN ENGLISH
+
++DANA, CHARLES A.+ +Proudhon and His "Bank of the People."+ 74 pages.
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+
++GREENE, WILLIAM B.+ +Mutual Banking.+ Showing the radical deficiency of
+the present circulating medium and the advantages of a free currency.
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+
+
+IN FRENCH
+
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+
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+
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+
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+
+
+IN ENGLISH
+
++The Ego and His Own.+ Translated from the German by Steven T. Byington,
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+introduction by J. L. Walker. 525 pages. The only edition, in any
+language, that has an index. Ordinary cloth, $1.50; superior cloth, full
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+
+
+     The most revolutionary book ever written, its purpose being to
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
+       *       *       *       *       *
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+_With a Full-Page Half-Tone Portrait of the Author_
+
+
+A large, well-printed, and excessively cheap volume of 524 pages,
+consisting of articles selected from Liberty and classified under the
+following headings: (1) State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They
+Agree, and Wherein They Differ; (2) The Individual, Society, and the
+State; (3) Money and Interest; (4) Land and Rent; (5) Socialism; (6)
+Communism; (7) Methods; (8) Miscellaneous. The whole elaborately
+indexed.
+
+_Cloth, One Dollar; Paper, Fifty cents_
+
+MAILED, POST-PAID, BY BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+State Socialism
+AND
+Anarchism
+
+_How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ_
+
+BY
+
+BENJ. R. TUCKER
+
+
+The opening chapter of "Instead of a Book," reprinted separately. The
+best pamphlet with which to meet the demand for a compact exposition of
+Anarchism.
+
+_Price, 5 cents_
+
+MAILED, POST-PAID, BY
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Works of
+LEO N. TOLSTOI
+
+
+IN ENGLISH
+
++War and Peace.+ Translated by Nathan Haskell Dole. 2 vols. 805 pages.
+$3.00.
+
++Anna Karénina.+ Translated by Nathan Haskell Dole. 780 pages. $1.25.
+
++Resurrection.+ Translated by Louise Maude. Illustrated. 529 pages. Gilt
+top. $1.50.
+
++Twenty-Three Tales.+ Translated by L. and A. Maude. 271 pages. 40
+cents.
+
+
+IN ITALIAN
+
++La potenza delle tenebre.+ 111 pages. 24 cents.
+
++Resurrezione.+ Translated by Nina Romanowsky. 2 vols. 701 pages. 57
+cents.
+
++La sonata a Kreutzer.+ 251 pages. 27 cents.
+
++Anna Karenine+. Con uno studio di Domenico Ciampoli sui romanzi russi.
+2 vols. 663 pages. 57 cents.
+
++La guerra e la paco.+ With a preface by M. de Vogüé. 4 vols. 1,270
+pages. $1.09.
+
++Che cosa e l'arte?+ 29 cents.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Works of
+LEO N. TOLSTOI
+
+
+IN FRENCH
+
++Paroles d'un homme libre.+ Translated by J. W. Bienstock. 420 pages. 81
+cents.
+
++Le patriotisme et le gouvernement+. 39 pages. 17 cents.
+
++La guerre Russo-Japonaise.+ Translated by E. Halpérine-Kaminsky. 298
+pages. 79 cents.
+
++Plaisirs vicieux.+ Translated by Halpérine-Kaminsky. With a preface by
+Alexandre Dumas. 254 pages. 70 cents.
+
++Plaisirs cruels.+ Contenant la profession de foi de l'auteur.
+Translated by Halpérine-Kaminsky. With a preface by Charles Richet. 290
+pages. 72 cents.
+
++La fin de notre ère.+ A propos de la Révolution en Russie. Translated
+by J. W. Bienstock. 64 pages. 14 cents.
+
++Les Décembristes.+ Translated by B. Tseytline and E. Jaubert. With a
+historical introduction by E. Jaubert. 300 pages. 70 cents.
+
++La puissance des ténèbres.+ Translated by E. Halpérine-Kaminsky. 250
+pages. 70 cents.
+
+
+IN GERMAN
+
++Anna Karenina.+ Translated by Hans Moser. 2 vols. 1,096 pages. 72
+cents.
+
++Krieg und Frieden.+ 2 vols. 1,257 pages. 74 cents.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Works Relating to
+ANARCHISM
+
+
+IN GERMAN
+
++BORGIUS, W. Die Ideenwelt des Anarchismus.+ 68 pages. 28 cents.
+
++ELTZBACHER, PAUL. Der Anarchismus.+ 317 pages. $1.27.
+
++FRIEDLÄNDER, BENEDICT. Marxismus und Anarchismus.+ 240 pages. 69 cents.
+
++HUMBOLDT, WILHELM VON. Ideen zu einem Versuch, die Grenzen der
+Wirksamkeit des Staats zu bestimmen.+ 204 pages. 14 cents.
+
++IBSEN, HENRIK. Ein Volksfeind.+ Translated by Wilhelm Lange. 105 pages.
+8 cents.
+
++MACKAY, JOHN HENRY. Die Anarchisten.+ Kulturgemälde aus dem Ende des
+XIX. Jahrhunderts. 339 pages. Cloth, 96 cents; paper, 65 cents. Sturm.
+49 cents.
+
++SAITZEFF, HELENE. William Godwin und die Anfänge des Anarchismus im
+XVIII. Jahrhundert.+ Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des politischen
+Individualismus. 77 pages. 49 cents.
+
++ZENKER, E. V. Der Anarchismus.+ Kritische Geschichte der
+anarchistischen Theorie. 271 pages. $1.28.
+
+
+IN ITALIAN
+
++IBSEN, ENRICO. Un nemico del popolo.+ 26 cents.
+
++ZOCCOLI, ESTORE G. L'anarchia: gli agitatori, le idee, i fatti.+ Saggio
+di una revisione sistematica e critica e di una valutazione etica. 552
+pages. $2.97.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Works Relating to
+ANARCHISM
+
+
+IN ENGLISH
+
++BURKE, EDMUND. A Vindication of Natural Society+. Pamphlet. 36 pages.
+10 cents.
+
+
+     "In vain you tell me that artificial government is good, but that I
+     fall out only with the abuse. The thing--the thing itself is the
+     abuse."--From the above pamphlet.
+
+
++DONISTHORPE, WORDSWORTH. Law in a Free State.+ 313 pages. $1.81.
+
+
+     "If the doctrine of passive obedience to the Odd Man had been
+     universally held by our forefathers, there would have been no
+     Smithfield fires to light the way to liberty."--The Author.
+
+
++IBSEN, HENRIK. An Enemy of Society.+ Translated by William Archer. 130
+pages. Paper covers. 25 cents.
+
++OUIDA. The Waters of Edera.+ 348 pages. Gilt top. $1.16. A thoroughly
+Anarchistic novel.
+
++TANDY, FRANCIS D. Voluntary Socialism.+ A sketch. 228 pages. 75 cents.
+
+
+IN FRENCH
+
++ELTZBACHER, PAUL. L'anarchisme.+ Translated by Otto Karmin. 417 pages.
+87 cents.
+
++GHIO, PAUL. L'anarchisme aux Etats-unis.+ 212 pages. 58 cents.
+
++IBSEN, HENRIK. Un ennemi du peuple.+ Translated, with a preface, by the
+Comte Prozor. 300 pages. 73 cents.
+
++MACKAY, JOHN HENRY. Les anarchistes.+ Moeurs de la fin du XIXe siècle.
+Translated by Auguste Lavallé (Louis de Hessem). 441 pages. 74 cents.
+
++RABANI, ÉMILE. L'anarchie scientifique.+ 111 pages. 38 cents.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+LIBERTY
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, _Editor_
+
+
+An Anarchistic journal, expounding the doctrine that in Equal Liberty is
+to be found the most satisfactory solution of social questions, and that
+majority rule, or democracy, equally with monarchical rule, is a denial
+of Equal Liberty.
+
+
+_APPRECIATIONS_
+
+G. BERNARD SHAW, _author of_ "_Man and Superman_":
+
+
+     "Liberty is a lively paper, in which the usual proportions of a
+     half-pennyworth of discussion to an intolerable deal of balderdash
+     are reversed."
+
+
+WILLIAM DOUGLAS O'CONNOR, _author of_ "_The Good Gray Poet_":
+
+
+     "The editor of Liberty would be the Gavroche of the Revolution, if
+     he were not its Enjolras."
+
+
+FRANK STEPHENS, _well-known Single-Tax champion, Philadelphia_:
+
+
+     "Liberty is a paper which reforms reformers."
+
+
+BOLTON HALL, _author of_ "_Even As You and I_":
+
+
+     "Liberty shows us the profit of Anarchy, and is the prophet of
+     Anarchy."
+
+
+ALLEN KELLY, _formerly chief editorial writer on the Philadelphia_
+"_North American_":
+
+
+     "Liberty is my philosophical Polaris. I ascertain the variations of
+     my economic compass by taking a sight at her whenever she is
+     visible."
+
+
+SAMUEL W. COOPER, _counsellor at law, Philadelphia_:
+
+
+     "Liberty is a journal that Thomas Jefferson would have loved."
+
+
+EDWARD OSGOOD BROWN, _Judge of the Illinois Circuit Court_:
+
+
+     "I have seen much in Liberty that I agreed with, and much that I
+     disagreed with, but I never saw any cant, hypocrisy, or insincerity
+     in it, which makes it an almost unique publication."
+
+
+_Published Bimonthly. Twelve Issues, $1.00_
+_Single Copies, 10 Cents_
+
+ADDRESS:
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+JOSIAH WARREN
+The First American Anarchist
+
+A Biography, with portrait
+
+BY
+WILLIAM BAILIE
+
+
+The biography is preceded by an essay on "The Anarchist Spirit," in
+which Mr. Bailie defines Anarchist belief in relation to other social
+forces.
+
+
+_Price, One Dollar_
+
+MAILED, POST-PAID, BY
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. BOX 1312, NEW YORK CITY
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+BENJ. R. TUCKER'S
+UNIQUE BOOK-SHOP
+502 Sixth Ave., near 30th St.
+
+
+_OPEN EVENINGS_
+
+
+Largest Stock in the World
+Of Advanced Literature in English, French,
+German, and Italian
+
+
+Lowest Prices in the United States
+By 20 to 30 Per Cent.
+For All Books in French, German, and Italian
+
+
+Promptest Service in America
+For Importation of Books from Europe
+
+
+Benj. R. Tucker's Unique Catalogues
+
+Of English Books, 125 pages, 1400 Titles
+Of French Books, 57 pages, 1400 Titles
+Of Italian Books, 24 pages, 500 Titles
+Of German Books, 64 pages, 1500 Titles
+
+_English Catalogue, 10 Cents; French, 5 Cents; German, 5 Cents;
+Italian, 3 Cents
+Any catalogue sent to any address on receipt of price_
+
+Mail Address:
+BENJ. R. TUCKER,
+P. O. BOX 1312, NEW YORK CITY
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+THE SANITY OF ART
+
+BY
+BERNARD SHAW
+
+
+This is the first publication in book or pamphlet form of Bernard Shaw's
+famous open letter to Benj. R. Tucker, the editor of _Liberty_, in
+review of Max Nordau's "Degeneration," and originally contributed to the
+pages of _Liberty_. The issue of _Liberty_ containing it is out of
+print, and copies of it are very valuable. The volume contains also a
+characteristic Shaw preface in which he declares that the essay was
+prepared in response to the highest offer ever made for a magazine
+article. "The Sanity of Art" is Mr. Shaw's most important pronouncement
+on the subject of Art, and admittedly one of the finest pieces of art
+criticism ever penned.
+
+
+_114 pages. Cloth, gilt top, 75 cts.; paper, 35 cts._
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+TWO OF A KIND!
+
+A Brace of Anarchist Classics
+
+SPENCER AND THOREAU
+
+
+The Right to Ignore the State
+
+By Herbert Spencer
+
+Being a reprint of the suppressed chapter from the original edition of
+"Social Statics," now rare and costly.
+
+
+_Price, Ten Cents_
+
+
+On the Duty of Civil Disobedience
+
+By Henry D. Thoreau
+
+"I quietly declare war with the State, after my fashion, though I will
+still make what use and get what advantage of her I can, as is usual in
+such cases."--_Thoreau._
+
+
+_Price, Seven Cents_
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+ANARCHIST STICKERS
+
+Aggressive, concise Anarchistic assertions and arguments, in sheets,
+gummed and perforated, to be planted everywhere as broadcast seed for
+thought. Printed in clear, heavy type. Size, 2-1/8 by 1-1/4 inches.
+
+Excellent for use on first, third, and fourth class mail matter. There
+is no better method of propagandism for the money.
+
+There are 48 different Stickers. Each sheet contains 4 copies of one
+Sticker.
+
+
+SAMPLE STICKERS
+
+No. 2.--It can never be unpatriotic to take your country's side against
+your Government. It must always be unpatriotic to take your Government's
+side against your country.
+
+No. 7.--What I must not do, the Government must not do.
+
+No. 8.--Whatever really useful thing Government does for men they would
+do for themselves if there was no Government.
+
+No. 9.--The institution known as "government" cannot continue to exist
+unless many a man is willing to be Government's agent in committing what
+he himself regards as an abominable crime.
+
+No. 12.--Considering what a nuisance the Government is, the man who says
+we cannot get rid of it must be called a confirmed pessimist.
+
+No. 18.--Anarchism is the denial of force against any peaceable
+individual.
+
+No. 24.--"All Governments, the worst on earth and the most tyrannical on
+earth, are free Governments to that portion of the people who
+voluntarily support them."--Lysander Spooner.
+
+No. 32.--"I care not who makes th' laws iv a nation, if I can get out an
+injunction."--Mr. Dooley.
+
+No. 33.--"It will never make any difference to a hero what the laws
+are."--Emerson.
+
+No. 34.--The population of the world is gradually dividing into two
+classes--Anarchists and criminals.
+
+No. 38.--"Liberty means responsibility. That is why most men dread
+it."--Bernard Shaw.
+
+No. 44.--"There is one thing in the world more wicked than the desire to
+command, and that is the will to obey."--W. Kingdon Clifford.
+
+No. 46.--The only protection which honest people need is protection
+against that vast Society for the Creation of Theft which is
+euphemistically designated as the State.
+
+No. 47.--With the monstrous laws that are accumulating on the
+statute-books, one may safely say that the man who is not a confirmed
+criminal is scarcely fit to live among decent people.
+
+
+Send for circular giving entire list of 48 Stickers, with their numbers.
+Order by number.
+
+Price: 100 Stickers, assorted to suit purchaser, 5 cents; 200, or more,
+Stickers, assorted to suit purchaser, 3 cents per hundred. Mailed, post
+paid, by
+
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Anarchism, by Paul Eltzbacher
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHISM ***
+
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+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
+  <head>
+    <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" />
+    <title>
+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of Anarchism, by Dr. Paul Eltzbacher.
+    </title>
+    <style type="text/css">
+
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+    .mynote { background-color: #DDE; color: black; padding: .5em; margin-left: 20%;
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+
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+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Anarchism, by Paul Eltzbacher
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Anarchism
+
+Author: Paul Eltzbacher
+
+Translator: Steven T. Byington
+
+Release Date: July 10, 2011 [EBook #36690]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<hr />
+
+<div class = "mynote"><p class="center">Transcriber's Note:<br /><br />
+The corresponding scanned page can be seen by clicking on the page number at the right.<br /></p></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/001.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold2"><span class="smcap">Anarchism</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold2">ELTZBACHER</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p>&nbsp;<span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/002.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p>&nbsp;<span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/003.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p>&nbsp;<span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/004.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i"></a>[<a href="images/005.png">i</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h1><span>ANARCHISM</span><br /><br /><span id="id1">BY</span> <span>Dr. PAUL ELTZBACHER</span></h1>
+
+<p class="center">Gerichtsassessor and Privatdozent in Halle an der Saale</p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="center">Translated by<br />
+STEVEN T. BYINGTON</p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="center"><i>Je ne propose rien, je ne suppose rien, j'expose</i></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<div class="center"><img src="images/logo.jpg" width='100' height='103' alt="decoration" /></div>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="center">NEW YORK: BENJ. R. TUCKER.<br />
+<span class="smcap">London: A. C. Fifield.</span><br />1908.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii"></a>[<a href="images/006.png">ii</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="center">Copyright, 1907, by<br />Benjamin R. Tucker</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii"></a>[<a href="images/007.png">iii</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="center"><i>Gratefully dedicated to the memory of my father</i></p>
+
+<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Dr. Salomon Eltzbacher</span></p>
+
+<p class="center">1832-1889</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p>&nbsp;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv"></a>[<a href="images/008.png">iv</a>]</span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v"></a>[<a href="images/009.png">v</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold2">CONTENTS</p>
+
+<table summary="CONTENTS">
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"></td>
+    <td><span class="smcap">Page</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left">TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_vii">vii</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left">BOOKS REFERRED TO</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left">INTRODUCTION</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> I. THE PROBLEM</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. General</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_6">6</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. The Starting-point</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_10">10</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">3. The Goal</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">4. The Way to the Goal</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_15">15</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> II. LAW, THE STATE, PROPERTY</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. General</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. Law</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">3. The State</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">4. Property</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_36">36</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> III. GODWIN'S TEACHING</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. General</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. Basis</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">3. Law</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_42">42</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s2">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">4. The State</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">5. Property</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_53">53</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">6. Realization</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> IV. PROUDHON'S TEACHING</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. General</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. Basis</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">3. Law</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s2">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">4. The State</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_72">72</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">5. Property</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_80">80</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">6. Realization</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_86">86</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> V. STIRNER'S TEACHING</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. General</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. Basis</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">3. Law</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s2">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">4. The State</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_100">100</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">5. Property</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">6. Realization</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi"></a>[<a href="images/010.png">vi</a>]</span><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> VI. BAKUNIN'S TEACHING</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. General</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_115">115</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. Basis</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_117">117</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">3. Law</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_119">119</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s2">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">4. The State</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_121">121</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">5. Property</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_127">127</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">6. Realization</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_132">132</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> VII. KROPOTKIN'S TEACHING</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. General</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_139">139</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. Basis</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">3. Law</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s2">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">4. The State</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_149">149</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">5. Property</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_159">159</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">6. Realization</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_171">171</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> VIII. TUCKER'S TEACHING</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. General</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_182">182</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. Basis</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_183">183</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">3. Law</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_187">187</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s2">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">4. The State</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_190">190</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">5. Property</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">6. Realization</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_209">209</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> IX. TOLSTOI'S TEACHING</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. General</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_219">219</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. Basis</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_220">220</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">3. Law</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_230">230</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s2">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">4. The State</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_234">234</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">5. Property</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_249">249</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">6. Realization</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_260">260</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> X. THE ANARCHISTIC TEACHINGS</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. General</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_270">270</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. Basis</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_270">270</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">3. Law</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_272">272</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s2">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">4. The State</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_276">276</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">5. Property</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_280">280</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">6. Realization</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_284">284</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Chapter</span> XI. ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES</td>
+    <td></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">1. Errors about Anarchism and its Species</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_288">288</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td class="left">2. The Concepts of Anarchism and its Species<span class="s1">&nbsp;</span></td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_292">292</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td colspan="2" class="left">CONCLUSION</td>
+    <td><a href="#Page_303">303</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii"></a>[<a href="images/011.png">vii</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE</span></h2>
+
+<p>Every person who examines this book at all will speedily divide its
+contents into Eltzbacher's own discussion and his seven chapters of
+classified quotations from Anarchist leaders; and, if he buys the book,
+he will buy it for the sake of the quotations. I do not mean that the
+book might not have a sale if it consisted exclusively of Eltzbacher's
+own words, but simply that among ten thousand people who may value
+Eltzbacher's discussion there will not be found ten who will not value
+still more highly the conveniently-arranged reprint of what the
+Anarchists themselves have said on the cardinal points of Anarchistic
+thought. Nor do I feel that I am saying anything uncomplimentary to
+Eltzbacher when I say that the part of his work to which he has devoted
+most of his space is the part that the public will value most.</p>
+
+<p>And yet there is much to be valued in the chapters that are of
+Eltzbacher's own writing,&mdash;even if one is reminded of Sir Arthur Helps's
+satirical description of English lawyers as a class of men, found in a
+certain island, who make it their business to write highly important
+documents in closely-crowded lines on such excessively wide pages that
+the eye is bound to skip a line now and then, but who make up for this
+by invariably repeating in another part of the document whatever they
+have said, so that whatever the reader may miss in one place he will
+certainly catch in another. The fact is that Eltzbacher's work is an
+admirable model of what should be the mental processes of an
+investigator trying to determine the definition of a term which he finds
+to be confusedly conceived. Not only is his method for determining the
+definition of Anarchism flawless, but his subsidiary investigation of
+the definitions of law, the State, and property is conducted as such
+things ought to be, and (a good<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii"></a>[<a href="images/012.png">viii</a>]</span> test of clearness of thought) his
+illustrations are always so exactly pertinent that they go far to redeem
+his style from dullness, if one is reading for the sense and therefore
+cares for pertinence. The only weak point in this part of the book is
+that he thinks it necessary to repeat in print his previous statements
+wherever it is necessary to the investigation that the previous
+statement be mentally renewed. But, however tiresome this may be, one
+gets a steady progress of thought, and the introductory part of the book
+is not very long at worst.</p>
+
+<p>The collection of quotations, which form three-fourths of the book both
+in bulk and in importance, is as much the best part as it is the
+biggest. Here the prime necessity is impartiality, and Eltzbacher has
+attained this as perfectly as can be expected of any man. Positively,
+one comes to the end of all this without feeling sure whether Eltzbacher
+is himself an Anarchist or not; it is not until we come to the last
+dozen pages of the book that he lets his opposition to Anarchism become
+evident. To be sure, one feels that he is more journalistic than
+scientific in selecting for special mention the more sensational points
+of the schemes proposed (the journalistic temper certainly shows itself
+in his habit of picking out for his German public the references to
+Germany in Anarchist writers). Yet it is hard to deny that there is
+legitimate scientific importance in ascertaining how much of the
+sensational is involved in Anarchism; and, on the other hand, Eltzbacher
+recognizes his duty to present the strongest points of the Anarchist
+side, and does this so faithfully that one often wonders if the man can
+repeat these words without feeling their cogency. So far as any bias is
+really felt in this part of the book it is the bias of
+over-methodicalness; now and then a quotation is made to go into the
+classification at a place where it will not go in without forcing, and
+perspective is distorted when some <i>obiter dictum</i> that had never seemed
+to its author to be worth repeating a second time is made to serve as
+illuminant now for this division of the "teaching," now for that, till
+it seems to the reader like a favorite topic of the Anarchist.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix"></a>[<a href="images/013.png">ix</a>]</span> However,
+the bias of methodicalness is as nearly non-partisan as any bias can be,
+and its effect is to put the matter into a most convenient form for
+consultation and comparison.</p>
+
+<p>Next to impartiality, if not even before it, we need intelligence in our
+compiler; and we have it. Few men, even inside the movement, would have
+been more successful than Eltzbacher in picking out the important parts
+of the Anarchist doctrines, and the quotations that will show these
+important parts as they are. I do not mean that this accuracy has not
+exceptions&mdash;many exceptions, if you count such things as the failure to
+give due weight to some clause which might restrict or modify the
+application of the words used; a few serious exceptions, of which we
+reap the fruit in his final summary. But in admitting these errors I do
+not retract my statement that Eltzbacher has made his compilation as
+accurate as any man could be expected to. More than this, it may well be
+said that he has, except in three or four points, made it as accurate as
+is even useful for ordinary reading; he has overlooked nothing but what
+his readers would have been sure to overlook if he had presented it. As
+a gun is advertised to shoot "as straight as any man can hold," so
+Eltzbacher has, with three or four exceptions, told his story as
+straight as any man with ordinary attention can read. The net result is
+that we have here, without doubt, the most complete and accurate
+presentation of Anarchism that ever has been given or ever will be given
+in so short a space. If any one wants a fuller and more trustworthy
+account, he will positively have to go direct to the writings of the
+Anarchists themselves; nowhere else can he find anything so good as
+Eltzbacher. Withal, this main part of the book is decidedly readable.
+Eltzbacher's repetitiousness has no opportunity to become prominent
+here, and the man is not at all dull in choosing and translating his
+quotations. On the contrary, his fondness for apt illustrations is a
+great help toward making the compilation constantly readable, as well as
+toward making the reader's impressions of the Anarchistic teachings
+vivid and definite.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x"></a>[<a href="images/014.png">x</a>]</span></p><p>I do not mean to say that this book can take the place of a
+consultation of the original sources. For instance, the Bakunin chapter
+follows next after the Stirner chapter; but the exquisite contrariness
+of almost every word of Bakunin to Stirner's teaching can be appreciated
+only by those who have read Stirner's book&mdash;Eltzbacher's quotations are
+on a different aspect of Stirner's teaching from that which applies
+against Bakunin. (Stirner and Bakunin, it will be noted, are the only
+Anarchist leaders against whom Eltzbacher permits himself a
+disrespectful word before he has presented their doctrines.) It is to be
+hoped that many who read this book will go on to examine the sources
+themselves. Meanwhile, here is an excellent introduction, and the
+chronological arrangement makes it easy to watch the historical
+development and see whether the later schools of Anarchism assail the
+State more effectively than the earlier.</p>
+
+<p>I have not reserved any expressions of praise for the small part of the
+book which comes after the compiled chapters, because it calls for none.
+All Eltzbacher's weak points come out in this concluding summary; the
+best that can be said for it is that it deserves careful attention, and
+that the author continues to be oftener right than wrong. But now that
+he has gathered all his knowledge he wants it to amount to omniscience,
+and most imprudently shuts his eyes to the places where there is nothing
+under his feet. He charges men with error for not using in his sense a
+term whose definition he has not undertaken to determine. He accepts all
+too unquestioningly such statements as fit most conveniently into his
+scheme of method. His most glaring offence in this direction is his
+classification of the Anarchist-Communist doctrines as mere prediction
+and not the expression of a will or demand or approval or disapproval of
+anything, simply because the fashionableness of evolutionism and of
+fatalism has led the leaders of that school to prefer to state their
+doctrine in terms of prediction. Eltzbacher has forgotten to compare his
+judgment with the actions of the men he judges; <i>solvitur ambulando</i>; if
+Kropotkin's proposition were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi"></a>[<a href="images/015.png">xi</a>]</span> merely predictive and not pragmatic, it
+would have less trouble with the police than it has. Again, he does one
+of the most indiscreet things that are possible to a votary of strict
+method when he asserts repeatedly that he has listed not merely all that
+is to be found but all that could possibly exist under a certain
+category. For instance, he declares that every possible affirmative
+doctrine of property must be either private property, or common property
+in the wherewithal for production and private property in the
+wherewithal for consumption, or common property. Why should not a scheme
+of common property in the things that are wanted by all men and private
+property in the things that are wanted only by some men have as high a
+rank in the classification as has Eltzbacher's second class? A look at
+the quotations from Kropotkin will show that I have not drawn much on my
+own ingenuity in conceiving such a scheme as supposable. He claims to
+have listed all the standpoints from which Anarchism has been or can be
+propounded or judged, yet he has omitted legitimism, the doctrine that a
+political authority which is to claim our respect and obedience must
+appear to have originated by a legitimate foundation and not by
+usurpation. The great part that legitimism has played in history is
+notorious; and it lends itself very readily to the Anarchist's purpose,
+since some governments are so well known to have originated in
+usurpation and others are so easily suspected of it. Nay, legitimism is
+in fact a potent factor in shaping the most up-to-date Anarchism of our
+time; for it is largely concerned in Lysander Spooner's doctrine of
+juries, of which some slight account is given in Eltzbacher's quotations
+from Tucker. And he claims to have recited all the important arguments
+that sustain Anarchism: where has he mentioned the argument from the
+evil that the State does in interfering with social and economic
+experimentation? or the argument from the fact that reforms in the State
+are necessarily in a democracy, and ordinarily in a monarchy, very slow
+in coming to pass, and when they do come to pass they necessarily come
+with all-disturbing <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii"></a>[<a href="images/016.png">xii</a>]</span>suddenness? or the argument from the evil of
+separating people by the boundary lines which the State involves? or the
+fact that war would be almost inconceivable if the States were replaced
+by voluntary and non-monopolistic organizations, since such
+organizations could have no "jurisdiction" or control of territory to
+fight for, and war for any other cause has long been unknown among
+civilized nations? By these and other such unwarranted claims of
+absolute completeness, and by the conclusions based on these pasteboard
+premises, Eltzbacher makes it necessary to read his final chapters with
+all possible independence of judgment.</p>
+
+<p>It remains for me to say something of my own work on this book. I have
+consulted the originals of some of the works cited&mdash;such as
+circumstances have permitted&mdash;and given the quotations not by
+translation from Eltzbacher's German but direct from the originals. The
+particulars are as follows:</p>
+
+<p>Of Godwin's "Political Justice" I used an American reprint of the second
+British edition. This second edition is greatly revised and altered from
+the first, which Eltzbacher used. Godwin calls our attention to this,
+and especially informs us that the first edition did not in some
+important respects represent the views which he held at the time of its
+publication, since the earlier pages were printed before the later were
+written, and during the writing of the book he changed his mind about
+some of the principles he had asserted in the earlier chapters. In the
+second edition, he says, the views presented in the first part of the
+book have been made consistent with those in the last part, and all
+parts have been thoroughly revised. It will astonish nobody, therefore,
+that I found it now and then impossible to identify in my copy the
+passages translated by Eltzbacher from the first edition. In particular,
+I got the impression that what Eltzbacher quotes about promises, from
+the first part of the book, is one of those sections which Godwin says
+he retracts and no longer believed in even at the time he wrote the
+later chapters of the first edition. If so, a bit of the foundation for
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii"></a>[<a href="images/017.png">xiii</a>]</span>Eltzbacher's ultimate classification disappears. Besides giving the
+pages of the first edition as in Eltzbacher, I have added in brackets
+the page numbers of the copy I used, wherever I could identify them.
+Throughout the book brackets distinguish footnotes added by me from
+Eltzbacher's own, and in a few places I have used them in the text to
+indicate Eltzbacher's deviations from the wording of his original, of
+which matter I will speak again in a moment.</p>
+
+<p>The passages from Proudhon's works I translated from the original French
+as given in the collected edition of his "<i>&OElig;uvres compl&egrave;tes</i>." In
+this edition some of the works differ only in pagination from the
+editions which Eltzbacher used, while others have been extensively
+revised. I know of no changes of essential doctrine.</p>
+
+<p>Since in Stirner's case German is the original language, I have accepted
+as my original the quotations given by Eltzbacher. It is probable that
+they are occasionally condensed; but a fairly faithful memory, and the
+fact that it is less than a year since I was reading the proofs of my
+translation of Stirner's book, enable me to be confident that there is
+no change amounting to distortion. I have here made no use of that
+translation of mine<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> except from memory, because I well knew that in
+dealing with Stirner there is no assurance that the best possible
+translation of the continuous whole will be made up of the best possible
+translations of the individual parts. Neither have I used the extant
+English translations of Bakunin's "God and the State," Kropotkin's
+"Conquest of Bread," Tolstoi's works, or any of the other books cited. I
+have not had at hand any originals of Bakunin or Tolstoi, nor any of
+Kropotkin except "Anarchist Communism." Of this I had the first edition,
+and Eltzbacher, contrary to his habit, the second; but I judge that the
+two are from the same plates, for all the page-numbers cited agree.</p>
+
+<p>Toward the Tucker chapter I have taken a special attitude. I<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv"></a>[<a href="images/018.png">xiv</a>]</span> am myself
+one of Tucker's followers and collaborators; I may claim to be an
+"authority" on the exposition of his doctrine&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<div><i>Nennt man die besten Namen,</i></div>
+<div><i>So wird auch der meine genannt</i>&mdash;</div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>and I have tried to have an eye to the precise correctness of everything
+in that chapter. That I used the original of "Instead of a Book" is a
+matter of course; and I have not only taken Tucker's words where
+Eltzbacher had translated the whole, but have had an eye to all points
+where Eltzbacher had condensed anything in a way that could affect the
+sense, and have restored the words that made the passage mean something
+a little bit different from what Eltzbacher made it mean. (I did about
+the same in this respect with Kropotkin's "Anarchist Communism"; and
+indeed something of the kind is inevitable if one is to consult
+originals at all.) On the other hand, I have not, in general, drawn
+attention to passages where Eltzbacher makes merely formal changes for
+the purpose of inserting in a sentence of a certain grammatical
+structure what Tucker had said in a sentence of different structure.</p>
+
+<p>The renderings of Tolstoi's biblical quotations are taken from the
+"Corrected English New Testament," a conservative version which is now
+spoken of as the best English New Testament extant. It fits well into
+Tolstoi, at least so far as the present quotations go.</p>
+
+<p>I have spoken above of Eltzbacher's qualities as compiler; it here
+becomes necessary to say something of his work as translator. His
+translation is that of a very intelligent man, trusting to his
+intelligence to justify him in translating quite freely. He is confident
+that he knows what the idea to be presented is, and his main concern is
+to express that in the language best suited to the purpose. He even
+avows, as will be seen, that he has "cautiously revised" other people's
+translations from the Russian, without himself claiming to be familiar
+with the Russian language. I would as soon entrust this extremely
+delicate task<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv"></a>[<a href="images/019.png">xv</a>]</span> to Eltzbacher as to anybody I know, for he is in general
+remarkably correct in his re-wordings. The justification of his
+confidence in his knowledge of the author's thought may be seen in the
+fact that in passages which happen not to affect the main thought he
+makes a few such slips as <i>zahlen mit ihrer Vergiftung</i> for "pay to be
+poisoned," <i>Willkuer</i> for "arbitrament," and even <i>eine blutige
+Revolution ruecksichtslos niederwuerfe</i> for "would do anything in his
+power to precipitate a bloody revolution" (can he have been misled by
+the chemist's use of "precipitate"?), but in passages where these
+blunders would do real harm he keeps clear of them, being safeguarded by
+his knowledge of the sense. But it makes a difference whom you translate
+in this way. Tucker is a man who uses language with especial precision:
+every phrase in a sentence of his may be presumed to contribute
+something definite to the thought; and Eltzbacher treats him as if the
+less conspicuous phrases were merely ornamental work which might safely
+be omitted or amended when they seemed not to be advantageous for
+ornamental purposes. I must confess that I have little faith in the
+Eltzbacher method of translation for the rendering of any author; but it
+works especially ill with an author like Tucker.</p>
+
+<p>Of course all defects of translation are cured, silently, by
+substituting the original English. Therefore, at the expense of slightly
+increasing the bulk of the Tucker chapter, this edition gives American
+readers a much more accurate presentation of the utterances of the
+American champion of Anarchism than can be had in Eltzbacher's German;
+and, since I have the same advantage as regards Godwin, I think I may
+claim in general terms that mine is the best edition of Eltzbacher for
+those who read both English and German.</p>
+
+<p>Besides looking out for the accurate presentation of the passages quoted
+from Tucker, I have kept watch of the correctness of the subject-matter.
+Whatever seemed to me to represent Tucker's book unfairly, either by
+misrepresenting his doctrine or by misapplying the quotations, has been
+corrected by a note.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi"></a>[<a href="images/020.png">xvi</a>]</span> This will be useful to the reader not only by
+giving him a better Tucker, but also by giving a sample from which he
+may judge what amount of fault the followers of Kropotkin or Tolstoi or
+the rest would be likely to find with the chapters devoted to them. The
+merely popular reader will probably get the impression that Eltzbacher
+is really a rather unreliable man. The competent student, who knows what
+must be looked out for in all work of this sort, will have his
+confidence in Eltzbacher increased by seeing how little of serious fault
+appears in such a search.</p>
+
+<p>The index is compiled independently for this translation. Omitting such
+entries as merely duplicate the utility of the table of contents, and
+making an effort to head every entry with the word under which the
+reader will actually seek it, I hope I have bettered Eltzbacher's index;
+and I hope the index will be not only a place-finder but a help toward
+the appreciation of the Anarchistic teachings.</p>
+
+<p>I have not in general undertaken to criticise those features of the book
+which embody Eltzbacher's own opinions. Whether it was in fact right to
+select these seven men as the touchstone of Anarchism,&mdash;whether
+Eltzbacher is right in discussing the definition of the State as he
+does, or whether he might better simply have taken as authoritative that
+definition which has legal force in international law,&mdash;whether he ought
+to have added any other feature to his book,&mdash;are points on which the
+reader does not care for my judgment, nor am I eager to express a
+judgment. Having had to work over the book very carefully in detail, I
+have felt entitled to express an opinion as to how well Eltzbacher has
+done the work that he did choose to do; I have also told what work I as
+translator claim to have done; and it is time this preface ended.</p>
+
+<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Steven T. Byington.</span></p>
+
+<p><i>Ballardvale, Mass., August 28, 1907.</i></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Entitled "The Ego and His Own." N. Y., Benj. R. Tucker,
+1907.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii"></a>[<a href="images/021.png">xvii</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>BOOKS REFERRED TO BY ABBREVIATED TITLES</span></h2>
+
+<p>Adler, "Handwoerterbuch" = <span class="smcap">Georg Adler</span>, "Anarchismus," in
+<i>Handwoerterbuch der Staatswissenschaften</i>, 2d ed. (Jena 1898), vol. 1
+pp. 296-327.</p>
+
+<p>Adler, "Nord und Sued" = <span class="smcap">Georg Adler</span>, "Die Lehren der Anarchisten," in
+<i>Nord und Sued</i> (Breslau) vol. 32 (1885) pp. 371-83.</p>
+
+<p>Ba. "Articles" = "Articles &eacute;crits par Bakounine dans l'Egalit&eacute; de 1869,"
+in <i>M&eacute;moire pr&eacute;sent&eacute; par la f&eacute;d&eacute;ration jurassienne de l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs &agrave; toutes les f&eacute;d&eacute;rations de
+l'Internationale</i> (Sonvillier, n. d.), "Pi&egrave;ces justificatives" pp.
+68-114.</p>
+
+<p>Ba. "Briefe" = "Briefe Bakunins," in Dragomanoff (see below) pp. 1-272.</p>
+
+<p>Ba. "Dieu" = <span class="smcap">Michel Bakounine</span>, <i>Dieu et l'Etat</i>, 2d ed. (Paris 1892).</p>
+
+<p>Ba. "Dieu" &OElig;uvres = "Dieu et l'Etat," in <span class="smcap">Michel Bakounine</span>,
+<i>&OElig;uvres</i>, 3d ed. (Paris 1895), pp. 261-326.</p>
+
+<p>Ba. "Discours" = "Discours de Bakounine au congr&egrave;s de Berne," in
+<i>M&eacute;moire pr&eacute;sent&eacute; par la f&eacute;d&eacute;ration jurassienne de l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs &agrave; toutes les f&eacute;d&eacute;rations de
+l'Internationale</i> (Sonvillier, n. d.), "Pi&egrave;ces justificatives" pp.
+20-38.</p>
+
+<p>Ba. "Programme" = <span class="smcap">Bakounine</span>, "Programme de la section slave &agrave; Zurich,"
+in Dragomanoff (see below) pp. 381-3.</p>
+
+<p>Ba. "Proposition" = "F&eacute;d&eacute;ralisme, socialisme et antith&eacute;ologisme.
+Proposition motiv&eacute;e au Comit&eacute; central de la Ligue de la paix et de la
+libert&eacute;," in <span class="smcap">Michel Bakounine</span>, <i>&OElig;uvres</i>, 3d ed. (Paris 1895), pp.
+1-205.</p>
+
+<p>Ba. "Statuts" = "Statuts secrets de l'Alliance" and "Programme et
+r&egrave;glement de l'Alliance publique," in "L'Alliance" (see below) pp.
+118-35.</p>
+
+<p>Ba. "Volkssache" = <span class="smcap">M. Bakunin</span>, "Die Volkssache. Romanow, Pugatschew oder
+Pestel?" in Dragomanoff (see below) pp. 303-9.</p>
+
+<p>Bernatzik = <span class="smcap">Bernatzik</span>, "Der Anarchismus," in <i>Jahrbuch fuer
+Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im Deutschen Reich</i>
+(Leipzig) vol. 19 (1895) pp. 1-20.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii"></a>[<a href="images/022.png">xviii</a>]</span></p><p>Bernstein = <span class="smcap">Eduard Bernstein</span>, "Die soziale Doktrin des Anarchismus," in
+<i>Die Neue Zeit</i> (Stuttgart) year 10 (1891-2) vol. 1 pp. 358-65, 421-8;
+vol. 2 pp. 589-96, 618-26, 657-66, 772-8, 813-19.</p>
+
+<p>Crispi = <span class="smcap">Francesco Crispi</span>, "The Antidote for Anarchy," in <i>Daily Mail</i>
+(London) no. 807 (1898) p. 4.</p>
+
+<p>"Der Anarchismus und seine Traeger" = <i>Der Anarchismus und seine
+Traeger. Enthuellungen aus dem Lager der Anarchisten von</i> [symbol:
+circle in triangle], <i>Verfasser der Londoner Briefe in der Koelnischen
+Zeitung</i> (Berlin 1887).</p>
+
+<p>"Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus" = <i>Die historische
+Entwickelung des Anarchismus</i> (New York 1894).</p>
+
+<p>Diehl = <span class="smcap">Karl Diehl</span>, <i>P.-J. Proudhon</i>. <i>Seine Lehre und sein Leben.</i> (3
+vol., Jena 1888-96.)</p>
+
+<p>Dragomanoff = <span class="smcap">Michail Dragomanow</span>, <i>Michail Bakunins sozial-politischer
+Briefwechsel mit Alexander Iw. Herzen und Ogarjow, deutsch von Boris
+Minz&egrave;s</i> (Stuttgart 1895).</p>
+
+<p>Dubois = <span class="smcap">Felix Dubois</span>, <i>Le P&eacute;ril anarchiste</i> (Paris 1894).</p>
+
+<p>Ferri = "Discours de <span class="smcap">Ferri</span>" in <i>Congr&egrave;s international d'anthropologie
+criminelle, compte rendu des travaux de la quatri&egrave;me session, tenue &agrave;
+Gen&egrave;ve du 24 au 29 ao&ucirc;t 1896</i> (Gen&egrave;ve 1897) pp. 254-7.</p>
+
+<p>Garraud = <span class="smcap">R. Garraud</span>, <i>L'Anarchie et la R&eacute;pression</i> (Paris 1895).</p>
+
+<p>Godwin = <span class="smcap">William Godwin</span>, <i>An Enquiry concerning Political Justice and
+its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness</i> (2 vol., London 1793).
+[Bracketed references are to the "First American from the second London
+edition, corrected," Philadelphia, 1796.]</p>
+
+<p>"Hintermaenner" = <i>Die Hintermaenner der Sozialdemokratie. Von einem
+Eingeweihten</i> (Berlin 1890).</p>
+
+<p>Kr. "Anarchist Communism" = <span class="smcap">Peter Kropotkine</span>, <i>Anarchist Communism: its
+Basis and Principles</i>, 2d ed. (London 1895). [Reprinted from the
+<i>Nineteenth Century</i>.]</p>
+
+<p>Kr. "Conqu&ecirc;te" = <span class="smcap">Pierre Kropotkine</span>, <i>La Conqu&ecirc;te du pain</i>, 5th ed.
+(Paris 1895).</p>
+
+<p>Kr. "L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste" = <span class="smcap">Pierre Kropotkine</span>,
+<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i> (Paris 1892).</p>
+
+<p>Kr. "L'Anarchie. Sa philosophie&mdash;son id&eacute;al" = <span class="smcap">Pierre Kropotkine</span>,
+<i>L'Anarchie. Sa philosophie&mdash;son id&eacute;al</i> (Paris 1896).</p>
+
+<p>Kr. "Morale" = <span class="smcap">Pierre Kropotkine</span>, <i>La Morale anarchiste</i> (Paris 1891).</p>
+
+<p>Kr. "Paroles" = <span class="smcap">Pierre Kropotkine</span>, <i>Paroles d'un r&eacute;volt&eacute;, ouvrage publi&eacute;
+par Elis&eacute;e R&eacute;clus, nouv. &eacute;d</i>. (Paris, n. d.)</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix"></a>[<a href="images/023.png">xix</a>]</span></p><p>Kr. "Prisons" = <span class="smcap">Pierre Kropotkine</span>, <i>Les Prisons</i> (Paris 1890).</p>
+
+<p>Kr. "Si&egrave;cle" = <span class="smcap">Pierre Kropotkine</span>, <i>Un si&egrave;cle d'attente. 1789-1889</i>
+(Paris 1893).</p>
+
+<p>Kr. "Studies" = <i>Revolutionary Studies, translated from "La R&eacute;volte" and
+reprinted from "The Commonweal"</i> (London 1892).</p>
+
+<p>Kr. "Temps nouveaux" = <span class="smcap">Pierre Kropotkine</span>, <i>Les Temps nouveaux
+(conf&eacute;rence faite &agrave; Londres)</i> (Paris 1894).</p>
+
+<p>"L'Alliance" = <i>L'Alliance de la d&eacute;mocratie socialiste et l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs</i> (Londres et Hambourg 1873).</p>
+
+<p>Lenz = <span class="smcap">Adolf Lenz</span>, <i>Der Anarchismus und das Strafrecht. Sonderabdruck
+aus der Zeitschrift fuer die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft, Bd. 16,
+Heft 1</i> (Berlin, n. d.).</p>
+
+<p>Lombroso = <span class="smcap">C. Lombroso</span>, <i>Gli Anarchici</i>, 2d ed. (Torino 1895).</p>
+
+<p>Mackay, "Anarchisten" = <span class="smcap">John Henry Mackay</span>, <i>Die Anarchisten.
+Kulturgemaelde aus dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts</i>. Volksausgabe (Berlin
+1893).</p>
+
+<p>Mackay, "Magazin" = <span class="smcap">John Henry Mackay</span>, "Der individualistische
+Anarchismus: ein Gegner der Propaganda der That," in <i>Das Magazin fuer
+Litteratur</i> (Berlin und Weimar) vol. 67 (1898) pp. 913-15.</p>
+
+<p>Mackay, "Stirner" = <span class="smcap">John Henry Mackay</span>, <i>Max Stirner. Sein Leben und sein
+Werk</i> (Berlin 1898).</p>
+
+<p>Merlino = <span class="smcap">F. S. Merlino</span>, <i>L'Individualismo nell'anarchismo</i> (Roma 1895).</p>
+
+<p>Pfau = "Proudhon und die Franzosen," in <span class="smcap">Ludwig Pfau</span>, <i>Kunst und Kritik</i>,
+vol. 6 of <i>Aesthetische Schriften</i>, 2d ed. (Stuttgart, Leipzig, Berlin,
+1888), pp. 183-236.</p>
+
+<p>Plechanow = <span class="smcap">Georg Plechanow</span>, <i>Anarchismus und Sozialismus</i> (Berlin
+1894).</p>
+
+<p>Pr. "Banque" = <span class="smcap">P.-J. Proudhon</span>, <i>Banque du peuple, suivie du rapport de
+la commission des d&eacute;l&eacute;gu&eacute;s du Luxembourg</i> (Paris 1849). (In Proudhon's
+<i>&OElig;uvres compl&egrave;tes</i>, Paris 1866-83, this forms part of the volume
+"Solution.")</p>
+
+<p>Pr. "Contradictions" = <span class="smcap">P.-J. Proudhon</span>, <i>Syst&egrave;me des contradictions
+&eacute;conomiques, ou philosophie de la mis&egrave;re</i> (2 vol., Paris 1846).</p>
+
+<p>Pr. "Confessions" = <span class="smcap">P.-J. Proudhon</span>, <i>Les Confessions d'un
+r&eacute;volutionnaire, pour servir &agrave; l'histoire de la r&eacute;volution de f&eacute;vrier</i>
+(Paris 1849).</p>
+
+<p>Pr. "Droit" = <span class="smcap">P.-J. Proudhon</span>, <i>Le Droit au travail et le Droit de
+propri&eacute;t&eacute;</i> (Paris 1848). (In the <i>&OElig;uvres</i> this forms part of the
+volume "La R&eacute;volution sociale.")</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx"></a>[<a href="images/024.png">xx</a>]</span></p><p>Pr. "Id&eacute;e" = <span class="smcap">P.-J. Proudhon</span>, <i>Id&eacute;e g&eacute;n&eacute;rate de la r&eacute;volution au XIXe
+si&egrave;cle (choix d'&eacute;tudes sur la pratique r&eacute;volutionnaire et industrielle)</i>
+(Paris 1851).</p>
+
+<p>Pr. "Justice" = <span class="smcap">P.-J. Proudhon</span>, <i>De la justice dans la r&eacute;volution et
+dans l'Eglise. Nouveaux principes de philosophie pratique</i> (3 vol.,
+Paris 1858).</p>
+
+<p>Pr. "Organisation" = <span class="smcap">P.-J. Proudhon</span>, <i>Organisation du cr&eacute;dit et de la
+circulation, et solution du probl&egrave;me social</i> (Paris 1848). (In the
+<i>&OElig;uvres</i> this forms part of the volume "Solution.")</p>
+
+<p>Pr. "Principe" = <span class="smcap">P.-J. Proudhon</span>, <i>Du principe f&eacute;d&eacute;ratif et de la
+n&eacute;cessit&eacute; de reconstituer le parti de la r&eacute;volution</i> (Paris 1863).</p>
+
+<p>Pr. "Propri&eacute;t&eacute;" = <span class="smcap">P.-J. Proudhon</span>, <i>Qu'est-ce que la propri&eacute;t&eacute;? ou
+recherches sur le principe du droit et du gouvernement. Premier m&eacute;moire</i>
+(Paris 1841).</p>
+
+<p>Pr. "Solution" = <span class="smcap">P.-J. Proudhon</span>, <i>Solution du probl&egrave;me social</i> (Paris
+1848).</p>
+
+<p>Proal = <span class="smcap">Louis Proal</span>, <i>La Criminalit&eacute; politique</i> (Paris 1895).</p>
+
+<p>Reichesberg = <span class="smcap">Naum Reichesberg</span>, <i>Sozialismus und Anarchismus</i> (Bern und
+Leipzig 1895).</p>
+
+<p>Rienzi = <span class="smcap">Rienzi</span>, <i>L'Anarchisme, traduit du n&eacute;erlandais par August
+Dewinne</i> (Bruxelles 1893).</p>
+
+<p>Sernicoli = <span class="smcap">E. Sernicoli</span>, <i>L'Anarchia e gli Anarchici. Studio storico e
+politico di E. Sernicoli</i> (2 vol., Milano 1894).</p>
+
+<p>Shaw = <span class="smcap">George Bernard Shaw</span>, <i>The Impossibilities of Anarchism</i> (London
+1895).</p>
+
+<p>Silio = <span class="smcap">Cesar Silio</span>, "El Anarquismo y la Defensa Social," in <i>La Espana
+Moderna</i> (Madrid) vol. 61 (1894) pp. 141-8.</p>
+
+<p>Stammler = <span class="smcap">Rudolf Stammler</span>, <i>Die Theorie des Anarchismus</i> (Berlin 1894).</p>
+
+<p>Stirner = <span class="smcap">Max Stirner</span>, <i>Der Einzige und sein Eigentum</i> (Leipzig 1845).</p>
+
+<p>Stirner "Vierteljahrsschrift" = M. St., "Rezensenten Stirners," in
+<i>Wigands Vierteljahrsschrift</i> (Leipzig) vol. 3 (1845) pp. 147-94.</p>
+
+<p>To. "Confession" = <span class="smcap">Graf Leo Tolstoj</span>, <i>Bekenntnisse. Was sollen wir denn
+thun? deutsch von H. von Samson-Himmelstjerna</i> (Leipzig 1886), pp.
+1-102.</p>
+
+<p>To. "Gospel" = <span class="smcap">Graf Leo N. Tolstoj</span>, <i>Kurze Darlegung des Evangeliums,
+deutsch von Paul Lauterbach</i> (Leipzig, n. d.).</p>
+
+<p>To. "Kernel" = "Das Korn," in <span class="smcap">Graf Leo N. Tolstoj</span>, <i>Volkserzaehlungen,
+deutsch von Wilhelm Goldschmidt</i> (Leipzig, n. d.), pp. 87-9.</p>
+
+<p>To. "Kingdom" = <span class="smcap">Leo N. Tolstoj</span>, <i>Das Reich Gottes ist in</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxi" id="Page_xxi"></a>[<a href="images/025.png">xxi</a>]</span> <i>euch, oder das
+Christentum als eine neue Lebensauffassung, nicht als mystische Lehre,
+deutsch von R. Loewenfeld</i> (Stuttgart, Leipzig, Berlin, Wien, 1894).</p>
+
+<p>To. "Linen-Measurer" = "Leinwandmesser. Die Geschichte eines Pferdes,"
+in <i>Leo N. Tolstoj</i>, <i>Gesammelte Werke, deutsch herausgegeben von
+Raphael Loewenfeld</i>, vol. 3 (Berlin 1893) pp. 573-631.</p>
+
+<p>To. "Money" = <span class="smcap">Graf Leo Tolstoj</span>, <i>Geld! Soziale Betrachtungen, deutsch
+von August Scholz</i> (Berlin 1891).</p>
+
+<p>To. "Morning" = "Der Morgen des Gutsherrn," in <span class="smcap">Leo N. Tolstoj</span>,
+<i>Gesammelte Werke, deutsch herausgegeben von Raphael Loewenfeld</i>, vol.
+2, 2d ed. (Leipzig, n. d.), pp. 1-81.</p>
+
+<p>To. "On Life" = <span class="smcap">Graf Leo Tolstoj</span>, <i>Ueber das Leben, deutsch von Sophie
+Behr</i> (Leipzig 1889).</p>
+
+<p>To. "Patriotism" = <span class="smcap">Graf Leo N. Tolstoj</span>, <i>Christentum und
+Vaterlandsliebe, deutsch von L. A. Hauff</i> (Berlin n. d.).</p>
+
+<p>To. "Persecutions" = <i>Russische Christenverfolgungen im Kaukasus. Mit
+einem Vor- und Nachwort von Leo Tolstoj</i> (Dresden und Leipzig 1896) pp.
+7-8, 38-48.</p>
+
+<p>To. "Reason and Dogma" = <span class="smcap">Graf Leo N. Tolstoj</span>, <i>Vernunft und Dogma. Eine
+Kritik der Glaubenslehre, deutsch von L. A. Hauff</i> (Berlin n. d.).</p>
+
+<p>To. "Religion and Morality" = <span class="smcap">Graf Leo Tolstoj</span>, <i>Religion und Moral.
+Antwort auf eine in der "Ethischen Kultur" gestellte Frage, deutsch von
+Sophie Behr</i> (Berlin 1894).</p>
+
+<p>To. "What I Believe" = <span class="smcap">Graf Leo Tolstoj</span>, <i>Worin besteht mein Glaube?
+Eine Studie, deutsch von Sophie Behr</i> (Leipzig 1885).</p>
+
+<p>To. "What Shall We Do" = <span class="smcap">Graf Leo Tolstoj</span>, <i>Was sollen wir also thun?
+deutsch von August Scholz</i> (Berlin 1891).</p>
+
+<p>Tripels = "Discours de Tripels," in <i>Congr&egrave;s international
+d'anthropologie criminelle, compte rendu des travaux de la quatri&egrave;me
+session, tenue &agrave; Gen&egrave;ve du 24 au 29 ao&ucirc;t 1896</i> (Gen&egrave;ve 1897) pp. 253-4.</p>
+
+<p>Tucker = <span class="smcap">Benj. R. Tucker</span>, <i>Instead of a Book. By a Man Too Busy to Write
+One. A fragmentary exposition of philosophical Anarchism</i> (New York
+1893).</p>
+
+<p>Van Hamel = <span class="smcap">Van Hamel</span>, "L'Anarchisme et le Combat contre l'anarchisme au
+point de vue de l'anthropologie criminelle," in <i>Congr&egrave;s international
+d'anthropologie criminelle, compte rendu des travaux de la quatri&egrave;me
+session, tenue &agrave; Gen&egrave;ve du 24 au 29 ao&ucirc;t 1896</i> (Gen&egrave;ve 1897) pp. 254-7.</p>
+
+<p>Zenker = <span class="smcap">E. V. Zenker</span>, <i>Der Anarchismus. Kritische Geschichte der
+anarchistischen Theorie</i> (Jena 1895).</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p>&nbsp;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2"></a>[<a href="images/026.png">2</a>]</span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3"></a>[<a href="images/027.png">3</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>INTRODUCTION</span></h2>
+
+<p>1. We want to know Anarchism scientifically, for reasons both personal
+and external.</p>
+
+<p>We wish to penetrate the essence of a movement that dares to question
+what is undoubted and to deny what is venerable, and nevertheless takes
+hold of wider and wider circles.</p>
+
+<p>Besides, we wish to make up our minds whether it is not necessary to
+meet such a movement with force, to protect the established order or at
+least its quiet progressive development, and, by ruthless measures, to
+guard against greater evils.</p>
+
+<p>2. At present there is the greatest lack of clear ideas about Anarchism,
+and that not only among the masses but among scholars and statesmen.</p>
+
+<p>Now it is a historic law of evolution<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> that is described as the
+supreme law of Anarchism, now it is the happiness of the individual,<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+now justice.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now they say that Anarchism culminates in the negation of every
+programme,<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> that it has only a negative aim;<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> now, again, that its
+negating and destroying side is balanced by a side that is affirmative
+and creative;<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> now, to conclude, that what is original in Anarchism is
+to be found exclusively in its utterances about the ideal society,<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+that its real, true essence consists in its positive efforts.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4"></a>[<a href="images/028.png">4</a>]</span></p><p>Now it is said that Anarchism rejects law,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> now that it rejects
+society,<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> now that it rejects only the State.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now it is declared that in the future society of Anarchism there is no
+tie of contract binding persons together;<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> now, again, that Anarchism
+aims to have all public affairs arranged for by contracts between
+federally constituted communes and societies.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now it is said in general that Anarchism rejects property,<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> or at
+least private property;<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> now a distinction is made between
+Communistic and Individualistic,<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> or even between Communistic,
+Collectivistic, and Individualistic Anarchism.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now it is asserted that Anarchism conceives of its realization as taking
+place through crime,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> especially through a violent revolution<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> and
+by the help of the propaganda of deed;<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> now, again, that Anarchism
+rejects violent tactics and the propaganda of deed,<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> or that these
+are at least not necessary constituents of Anarchism.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. Two demands must be made of everybody who undertakes to produce a
+scientific work on Anarchism.</p>
+
+<p>First, he must be acquainted with the most important Anarchistic
+writings. Here, to be sure, one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5"></a>[<a href="images/029.png">5</a>]</span> meets great difficulties. Anarchistic
+writings are very scantily represented in our public libraries. They are
+in part so rare that it is extremely difficult for an individual to
+acquire even the most prominent of them. So it is not strange that of
+all works on Anarchism only one is based on a comprehensive knowledge of
+the sources. This is a pamphlet which appeared anonymously in New York
+in 1894, "<i>Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus</i>" which in
+sixteen pages gives a concise presentation that attests an astonishing
+acquaintance with the most various Anarchistic writings. The two large
+works, <i>"L'anarchia e gli anarchici, studio storico e politico di E.
+Sernicoli</i>" 2 vol., Milano, 1894, and "<i>Der Anarchismus, kritische
+Geschichte der anarchistischen Theorie von E. V. Zenker</i>," Jena, 1895,
+are at least in part founded on a knowledge of Anarchistic writings.</p>
+
+<p>Second, he who would produce a scientific work on Anarchism must be
+equally at home in jurisprudence, in economics, and in philosophy.
+Anarchism judges juridical institutions with reference to their economic
+effects, and from the standpoint of some philosophy or other. Therefore,
+to penetrate its essence and not fall a victim to all possible
+misunderstandings, one must be familiar with those concepts of
+philosophy, jurisprudence, and economics which it applies or has a
+relation to. This demand is best met, among all works on Anarchism, by
+Rudolf Stammler's pamphlet, "<i>Die Theorie des Anarchismus</i>," Berlin,
+1894.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "<i>Der Anarchismus und seine Traeger</i>" pp. 124, 125, 127;
+Reichesberg p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Lenz p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Bernatzik pp. 2, 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Lenz p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Crispi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Van Hamel p. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Adler p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Reichesberg p. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Stammler pp. 2, 4, 34, 36; Lenz pp. 1, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Sili&oacute; p. 145; Garraud p. 12; Reichesberg p. 16; Tripels p.
+253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Bernstein p. 359; Bernatzik p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Reichesberg p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Lombroso p. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Sili&oacute; p. 145; Dubois p. 213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Lombroso p. 31; Proal p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Rienzi p. 9; Stammler pp. 28-31; Merlino pp. 18, 27; Shaw
+p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> "<i>Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus</i>" p. 16;
+Zenker p. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Garraud p. 6; Lenz p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Sernicoli vol. 2 p. 116; Garraud p. 2; Reichesberg p. 38;
+Van Hamel p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Garraud pp. 10, 11; Lombroso p. 34; Ferri p. 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Mackay "<i>Magazin</i>" pp. 913-915; "<i>Anarchisten</i>" pp.
+239-243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Zenker pp. 203, 204.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6"></a>[<a href="images/030.png">6</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER I</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>THE PROBLEM</span> <span class="smaller">1.&mdash;GENERAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>The problem for our study is, to get determinate concepts of Anarchism
+and its species. As soon as such determinate concepts are attained,
+Anarchism is scientifically known. For their determination is not only
+conditioned on a comprehensive view of all the individual phenomena of
+Anarchism; it also brings together the results of this comprehensive
+view, and assigns to them a place in the totality of our knowledge.</p>
+
+<p>The problem of getting determinate concepts of Anarchism and its species
+seems at a first glance perfectly clear. But the apparent clearness
+vanishes on closer examination.</p>
+
+<p>For there rises first the question, what shall be the starting-point of
+our study? The answer will be given, "Anarchistic teachings." But there
+is by no means an agreement as to what teachings are Anarchistic; one
+man designates as "Anarchistic" these teachings, another those; and of
+the teachings themselves a part designate themselves as Anarchistic, a
+part do not. How can one take any of them as Anarchistic teachings for a
+starting-point, without applying that very concept of Anarchism which he
+has yet to determine?</p>
+
+<p>Then rises the further question, what is the goal of the study? The
+answer will be given, "the concepts<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7"></a>[<a href="images/031.png">7</a>]</span> of Anarchism and its species." But
+we see daily that different men define in quite different ways the
+concept of an object which they yet conceive in the same way. One says
+that law is the general will; another, that it is a mass of precepts
+which limit a man's natural liberty for other men's sake; a third, that
+it is the ordering of the life of the nation (or of the community of
+nations) to maintain God's order of the world. They all know that a
+definition should state the proximate genus and the distinctive marks of
+the species, but this knowledge does them little good. So it seems that
+the goal of the study does still require elucidation.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly rises the question, what is the way to this goal? Any one who has
+ever observed the conflict of opinions in the intellectual sciences
+knows well, on the one hand, how utterly we lack a recognized method for
+the solution of problems; and, on the other hand, how necessary it is in
+any study to get clearly in mind the method that is to be used.</p>
+
+<p>2. Our study can come to a more precise specification of its problem.
+The problem is to put concepts in the place of non-conceptual notions of
+Anarchism and its species.</p>
+
+<p>Every concept-determining study faces the problem of comprehending
+conceptually an object that was first comprehended non-conceptually, and
+therefore of putting a concept in the place of non-conceptual notions of
+an object. This problem finds a specially clear expression in the
+concept-determining judgment (the definition), which puts in immediate
+juxtaposition, in its subject some non-conceptual notion of an object,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8"></a>[<a href="images/032.png">8</a>]</span>
+and in its predicate a conceptual notion of the same object.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly, the study that is to determine the concepts of Anarchism
+and its species has for its problem to comprehend conceptually objects
+that are first comprehended in non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and
+its species; and therefore, to put concepts in the place of these
+non-conceptual notions.</p>
+
+<p>3. But our study may specify its problem still more precisely, though at
+first only on the negative side. The problem is not to put concepts in
+the place of all notions that appear as non-conceptual notions of
+Anarchism and its species.</p>
+
+<p>Any concept can comprehend conceptually only one object, not another
+object together with this. The concept of health cannot be at the same
+time the concept of life, nor the concept of the horse that of the mammal.</p>
+
+<p>But in the non-conceptual notions that appear as notions of Anarchism
+and its species there are comprehended very different objects. To be
+sure, the object of all these notions is on the one hand a genus that is
+formed by the common qualities of certain teachings, and on the other
+hand the species of this genus, which are formed by the addition of
+sundry peculiarities to these common qualities. But still these notions
+have in view very different groups of teachings with their common and
+special qualities, some perhaps only the teachings of Kropotkin and
+Most, others only the teachings of Stirner, Tucker, and Mackay, others
+again the teachings of both sets of authors.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9"></a>[<a href="images/033.png">9</a>]</span></p><p>If one proposed to put concepts in the place of all the non-conceptual
+notions which appear as notions of Anarchism and its species, these
+concepts would have to comprehend at once the common and special
+qualities of quite different groups of teachings, of which groups one
+might embrace only the teachings of Kropotkin and Most, another only
+those of Stirner, Tucker, and Mackay, a third both. But this is
+impossible: the concepts of Anarchism and its species can comprehend
+only the common and special qualities of a single group of teachings;
+therefore our study cannot put concepts in the place of all the notions
+that appear as notions of Anarchism and its species.</p>
+
+<p>4. By completing on the affirmative side this negative specification of
+its problem, our study can arrive at a still more precise specification
+of this problem. The problem is to put concepts in the place of those
+non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and its species, having in view one
+and the same group of teachings, which are most widely diffused among
+the men who at present are scientifically concerned with Anarchism.</p>
+
+<p>Because the only possible problem for our study is to put concepts in
+the place of part of the notions that appear as non-conceptual notions
+of Anarchism and its species,&mdash;to wit, only in the place of such notions
+as have in view one and the same group of teachings with its common and
+special qualities,&mdash;therefore we must divide into classes, according to
+the groups of teachings that they severally have in view, the notions
+that appear as notions of Anarchism and its species, and we must choose
+the class whose notions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10"></a>[<a href="images/034.png">10</a>]</span> are to be replaced by concepts.</p>
+
+<p>The choice of the class must depend on the kind of men for whom the
+study is meant. For the study of a concept is of value only for those
+who non-conceptually apprehend the object of the concept, since the
+concept takes the place of their notions only. For those who form a
+non-conceptual notion of space, the concept of morality is so far
+meaningless; and just as meaningless, for those who mean by Anarchism
+what the teachings of Proudhon and Stirner have in common, is the
+concept of what is common to the teachings of Proudhon, Stirner,
+Bakunin, and Kropotkin.</p>
+
+<p>But the men for whom this study is meant are those who at present are
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism. If all these, in their notions
+of Anarchism and its species, had in view one and the same group of
+teachings, then the problem for our study would be to put concepts in
+the place of this set of notions. Since this is not the case, the only
+possible problem for our study is to put concepts in the place of that
+set of notions which has in view a group of teachings that the greatest
+possible number of the men at present scientifically concerned with
+Anarchism have in view in their non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and its species.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;THE STARTING-POINT</span></h2>
+
+<p>In accordance with what has been said, the starting-point of our study
+must be those non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and its species,
+having in view one and the same group of teachings, which are most
+widely diffused among the men who at present are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11"></a>[<a href="images/035.png">11</a>]</span> scientifically
+concerned with Anarchism.</p>
+
+<p>1. How can it be known what group of teachings the non-conceptual
+notions of Anarchism and its species most widely diffused among the men
+at present scientifically concerned with Anarchism have in view?</p>
+
+<p>First and foremost, this may be seen from utterances regarding
+particular Anarchistic teachings, and from lists and descriptions of such teachings.</p>
+
+<p>We may assume that a man regards as Anarchistic those teachings which he
+designates as Anarchistic, and, further, those teachings which are
+likewise characterized by the common qualities of these. We may further
+assume that a man does not regard as Anarchistic those teachings which
+he in any form contrasts with the Anarchistic teachings, nor, if he
+undertakes to catalogue or describe the whole body of Anarchistic
+teachings, those teachings unknown to him which are not characterized by
+the common qualities of the teachings he catalogues or describes.</p>
+
+<p>What group of teachings those non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and
+its species which are most widely diffused among the men at present
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism have in view, may be seen
+secondly from the definitions of Anarchism and from other utterances
+about it. We may doubtingly assume that a man regards as Anarchistic
+those teachings which come under his definition of Anarchism, or for
+which his utterances about Anarchism hold good; and, on the contrary,
+that he does not regard as Anarchistic those teachings which do not come
+under that definition, or for which these utterances do not hold good.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12"></a>[<a href="images/036.png">12</a>]</span></p><p>When these two means of knowledge lead to contradictions, the former
+must be decisive. For, if a man so defines Anarchism, or so speaks of
+Anarchism, that on this basis teachings which he declares
+non-Anarchistic manifest themselves to be Anarchistic,&mdash;and perhaps
+other teachings, which he counts among the Anarchistic, to be
+non-Anarchistic,&mdash;this can be due only to his not being conscious of the
+scope of his general pronouncements; therefore it is only from his
+treatment of the individual teachings that one can find out his opinion of these.</p>
+
+<p>2. These means of knowledge inform us what group of teachings the
+non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and its species most widely diffused
+among the men at present scientifically concerned with Anarchism have in view.</p>
+
+<p>We learn, first, that the teachings of certain particular men are
+recognized as Anarchistic teachings by the greater part of those who at
+present are scientifically concerned with Anarchism.</p>
+
+<p>We learn, second, that by the greater part of those who at present are
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism the teachings of these men are
+recognized as Anarchistic teachings only in so far as they relate to
+law, the State, and property; but not in so far as they may be concerned
+with the law, State, or property of a particular legal system or a
+particular group of legal systems, nor in so far as they regard other
+objects, such as religion, the family, art.</p>
+
+<p>Among the recognized Anarchistic teachings seven are particularly
+prominent: to wit, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Bakunin,
+Kropotkin,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13"></a>[<a href="images/037.png">13</a>]</span> Tucker, and Tolstoi. They all manifest themselves to be
+Anarchistic teachings according to the greater part of the definitions
+of Anarchism, and of other scientific utterances about it. They all
+display the qualities that are common to the doctrines treated of in
+most descriptions of Anarchism. Some of them, be it one or another, are
+put in the foreground in almost every work on Anarchism. Of no one of
+them is it denied, to an extent worth mentioning, that it is an
+Anarchistic teaching.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">3.&mdash;THE GOAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>In accordance with what has been said, the goal of our study must be to
+determine, first, the concept of the genus which is constituted by the
+common qualities of those teachings which the greater part of the men at
+present scientifically concerned with Anarchism recognize as Anarchistic
+teachings; second, the concepts of the species of this genus, which are
+formed by the accession of any specialties to those common qualities.</p>
+
+<p>1. The first thing toward a concept is that an object be apprehended as
+clearly and purely as possible.</p>
+
+<p>In non-conceptual notions an object is not apprehended with all possible
+clearness. In our non-conceptual notions of gold we most commonly make
+clear to ourselves only a few qualities of gold; one of us, perhaps,
+thinks mainly of the color and the lustre, another of the color and
+malleability, a third of some other qualities. But in the concept of
+gold color, lustre, malleability, hardness, solubility, fusibility,
+specific gravity, atomic weight, and all other qualities of gold, must
+be apprehended as clearly as possible.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14"></a>[<a href="images/038.png">14</a>]</span></p><p>Nor is an object apprehended in all possible purity in our
+non-conceptual notions. We introduce into our non-conceptual notions of
+gold many things that do not belong among the qualities of gold; one,
+perhaps, thinks of the present value of gold, another of golden dishes,
+a third of some sort of gold coin. But all these alien adjuncts must be
+kept away from the concept of gold.</p>
+
+<p>So the first goal of our study is to describe as clearly as possible on
+the one side, and as purely as possible on the other, the common
+qualities of those teachings which the greater part of the men at
+present scientifically concerned with Anarchism recognize as Anarchistic
+teachings, and the specialties of all the teachings which display these
+common qualities.</p>
+
+<p>2. It is further requisite for a concept that an object should have its
+place assigned as well as possible in the total realm of our
+experience,&mdash;that is, in a system of species and genera which embraces
+our total experience.</p>
+
+<p>In non-conceptual notions an object does not have its place assigned in
+the total realm of our experience, but arbitrarily in one of the many
+genera in which it can be placed according to its various qualities. One
+of us, perhaps, thinks of gold as a species of the genus "yellow
+bodies," another as a species of the genus "malleable bodies," a third
+as a species of some other genus. But the concept of gold must assign it
+a place in a system of species and genera that embraces our whole
+experience,&mdash;a place in the genus "metals."</p>
+
+<p>So a further goal of our study is to assign a place as well as possible
+in the total realm of our experience<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15"></a>[<a href="images/039.png">15</a>]</span> (that is, in a system of species
+and genera which embraces our total experience) for the common qualities
+of those teachings which the greater part of the men at present
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism recognize as Anarchistic
+teachings, and for the specialties of all the teachings that display
+these common qualities.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">4.&mdash;THE WAY TO THE GOAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>In accordance with what has been said, the way that our study must take
+to go from its starting-point to its goal will be in three parts. First,
+the concepts of law, the State, and property must be determined. Next,
+it must be ascertained what the Anarchistic teachings assert about law,
+the State, and property. Finally, after removing some errors, we must
+get determinate concepts of Anarchism and its species.</p>
+
+<p>1. First, we must get determinate concepts of law, the State, and
+property; and this must be of law, the State, and property in general,
+not of the law, State, or property of a particular legal system or a
+particular family of legal systems.</p>
+
+<p>Law, the State, and property, in this sense, are the objects about which
+the doctrines which are to be examined in their common and special
+qualities make assertions. Before the fact of any assertions about an
+object can be ascertained,&mdash;not to say, before the common and special
+qualities of these assertions can be brought out and assigned to a place
+in the total realm of our experience,&mdash;we must get a determinate concept
+of this object itself. Hence the first thing that must be done is to
+determine the concepts of law, the State, and property (<a href="#Page_18">chapter II</a>).</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16"></a>[<a href="images/040.png">16</a>]</span></p><p>2. Next, it must be ascertained what the Anarchistic teachings assert
+about law, the State, and property;&mdash;that is, the recognized Anarchistic
+teachings, and also those teachings which likewise display the qualities
+common to these.</p>
+
+<p>What the recognized Anarchistic teachings say, must be ascertained in
+order to determine the concept of Anarchism. What all the teachings that
+display the common qualities of the recognized Anarchistic teachings
+say, must be ascertained in order that we may get determinate concepts
+of the species of Anarchism.</p>
+
+<p>So each of these teachings must be questioned regarding its relation to
+law, the State, and property. These questions must be preceded by the
+question on what foundation the teaching rests, and must be followed by
+the question how it conceives the process of its realization.</p>
+
+<p>It is impossible to present here all recognized Anarchistic teachings,
+not to say all Anarchistic teachings. Therefore our study limits itself
+to the presentation of seven especially prominent teachings (<a href="#Page_40">chapters
+III to IX</a>), and then, from this standpoint, seeks to get a view of the
+totality of recognized Anarchistic teachings and of all Anarchistic
+teachings (<a href="#Page_270">chapter X</a>).</p>
+
+<p>The teachings presented are presented in their own words,<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> but
+according to a uniform system: the first, for security against the
+importation of alien thoughts; the second, to avoid the uncomparable
+juxtaposition<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17"></a>[<a href="images/041.png">17</a>]</span> of fundamentally different courses of thought. They have
+been compelled to give definite replies to definite questions; it was
+indeed necessary in many cases to bring the answers together in tiny
+fragments from the most various writings, to sift them so far as they
+contradicted each other, and to explain them so far as they deviated
+from ordinary language. Thus Tolstoi's strictly logical structure of
+thought and Bakunin's confused talk, Kropotkin's discussions full of
+glowing philanthropy and Stirner's self-pleasing smartness, come before
+our eyes directly and yet in comparable form.</p>
+
+<p>3. Finally, after removing widely diffused errors, we are to get
+determinate concepts of Anarchism and its species.</p>
+
+<p>We must, therefore, on the basis of that knowledge of the Anarchistic
+teachings which we have acquired, clear away the most important errors
+about Anarchism and its species; and then we must determine what the
+Anarchistic teachings have in common, and what specialties are
+represented among them, and assign to both a place in the total realm of
+our experience. Then we have the concepts of Anarchism and its species
+(<a href="#Page_288">chapter XI</a>).</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Russian writings are cited from translations, which are
+cautiously revised where they seem too harsh.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18"></a>[<a href="images/042.png">18</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER II</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>LAW, THE STATE, PROPERTY</span> <span class="smaller">1.&mdash;GENERAL</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>In this discussion we are to get determinate concepts of law, the
+State, and property in general, not of the law, State, and property of a
+particular legal system or of a particular family of legal systems. The
+concepts of law, State, and property are therefore to be determined as
+concepts of general jurisprudence, not as concepts of any particular
+jurisprudence.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. By the concepts of law, State, and property one may understand,
+first, the concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a
+particular legal system.</p>
+
+<p>These concepts of law, State, and property contain all the
+characteristics that belong to the substance of a particular legal
+system. They embrace only the substance of this system. They may,
+therefore, be called concepts of the science of this system. For we may
+designate as the science of a particular legal system that part of
+jurisprudence which concerns itself exclusively with the norms of a
+particular legal system.</p>
+
+<p>The concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a legal
+system are distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property
+in the sciences of other legal systems by this characteristic,&mdash;that
+they are concepts of norms of this particular system. From this
+characteristic we may deduce all the characteristics that result from
+the special substance of this system of law in contrast to other such
+systems. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19"></a>[<a href="images/043.png">19</a>]</span> concepts of property in the present laws of the German
+empire, of France, and of England are distinguished by the fact that
+they are concepts of norms of these three different legal systems.
+Consequently they are as different as are the norms of the present
+imperial-German, French, and English law on the subject of property. The
+concepts of law, State, and property in different legal systems are to
+each other as species-concepts which are subordinate to one and the same
+generic concept.</p>
+
+<p>2. Second, one may understand by the concepts of law, State, and
+property the concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a
+particular family of laws.</p>
+
+<p>These concepts of law, State, and property contain all the
+characteristics that belong to the common substance of the different
+legal systems of this family. They embrace only the common substance of
+the different systems of this family. They may, therefore, be called
+concepts of the science of this family of laws. For we may designate as
+the science of a particular family of laws that part of jurisprudence
+which deals exclusively with the norms of a particular family of legal
+systems, so far as these are not already dealt with by the sciences of
+the particular legal systems of this family.</p>
+
+<p>The concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a family of
+laws are distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property in
+the sciences of the legal systems that form the family by lacking the
+characteristic of being concepts of norms of these systems, and
+consequently lacking also all the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20"></a>[<a href="images/044.png">20</a>]</span>characteristics which may be deduced
+from this characteristic according to the special substance of one or
+another legal system. The concept of the State in the science of present
+European law is distinguished from the concepts of the State in the
+sciences of present German, Russian, and Belgian law by not being a
+concept of norms of any one of these systems, and consequently by
+lacking all the characteristics that result from the special substance
+of the constitutional norms in force in Germany, Russia, and Belgium.
+Its relation to the concepts of the State in the science of these
+systems is that of a generic concept to subordinate species-concepts.</p>
+
+<p>The concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a family of
+laws are distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property in
+the sciences of other such families by this characteristic,&mdash;that they
+are concepts of norms of this particular family. From this
+characteristic we may deduce all the characteristics that are peculiar
+to the common substance of the different legal systems of this family in
+contrast to the common substance of the different legal systems of other
+families. The concept of the State in the science of present European
+law and the concept of the State in the science of European law in the
+year 1000 are distinguished by the fact that the one is a concept of
+constitutional norms that are in force in Europe to-day, the other of
+such as were in force in Europe then; consequently they are different in
+the same way as what the constitutional norms in force in Europe to-day
+have in common is different from what was common to the constitutional
+norms in force in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21"></a>[<a href="images/045.png">21</a>]</span> Europe then. These concepts are to each other as
+species-concepts which are subordinate to one and the same generic concept.</p>
+
+<p>3. Third, one may understand by the concepts of law, State, and property
+the concepts of law, State, and property in general jurisprudence.</p>
+
+<p>These concepts of law, State, and property contain all the
+characteristics that belong to the common substance of the most
+different systems and families of laws. They embrace only what the norms
+of the most different systems and families of laws have in common. They
+may, therefore, be called concepts of general jurisprudence. For that
+part of jurisprudence which treats of legal norms without limitation to
+any particular system or family of laws, so far as these norms are not
+already treated by the sciences of the particular systems and families,
+may be designated as general jurisprudence.</p>
+
+<p>The concepts of law, State, and property in general jurisprudence are
+distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property in the
+particular jurisprudences by lacking the characteristic of being
+concepts of norms of one of these systems or at least one of these
+families of systems, and consequently lacking also all the
+characteristics which may be deduced from this characteristic according
+to the special substance of some system or family of laws. The concept
+of law <i>per se</i> is distinguished from the concept of law in present
+European law and from the concept of law in the present law of the
+German empire by not being a concept of norms of that family of laws,
+not to say that particular system, and consequently by lacking<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22"></a>[<a href="images/046.png">22</a>]</span> all the
+characteristics that might belong to any peculiarities which might be
+common to all legal norms at present in force in Europe or in Germany.
+Its relation to the concepts of law in these particular jurisprudences
+is that of a generic concept to subordinate species-concepts.</p>
+
+<p>4. In which of the senses here distinguished the concepts of law, State,
+and property should be defined in a particular case, and what matters
+should accordingly be taken into consideration in defining them, depends
+on the purpose of one's study.</p>
+
+<p>If, for example, the point is to describe scientifically the
+constitutional norms of the present law of the German empire, then the
+concept of the State as defined on this occasion must be a concept of
+the science of this particular legal system. For scientific work on the
+norms of a particular legal system requires that concepts be formed of
+the norms of just this system. Consequently the material to be taken
+into consideration will be only the constitutional norms of the present
+law of the German empire.&mdash;That the concepts defined in the scientific
+description of a system of law are in fact concepts of the science of
+this system may indeed seem obscure. For every concept of the science of
+any particular system of law may be defined as the concept of a species
+under the corresponding generic concept of general jurisprudence. We
+define this generic concept, say the concept of the State in general
+jurisprudence, and add the distinctive characteristic of the
+species-concept, that it is a concept of norms of this particular system
+of law, say of the present law of the German empire. And then we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23"></a>[<a href="images/047.png">23</a>]</span> often
+leave this additional characteristic unexpressed, where we think we may
+assume (as is the case in the scientific description of the norms of any
+particular system of law) that everybody will regard it as tacitly
+added. The consequence is that the definition given in the scientific
+description of a particular system of law looks, at a superficial
+glance, like the definition of a concept of general jurisprudence.</p>
+
+<p>Or, if the point is to compare scientifically the norms of present
+European law regarding property, the concept of property as defined on
+this occasion must be a concept of the science of this particular family
+of laws. For the scientific comparison of norms of different legal
+systems demands that concepts of the sciences of these different legal
+systems be subordinately arranged under the corresponding concept of the
+science of the family of laws which is made up of these systems.
+Consequently the material to be taken into consideration will be only
+the norms of this family of laws.&mdash;Here again, indeed, it may seem
+obscure that the concepts defined are really concepts of the science of
+this family of laws. For the concepts that belong to the science of a
+family of laws may likewise be defined by defining the corresponding
+concepts of general jurisprudence and tacitly adding the characteristic
+of being concepts of norms of this particular family of laws.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, if it comes to pass that the point is to compare scientifically
+what the norms of the most diverse systems of law have in common, the
+concept of law as defined on this occasion must be a concept of general
+jurisprudence. For the scientific comparison<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24"></a>[<a href="images/048.png">24</a>]</span> of norms of the most
+diverse systems and families of laws demands that concepts which belong
+to the sciences of the most diverse systems and families of laws be
+subordinately arranged under the corresponding concept of general
+jurisprudence. Consequently the material to be taken into consideration
+will be the norms of the most diverse systems and families of laws.</p>
+
+<p>Here,&mdash;where the point is to take the first step toward a scientific
+comprehension of teachings which pass judgment on law, the State, and
+property in general, not only on the law, State, or property of a
+particular system or family of laws,&mdash;the concepts of law, State, and
+property must necessarily be defined as concepts of general
+jurisprudence. For a scientific comprehension of teachings which deal
+with the common substance of the most diverse systems and families of
+laws demands that concepts of this common substance&mdash;consequently
+concepts belonging to general jurisprudence&mdash;be formed. Therefore we
+have to take into consideration, as our material, the norms (especially
+regarding the State and property) of the most diverse systems and
+families of laws.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;LAW</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>Law is the body of legal norms. A legal norm is a norm which is based
+on the fact that men have the will to see a certain procedure generally
+observed within a circle which includes themselves.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. A legal norm is a norm.</p>
+
+<p>A norm is the idea of a correct procedure. A correct procedure means one
+that corresponds either to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25"></a>[<a href="images/049.png">25</a>]</span> the final purpose of all human procedure
+(unconditionally correct procedure,&mdash;for instance, respect for another's
+life), or at any rate to some accidental purpose (conditionally correct
+procedure,&mdash;for instance, the skilled handling of a picklock). And the
+idea of a correct procedure means that the unconditionally or
+conditionally correct procedure is to be thought of not as a fact but as
+a task, not as something real but as something to be realized; it does
+not mean that I shall in fact spare my enemy's life, but that I am to
+spare it&mdash;not how the thief really did use the picklock, but how he
+should have used it. The idea of a correct procedure is what we
+designate as an "ought": when I think of an "ought," I think of what has
+to be done in order to realize either the final purpose of all human
+procedure or some accidental personal purpose. All passing of judgment
+on past procedure is conditioned upon the idea of a correct
+procedure&mdash;only with regard to this idea can past procedure be described
+as good or bad, expedient or inexpedient; and so is all deliberation on
+future procedure&mdash;only with regard to this idea does one inquire whether
+it will be right, or at any rate expedient, to proceed in a given manner.</p>
+
+<p>Every legal norm represents a procedure as correct, declares that it
+corresponds to a particular purpose. And it represents this correct
+procedure as an idea, designates it not as a fact but as a task, does
+not say that any one does proceed so but that one is to proceed so.
+Hence a legal norm is a norm.</p>
+
+<p>2. A legal norm is a norm based on a human will.</p>
+
+<p>A norm based on a human will is a norm by virtue<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26"></a>[<a href="images/050.png">26</a>]</span> of which one must
+proceed in a certain way in order that he may not put himself in
+opposition to the will of some particular men, and so be apprehended by
+the power which is at the service of these men. Such a norm, therefore,
+represents a procedure only as conditionally correct; to wit, as a means
+to the end (which we are perhaps pursuing or perhaps despising) of
+remaining in harmony with the will of certain men, and so being spared
+by the power which serves this will.</p>
+
+<p>Every legal norm tells us that we must proceed in a certain way in order
+that we may not contravene the will of some particular men and then
+suffer under their power. Therefore it represents a procedure only as
+conditionally correct, and instructs us not as to what is good but only
+as to what is prescribed. Hence a legal norm is a norm based on a human will.</p>
+
+<p>3. A legal norm is a norm based on the fact that men will to have a
+certain procedure for themselves and others.</p>
+
+<p>A norm is based on the fact that men will to have a certain procedure
+for themselves and others when the will on which the norm is based has
+reference not only to others who do not will, but also, at the same
+time, to the willers themselves also; when, therefore, these not only
+will that others be subject to the norm but also will to be subject to it themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Every legal norm, and of all norms only the legal norm, has the
+characteristic that the will on which it is based reaches beyond those
+whose will it is, and yet embraces them too. The rule, "Whoever takes
+from another a movable thing that is not his own, with the intent to
+appropriate it illegally, is punished with <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27"></a>[<a href="images/051.png">27</a>]</span>imprisonment for theft," is
+not only based on the will of men, but each of these men is also
+conscious that, while on the one hand the rule applies to other men, on
+the other hand it applies to himself.</p>
+
+<p>Here it might be alleged that, after all, the mere fact of men's will to
+have a certain procedure for themselves and others does not always
+establish law; for example, the efforts of the Bonapartists do not
+establish the empire in France. But it is not when this bare will exists
+that law is established, but only when a norm is based on this will;
+that is, when it has in its service so great a power that it is
+competent to affect the behavior of the men to whom it relates. As soon
+as Bonapartism spreads so widely and in such circles that this takes
+place, the republic will fall and the empire will indeed become law in France.</p>
+
+<p>One might further appeal to the fact that in unlimited monarchies (in
+Russia, for instance) the law is based solely on the will of one man,
+who is not himself subject to it. But Russian law is not based on the
+czar's will at all; the czar is a weak individual man, and his will in
+itself is totally unqualified to affect many millions of Russians in
+their procedure. Russian law is based rather on the will of all those
+Russians&mdash;peasants, soldiers, officials&mdash;who, for the most various
+reasons&mdash;patriotism, self-interest, superstition&mdash;will that what the
+czar wills shall be law in Russia. Their will is qualified to affect the
+procedure of the Russians; and, if they should ever grow so few that it
+would no longer have this qualification, then the czar's will would no
+longer be law in Russia, as the history of revolutions proves.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28"></a>[<a href="images/052.png">28</a>]</span></p><p>4. It has been asserted that legal norms have still other qualities.</p>
+
+<p>It has been said, first, that it belongs to the essence of a legal norm
+to be enforceable, or even to be enforceable in a particular way, by
+judicial procedure, governmental force.</p>
+
+<p>If by this we are to understand that conformity can always be enforced,
+we are met at once by the great number of cases in which this cannot be
+done. When a debtor is insolvent, or a murder has been committed,
+conformity to the violated legal norms cannot now be enforced after the
+fact, but their validity is not impaired by this.</p>
+
+<p>If by enforceability we mean that conformity to a legal norm must be
+insured by other legal norms providing for the case of its violation, we
+need only go on from the insured to the insuring norms for a while, to
+come to norms for which conformity is not insured by any further legal
+norms. If one refuses to recognize these norms as legal norms, then
+neither can the norms which are insured by them rank as legal norms, and
+so, going back along the series, one has at last no legal norms left.</p>
+
+<p>Only if one would understand by the enforceability of the legal norm
+that a will must have at its disposal a certain power in order that a
+legal norm may be based on it, one might certainly say in this sense
+that enforceability belongs to the essence of a legal norm. But this
+quality of the legal norm would be only such a quality as would be
+derivable from its quality of being a norm, and would therefore have no
+claim to be added as a further quality.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29"></a>[<a href="images/053.png">29</a>]</span></p><p>Again, it has been named an essential quality of a legal norm that it
+should be based on the will of a State. But even where we cannot speak
+of a State at all, among nomads for instance, there are yet legal norms.
+Besides, every State is itself a legal relation, established by legal
+norms, which consequently cannot be based on its will. And lastly, the
+norms of international law, which are intended to bind the will of
+States, cannot be based on the will of a State.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, it has been asserted that it was essential to a legal norm that
+it should correspond to the moral law. If this were so, then among the
+different legal norms which to-day are in force one directly after the
+other in the same territory, or at the same time in different
+territories under the same circumstances, only one could in each case be
+regarded as a legal norm; for under the same circumstances there is only
+one moral right. Nor could one speak then of unrighteous legal norms,
+for if they were unrighteous they would not be legal norms. But in
+reality, even when legal norms determine conduct quite differently under
+the same circumstances, they are all nevertheless recognized as legal
+norms; nor is it doubted that there are bad legal norms as well as good.</p>
+
+<p>5. As a norm based on the fact that men have the will to see a certain
+procedure generally observed within a circle which includes themselves,
+the legal norm is distinguished from all other objects, even from those
+that most resemble it.</p>
+
+<p>By being based on the will of men it is distinguished from the moral law
+(the commandment of morality); this is not based on men's willing a
+certain<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30"></a>[<a href="images/054.png">30</a>]</span> procedure, but on the fact that this procedure corresponds to
+the final purpose of all human procedure. The maxim, "Love your enemies,
+bless those who curse you, do good to those who hate you, pray for those
+who abuse and persecute you," is a moral law; so is the maxim, "Act so
+that the maxims of your will might at all times serve as the principles
+of a general legislation." For the correctness of such a procedure is
+not founded on the fact that other men will have it, but on the fact
+that it corresponds to the final purpose of all human procedure.</p>
+
+<p>By being based on the will of men the legal norm is distinguished also
+from good manners; these are not based on the fact that men will a
+certain procedure, but on the fact that they themselves proceed in a
+certain way. It is manners that one goes to a ball in a dress coat and
+white gloves, uses his knife at table only for cutting, begs the
+daughter of the house for a dance or at least one round, takes leave of
+the master and mistress of the house, and lastly presses a tip into the
+servant's hand; for the correctness of such a behavior is not based on
+the fact that other men ask this of us,&mdash;to those who start a new
+fashion it is often actually unpleasant to find that the fashion is
+spreading to more extensive circles,&mdash;but solely on the fact that other
+men themselves behave so, and that we want "not to be peculiar," "not to
+make ourselves conspicuous," "to do like the rest," etc.</p>
+
+<p>By being based on a will which relates at once to those whose will it is
+and to others whose will it is not, it is distinguished on the one hand
+from an arbitrary command, in which one's will applies only to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31"></a>[<a href="images/055.png">31</a>]</span> others,
+and on the other from a resolution, in which it applies only to himself.
+It is an arbitrary command when Cortes with his Spaniards commands the
+Mexicans to bring out their gold, or when a band of robbers forbids a
+frightened peasantry to betray their hiding-place; here a human will
+decides, indeed, but a will that relates only to other men, and not at
+the same time to those whose will it is. A resolution is presented when
+I have decided to get up at six every morning, or to leave off smoking,
+or to finish a piece of work within a specified time&mdash;here a human will
+is indeed the standard, but it relates only to him whose will it is, not
+at all to others.</p>
+
+<p>6. What is briefly summed up in the definition of the legal norm may, if
+one takes into account the explanations which have been given with this
+definition, be expanded as follows:</p>
+
+<p>Men will that a given procedure be generally observed within a circle
+which includes themselves, and their power is so great that their will
+is competent to affect the men of this circle in their procedure. When
+such is the condition of things, a legal norm exists.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">3.&mdash;THE STATE</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>The State is a legal relation by virtue of which a supreme authority
+exists in a certain territory.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. The State is a legal relation.</p>
+
+<p>A legal relation is the relation, determined by legal norms, of an
+obligated party, one to whom a procedure is prescribed, to an entitled
+party, one for whose sake it is prescribed. Thus, for instance, the
+legal relation of a loan is a relation of the borrower,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32"></a>[<a href="images/056.png">32</a>]</span> who is bound by
+the legal norms concerning loans, to the lender, for whose sake he is bound.</p>
+
+<p>The State is the legal relation of all the men who by legal norms are
+subjected to a supreme territorial authority, to all those for whose
+sake they are subjected to it. Here the circle of the entitled and the
+obligated is one and the same; the State is a bond upon all in favor of all.</p>
+
+<p>To this it might perhaps be objected that the State is not a legal
+relation but a person. But the two propositions, that an association of
+men is a person in the legal sense and that it is a legal relation, are
+quite compatible; nay, its attribute of personality is based mainly on
+its attribute of being a legal relation of a particular kind; law, in
+viewing the association in its outward relationships as a person, starts
+from the fact that men are bound together by a particular legal
+relation. A joint-stock corporation is a person not although, but
+because, it is a legal relation of a peculiar kind. And similarly, the
+fact that the State is a person is not only reconcilable with its being
+a legal relation, but is founded on its being a peculiar legal relation.</p>
+
+<p>2. As to the conditions of its existence, this legal relation is involuntary.</p>
+
+<p>A voluntary legal relation exists when legal norms make entrance into
+the relation conditional on actions of the obligated party, of which
+actions the purpose is to bring about the legal relation; for instance,
+entrance into the relation of tenancy is conditioned on agreeing to a
+lease. <i>Per contra</i>, an involuntary legal relation exists when legal
+norms do not make entrance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33"></a>[<a href="images/057.png">33</a>]</span> into the relation conditional on any such
+actions of the obligated party, as, for instance, a patent is not
+conditioned on any action of those who are bound by it, and the sentence
+of a criminal is at least not conditioned on any action whereby he
+intended to bring it about.</p>
+
+<p>If the State were a voluntary legal relation, a supreme authority could
+exist only for those inhabitants of a territory who had acknowledged it.
+But the supreme authority exists for all inhabitants of the territory,
+whether they have acknowledged it or not; the legal relation is
+therefore involuntary.</p>
+
+<p>3. The substance of this legal relation is, that a supreme authority
+exists in a territory.</p>
+
+<p>An authority exists in a territory by virtue of a legal relation when,
+according to the legal norms which found the relation, the will of some
+men&mdash;or even merely of a man&mdash;is regulative for the inhabitants of this
+territory. A supreme authority exists in a territory by virtue of a
+legal relation when according to those norms the will of some men is
+finally regulative for the inhabitants of the territory,&mdash;that is, is
+decisive when authorities disagree. What we here designate as a supreme
+authority, therefore, is not the men on whose will the legal norms in
+force in a territory are based, but rather their highest agents, whose
+will they would have finally regulative within the territory.</p>
+
+<p>What men it is whose will is finally regulative for the inhabitants of a
+territory by virtue of a legal relation&mdash;for instance, members of a
+royal family according to a certain order of inheritance, or persons<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34"></a>[<a href="images/058.png">34</a>]</span>
+elected according to a certain election law&mdash;depends on the legal norms
+by which the legal relation is determined. On these legal norms, too,
+depends the question within what limits the will of these men is
+regulative. But this limited nature of the authority does not stand in
+the way of its being a supreme authority; the highest agent need not be
+an agent with unrestricted powers.</p>
+
+<p>Here one might perhaps object that in federal States, in the German
+empire for instance, the individual States have not supreme authority.
+But in reality they have it. For, even if there are a multitude of
+subjects in reference to which the highest authority of the individual
+States of the German empire has to bow to the imperial authority, yet
+there are also subjects enough about which the highest authority of the
+individual States gives a final decision. As long as there are such
+subjects, a supreme authority exists in the individual States; if some
+day there should no longer be such, one could no longer speak of
+individual States.</p>
+
+<p>4. As a legal relation, by virtue of which a supreme authority exists in
+a territory, the State is distinguished from all other objects, even
+from those that most resemble it.</p>
+
+<p>By being a legal relation it is distinguished on the one hand from
+institutions such as would exist in a conceivable kingdom of God or of
+reason, on the basis of the moral law, and on the other hand from the
+dominion of a conqueror in the conquered country, which can never be
+anything but an arbitrary dominion.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35"></a>[<a href="images/059.png">35</a>]</span></p><p>Being an involuntary legal relation, the State is distinguished from a
+conceivable association of men who should set up a supreme authority
+among themselves by an agreement, as well as from leagues under
+international law, in which a supreme authority exists on the basis of an agreement.</p>
+
+<p>The fact that by virtue of a legal relation an authority over a
+territory is given distinguishes the State from the tribal community of
+nomads and from the Church; for in the former there is given an
+authority over people of a certain descent, in the latter over people of
+a certain faith, but in neither over people of a certain territory. And
+finally, in the fact that this territorial authority is a supreme
+authority lies the difference between the State and towns, counties, or
+provinces; in the latter there is indeed a territorial authority
+instituted, but one that by the very intent of its institution must bow
+to a higher authority.</p>
+
+<p>5. What is briefly summed up in the definition of the State may be
+expanded as follows, if one takes into consideration on the one hand the
+previous definition of a legal norm and on the other hand the above
+explanations of the definition of the State:</p>
+
+<p>Some inhabitants of a territory are so powerful that their will is
+competent to affect the inhabitants of this territory in their
+procedure, and these men will have it that for all the inhabitants of
+the territory, for themselves as well as for the rest, the will of men
+picked out in a certain way shall within certain limits be finally
+regulative. When such is the condition of things, a State exists.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36"></a>[<a href="images/060.png">36</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">4.&mdash;PROPERTY</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>Property is a legal relation, by virtue of which some one has, within a
+certain group of men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately disposing of a thing.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. Property is a legal relation.</p>
+
+<p>As has already been stated, a legal relation is the relation of an
+obligated party, one to whom a procedure is prescribed by legal norms,
+to an entitled party, one for whose sake it is prescribed.</p>
+
+<p>Property is the legal relation of all the members of a group of men who
+by legal norms are excluded from ultimately disposing of a thing, to
+him&mdash;or to those&mdash;for whose sake they are excluded from it. Here the
+circle of the obligated is much broader than that of the entitled; the
+former embraces, say, all the inhabitants of a territory or all who
+belong to a tribe, the latter only those among them in whom certain
+further conditions (for instance, transfer, prescription, appropriation) are fulfilled.</p>
+
+<p>2. As to the conditions of its existence, this legal relation is involuntary.</p>
+
+<p>As discussion has already shown, a voluntary legal relation exists when
+legal norms make entrance into the relation conditional on actions of
+the obligated party, of which actions the purpose is to bring about the
+legal relation; <i>per contra</i>, an involuntary legal relation exists when
+legal norms do not make entrance into the relation conditional on any
+such actions of the obligated party.</p>
+
+<p>If property were a voluntary legal relation, then there could be
+excluded from ultimately disposing of a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37"></a>[<a href="images/061.png">37</a>]</span> thing only those members of a
+group of men who had consented to this exclusion. But all members of the
+group&mdash;for instance, all the inhabitants of a territory, all who belong
+to a tribe&mdash;are excluded, whether they have consented or not.</p>
+
+<p>3. The substance of this legal relation consists in some one's having,
+within a certain group of men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately
+disposing of a thing.</p>
+
+<p>Some one's having, within a certain group of men, the exclusive
+privilege of ultimately disposing of a thing means that this group is
+excluded from the thing in his favor; that is, they must not hinder him
+from dealing with the thing according to his will, nor may they
+themselves deal with it against his will. Now, the exclusive disposition
+of a thing within a certain group of men may by virtue of a legal
+relation belong to several, part by part, in this way: that some&mdash;or
+one&mdash;of them have it in this or that particular respect (for instance,
+as to the usufruct), and one&mdash;or some&mdash;in all other respects which are
+not individually alienated. Whoever thus has, within a group of men, the
+exclusive disposition of a thing in all those respects which are not
+individually alienated, to him belongs, within that group, the exclusive
+privilege of ultimately disposing of the thing.</p>
+
+<p>To whom this belongs by virtue of the legal relation&mdash;whether, for
+instance, it belongs among others to him who by labor has made a thing
+into some new thing&mdash;depends on the legal norms by which the legal
+relation is determined. On them also depends the question, within what
+limits this belongs to him: the dispository authority of him to whom the
+exclusive<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38"></a>[<a href="images/062.png">38</a>]</span> disposition of a thing within a group of men ultimately
+belongs is limited not only by the dispository authority of those to
+whom the exclusive disposition within the group proximately belongs, but
+also by the limits within which such dispository authority is at all
+allowed to anybody in the group. Especially, it depends on these legal
+norms whether a privilege of exclusive ultimate disposition belongs to
+individuals as well as to corporations, or only to corporations, and
+whether it applies to every kind of things or only to one kind or another.</p>
+
+<p>4. As a legal relation by virtue of which some one has, within a certain
+group of men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately disposing of a
+thing, property is distinguished from all other objects, even from those
+which most resemble it.</p>
+
+<p>By being a legal relation it is distinguished from all the relations in
+which one has the exclusive ultimate disposition of a thing guaranteed
+to him solely by the reasonableness of the men who surround him, or
+solely by his own might, as might be the case in a conceivable kingdom
+of God or of reason, and as is often the case in a conquered country.</p>
+
+<p>Being an involuntary legal relation, it is distinguished from those
+legal relations by virtue of which the exclusive privilege of ultimately
+disposing of a thing belongs to some one solely on the ground of a
+contract, and solely as against the other contracting parties.</p>
+
+<p>That by virtue of this legal relation some one has, within a group of
+men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately disposing of a thing,
+distinguishes property<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39"></a>[<a href="images/063.png">39</a>]</span> from copyright, by virtue of which some one has
+exclusively, within a group of men, not the disposition of a thing, but
+somewhat else; and furthermore from rights in the property of others, by
+virtue of which some one has, within a group of men, the exclusive
+privilege of disposing of a thing, but not of ultimately disposing of it.</p>
+
+<p>5. What is briefly summed up in the definition of property may be
+expanded as follows, if one takes into consideration on the one hand the
+previously given definition of a legal norm, and on the other the above
+explanations of the definition of property.</p>
+
+<p>Some men are so powerful that their will is able to affect in its
+procedure a group of men which embraces them, and these men will have it
+that no member of this group shall, within certain limits, hinder a
+member picked out in a certain way from dealing with a thing according
+to his will, nor, within these limits, himself deal with the thing
+against the will of that member, so far as the will of another member is
+not already in particular respects regulative with respect to that thing
+equally with the will of that member. When such is the condition of
+things, property exists.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<blockquote><p>[Distinguishing the State from arbitrary dominion as he here does
+(<a href="#Page_34">p. 34</a>), and then saying that Anarchism consists
+solely in the negation of the State, Eltzbacher implies the unsound
+conclusion that Anarchism does not involve the negation of
+arbitrary dominion. This is because he incautiously takes the word
+of the learned public that the only cardinal points of Anarchism
+are law, the State, and property, without making sure that those
+who say this are using the term "State" in the precise sense
+defined by him. But are not many of his "arbitrary commands" law
+and State by his definitions? Every robber in his band (<a href="#Page_31">p. 31</a>) is as much required to keep the secret as are
+the peasantry, and under the same penalties. In restraining a
+subject population I restrict my liberty of emigration or
+investment, and forbid myself to be an accomplice in certain things.]</p></blockquote>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40"></a>[<a href="images/064.png">40</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER III</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>GODWIN'S TEACHING</span> <span class="smaller">1.&mdash;GENERAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>1. William Godwin was born in 1756 at Wisbeach, Cambridgeshire. He
+studied theology at Hoxton, beginning in 1773. In 1778 he became
+preacher at Ware, Hertfordshire; in 1780, preacher at Stowmarket,
+Suffolk. In 1782 he gave up this position. From this time on he lived in
+London as an author. He died there in 1836.</p>
+
+<p>Godwin published numerous works in the departments of philosophy,
+economics, and history; also stories, tragedies, and juvenile books.</p>
+
+<p>2. Godwin's teaching about law, the State, and property is contained
+mainly in the two-volume work "An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice
+and its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness" (1793).</p>
+
+<p>"The printing of this treatise," says Godwin himself, "was commenced
+long before the composition was finished. The ideas of the author became
+more perspicuous and digested as his inquiries advanced. This
+circumstance has led him into some inaccuracies of language and
+reasoning, particularly in the earlier part of the work. He did not
+enter upon the subject without being aware that government by its very
+nature counteracts the improvement of individual intellect; but he
+understood the proposition more completely as he proceeded, and saw more
+distinctly into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41"></a>[<a href="images/065.png">41</a>]</span> the nature of the remedy."<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Godwin's teaching is
+here presented exclusively in the developed form which it shows in the
+second part of the work.</p>
+
+<p>3. Godwin does not call his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." Yet this word causes him no terror. "Anarchy is a horrible
+calamity, but it is less horrible than despotism. Where anarchy has
+slain its hundreds, despotism has sacrificed millions upon millions,
+with this only effect, to perpetuate the ignorance, the vices, and the
+misery of mankind. Anarchy is a short-lived mischief, while despotism is
+all but immortal. It is unquestionably a dreadful remedy, for the people
+to yield to all their furious passions, till the spectacle of their
+effects gives strength to recovering reason: but, though it be a
+dreadful remedy, it is a sure one."<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;BASIS</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>According to Godwin, our supreme law is the general welfare.</i></p>
+
+<p>What is the general welfare? "Its nature is defined by the nature of
+mind."<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> It is unchangeable; as long as men are men it remains the
+same.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> "That will most contribute to it which expands the
+understanding, supplies incitements to virtue, fills us with a generous
+consciousness of our independence, and carefully removes whatever can
+impede our exertions."<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p>
+
+<p>The general welfare is our supreme law. "Duty is that mode of action on
+the part of the individual,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42"></a>[<a href="images/066.png">42</a>]</span> which constitutes the best possible
+application of his capacity to the general benefit."<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> "Justice is the
+sum of all moral duty;"<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> "if there be such a thing, I am bound to do
+for the general weal everything in my power."<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> "Virtue is a desire to
+promote the benefit of intelligent beings in general, the quantity of
+virtue being as the quantity of desire;"<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> "the last perfection of
+this feeling consists in that state of mind which bids us rejoice as
+fully in the good that is done by others, as if it were done by
+ourselves."<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The truly wise man"<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> strives only for the welfare of the whole. He
+is "actuated neither by interest nor ambition, the love of honor nor the
+love of fame. [He knows no jealousy. He is not disquieted by the
+comparison of what he has attained with what others have attained, but
+by the comparison with what ought to be attained.] He has a duty indeed
+obliging him to seek the good of the whole; but that good is his only
+object. If that good be effected by another hand, he feels no
+disappointment. All men are his fellow laborers, but he is the rival of
+no man."<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">3.&mdash;LAW</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>Looking to the general good, Godwin rejects law, not only for
+particular local and temporary conditions, but altogether.</i></p>
+
+<p>"Law is an institution of the most pernicious tendency."<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> "The
+institution once begun, can never be brought to a close. No action of
+any man was ever the same as any other action, had ever the same <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43"></a>[<a href="images/067.png">43</a>]</span>degree
+of utility or injury. As new cases occur, the law is perpetually found
+deficient. It is therefore perpetually necessary to make new laws. The
+volume in which justice records her prescriptions is for ever
+increasing, and the world would not contain the books that might be
+written."<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> "The consequence of the infinitude of law is its
+uncertainty. Law was made that a plain man might know what he had to
+expect, and yet the most skilful practitioners differ about the event of
+my suit."<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> "A farther consideration is that it is of the nature of
+prophecy. Its task is to describe what will be the actions of mankind,
+and to dictate decisions respecting them."<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Law we sometimes call the wisdom of our ancestors. But this is a
+strange imposition. It was as frequently the dictate of their passion,
+of timidity, jealousy, a monopolizing spirit, and a lust of power that
+knew no bounds. Are we not obliged perpetually to revise and remodel
+this misnamed wisdom of our ancestors? to correct it by a detection of
+their ignorance, and a censure of their intolerance?"<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> "Legislation,
+as it has been usually understood, is not an affair of human competence.
+Reason is [our sole legislator, and her decrees are unchangeable and
+everywhere the same.]"<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> "Men cannot do more than declare and
+interpret law; nor can there be an authority so paramount, as to have
+the prerogative of making that to be law, which abstract and immutable
+justice had not made to be law previously to that interposition."<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44"></a>[<a href="images/068.png">44</a>]</span></p><p>To be sure, "it must be admitted that we are imperfect, ignorant, and
+slaves of appearances."<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> But "whatever inconveniences may arise from
+the passions of men, the introduction of fixed laws cannot be the
+genuine remedy."<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> "As long as a man is held in the trammels of
+obedience, and habituated to look to some foreign guidance for the
+direction of his conduct, his understanding and the vigor of his mind
+will sleep. Do I desire to raise him to the energy of which he is
+capable? I must teach him to feel himself, to bow to no authority, to
+examine the principles he entertains, and render to his mind the reason
+of his conduct."<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>The general welfare requires that in future it itself should be
+men's rule of action in place of the law.</i></p>
+
+<p>"If every shilling of our property, [every hour of our time,] and every
+faculty of our mind, have received their destination from the principles
+of unalterable justice,"<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> that is, of the general good,<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> then no
+other decree can any longer control it. "The true principle which ought
+to be substituted in the room of law, is that of reason exercising an
+uncontrolled jurisdiction upon the circumstances of the case."<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p>
+
+<p>"To this principle no objection can arise on the score of wisdom. It is
+not to be supposed that there are not men now existing, whose
+intellectual accomplishments rise to the level of law. But, if men can
+be found among us whose wisdom is equal to the wisdom of law, it will
+scarcely be maintained, that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45"></a>[<a href="images/069.png">45</a>]</span> truths they have to communicate will
+be the worse for having no authority, but that which they derive from
+the reasons that support them."<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The juridical decisions that were made immediately after the abolition
+of law, would differ little from those during its empire. They would be
+the decisions of prejudice and habit. But habit, having lost the centre
+about which it revolved, would diminish in the regularity of its
+operations. Those to whom the arbitration of any question was entrusted
+would frequently recollect that the whole case was committed to their
+deliberation, and they could not fail occasionally to examine
+themselves, respecting the reason of those principles which had hitherto
+passed uncontroverted. Their understandings would grow enlarged, in
+proportion as they felt the importance of their trust, and the unbounded
+freedom of their investigation. Here then would commence an auspicious
+order of things, of which no understanding man at present in existence
+can foretell the result, the dethronement of implicit faith, and the
+inauguration of unclouded justice."<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">4.&mdash;THE STATE</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>Since Godwin unconditionally rejects law, he necessarily has to
+reject the State as unconditionally. Nay, he regards it as a legal
+institution peculiarly repugnant to the general welfare.</i></p>
+
+<p>Some base the State on force, others on divine right, others on
+contract.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> But "the hypothesis of force appears to proceed upon the
+total negation of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46"></a>[<a href="images/070.png">46</a>]</span> abstract and immutable justice, affirming every
+government to be right, that is possessed of power sufficient to enforce
+its decrees. It puts a violent termination upon all political science,
+and is calculated for nothing farther than to persuade men, to sit down
+quietly under their present disadvantages, whatever they may be, and not
+exert themselves to discover a remedy for the evils they suffer. The
+second hypothesis is of an equivocal nature. It either coincides with
+the first, and affirms all existing power to be alike of divine
+derivation; or it must remain totally useless, till a criterion can be
+found, to distinguish those governments which are approved by God, from
+those which cannot lay claim to that sanction."<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> The third hypothesis
+would mean that one "should make over to another the control of his
+conscience and the judging of his duties."<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> "But we cannot renounce
+our moral independence; it is a property that we can neither sell nor
+give away; and consequently no government can derive its authority from
+an original contract."<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p>
+
+<p>"All government corresponds in a certain degree to what the Greeks
+denominated a tyranny. The difference is, that in despotic countries
+mind is depressed by a uniform usurpation; while in republics it
+preserves a greater portion of its activity, and the usurpation more
+easily conforms itself to the fluctuations of opinion."<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> "By its very
+nature positive institution has a tendency to suspend the elasticity and
+progress of mind."<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> "We should not forget that <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47"></a>[<a href="images/071.png">47</a>]</span>government is,
+abstractedly taken, an evil, a usurpation upon the private judgment and
+individual conscience of mankind."<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>The general welfare demands that a social human life based solely
+on its precepts should take the place of the State.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. Men are to live together in society even after the abolition of the
+State. "A fundamental distinction exists between society and government.
+Men associated at first for the sake of mutual assistance."<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> It was
+not till later that restraint appeared in these associations, in
+consequence of the errors and perverseness of a few. "Society and
+government are different in themselves, and have different origins.
+Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness.
+Society is in every state a blessing; government even in its best state
+but a necessary evil."<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p>
+
+<p>But what is to hold men together in "society without government"?<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>
+Not a promise,<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> at any rate. No promise can bind me; for either what
+I have promised is good, then I must do it even if there had been no
+promise; or it is bad, then not even the promise can make it my
+duty.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> "The fact that I have committed an error does not oblige me to
+make myself guilty of a second also."<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> "Suppose I had promised a sum
+of money for a good and worthy object. In the interval between the
+promise and its fulfilment a greater and nobler object presents itself
+to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48"></a>[<a href="images/072.png">48</a>]</span> me, and imperiously demands my co-operation. To which shall I give
+the preference? To the one that deserves it. My promise can make no
+difference. I must be guided by the value of things, not by an external
+and alien point of view. But the value of things is not affected by my
+having taken upon me an obligation."<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Common deliberation regarding the general good"<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> is to hold men
+together in societies hereafter. This is highly in harmony with the
+general welfare. "That a nation should exercise undiminished its
+function of common deliberation, is a step gained, and a step that
+inevitably leads to an improvement of the character of individuals. That
+men should agree in the assertion of truth, is no unpleasing evidence of
+their virtue. Lastly, that an individual, however great may be his
+imaginary elevation, should be obliged to yield his personal pretensions
+to the sense of the community, at least bears the appearance of a
+practical confirmation of the great principle, that all private
+considerations must yield to the general good."<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The societies are to be small, and to have as little intercourse with
+each other as possible.</p>
+
+<p>Small territories are everywhere to administer their affairs
+independently.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> "No association of men, so long as they adhered to
+the principles of reason, could possibly have any interest in extending
+their territory."<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> "Whatever evils are included in the abstract idea
+of government, are all of them extremely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49"></a>[<a href="images/073.png">49</a>]</span> aggravated by the
+extensiveness of its jurisdiction, and softened under circumstances of
+an opposite species. Ambition, which may be no less formidable than a
+pestilence in the former, has no room to unfold itself in the latter.
+Popular commotion is like the waves of the sea, capable where the
+surface is large of producing the most tragical effects, but mild and
+innocuous when confined within the circuit of a humble lake. Sobriety
+and equity are the obvious characteristics of a limited
+circle."<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>&mdash;"The desire to gain a more extensive territory, to conquer
+or to hold in awe our neighboring States, to surpass them in arts or
+arms, is a desire founded in prejudice and error. Power is not
+happiness. Security and peace are more to be desired than a name at
+which nations tremble. Mankind are brethren. We associate in a
+particular district or under a particular climate, because association
+is necessary to our internal tranquillity, or to defend us against the
+wanton attacks of a common enemy. But the rivalship of nations is a
+creature of the imagination."<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p>
+
+<p>The little independently-administered territories are to have as little
+to do with each other as possible. "Individuals cannot have too frequent
+or unlimited intercourse with each other; but societies of men have no
+interests to explain and adjust, except so far as error and violence may
+render explanation necessary. This consideration annihilates at once the
+principal objects of that mysterious and crooked policy which has
+hitherto occupied the attention of governments. Before this principle
+officers of the army and the navy,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50"></a>[<a href="images/074.png">50</a>]</span> ambassadors and negotiators, and all
+the train of artifices that has been invented to hold other nations at
+bay, to penetrate their secrets, to traverse their machinations, to form
+alliances and counter-alliances, sink into nothing."<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. But how are the functions that the State performs at present to be
+performed in the future societies? "Government can have no more than two
+legitimate purposes, the suppression of injustice against individuals
+within the community" (which includes the settling of controversies
+between different districts<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>), "and the common defence against
+external invasion."<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The first of these purposes, which alone can have an uninterrupted
+claim upon us, is sufficiently answered by an association of such an
+extent as to afford room for the institution of a jury, to decide upon
+the offences of individuals within the community, and upon the questions
+and controversies respecting property which may chance to arise."<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>
+This jury would decide not according to any system of law, but according
+to reason.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>&mdash;"It might be easy indeed for an offender to escape from
+the limits of so petty a jurisdiction; and it might seem necessary at
+first that the neighboring parishes or jurisdictions should be governed
+in a similar manner, or at least should be willing, whatever was their
+form of government, to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51"></a>[<a href="images/075.png">51</a>]</span>co-operate with us in the removal or reformation
+of an offender whose present habits were alike injurious to us and to
+them. But there will be no need of any express compact, and still less
+of any common centre of authority, for this purpose. General justice and
+mutual interest are found more capable of binding men than signatures
+and seals."<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p>
+
+<p>The second function would present itself to us only from time to time.
+"However irrational might be the controversy of parish with parish in
+such a state of society, it would not be the less possible. Such
+emergencies can only be provided against by the concert of several
+districts, declaring and, if needful, enforcing the dictates of
+justice."<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Foreign invasions too would make such a concert necessary,
+and would to this extent resemble those controversies.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> Therefore it
+would be "necessary upon certain occasions to have recourse to national
+assemblies, or in other words assemblies instituted for the joint
+purpose of adjusting the differences between district and district, and
+of consulting respecting the best mode of repelling foreign
+invasion."<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>&mdash;But they "ought to be employed as sparingly as the
+nature of the case will admit."<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> For, in the first place, the
+decision is given by the number of votes, and "is determined, at best,
+by the weakest heads in the assembly, but, as it not less frequently
+happens, by the most corrupt and dishonorable intentions."<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> In the
+second place, as a rule the members are guided in their decisions by
+all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52"></a>[<a href="images/076.png">52</a>]</span> sorts of external reasons, and not solely by the results of their
+free reflection.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> In the third place, they are forced to waste their
+strength on petty matters, while they cannot possibly let themselves be
+quietly influenced by argument.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> Therefore national assemblies should
+"either never be elected but upon extraordinary emergencies, like the
+dictator of the ancient Romans, or else sit periodically, one day for
+example in a year, with a power of continuing their sessions within a
+certain limit. The former is greatly to be preferred."<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p>
+
+<p>But what would be the authority of these national assemblies and those
+juries? Mankind is so corrupted by present institutions that at first
+the issuing of commands, and some degree of coercion, would be
+necessary; but later it would be sufficient for juries to recommend a
+certain mode of adjusting controversies, and for national assemblies to
+invite their constituencies to co-operate for the common advantage.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>
+"If juries might at length cease to decide and be contented to invite,
+if force might gradually be withdrawn and reason trusted alone, shall we
+not one day find that juries themselves, and every other species of
+public institution, may be laid aside as unnecessary? Will not the
+reasonings of one wise man be as effectual as those of twelve? Will not
+the competence of one individual to instruct his neighbors be a matter
+of sufficient notoriety, without the formality of an election? Will
+there be many vices to correct and much obstinacy to conquer? This is
+one of the most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53"></a>[<a href="images/077.png">53</a>]</span> memorable stages of human improvement. With what
+delight must every well-informed friend of mankind look forward to the
+auspicious period, the dissolution of political government, of that
+brute engine, which has been the only perennial cause of the vices of
+mankind, and which has mischiefs of various sorts incorporated with its
+substance, and no otherwise to be removed than by its utter
+annihilation!"<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">5.&mdash;PROPERTY</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>In consequence of his unconditional rejection of law, Godwin
+necessarily has to reject property also without any limitation. Nay,
+property, or, as he expresses himself, "the present system of
+property,"</i><a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>&mdash;<i>that is, the distribution of wealth at present
+established by law,&mdash;appears to him to be a legal institution that is
+peculiarly injurious to the general welfare.</i> "The wisdom of law-makers
+and parliaments has been applied to creating the most wretched and
+senseless distribution of property, which mocks alike at human nature
+and at the principles of justice."<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p>
+
+<p>The present system of property distributes commodities in the most
+unequal and most arbitrary way. "On account of the accident of birth, it
+piles upon a single man enormous wealth. If one who has been a beggar
+becomes a well-to-do man, we usually know that he has not precisely his
+honesty or usefulness to thank for this change. It is often hard enough
+for the most diligent and industrious member of society to preserve his
+family from starvation."<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> "And if I<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54"></a>[<a href="images/078.png">54</a>]</span> receive the reward of my work,
+they give me a hundred times more food than I can eat, and a hundred
+times more clothes than I can wear. Where is the justice in this? If I
+am the greatest benefactor of the human race, is that a reason for
+giving me what I do not need, especially when my superfluity might be of
+the greatest use to thousands?"<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p>
+
+<p>This unequal distribution of commodities is altogether opposed to the
+general welfare. It hampers intellectual progress. "Accumulated property
+treads the powers of thought in the dust, extinguishes the sparks of
+genius, and reduces the great mass of mankind to be immersed in sordid
+cares, beside depriving the rich of the most salubrious and effectual
+motives to activity."<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> And the rich man can buy with his superfluity
+"nothing but glitter and envy, nothing but the dismal pleasure of
+restoring to the poor man as alms that to which reason gives him an
+undeniable right."<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p>
+
+<p>But the unequal distribution of commodities is also a hindrance to moral
+perfection. In the rich it produces ambition, vanity, and ostentation;
+in the poor, oppression, servility, and fraud, and, in consequence of
+these, envy, malice, and revenge.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> "The rich man stands forward as
+the principal object of general esteem and deference. In vain are
+sobriety, integrity, and industry, in vain the sublimest powers of mind
+and the most ardent benevolence, if their possessor be narrowed in his
+circumstances. To acquire wealth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55"></a>[<a href="images/079.png">55</a>]</span> and to display it, is therefore the
+universal passion."<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> "Force would have died away as reason and
+civilization advanced, but accumulated property has fixed its
+empire."<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> "The fruitful source of crimes consists in this
+circumstance, one man's possessing in abundance that of which another
+man is destitute."<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>The general welfare demands that a distribution of commodities
+based solely on its precepts should take the place of property.</i> When
+Godwin uses the expression "property" for that portion of commodities
+which is assigned to an individual by these precepts, he does so only in
+a transferred sense; only a portion assigned by law can be designated as
+property in the strict sense.</p>
+
+<p>Now, according to the decrees of the general welfare, every man should
+have the means for a good life.</p>
+
+<p>1. "How is it to be decided whether an object that may be used for the
+benefit of man shall be my property or yours? There is only one answer;
+according to justice."<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> "The laws of different countries dispose of
+property in a thousand different ways; but only one of them can be most
+consonant with justice."<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p>
+
+<p>Justice demands in the first place that every man have the means for
+life. "Our animal needs, it is well known, consist in food, clothing,
+and shelter. If justice means anything, nothing can be more unjust than
+that any man lacks these and at the same time another has too much of
+them. But justice does not stop here. So far as the general stock of
+commodities holds out, every one has a claim not only to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56"></a>[<a href="images/080.png">56</a>]</span> means for
+life, but to the means for a good life. It is unjust that a man works to
+the point of destroying his health or his life, while another riots in
+superfluity. It is unjust that a man has not leisure to cultivate his
+mind, while another does not move a finger for the general
+welfare."<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. Such a "state of equality"<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> would advance the general welfare in
+the highest degree. In it labor would become "so light, as rather to
+assume the appearance of agreeable relaxation, and gentle
+exercise."<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> "Every man would have a frugal, yet wholesome diet;
+every man would go forth to that moderate exercise of his corporal
+functions that would give hilarity to the spirits; none would be made
+torpid with fatigue, but all would have leisure to cultivate the kindly
+and philanthropical affections, and to let loose his faculties in the
+search of intellectual improvement."<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p>
+
+<p>"How rapid would be the advances of intellect, if all men were admitted
+into the field of knowledge! It is to be presumed that the inequality of
+mind would in a certain degree be permanent; but it is reasonable to
+believe that the geniuses of such an age would far surpass the greatest
+exertions of intellect that are at present known."<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p>
+
+<p>And the moral progress would be as great as the intellectual. The vices
+which are inseparably joined to the present system of property "would
+inevitably expire in a state of society where men lived in the midst of
+plenty, and where all shared alike the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57"></a>[<a href="images/081.png">57</a>]</span>bounties of nature. The narrow
+principle of selfishness would vanish. No man being obliged to guard his
+little store, or provide with anxiety and pain for his restless wants,
+each would lose his individual existence in the thought of the general
+good. No man would be an enemy to his neighbor, for they would have no
+subject of contention; and of consequence philanthropy would resume the
+empire which reason assigns her."<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. But how could such a distribution of commodities be effected in a
+particular case?</p>
+
+<p>"As soon as law was abolished, men would begin to inquire after equity.
+In this situation let us suppose a litigated succession brought before
+them, to which there were five heirs, and that the sentence of their old
+legislation had directed the division of this property into five equal
+shares. They would begin to inquire into the wants and situation of the
+claimants. The first we will suppose to have a fair character and be
+prosperous in the world: he is a respectable member of society, but
+farther wealth would add little either to his usefulness or his
+enjoyments. The second is a miserable object, perishing with want, and
+overwhelmed with calamity. The third, though poor, is yet tranquil; but
+there is a situation to which his virtue leads him to aspire and in
+which he may be of uncommon service, but which he cannot with propriety
+accept, without a capital equal to two-fifths of the whole succession.
+One of the claimants is an unmarried woman past the age of
+child-bearing. Another is a widow, unprovided, and with a numerous
+family<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58"></a>[<a href="images/082.png">58</a>]</span> depending on her succor. The first question that would suggest
+itself to unprejudiced persons having the allotment of this succession
+referred to their unlimited decision, would be, what justice is there in
+the indiscriminate partition which has hitherto prevailed?"<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> And
+their answer could not be doubtful.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">6.&mdash;REALIZATION</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>The change which is called for by the general welfare should, according
+to Godwin, be effected by those who have recognized the truth persuading
+others how necessary the change is for the general welfare, so that law,
+the State, and property would spontaneously disappear and the new
+condition would take their place.</i></p>
+
+<p>I. The sole requirement is to convince men that the general welfare
+demands the change.</p>
+
+<p>1. Every other way is to be rejected. "Our judgment will always suspect
+those weapons that can be used with equal prospect of success on both
+sides. Therefore we should regard all force with aversion. When we enter
+the lists of battle, we quit the sure domain of truth and leave the
+decision to the caprice of chance. The phalanx of reason is
+invulnerable; it moves forward with calm, sure step, and nothing can
+withstand it. But, when we lay aside arguments, and have recourse to the
+sword, the case is altered. Amidst the clamorous din of civil war, who
+shall tell whether the event will be prosperous or adverse? We must
+therefore distinguish carefully between <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59"></a>[<a href="images/083.png">59</a>]</span>instructing the people and
+exciting them. We must refuse indignation, rage, and passion, and desire
+only sober reflection, clear judgment, and fearless discussion."<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The point is to convince men as generally as possible. Only when this
+is accomplished can acts of violence be avoided. "Why did the revolution
+in France and America find all sorts and conditions of men almost
+unanimous, while the resistance to Charles the First divided our nation
+into two equal parties? Because the latter occurred in the seventeenth
+century, the former at the end of the eighteenth. Because at the time of
+the revolutions in France and America philosophy had already developed
+some of the great truths of political science, and under the influence
+of Sydney and Locke, of Montesquieu and Rousseau, a number of strong and
+thoughtful minds had perceived what an evil force is. If these
+revolutions had taken place still later, not a drop of civic blood would
+have been shed by civic hands, not in a single case would force have
+been used against persons or things."<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. The means to convince men as generally as possible of the necessity
+of a change consist in "proof and persuasion. The best warrant of a
+happy outcome lies in free, unrestricted discussion. In this arena truth
+must always be victor. If, therefore, we would improve the social
+institutions of mankind, we must seek to convince by spoken and written
+words. This activity has no limits; this endeavor admits of no
+interruption. Every means must be used, not so<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60"></a>[<a href="images/084.png">60</a>]</span> much to draw men's
+attention and bring them over to our opinion by persuasion, as rather to
+remove every barrier to thought and to open to everybody the temple of
+science and the field of study."<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Therefore the man who has at heart the regeneration of his species
+should always bear in mind two principles, to regard hourly progress in
+the discovery and dissemination of truth as essential, and calmly to let
+years pass before he urges the carrying into effect of his teaching.
+With all his prudence, it may be that the boisterous multitude will
+hurry ahead of the calm, quiet progress of reason; then he will not
+condemn the revolution that takes place some years before the time set
+by wisdom. But if he is ruled by strict prudence he can without doubt
+frustrate many over-hasty attempts, and considerably prolong the general
+quietness."<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p>
+
+<p>"This does not mean, as one might think, that the changing of our
+conditions lies at an immeasurable distance. It is the nature of human
+affairs that great alterations take place suddenly, and great
+discoveries are made unexpectedly, as it were accidentally. When I
+cultivate a young person's mind, when I exert myself to influence that
+of an older person, it will long seem as if I had accomplished little,
+and the fruits will show themselves when I least expect them. The
+kingdom of truth comes quietly. The seed of virtue may spring up when it
+was fancied to be lost."<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> "If the true philanthropist but tirelessly
+proclaims the truth and vigilantly opposes all that hinders its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61"></a>[<a href="images/085.png">61</a>]</span>
+progress, he may look forward, with heart at rest, to a speedy and
+favorable outcome."<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. As soon as the conviction that the general welfare demands a change
+in our condition has made itself generally felt, law, the State, and
+property will disappear spontaneously and give way to the new condition.
+"Reform, under this meaning of the term, can scarcely be considered as
+of the nature of action. [It is a general enlightenment.] Men feel their
+situation; and the restraints that shackled them before, vanish like a
+deception. When such a crisis has arrived, not a sword will need to be
+drawn, not a finger to be lifted up in purposes of violence. The
+adversaries will be too few and too feeble, to be able to entertain a
+serious thought of resistance against the universal sense of
+mankind."<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p>
+
+<p>In what way may the change of our conditions take place?</p>
+
+<p>1. "The opinion most popular in France at the time that the national
+convention entered upon its functions, was that the business of the
+convention extended only to the presenting a draft of a constitution, to
+be submitted in the sequel to the approbation of the districts, and then
+only to be considered as law."<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The first idea that suggests itself respecting this opinion is, that,
+if constitutional laws ought to be subjected to the revision of the
+districts, then all laws ought to undergo the same process. [But if the
+approbation of the districts to any declarations is not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62"></a>[<a href="images/086.png">62</a>]</span> to be delusive,
+the discussion of these declarations in the districts must be unlimited.
+Then] a transaction will be begun to which it is not easy to foresee a
+termination. Some districts will object to certain articles; and, if
+these articles be modeled to obtain their approbation, it is possible
+that the very alteration introduced to please one part of the community
+may render the code less acceptable to another."<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p>
+
+<p>"This principle of a consent of districts has an immediate tendency, by
+a salutary gradation perhaps, to lead to the dissolution of all
+government."<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> It is indeed "desirable that the most important acts
+of the national representatives should be subject to the approbation or
+rejection of the districts whose representatives they are, for exactly
+the same reason as it is desirable that the acts of the districts
+themselves should, as speedily as practicability will admit, be in force
+only so far as relates to the individuals by whom those acts are
+approved."<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. This system would have the effect, first, that the constitution would
+be very short. The impracticability of obtaining the free approbation of
+a great number of districts to an extensive code would speedily manifest
+itself; and the whole constitution might consist of a scheme for the
+division of the country into parts equal in their population, and the
+fixing of stated periods for the election of a national assembly, not to
+say that the latter of these articles may very probably be dispensed
+with.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63"></a>[<a href="images/087.png">63</a>]</span></p><p>A second effect would be, that it would soon be found a proceeding
+unnecessarily circuitous to send laws to the districts for their
+revision, unless in cases essential to the general safety, and that in
+as many instances as possible the districts would be suffered to make
+laws for themselves. "Thus, that which was at first a great empire with
+legislative unity would speedily be transformed into a confederacy of
+lesser republics, with a general congress or Amphictyonic council,
+answering the purpose of a point of co-operation upon extraordinary
+occasions."<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></p>
+
+<p>A third effect would consist in the gradual cessation of legislation. "A
+great assembly collected from the different provinces of an extensive
+territory, and constituted the sole legislator of those by whom the
+territory is inhabited, immediately conjures up to itself an idea of the
+vast multitude of laws that are necessary. A large city, impelled by the
+principles of commercial jealousy, is not slow to digest the volume of
+its by-laws and exclusive privileges. But the inhabitants of a small
+parish, living with some degree of that simplicity which best
+corresponds with nature, would soon be led to suspect that general laws
+were unnecessary, and would adjudge the causes that came before them,
+not according to certain axioms previously written, but according to the
+circumstances and demands of each particular cause."<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a></p>
+
+<p>A fourth effect would be that the abrogation of property would be
+favored. "All equalization of rank and station strongly tends toward an
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64"></a>[<a href="images/088.png">64</a>]</span>equalization of possessions."<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> So not only the lower orders, but
+also the higher, would see the injustice of the present distribution of
+property.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> "The rich and great are far from callous to views of
+general felicity, when such views are brought before them with that
+evidence and attraction of which they are susceptible."<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> But even so
+far as they might think only of their own emolument and ease, it would
+not be difficult to show them that it is in vain to fight against truth,
+and dangerous to bring upon themselves the hatred of the people, and
+that it might be to their own interest to make up their minds to
+concessions at least.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Godwin pp. IX-X [1. VI-VII].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 548-9 [2. 132-3].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 90 [1, 120].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 150 [1, 164].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 90 [1, 120-21].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Godwin p. 101 [1. 134].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 150, 80 [1. 120, 112].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 81 [1. 117-18?].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 254 [1. 253].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 360-61 [1.?42].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 361. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 361 [1. 342; bracketed words omitted in ed. 2]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 771 [2. 294].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Godwin pp. 766-7 [2. 290-91].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 768 [2. 291].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 769 [2. 292].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 773 [2. 295].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 166 [1. 182, except bracketed words].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 381 [2. 3]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Godwin p. 774 [2. 296].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 775 [2. 296].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 776 [2. 297].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 151 [1. 165, except bracketed words].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 121, 81 [1. 145, 118].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 773 [2. 295].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Godwin pp. 773-4 [2. 295].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 778 [2. 298-9].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 140-1 [1. 156].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Godwin p. 141 [2. 156]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 148. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 149. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 572 [2. 149-50].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 185 [1. 200].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Godwin p. 380 [2. 2].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 79 [1. 111].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 79 [1. 111; credited to Paine's "Common Sense,"
+p. 1].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 788 [2. 305].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 163 [1. 174-6? 180?].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 151 [1. 164-5; but see <i>per contra</i> p. 170].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 156. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Godwin p. 151. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 161-2 [1. 179].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 164-5 [1. 181].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 561 [2. 142].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 566 [2. 145].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Godwin p. 562 [2. 142].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 559 [2. 140].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Godwin p. 561 [2. 141. Obviously Eltzbacher has
+misunderstood this passage. His German translation shows that he mistook
+"interests" for "interest" in the sense of "incentive." Note also that
+Godwin expressly restricts the application of this paragraph, even in
+its right sense, on pp. 111, 145].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 566 [2. 145].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 564 [2. 144].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 564-5 [2. 144].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 773, 778, 779-80 [2. 295, 298-300].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Godwin p. 565 [2. 144].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 566 [2. 145].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 566 [2. 145].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 573-4 [2. 150-51].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 573-4 [2. 150-51].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 568-9, 571-2 [2. 146, 149].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Godwin pp. 569-70 [2. 148].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 570-71 [2. 148-49].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 574 [2. 151]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 576-8 [2. 152-3].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Godwin pp. 578-9 [2. 154]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 794 [2. 326].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 803. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 794. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Godwin p. 795. [Not in ed. 2; cf. 2. 312].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 806 [2. 335].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 795. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 811, 810 [2. 339, 338&mdash;but the words "in the
+poor" seem to be added out of Eltzbacher's head].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Godwin p. 802 [2. 332].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 809 [2. 338]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 809 [2. 337]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 789. [Not in ed. 2; cf. 2. 306-7.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 790. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Godwin pp. 790-91. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 821 [2. 351].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 821 [2. 352]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 806 [2. 335].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 807 [2. 336].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Godwin p. 810 [2. 338].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Godwin pp. 779-80 [2. 299-300].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Godwin p. 203 [1, 223, only the two sentences beginning
+at "But"].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 203-4. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Godwin pp. 202-3. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 204. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 223. [Not in ed. 2; cf. 1. 226.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Godwin p. 225. [Not in ed. 2.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 222-3 [1. 222, except bracketed words].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 657-8 [2. 210].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Godwin pp. 658-9 [2. 211-12; bracketed words a
+paraphrase].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 659-60 [2. 212].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 660 [2. 212].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 660-61 [2. 212-13].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Godwin pp. 661-2 [2. 213-14].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 662 [2. 214].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Godwin p. 888 [cf. 2. 396].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 888-9 [2. 396].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 882-3 [2. 392].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 883-84 [2. 393].</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65"></a>[<a href="images/089.png">65</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER IV</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>PROUDHON'S TEACHING</span> <span class="smaller">1.&mdash;GENERAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>1. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was born at Besan&ccedil;on in 1809. At first he
+followed the occupation of a printer there and in other cities. In 1838
+a stipend of the Academy of Besan&ccedil;on enabled him to go to Paris for
+scientific studies. In 1843 he took a mercantile position at Lyons. In
+1847 he gave it up and moved to Paris.</p>
+
+<p>Here, in the years from 1848 to 1850, Proudhon published several
+periodicals, one after the other. In 1848 he became a member of the
+National Assembly. In 1849 he founded a People's Bank. Soon after this
+he was condemned to three years' imprisonment for an offence against the
+press laws, and served his time without having to interrupt his activity
+as an author.</p>
+
+<p>In 1852 Proudhon was released from prison. He remained in Paris till, in
+1858, he was again condemned to three years' imprisonment for an offence
+against the press laws. He fled and settled in Brussels. In 1860 he was
+pardoned, and returned to France. Thenceforth he lived at Passy. He died
+there in 1865.</p>
+
+<p>Proudhon published many books and other writings, especially in the
+fields of jurisprudence, political economy, and politics.</p>
+
+<p>2. Of special importance for Proudhon's teaching about law, the State,
+and property are, among the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66"></a>[<a href="images/090.png">66</a>]</span> writings before 1848, the book "<i>Qu'est-ce
+que la propri&eacute;t&eacute;? ou recherches sur le principe du droit et du
+gouvernement</i>" (1840) and the two-volume work "<i>Syst&egrave;me des
+contradictions &eacute;conomiques, ou philosophie de la mis&egrave;re</i>" (1846); among
+the writings from 1848 to 1851 the "<i>Confessions d'un r&eacute;volutionnaire</i>"
+(1849) and the "<i>Id&eacute;e g&eacute;n&eacute;rale de la r&eacute;volution au XIXe si&egrave;cle</i>" (1851);
+and lastly, among the writings after 1851, the three-volume work "<i>De la
+justice dans la r&eacute;volution et dans l'Eglise, nouveaux principes de
+philosophie pratique</i>" (1858) and the book "<i>Du principe f&eacute;d&eacute;ratif et de
+la n&eacute;cessit&eacute; de reconstituer le parti de la r&eacute;volution</i>" (1863).<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p>
+
+<p>Proudhon's teaching regarding law, the State, and property underwent
+changes in minor points, but remained the same in its essentials; the
+opinion that it changed also in essentials is caused by Proudhon's
+arbitrary and varying use of language. Since no history of the evolution
+of Proudhon's teaching can be given here, I shall present, so far as
+concerns such minor points, only the teaching of 1848-51, in which years
+Proudhon developed his views with especial clearness and did especially
+forcible work for them.</p>
+
+<p>3. Proudhon calls his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." "'What form of government shall we prefer?' 'Can you ask?'
+replies one of my younger readers without doubt; 'you are a Republican.'
+'Republican, yes; but this word makes nothing definite. <i>Res publica</i> is
+"the public thing"; now, whoever wants the public thing, under whatever
+form of government, may call himself a Republican.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67"></a>[<a href="images/091.png">67</a>]</span> Even kings are
+Republicans.' 'Well, you are a Democrat.' 'No.' 'What? can you be a
+Monarchist?' 'No.' 'A Constitutionalist?' 'I should hope not.' 'You are
+an Aristocrat then?' 'Not a bit.' 'You want a mixed government, then?'
+'Still less.' 'What are you then?' 'I am an Anarchist.'"<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;BASIS</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>According to Proudhon the supreme law for us is justice.</i></p>
+
+<p>What is justice? "Justice is respect, spontaneously felt and mutually
+guaranteed, for human dignity, in whatever person and under whatever
+circumstances we find it compromised, and to whatever risk its defence
+may expose us."<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p>
+
+<p>"I ought to respect my neighbor, and make others respect him, as myself;
+such is the law of my conscience. In consideration of what do I owe him
+this respect? In consideration of his strength, his talent, his wealth?
+No, what chance gives is not what makes the human person worthy of
+respect. In consideration of the respect which he in turn pays to me?
+No, justice assumes reciprocity of respect, but does not wait for it. It
+asserts and wills respect for human dignity even in an enemy, which
+causes the existence of <i>laws of war</i>; even in the murderer whom we kill
+as having fallen from his manhood, which causes the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68"></a>[<a href="images/092.png">68</a>]</span>existence of <i>penal
+laws</i>. It is not the gifts of nature or the advantages of fortune that
+make me respect my neighbor; it is not his ox, his ass, or his
+maid-servant, as the decalogue says; it is not even the welfare that he
+owes to me as I owe mine to him; it is his manhood."<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Justice is at once a reality and an idea."<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> "Justice is a faculty
+of the soul, the foremost of all, that which constitutes a social being.
+But it is more than a faculty; it is an idea, it indicates a relation,
+an equation. As a faculty it may be developed; this development is what
+constitutes the education of humanity. As an equation it presents
+nothing antinomic; it is absolute and immutable like every law, and,
+like every law, very intelligible."<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p>
+
+<p>Justice is for us the supreme law. "Justice is the inviolable yardstick
+of all human actions."<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> "By it the facts of social life, by nature
+indeterminate and contradictory, become susceptible of definition and
+arrangement."<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Justice is the central star which governs societies, the pole about
+which the political world revolves, the principle and rule of all
+transactions. Nothing is done among men that is not in the name of
+<i>right</i>; nothing without invoking justice. Justice is not the work of
+the law; on the contrary, the law is never anything but a declaration
+and application of what is <i>just</i>."<a name="FNanchor_132A_132A" id="FNanchor_132A_132A"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> "Suppose a
+society where justice is outranked, however little, by another
+principle, say <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69"></a>[<a href="images/093.png">69</a>]</span>religion; or in which certain individuals are regarded
+more highly, by however little, than others; I say that, justice being
+virtually annulled, it is inevitable that the society will perish sooner
+or later.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p>
+
+<p>"It is the privilege of justice that the faith which it inspires is
+unshakable, and that it cannot be dogmatically denied or rejected. All
+peoples invoke it; reasons of State, even while they violate it, profess
+to be based on it; religion exists only for it; skepticism dissembles
+before it; irony has power only in its name; crime and hypocrisy do it
+homage. [If liberty is not an empty phrase, it acts only in the service
+of right; even when it rebels against right, at bottom it does not curse
+it.]"<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> "All the most rational teachings of human wisdom about
+justice are summed up in this famous adage: <i>Do to others what you would
+have done to you; Do not to others what you would not have done to
+you.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">3.&mdash;LAW</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>In the name of justice Proudhon rejects, not law indeed, but almost
+all individual legal norms, and the State laws in particular.</i></p>
+
+<p>The State makes laws, and "as many laws as the interests which it meets
+with; and, since interests are innumerable, the legislation-machine must
+work uninterruptedly. Laws and ordinances fall like hail on the poor
+populace. After a while the political soil<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70"></a>[<a href="images/094.png">70</a>]</span> will be covered with a layer
+of paper, and all the geologists will have to do will be to list it,
+under the name of <i>papyraceous formation</i>, among the epochs of the
+earth's history. The Convention, in three years one month and four days,
+issued eleven thousand six hundred laws and decrees; the Constituent and
+Legislative Assemblies had produced hardly less; the empire and the
+later governments have wrought as industriously. At present the
+'<i>Bulletin des Lois</i>' contains, they say, more than fifty thousand; if
+our representatives did their duty this enormous figure would soon be
+doubled. Do you believe that the populace, or the government itself, can
+keep its sanity in this labyrinth?"<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p>
+
+<p>"But what am I saying? Laws for him who thinks for himself, and is
+responsible only for his own acts! laws for him who would be free, and
+feels himself destined to become free! I am ready to make terms, but I
+will have no laws; I acknowledge none; I protest against every order
+which an ostensibly necessary authority shall please to impose on my
+free will. Laws! we know what they are and what they are worth. Cobwebs
+for the powerful and the rich, chains which no steel can break for the
+little and the poor, fishers' nets in the hands of the government."<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p>
+
+<p>"You say they shall make <i>few</i> laws, make them <i>simple</i>, make them
+<i>good</i>. But it is impossible. Must not government adjust all interests,
+decide all disputes? Now interests are by the nature of society
+innumerable, relationships infinitely variable and mobile; how is it
+possible that only a few laws should<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71"></a>[<a href="images/095.png">71</a>]</span> be made? how can they be simple?
+how can the best law escape soon being detestable?"<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Justice requires that only one legal norm be in force: to wit, the
+norm that contracts must be lived up to.</i></p>
+
+<p>"What do we mean by a <i>contract</i>? A contract, says the civil code, art.
+1101, is an agreement whereby one or more persons bind themselves to one
+or more others to do or not to do something."<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> "That I may remain
+free, that I may be subjected to no law but my own, and that I may
+govern myself, the edifice of society must be rebuilt upon the idea of
+<span class="smcap">Contract</span>."<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> "We must start with the idea of contract as the dominant
+idea of politics."<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> This norm, that contracts must be lived up to,
+is to be based not only on its justice, but at the same time on the fact
+that among men who live together there prevails a will to enforce the
+keeping of contracts, if necessary, with violence;<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> so it is to be
+not only a commandment of morality, but also a legal norm.</p>
+
+<p>"Several of your fellow-men have agreed to treat each other with good
+faith and fair play,&mdash;that is, to respect those rules of action which
+the nature of things points out to them as being alone capable of
+assuring to them, in the fullest measure, prosperity, safety, and peace.
+Are you willing to join their league? to form a part of their society?
+Do you promise to respect the honor, the liberty, the goods, of your
+brothers? Do you promise never to appropriate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72"></a>[<a href="images/096.png">72</a>]</span> to yourself, neither by
+violence, by fraud, by usury, nor by speculation, another's product or
+possession? Do you promise never to lie and deceive, neither in court,
+in trade, nor in any of your dealings? You are free to accept or to refuse.</p>
+
+<p>"If you refuse, you form a part of the society of savages. Having left
+the fellowship of the human race, you come under suspicion. Nothing
+protects you. At the least insult anybody you meet may knock you down,
+without incurring any other charge than that of cruelty to animals.</p>
+
+<p>"If you swear to the league, on the contrary, you form a part of the
+society of free men. All your brothers enter into an engagement with
+you, promising you fidelity, friendship, help, service, commerce. In
+case of infraction on their part or on yours, through negligence, hot
+blood, or evil intent, you are responsible to one another, for the
+damage and also for the scandal and insecurity which you have caused;
+this responsibility may extend, according to the seriousness of the
+perjury or the repetition of the crime, as far as to excommunication and
+death."<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">4.&mdash;THE STATE</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. Since Proudhon approves only the single legal norm that contracts
+must be lived up to, he can sanction only a single legal relation, that
+of parties to a contract. Hence he must necessarily reject the State;
+for it is established by particular legal norms, and, as an involuntary
+legal relation, it binds even those who have not entered into any
+contract at all. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73"></a>[<a href="images/097.png">73</a>]</span><i>Proudhon does accordingly reject the State
+absolutely, without any spatial or temporal limitation; he even regards
+it as a legal relation which offends against justice to an unusual degree.</i></p>
+
+<p>"The government of man by man is slavery."<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> "Whoever lays his hand
+on me to govern me is a usurper and a tyrant; I declare him my
+enemy."<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> "In a given society the authority of man over man is in
+inverse ratio to the intellectual development which this society has
+attained, and the probable duration of this authority may be calculated
+from the more or less general desire for a true&mdash;that is, a
+scientific&mdash;government."<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Royalty is never legitimate. Neither heredity, election, universal
+suffrage, the excellence of the sovereign, nor the consecration of
+religion and time, makes royalty legitimate. In whatever form it may
+appear, monarchical, oligarchic, democratic,&mdash;royalty, or the government
+of man by man, is illegal and absurd."<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> Democracy in particular "is
+nothing but a constitutional arbitrary power succeeding another
+constitutional arbitrary power; it has no scientific value, and we must
+see in it only a preparation for the <span class="smcap">Republic</span>, one and
+indivisible."<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Authority was no sooner begun on earth than it became the object of
+universal competition. Authority, Government, Power, State,&mdash;these words
+all denote the same thing,&mdash;each man sees in it the means of oppressing
+and exploiting his fellows. Absolutists,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74"></a>[<a href="images/098.png">74</a>]</span> doctrinaires, demagogues, and
+socialists, turned their eyes incessantly to authority as their sole
+cynosure."<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> "All parties without exception, in so far as they seek
+for power, are varieties of absolutism; and there will be no liberty for
+citizens, no order for societies, no union among workingmen, till in the
+political catechism the renunciation of authority shall have replaced
+faith in authority. <i>No more parties, no more authority, absolute
+liberty of man and citizen</i>,&mdash;there, in three words, is my political and
+social confession of faith."<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Justice demands, in place of the State, a social human life on the
+basis of the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to.</i> Proudhon
+calls this social life "anarchy"<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> and later "federation"<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> also.</p>
+
+<p>1. After the abrogation of the State, men are still to live together in
+society. As early as 1841 Proudhon says that the point is "to discover a
+system of absolute equality, in which all present institutions, minus
+property or the sum of the abuses of property, might not only find a
+place, but be themselves means to equality; individual liberty, the
+division of powers, the cabinet, the jury, the administrative and
+judiciary organization."<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p>
+
+<p>But men are not to be kept together in society by any supreme authority,
+but only by the legally binding force of contract. "When I bargain for
+any<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75"></a>[<a href="images/099.png">75</a>]</span> object with one or more of my fellow-citizens, it is clear that
+then my will alone is my law; it is I myself who, in fulfilling my
+obligation, am my government. If then I could make that contract with
+all, which I do make with some; if all could renew it with each other;
+if every group of citizens, commune, canton, department, corporation,
+company, etc., formed by such a contract and considered as a moral
+person, could then, always on the same terms, treat with each of the
+other groups and with all, it would be exactly as if my will was
+repeated <i>ad infinitum</i>. I should be sure that the law thus made on all
+points that concern the republic, on the various motions of millions of
+persons, would never be anything but my law; and, if this new order of
+things was called government, that this government would be mine. The
+<i>r&eacute;gime of contracts</i>, substituted for the <i>r&eacute;gime of laws</i>, would
+constitute the true government of man and of the citizen, the true
+sovereignty of the people, the <span class="smcap">Republic</span>."<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The Republic is the organization by which, all opinions and all
+activities remaining free, the People, by the very divergence of
+opinions and of wills, thinks and acts as a single man. In the Republic
+every citizen, in doing what he wishes and nothing but what he wishes,
+participates directly in legislation and government, just as he
+participates in the production and circulation of wealth. There every
+citizen is king; for he has plenary power, he reigns and governs. The
+Republic is a positive anarchy. It is neither liberty subjected <span class="smaller">TO</span>
+order, as in the constitutional monarchy, nor liberty imprisoned <span class="smaller">IN</span>
+order, as the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76"></a>[<a href="images/100.png">76</a>]</span>provisional government would have it. It is liberty
+delivered from all its hobbles, superstition, prejudice, sophism,
+speculation, authority; it is mutual liberty, not self-limiting liberty;
+liberty, not the daughter but the <span class="smaller">MOTHER</span> of order."<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. Anarchy may easily seem to us "the acme of disorder and the
+expression of chaos. They say that when a Parisian burgher of the
+seventeenth century once heard that in Venice there was no king, the
+good man could not get over his astonishment, and thought he should die
+of laughing. Such is our prejudice."<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> As against this, Proudhon
+draws a picture of how men's life in society under anarchy might perhaps
+shape itself in detail, to execute the functions now belonging to the State.</p>
+
+<p>He begins with an example. "For many centuries the spiritual power has
+been separated, within traditional limits, from the temporal power. [But
+there has never been a complete separation, and therefore, to the great
+detriment of the church's authority and of believers, centralization has
+never been sufficient.] There would be a complete separation if the
+temporal power not only did not concern itself with the celebration of
+mysteries, the administration of sacraments, the government of parishes,
+etc., but did not intervene in the nomination of bishops either. There
+would ensue a greater centralization, and consequently a more regular
+government, if in each parish the people had the right to choose for
+themselves their vicars and curates, or to have none at all; if in each
+diocese the priests elected their bishop; if the assembly of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77"></a>[<a href="images/101.png">77</a>]</span> bishops,
+or a primate of the Gauls, had sole charge of the regulation of
+religious affairs, theological instruction, and worship. By this
+separation the clergy would cease to be, in the hands of political
+power, an instrument of tyranny over the people; and by this application
+of universal suffrage the ecclesiastical government, centralized in
+itself, receiving its inspirations from the people and not from the
+government or the pope, would be in constant harmony with the needs of
+society and with the moral and intellectual condition of the citizens.
+We must, then, in order to return to truth, organic, political,
+economic, or social (for here all these are one), first, abolish the
+constitutional cumulation by taking from the State the nomination of the
+bishops, and definitively separating the spiritual from the temporal;
+second, centralize the church in itself by a system of graded elections;
+third, give to the ecclesiastical power, as we do to all the other
+powers in the State, the vote of the citizens as a basis. By this system
+what to-day is <span class="smaller">GOVERNMENT</span> will no longer be anything but
+<i>administration</i>; all France is centralized, so far as concerns
+ecclesiastical functions; the country, by the mere fact of its electoral
+initiative, governs itself in matters of eternal life as well as in
+those of this world. And one may already see that if it were possible to
+organize the entire country in temporal matters on the same bases, the
+most perfect order and the most vigorous centralization would exist
+without there being anything of what we to-day call constituted
+authority or government."<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p>
+
+<p>Proudhon gives a second example in judicial<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78"></a>[<a href="images/102.png">78</a>]</span> authority. "The judicial
+functions, by their different specialties, their hierarchy, [their
+permanent tenure of office,] their convergence under a single
+departmental head, show an unequivocal tendency to separation and
+centralization. But they are in no way dependent on those who are under
+their jurisdiction; they are all at the disposal of the executive power,
+which is appointed by the people once in four years with authority that
+cannot be diminished; they are subordinated not to the country by
+election, but to the government, president or prince, by appointment. It
+follows that those who are under the jurisdiction of a court are given
+over to their 'natural' judges just as are parishioners to their vicars;
+that the people belong to the magistrate like an inheritance; that the
+litigant is the judge's, not the judge the litigant's. Apply universal
+suffrage and graded election to the judicial as well as the
+ecclesiastical functions; suppress the permanent tenure of office, which
+is an alienation of the electoral right; take away from the State all
+action, all influence, on the judicial body; let this body, separately
+centralized in itself, no longer depend on any but the people,&mdash;and, in
+the first place, you will have deprived power of its mightiest
+instrument of tyranny; you will have made justice a principle of liberty
+as well as of order. And, unless you suppose that the people, from whom
+all powers should spring by universal suffrage, is in contradiction with
+itself,&mdash;that what it wants in religion it does not want in
+justice,&mdash;you are assured that the separation of powers can beget no
+conflict; you may boldly lay it down as a principle that <i>separation</i>
+and <i>equilibrium</i> are <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79"></a>[<a href="images/103.png">79</a>]</span>henceforth synonymous."<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a></p>
+
+<p>Then Proudhon goes on to the army, the customhouses, the public
+departments of agriculture and commerce, public works, public education,
+and finance; for each of these administrations he demands independence
+and centralization on the basis of general suffrage.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a></p>
+
+<p>"That a nation may manifest itself in its unity, it must be centralized
+in its religion, centralized in its justice, centralized in its army,
+centralized in its agriculture, industry, and commerce, centralized in
+its finances,&mdash;in a word, centralized in all its functions and
+faculties; the centralization must work from the bottom to the top, from
+the circumference to the centre; all the functions must be independent
+and severally self-governing.</p>
+
+<p>"Would you then make this invisible unity perceptible by a special
+organ, preserve the image of the old government? Group these different
+administrations by their heads; you have your cabinet, your <i>executive</i>,
+which can then very well do without a Council of State.</p>
+
+<p>"Set up above all this a grand jury, legislature, or national assembly,
+appointed directly by the whole country, and charged not with appointing
+the cabinet officers,&mdash;they have their investiture from their particular
+constituents,&mdash;but with auditing the accounts, making the laws, settling
+the budget, deciding controversies between the administrations, all
+after having heard the reports of the Public Department, or <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80"></a>[<a href="images/104.png">80</a>]</span>Department
+of the Interior, to which the whole government will thenceforth be
+reduced; and you will have a centralization the stronger the more you
+multiply its foci, a responsibility the more real the more clear-cut is
+the separation between the powers; you have a constitution at once
+political and social."<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">5.&mdash;PROPERTY</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. Since Proudhon sanctions only the one legal norm that contracts must
+be kept, he can approve only one legal relation, that between
+contracting parties. Hence he must necessarily reject property as well
+as the State, since it is established by particular legal norms, and, as
+an involuntary legal relation, binds even such as have in no way entered
+into a contract. <i>And he does reject property<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> absolutely, without
+any spatial or temporal limitation; nay, it even appears to him to be a
+legal relation which is particularly repugnant to justice.</i></p>
+
+<p>"According to its definition, property is the right of using and
+abusing; that is to say, it is the absolute, irresponsible domain of man
+over his person and his goods. If property ceased to be the right to
+abuse, it would cease to be property. Has not the proprietor the right
+to give his goods to whomever he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81"></a>[<a href="images/105.png">81</a>]</span> will, to let his neighbor burn without
+crying fire, to oppose the public good, to squander his patrimony, to
+exploit the laborer and hold him to ransom, to produce bad goods and
+sell them badly? Can he be judicially constrained to use his property
+well? can he be disturbed in the abuse of it? What am I saying? Is not
+property, precisely because it is full of abuse, the most sacred thing
+in the world for the legislator? Can one conceive of a property whose
+use the police power should determine, whose abuse it should repress? Is
+it not clear, in fine, that if one undertook to introduce justice into
+property, one would destroy property, just as the law, by introducing
+propriety into concubinage, destroyed concubinage?"<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Men steal: first, by violence on the highway; second, alone or in a
+band; third, by burglary; fourth, by embezzlement; fifth, by fraudulent
+bankruptcy; sixth, by forgery; seventh, by counterfeiting. Eighth, by
+pocket-picking; ninth, by swindling; tenth, by breach of trust;
+eleventh, by gambling and lotteries.&mdash;Twelfth, by usury. Thirteenth, by
+rent-taking.&mdash;Fourteenth, by commerce, when the profits are more than
+fair wages for the trader's work.&mdash;Fifteenth, by selling one's own
+product at a profit, and by accepting a sinecure or a fat salary."<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>
+"In theft such as the laws forbid, force and fraud are employed alone
+and openly; in authorized theft they are disguised under a produced
+utility, which they use as a device for plundering their victim. The
+direct use of violence and force was early and unanimously <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82"></a>[<a href="images/106.png">82</a>]</span>rejected; no
+nation has yet reached the point of delivering itself from theft when
+united with talent, labor, and possession."<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> In this sense property
+is "theft,"<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> "the exploitation of the weak by the strong,"<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>
+"contrary to right,"<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> "the suicide of society."<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Justice demands, in place of property, a distribution of goods
+based on the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to.</i></p>
+
+<p>Proudhon calls that portion of goods which is assigned to the individual
+by contract, "property." In 1840 he had demanded that individual
+possession be substituted for property; with this one change evil would
+disappear from the earth.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> But in 1841 he is already explaining that
+by property he means only its abuses;<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> nay, he even then describes
+as necessary the creation of an immediately applicable social system in
+which the rights of barter and sale, of direct and collateral
+inheritance, of primogeniture and bequest, should find their place.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>
+In 1846 he says, "Some day transformed property will be an idea
+positive, complete, social, and true; a property which will abolish the
+old property and will become equally effective and beneficent for
+all."<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> In 1848 he is declaring that "property, as to its principle
+or substance, which is human personality, must never perish; it must
+remain in man's heart as a perpetual stimulus to labor, as the
+antagonist whose absence would cause labor to fall into idleness and
+death."<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a></p>
+
+<p>And in 1850 he announces: "What I sought for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83"></a>[<a href="images/107.png">83</a>]</span> as far back as 1840, in
+defining property, what I am wanting now, is not a destruction; I have
+said it till I am tired. That would have been to fall with Rousseau,
+Plato, Louis Blanc himself, and all the adversaries of property, into
+<i>Communism</i>, against which I protest with all my might; what I ask for
+property is a <span class="smaller">BALANCE</span>,"<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>&mdash;that is, "justice."<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a></p>
+
+<p>In all these pronouncements property means nothing else than that
+portion of goods which falls to the individual on the basis of
+contracts, on which society is to be built up.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> The property which
+Proudhon sanctions cannot be a special legal relation, but only a
+possible part of the substance of the one legal relation which he
+approves, the relation of contract. It can afford no protection against
+a group of men whose extent is determined by legal norms, but only
+against a group of men who have mutually secured a certain portion of
+goods to each other by contract. Proudhon, therefore, is here using the
+word "property" in an inexact sense; in the strict sense it can denote
+only a portion of goods set apart in an involuntary legal relation by
+particular legal norms.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly, when in the name of justice Proudhon demands a certain
+distribution of property, this means nothing more than that the
+contracts on which society is to be built should make a certain sort of
+provision with respect to the distribution of goods. And the way in
+which they should determine it is this: that every man is to have the
+product of his labor.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84"></a>[<a href="images/108.png">84</a>]</span></p><p>"Let us conceive of wealth as a mass whose elements are held together
+permanently by a chemical force, and into which new elements incessantly
+enter and combine in different proportions, but according to a definite
+law: value is the proportion (the measure) in which each of these
+elements forms a part of the whole."<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> "I suppose, therefore, a force
+which combines the elements of wealth in definite proportions and makes
+of them a homogeneous whole."<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> "This force is <span class="smaller">LABOR</span>. It is labor,
+labor alone, that produces all the elements of wealth and combines them,
+to the last molecule, according to a variable but definite law of
+proportionality."<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> "Every product is a representative sign of
+labor."<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Every product can consequently be exchanged for another."<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> "If then
+the tailor, in return for furnishing the value of one day of his work,
+consumes ten times the weaver's day, it is as if the weaver gave ten
+days of his life for one day of the tailor's. This is precisely what
+occurs when a peasant pays a lawyer twelve francs for a document that it
+costs one hour to draw up; and this inequality, this iniquity in
+exchange, is the mightiest cause of poverty. Every error in commutative
+justice is an immolation of the laborer, a transfusion of a man's blood
+into another man's body."<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p>
+
+<p>"What I demand with respect to property is a <span class="smaller">BALANCE</span>. It is not for
+nothing that the genius of nations has equipped Justice with this
+instrument of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85"></a>[<a href="images/109.png">85</a>]</span> precision. Justice applied to economy is in fact nothing
+but a perpetual balance; or, to express myself still more precisely,
+justice as regards the distribution of goods is nothing but the
+obligation which rests upon every citizen and every State, in their
+business relations, to conform to that law of equilibrium which
+manifests itself everywhere in economy, and whose violation, accidental
+or voluntary, is the fundamental principle of poverty."<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. That every man should enjoy the product of his labor is possible only
+through reciprocity, according to Proudhon; therefore he calls his
+doctrine "the theory of <i>mutuality</i> or of the <i>mutuum</i>."<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a>
+"<span class="smcap">Reciprocity</span> is expressed in the precept, 'Do to others what you would
+have done to you,' a precept which political economy has translated into
+its celebrated formula, 'Products exchange for products.' Now the evil
+which is devouring us results from the fact that the law of reciprocity
+is unrecognized, violated. The remedy consists altogether in the
+promulgation of this law. The organization of our mutual and reciprocal
+relations is the whole of social science."<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a></p>
+
+<p>And so Proudhon, in the solemn declaration which he prefixed to the
+constitution of the People's Bank when he first published it, gives the
+following assurance: "I protest that in criticising property, or rather
+the whole body of institutions of which property is the pivot, I never
+meant either to attack the individual rights recognized by previous
+laws, or to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86"></a>[<a href="images/110.png">86</a>]</span> dispute the legitimacy of acquired possessions, or to
+instigate an arbitrary distribution of goods, or to put an obstacle in
+the way of the free and regular acquisition of properties by bargain and
+sale; or even to prohibit or suppress by sovereign decree land-rent and
+interest on capital. I think that all these manifestations of human
+activity should remain free and optional for all; I would admit no other
+modifications, restrictions, or suppressions of them than naturally and
+necessarily result from the universalization of the principle of
+reciprocity and of the law of synthesis which I propound. This is my
+last will and testament. I allow only him to suspect its sincerity, who
+could tell a lie in the moment of death."<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">6.&mdash;REALIZATION</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>The change which justice calls for is to come about in this way, that
+those men who have recognized the truth are to convince others how
+necessary the change is for the sake of justice, and that hereby,
+spontaneously, law is to transform itself, the State and property to
+drop away, and the new condition to appear.</i> The new condition will
+appear "as soon as the idea is popularized";<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> that it may appear, we
+must "popularize the idea."<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></p>
+
+<p>I. Nothing is requisite but to convince men that justice commands the change.</p>
+
+<p>1. Proudhon rejects all other methods. His doctrine is "in accord with
+the constitution and the laws."<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> "Accomplish the Revolution, they
+say, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87"></a>[<a href="images/111.png">87</a>]</span> after this everything will be cleared up. As if the Revolution
+itself could be accomplished without a leading idea!"<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> "To secure
+justice to one's self by bloodshed is an extremity to which the
+Californians, gathered since yesterday to seek for gold, may be reduced;
+but may the luck of France preserve us from it!"<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Despite the violence which we witness, I do not believe that hereafter
+liberty will need to use force to claim its rights and avenge its
+wrongs. Reason will serve us better; and patience, like the Revolution,
+is invincible."<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. But how shall we convince men, "how popularize the idea, if the
+<i>bourgeoisie</i> remains hostile; if the populace, brutalized by servitude,
+full of prejudices and bad instincts, remains plunged in indifference;
+if the professors, the academicians, the press, are calumniating you; if
+the courts are truculent; if the powers that be muffle your voice? Don't
+worry. Just as the lack of ideas makes one lose the most promising
+games, war against ideas can only push forward the Revolution. Do you
+not see already that the <i>r&eacute;gime</i> of authority, of inequality, of
+predestination, of eternal salvation, and of reasons of State, is daily
+becoming still more intolerable for the well-to-do classes, whose
+conscience and reason it tortures, than for the mass, whose stomach
+cries out against it?"<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88"></a>[<a href="images/112.png">88</a>]</span></p><p>3. The most effective means for convincing men, according to Proudhon,
+is to present to the people, within the State and without violating its
+law, "an example of centralization spontaneous, independent, and
+social," thus applying even now the principles of the future
+constitution of society.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> "Rouse that collective action without
+which the condition of the people will forever be unhappy and its
+efforts powerless. Teach it to produce wealth and order with its own
+hands, without the help of the authorities."<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p>
+
+<p>Proudhon sought to give such an example by the founding of the People's Bank.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a></p>
+
+<p>The People's Bank was to "insure work and prosperity to all producers by
+organizing them as beginning and end of production with regard to one
+another,&mdash;that is, as capitalists and as consumers."<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The People's Bank was to be the property of all the citizens who
+accepted its services, who for this purpose furnished money to it if
+they thought that it could not yet for some time do without a metallic
+basis, and who, in every case, promised it their preference in
+discounting paper, and received its notes as cash. Accordingly the
+People's Bank, working for the profit of its customers themselves, had
+no occasion to take interest for its loans nor to charge a discount on
+commercial paper; it had only to take a very slight allowance to cover
+salaries and expenses. So credit was <span class="smaller">GRATUITOUS</span>!&mdash;The principle being
+realized, the consequences unfolded themselves ad <i>infinitum</i>."<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a></p>
+
+<p>"So the People's Bank, giving an example of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89"></a>[<a href="images/113.png">89</a>]</span>popular initiative alike in
+government and in public economy, which thenceforth were to be
+identified in a single synthesis, was becoming for the <i>prol&eacute;tariat</i> at
+once the principle and the instrument of their emancipation; it was
+creating political and industrial liberty. And, as every philosophy and
+every religion is the metaphysical or symbolic expression of social
+economy, the People's Bank, changing the material basis of society, was
+ushering in the revolution of philosophy and religion; it was thus, at
+least, that its founders had conceived of it."<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a></p>
+
+<p>All this can best be made clear by reproducing some provisions from the
+constitution of the People's Bank.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Art. 1. By these presents a commercial company is founded under the
+name of <i>Soci&eacute;t&eacute; de la Banque du Peuple</i>, consisting of Citizen
+Proudhon, here present, and the persons who shall give their assent
+to this constitution by becoming stockholders.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 3.... For the present the company will exist as a partnership
+in which Citizen Proudhon shall be general partner, and the other
+parties concerned shall be limited partners who shall in no case be
+responsible for more than the value of their shares.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 5.... The firm name shall be P. J. Proudhon &amp; Co.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 6. Besides the members of the company proper, every citizen is
+invited to form a part of the People's Bank as a co-operator. For
+this it suffices to assent to the bank's constitution and to accept
+its paper.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 7. The People's Bank Company being capable of indefinite
+extension, its virtual duration is endless. However, to conform to
+the requirements of the law, it fixes its duration at ninety-nine
+years, which shall commence on the day of its definitive
+organization.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 9.... The People's Bank, having as its <i>basis</i> the essential
+gratuitousness of credit and exchange, as its <i>object</i> the
+circulation, not the production, of values, and as its <i>means</i> the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90"></a>[<a href="images/114.png">90</a>]</span>
+mutual consent of producers and consumers, can and should work
+without capital.</p>
+
+<p>This end will be reached when the entire mass of producers and
+consumers shall have assented to the constitution of the company.</p>
+
+<p>Till then the People's Bank Company, having to conform to
+established custom and the requirements of law, and especially in
+order more effectively to invite citizens to join it, will provide
+itself with capital.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 10. The capital of the People's Bank shall be five million
+francs, divided into shares of five francs each.</p>
+
+<p>... The company shall be definitively organized, and its business
+shall begin, when ten thousand shares are taken.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 12. Stock shall be issued only at par. It shall bear no
+interest.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 15. The principal businesses of the People's Bank are, 1, to
+increase its cash on hand by issuing notes; 2, discounting endorsed
+commercial paper; 3, discounting accepted orders (<i>commandes</i>) and
+bills (<i>factures</i>); 4, loans on personal property; 5, loans on
+personal security; 6, advances on annuities and collateral
+security; 7, payments and collections; 8, advances to productive
+and industrial enterprises (<i>la commande</i>).</p>
+
+<p>To these departments the People's Bank will add: 9, the functions
+of a savings bank and endowment insurance; 10, insurance; 11, safe
+deposit vaults; 12, the service of the budget.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a></p>
+
+<p>Art. 18. In distinction from ordinary bank notes, payable in
+<i>specie</i> to some one's <i>order</i>, the paper of the People's Bank is
+an order for goods, vested with a social character, rendered
+perpetual, and is payable at sight by every stockholder and
+co-operator in the <i>products</i> or <i>services</i> of his industry or
+profession.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 21. Every co-operator agrees to trade by preference, for all
+goods which the company can offer him, with the co-operators of the
+bank, and to reserve his orders exclusively for his fellow
+stockholders and fellow co-operators.</p>
+
+<p>In return, every producer or tradesman co-operating with the bank
+agrees to furnish his goods to the other co-operators at a reduced
+price.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 62. The People's Bank has its headquarters in Paris.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91"></a>[<a href="images/115.png">91</a>]</span></p><p>Its aim is, in the course of time, to establish a branch in every
+<i>arrondissement</i> and a correspondent in every commune.</p>
+
+<p>Art. 63. As soon as circumstances permit, the present company shall
+be converted into a corporation, since this form allows us to
+realize, according to the wish of the founders, the threefold
+principle, first, of election; second, of the separation and the
+independence of the branches of work; third, of the personal
+responsibility of every employee.<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>II. If once men are convinced that justice commands the change, then
+will "despotism fall of itself by its very uselessness."<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> The State
+and property disappear, law is transformed, and the new condition of
+things begins.</p>
+
+<p>"The Revolution does not act after the fashion of the old governmental,
+aristocratic, or dynastic principle. It is Right, the balance of forces,
+equality. It has no conquests to pursue, no nations to reduce to
+servitude, no frontiers to defend, no fortresses to build, no armies to
+feed, no laurels to pluck, no preponderance to maintain. The might of
+its economic institutions, the gratuitousness of its credit, the
+brilliancy of its thought, are its sufficient means for converting the
+universe."<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> "The Revolution has for allies all who suffer oppression
+and exploitation; let it appear, and the universe stretches its arms to
+it."<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a></p>
+
+<p>"I want the peaceable revolution. I want you to make the very
+institutions which I charge you to abolish, and the principles of law
+which you will have to complete, serve toward the realization of my
+wishes, so that the new society shall appear as the spontaneous,
+natural, and necessary development of the old, and that the Revolution,
+while abrogating the old<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92"></a>[<a href="images/116.png">92</a>]</span> order of things, shall nevertheless be the
+progress of that order."<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> "When the people, once enlightened
+regarding its true interests, declares its will not to reform the
+government but to revolutionize society,"<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> then "the dissolution of
+government in the economic organism"<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> will follow in a way about
+which one can at present only make guesses.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Not (as stated by Diehl vol. 2 p. 116, Zenker p. 61)
+1852.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Proudhon "<i>Propri&eacute;t&eacute;</i>" p. 295 [212. Bracketed references
+under Proudhon are to the collected edition of his "<i>&OElig;uvres
+compl&egrave;tes</i>," Paris, 1866-83.&mdash;The passage quoted above is probably the
+first case in history where anybody called himself an Anarchist, though
+the word had long been in use as a term of reproach for enemies].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Justice</i>" 1. 182-3 [1. 224-5].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Justice</i>" 1. 184-5 [1. 227].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 73 [132? but there he says <i>must be</i>, not
+<i>is</i>].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 185 [1. 228].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 195 [1. 235].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 185 [1. 228].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Justice</i>" 1. 195 [1. 235].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 3. 45 [3. 276, but with the bracketed sentence much
+abridged. For the phrase "rebel against right," remember that in French
+<i>right</i> and <i>common law</i> are one and the same word].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Propri&eacute;t&eacute;</i>" p. 18 [24-5].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Id&eacute;e</i>" 147-8 [136-7]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 149 [138].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Id&eacute;e</i>" pp. 149-50 [138].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Principe</i>" p. 64 [44].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Id&eacute;e</i>" p. 235 [215].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Principe</i>" p. 64 [44].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Id&eacute;e</i>" p. 343 [312].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Id&eacute;e</i>" pp. 342-3 [311-12].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Confessions</i>" p. 8 [29].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 6 [23].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Propri&eacute;t&eacute;</i>" p. 301 [216].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 298-9 [214].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Solution</i>" p. 54 [39].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Confessions</i>" p. 7 [24].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 7 [25-6].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Propri&eacute;t&eacute;</i>" p. 301 [216], "<i>Confessions</i>" p. 68
+[192], "<i>Solution</i>" p. 119 [87].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Principe</i>" p. 67 [46].&mdash;Proudhon's teaching was
+not, as asserted by Diehl vol. 2 p. 116, vol. 3 pp. 166-7, and Zenker p.
+61, Anarchism till 1852 and Federalism thenceforward; his Anarchism was
+Federalism from the start, only he later gave it the additional name of
+Federalism.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Propri&eacute;t&eacute;</i>" pp. XIX-XX [10-11].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Id&eacute;e</i>" pp. 235-6 [215-16].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Solution</i>" p. 119 [87].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Propri&eacute;t&eacute;</i>" pp. 301-2 [216].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Confessions</i>" p. 65 [180-3; bracketed words a
+paraphrase.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Confessions</i>" pp. 65-6 [183-4, except bracketed
+words].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 66-8 [185-9].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Confessions</i>" p. 68 [191-2].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> Pfau pp. 227-31, Adler p. 372, Zenker pp. 26, 41, fail to
+see this, being influenced by the improper sense in which Proudhon uses
+the word "property" for a contractually guaranteed share of goods.
+[Eltzbacher's statement, on the other hand, is not so much drawn from
+Proudhon himself as deduced from a comparison of Eltzbacher's definition
+of property with the statement that Proudhon admits no law but the law
+of contract. I do not think this last statement is correct; I think
+Proudhon would have his voluntary contractual associations protect their
+members in certain definable respects&mdash;among others, in the possession
+of goods&mdash;against those who stood outside the contract as well as
+against those within. Then this would be, by Eltzbacher's definitions,
+both law and property.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Contradictions</i>" 2. 303-4 [2. 237-8].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Propri&eacute;t&eacute;</i>" pp. 285-90 [205-9].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Propri&eacute;t&eacute;</i>" p. 293 [211].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 1-2 [13].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 283 [204].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 311 [223].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 311 [223].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 311 [223].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. XVIII-XIX [10; consult the passage].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. XIX-XX [11].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Contradictions</i>" 2. 234-5 [2. 184].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Droit</i>" p. 50 [230].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Justice</i>" 1. 302-3 [1. 324-5].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 303 [1. 325].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Id&eacute;e</i>" p. 235 [215]; "<i>Principe</i>" p. 64 [44].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Contradictions</i>" 1. 51 [1. 74].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 53 [1. 75].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 55. [1. 76-7].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 68 [1. 87].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 68 [1. 87].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 83 [1. 98-9].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Justice</i>" 1. 302-3 [1. 325].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Contradictions</i>" 2. 528 [2. 414].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Organisation</i>" p. 5 [93].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Banque</i>" pp. 3-4 [260].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Justice</i>" 1. 515 [2. 133].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 515 [2. 133].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Confessions</i>" p. 71 [201].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Justice</i>" 1, 515 [2, 133. Eltzbacher finds the
+sense "all will be enlightened" where I translate "everything will be
+cleared up." Eltzbacher's view of the sense&mdash;that to those who say
+"Enlightenment must come by the Revolution" Proudhon replies, "No, the
+Revolution must come by enlightenment"&mdash;correctly gives the thought
+brought out in the context].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Justice</i>" 1. 466 [2. 90].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 470-71 [2. 94].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 515 [2. 133-4].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Confessions</i>" p. 69 [196].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 72 [203].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 69 [196].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 69 [196].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 69-70 [197].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Confessions</i>" p. 70 [197-8].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> [French dictionaries leave us somewhat in the lurch as to
+commercial usages which differ from the English. Eltzbacher translates
+8, "investment as silent partner"; 12, "balancing accounts."]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Banque</i>" pp. 5-20 [261-77].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Confessions</i>" p. 72 [202-3].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Justice</i>" 1. 509 [2. 128-9].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 1. 510 [2. 129].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Pr. "<i>Id&eacute;e</i>" pp. 196-7 [181].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 197 [181].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 277 [253].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 195, 197 [180-81].</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93"></a>[<a href="images/117.png">93</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER V</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>STIRNER'S TEACHING</span> <span class="smaller">1.&mdash;GENERAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>1. Johann Kaspar Schmidt was born in 1806, at Bayreuth in Bavaria. He
+studied philosophy and theology at Berlin from 1826 to 1828, at Erlangen
+from 1828 to 1829. In 1829 he interrupted his studies, made a prolonged
+tour through Germany, and then lived alternately at Koenigsberg and Kulm
+till 1832. From 1832 to 1834 he studied at Berlin again; in 1835 he
+passed his tests there as <i>Gymnasiallehrer</i>. He received no government
+appointment, however, and in 1839 became teacher in a young ladies'
+seminary in Berlin. He gave up this place in 1844, but continued to live
+in Berlin, and died there in 1856.</p>
+
+<p>In part under the pseudonym Max Stirner, in part anonymously, Schmidt
+published a small number of works, mostly of a philosophical nature.</p>
+
+<p>2. Stirner's teaching about law, the State, and property is contained
+chiefly in his book "<i>Der Einzige und sein Eigentum</i>" (1845).</p>
+
+<p>&mdash;But here arises the question, Can we speak of such a thing as a
+"teaching" of Stirner's?</p>
+
+<p>Stirner recognizes no <i>ought</i>. "Men are such as they should be&mdash;can be.
+What should they be? Surely not more than they can be! And what can they
+be? Not more, again, than they&mdash;can, <i>i. e.</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94"></a>[<a href="images/118.png">94</a>]</span> than they have the
+ability, the strength, to be."<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> "A man is 'called' to nothing, and
+has no 'proper business,' no 'function,' as little as a plant or beast
+has a 'vocation.' He has not a vocation; but he has powers, which
+express themselves where they are, because their being consists only in
+their expression, and which can remain idle as little as life, which
+would no longer be life if it 'stood still' but for a second. Now one
+might cry to man, 'Use your power.' But this imperative would be given
+the meaning that it was man's proper business to use his power. It is
+not so. Rather, every one really does use his power, without first
+regarding this as his vocation; every one uses in every moment as much
+power as he possesses."<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nay, Stirner acknowledges no such thing as truth. "Truths are phrases,
+ways of speaking, words (<i>logos</i>); brought into connection, or arranged
+by ranks and files, they form logic, science, philosophy."<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> "Nor is
+there a truth,&mdash;not right, not liberty, humanity, etc.,&mdash;which could
+subsist before me, and to which I would submit."<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> "If there is a
+single truth to which man must consecrate his life and his powers
+because he is man, then he is subjected to a rule, dominion, law, etc.;
+he is a man in service."<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> "As long as you believe in truth, you do
+not believe in yourself; you are a&mdash;servant, a&mdash;religious man. You
+alone<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95"></a>[<a href="images/119.png">95</a>]</span> are truth; or rather, you are more than truth, which is nothing
+at all before you."<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a></p>
+
+<p>If one chose to draw the extreme inference from this, Stirner's book
+would be only a self-avowal, an expression of thoughts without any claim
+to general validity; in it Stirner would not be informing us what he
+thinks to be true, or what in his opinion we ought to do, but only
+giving us an opportunity to observe the play of his ideas. Stirner did
+not draw this inference,<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> and one should not let the style of the
+book, which speaks mostly of Stirner's "I," lead him to think that
+Stirner did draw it. He calls that man "blinded, who wants to be only
+'Man'."<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> He takes the floor against "the erroneous consciousness of
+not being able to entitle myself to as much as I want."<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> He mocks at
+our grandmothers' belief in ghosts.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> He declares that "penalty must
+make room for satisfaction,"<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> that man "should defend himself
+against man."<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> And he asserts that "over the door of our time stands
+not Apollo's 'Know thyself,' but a 'Turn yourself to account!'"<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> So
+Stirner intends not only to give us information about his inward
+condition at the time he composed his book, but to tell us what he
+thinks to be true and what we ought to do; his book is not a mere
+self-avowal, but a scientific teaching.</p>
+
+<p>3. Stirner does not call his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." He prefers to use the epithet "anarchic" to designate
+political liberalism, which he combats.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96"></a>[<a href="images/120.png">96</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;BASIS</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>According to Stirner the supreme law for each one of us is his own welfare.</i></p>
+
+<p>What does one's own welfare mean? "Let us seek out the enjoyment of
+life!"<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> "Henceforth the question is not how one can acquire life,
+but how he can expend it, enjoy it; not how one is to produce in himself
+the true ego, but how he is to dissolve himself, to live himself
+out."<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> "If the enjoyment of life is to triumph over the longing or
+hope for life, it must overcome it in its double significance which
+Schiller brings out in 'The Ideal and Life'; it must crush spiritual and
+temporal poverty, abolish the ideal and&mdash;the want of daily bread. He who
+must lay out his life in prolonging life cannot enjoy it, and he who is
+still seeking his life does not have it, and can as little enjoy it;
+both are poor."<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a></p>
+
+<p>Our own welfare is our supreme law. Stirner recognizes no duty.<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>
+"Whether what I think and do is Christian, what do I care? Whether it is
+human, humane, liberal, or unhuman, inhumane, illiberal, what do I ask
+about that? If only it aims at what I would have, if only I satisfy
+myself in it, then fit it with predicates as you like; it is all one to
+me."<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> "So then my relation to the world is this: I no longer do
+anything for it 'for God's sake', I do nothing 'for man's sake', but
+what I do I do 'for my sake'."<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> "Where the world comes in my
+way&mdash;and it comes in my way everywhere&mdash;I devour it to appease the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97"></a>[<a href="images/121.png">97</a>]</span>hunger of my egoism. You are to me nothing but&mdash;my food, just as I also
+am fed upon and used up by you. We have only one relation to each other,
+that of utility, of usableness, of use."<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> "I too love men, not
+merely individuals, but every one. But I love them with the
+consciousness of egoism; I love them because love makes me happy, I love
+because love is natural to me, because it pleases me. I know no
+'commandment of love'."<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">3.&mdash;LAW</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>Looking to each one's own welfare, Stirner rejects law, and that
+without any limitation to particular spatial or temporal conditions.</i></p>
+
+<p>Law<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> exists not by the individual's recognizing it as favorable to
+his interests, but by his holding it sacred. "Who can ask about 'right'
+if he is not occupying the religious standpoint just like other people?
+Is not 'right' a religious concept, <i>i. e.</i> something sacred?"<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>
+"When the Revolution stamped<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98"></a>[<a href="images/122.png">98</a>]</span> liberty as a 'right' it took refuge in the
+religious sphere, in the region of the sacred, the ideal."<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> "I am to
+revere the sultanic law in a sultanate, the popular law in republics,
+the canon law in Catholic communities, etc. I am to subordinate myself
+to these laws, I am to count them sacred."<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> "The law is sacred, and
+he who outrages it is a criminal."<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> "There are no criminals except
+against something sacred";<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> crime falls when the sacred
+disappears.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> Punishment has a meaning only in relation to something
+sacred.<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> "What does the priest who admonishes the criminal do? He
+sets forth to him the great wrong of having by his act desecrated that
+which was hallowed by the State, its property (in which, you will see,
+the lives of those who belong to the State must be included)."<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a></p>
+
+<p>But law is no more sacred than it is favorable to the individual's
+welfare. "Right&mdash;is a delusion, bestowed by a ghost."<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> Men have "not
+recovered the mastery over the thought of 'right,' which they themselves
+created; their creature is running away with them."<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> "Let the
+individual man claim ever so many rights; what do I care for his right
+and his claim?"<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> I do not respect them.&mdash;"What you have the might to
+be you have the right to be. I deduce all right and all entitlement from
+myself; I am entitled to everything that I have might over. I am
+entitled to overthrow Zeus, Jehovah, God, etc., if I can; if I cannot,
+then these gods will always remain in the right and in the might as
+against me."<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99"></a>[<a href="images/123.png">99</a>]</span></p><p>"Right crumbles into its nothingness when it is swallowed up by
+force,"<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> "but with the concept the word too loses its meaning."<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>
+"The people will perhaps be against the blasphemer; hence a law against
+blasphemy. Shall I therefore not blaspheme? Is this law to be more to me
+than an order?"<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> "He who has might 'stands above the law'."<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a>
+"The earth belongs to him who knows how to take it, or who does not let
+it be taken from him, does not let himself be deprived of it. If he
+appropriates it, then not merely the earth, but also the right to it,
+belongs to him. This is egoistic right; <i>i. e.</i>, it suits me, therefore
+it is right."<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Self-welfare commands that in future it itself should be men's rule
+of action in place of the law.</i></p>
+
+<p>Each of us is "unique,"<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> "a world's history for himself,"<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> and,
+when he "knows himself as unique,"<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> he is a "self-owner."<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> "God
+and mankind have made nothing their object, nothing but themselves. Let
+me then likewise make myself my object, who am, as well as God, the
+nothing of all else, who am my all, who am the Unique."<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> "Away then
+with every business that is not altogether my business! You think at
+least the 'good cause' must be my business? What good, what bad? Why, I
+myself am my business, and I am neither good nor bad. Neither has
+meaning for me. What is divine is God's business, what is human 'Man's.'
+My business is neither what is divine nor what is human, it is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100"></a>[<a href="images/124.png">100</a>]</span> not what
+is true, good, right, free, etc., but only what is mine; and it is no
+general business, but is&mdash;unique, as I am unique. Nothing is more to me
+than myself!"<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a></p>
+
+<p>"What a difference between freedom and self-ownership! I am free from
+what I am rid of; I am owner of what I have in my power."<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> "My
+freedom becomes complete only when it is my&mdash;might; but by this I cease
+to be a mere freeman and become a self-owner."<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> "Each must say to
+himself, I am all to myself and I do all for my sake. If it ever became
+clear to you that God, the commandments, etc., do you only harm, that
+they encroach on you and ruin you, you would certainly cast them from
+you just as the Christians once condemned Apollo or Minerva or heathen
+morality."<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> "How one acts only from himself, and asks no questions
+about anything further, the Christians have made concrete in the idea of
+'God.' He acts 'as pleases him'."<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Might is a fine thing and useful for many things; for 'one gets farther
+with a handful of might than with a bagful of right.' You long for
+freedom? You fools! If you took might, freedom would come of itself.
+See, he who has might 'stands above the law.' How does this prospect
+taste to you, you 'law-abiding' people? But you have no taste!"<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">4.&mdash;THE STATE</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>Together with law Stirner necessarily has to reject also, just as
+unconditionally, the legal institution</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101"></a>[<a href="images/125.png">101</a>]</span> <i>which is called State.</i> Without
+law the State is not possible. "'Respect for the statutes!' By this
+cement the whole fabric of the State is held together."<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></p>
+
+<p>The State as well as the law, then, exists, not by the individual's
+recognizing it as favorable to his welfare, but rather by his counting
+it sacred, by "our being entangled in the error that it is an I, as
+which it applies to itself the name of a 'moral, mystical, or political
+person.' I, who really am I, must pull off this lion's skin of the I
+from the parading thistle-eater."<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> The same holds good of the State
+as of the family. "If each one who belongs to the family is to recognize
+and maintain that family in its permanent existence, then to each the
+tie of blood must be sacred, and his feeling for it must be that of
+family piety, of respect for the ties of blood, whereby every
+blood-relative becomes hallowed to him. So, also, to every member of the
+State-community this community must be sacred, and the concept which is
+supreme to the State must be supreme to him too."<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> The State is "not
+only entitled, but compelled, to demand" this.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a></p>
+
+<p>But the State is not sacred. "The State's behavior is violence, and it
+calls its violence 'law', but that of the individual 'crime'."<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> If I
+do not do what it wishes, "then the State turns against me with all the
+force of its lion-paws and eagle-talons; for it is the king of beasts,
+it is lion and eagle."<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> "Even if you do overpower your opponent as a
+power, it does not follow that you are to him a hallowed authority,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102"></a>[<a href="images/126.png">102</a>]</span>unless he is a degenerate. He does not owe you respect, and reverence,
+even if he will be wary of your might."<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor is the State favorable to the individual's welfare. "I am the mortal
+enemy of the State."<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> "The general welfare as such is not my
+welfare, but only the extremity of self-denial. The general welfare may
+exult aloud while I must lie like a hushed dog; the State may be in
+splendor while I starve."<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> "Every State is a despotism, whether the
+despot be one or many, or whether, as people usually conceive to be the
+case in a republic, all are masters, <i>i. e.</i> each tyrannizes over the
+others."<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> "Doubtless the State leaves the individuals as free play
+as possible, only they must not turn the play to earnest, must not
+forget it. The State has never any object but to limit the individual,
+to tame him, to subordinate him, to subject him to something general; it
+lasts only so long as the individual is not all in all, and is only the
+clear-cut limitation of me, my limitedness, my slavery."<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p>
+
+<p>"A State never aims to bring about the free activity of individuals, but
+only that activity which is bound to the State's purpose."<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> "The
+State seeks to hinder every free activity by its censorship, its
+oversight, its police, and counts this hindering as its duty, because it
+is in truth a duty of self-preservation."<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> "I am not allowed to do
+all the work I can, but only so much as the State permits; I must not
+turn my thoughts to account, nor my work, nor, in general,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103"></a>[<a href="images/127.png">103</a>]</span> anything
+that is mine."<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> "Pauperism is the valuelessness of Me, the
+phenomenon of my being unable to turn myself to account. Therefore State
+and pauperism are one and the same. The State does not let me attain my
+value, and exists only by my valuelessness; its goal is always to get
+some benefit out of me, <i>i. e.</i> to exploit me, to use me up, even if
+this using consisted only in my providing a <i>proles</i> (<i>prol&eacute;tariat</i>); it
+wants me to be 'its creature'."<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The State cannot brook man's standing in a direct relation to man; it
+must come between as a&mdash;mediator, it must&mdash;intervene. It tears man from
+man, to put itself as 'spirit' in the middle. The laborers who demand a
+higher wage are treated as criminals so soon as they want to get it by
+compulsion. What are they to do? Without compulsion they don't get it,
+and in compulsion the State sees a self-help, a price fixed by the ego,
+a real, free turning to account of one's property, which it cannot
+permit."<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Every man's own welfare demands that a social human life solely on
+the basis of its precepts should take the place of the State.</i> Stirner
+calls this sort of social life "the union of egoists."<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a></p>
+
+<p>1. Even after the State is abolished men are to live together in
+society. "Self-owners will fight for the unity which is their own will,
+for union."<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> But what is to keep men together in the union?</p>
+
+<p>Not a promise, at any rate, "If I were bound to-day and hereafter to my
+will of yesterday," my will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104"></a>[<a href="images/128.png">104</a>]</span> would "be benumbed. My creature, <i>viz.</i>, a
+particular expression of will, would have become my dominator. Because I
+was a fool yesterday I must remain such all my life."<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> "The union is
+my own creation, my creature, not sacred, not a spiritual power above my
+spirit, as little as any association of whatever sort. As I am not
+willing to be a slave to my maxims, but lay them bare to my constant
+criticism without any warrant, and admit no bail whatever for their
+continuance, so still less do I pledge myself to the union for my future
+and swear away my soul to it as men are said to do with the devil, and
+as is really the case with the State and all intellectual authority; but
+I am and remain more to myself than State, Church, God, and the like,
+and, consequently, also infinitely more than the union."<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p>
+
+<p>Rather, men are to be held together in the union by the advantage which
+each individual has from the union at every moment. If I can "use" my
+fellow-men, "then I am likely to come to an understanding and unite
+myself with them, in order to strengthen my power by the agreement, and
+to do more by joint force than individual force could accomplish. In
+this joinder I see nothing at all else than a multiplication of my
+strength, and only so long as it is my multiplied strength do I retain
+it."<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a></p>
+
+<p>Hence the union is something quite different from "that society which
+Communism means to found."<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> "You bring into the union your whole
+power, your ability, and assert yourself; in society you with your
+labor-strength are spent. In the former you live <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105"></a>[<a href="images/129.png">105</a>]</span>egoistically, in the
+latter humanly, <i>i. e.</i> religiously, as a 'member in the body of this
+Lord'. You owe to society what you have, and are in duty bound to it,
+are&mdash;possessed by 'social duties'; you utilize the union, and, undutiful
+and unfaithful, give it up when you are no longer able to get any use
+out of it. If society is more than you, then it is of more consequence
+to you than yourself; the union is only your tool, or the sword with
+which you sharpen and enlarge your natural strength; the union exists
+for you and by you, society contrariwise claims you for itself and
+exists even without you; in short, society is sacred, the union is your
+own; society uses you up, you use up the union."<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. But what form may such a social life take in detail? In reply to his
+critic, Moses Hess, Stirner gives some examples of unions that already exist.</p>
+
+<p>"Perhaps at this moment children are running together under his window
+for a comradeship of play; let him look at them, and he will espy merry
+egoistic unions. Perhaps Hess has a friend or a sweetheart; then he may
+know how heart joins itself to heart, how two of them unite egoistically
+in order to have the enjoyment of each other, and how neither 'gets the
+worst of the bargain.' Perhaps he meets a few pleasant acquaintances on
+the street and is invited to accompany them into a wine-shop; does he go
+with them in order to do an act of kindness to them, or does he 'unite'
+with them because he promises himself enjoyment from it? Do they have to
+give him their best thanks for his 'self-sacrifice' or do they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106"></a>[<a href="images/130.png">106</a>]</span> know
+that for an hour they formed an 'egoistic union' together?"<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> Stirner
+even thinks of a "German Union."<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">5.&mdash;PROPERTY</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>Together with law Stirner necessarily has to reject also, and just
+as unconditionally, the legal institution of property.</i> This "lives by
+grace of the law. It has its guarantee only in the law; it is not a
+fact, but a fiction, a thought. This is law-property, legal property,
+warranted property. It is mine not by me, but by&mdash;law."<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a></p>
+
+<p>Property in this sense, as well as the law and the State, is based not
+on the individual's recognizing it as favorable to his welfare, but on
+his counting it sacred. "Property in the civil sense means sacred
+property, in such a way that I must respect your property. 'Have respect
+for property!' Therefore the political liberals would like every one to
+have his bit of property, and have in part brought about an incredible
+parcellation by their efforts in this direction. Every one must have his
+bone, on which he may find something to bite."<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a></p>
+
+<p>But property is not sacred. "I do not step timidly back from your
+property, be you one or many, but look upon it always as my property, in
+which I have no need to 'respect' anything. Now do the like with what
+you call my property!"<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor is property favorable to the individual's welfare. "Property, as the
+civic liberals understand it,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107"></a>[<a href="images/131.png">107</a>]</span> is untenable, because the civic
+proprietor is really nothing but a propertyless man, a man everywhere
+excluded. Instead of the world's belonging to him, as it might, there
+belongs to him not even the paltry point on which he turns around."<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Every one's own welfare commands that a distribution of commodities
+based solely on its precepts should take the place of property.</i> When
+Stirner designates as "property" the share of commodities assigned to
+the individual by these precepts, it is in the improper sense in which
+he constantly uses the word property: in the proper sense only a share
+of commodities assigned by law can be called property.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now, according to the decrees of his own welfare, every man should have
+all that he is powerful enough to obtain.</p>
+
+<p>"What they are not competent to tear from me the power over, that
+remains my property: all right, then let power decide about property,
+and I will expect everything from my power! Alien power, power that I
+leave to another, makes me a slave; then let own power make me an
+owner."<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> "To what property am I entitled? To any to which I&mdash;empower
+myself. I give myself the right of property in taking property to
+myself, or giving myself the proprietor's power, plenary power,
+empowerment."<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> "What I am competent to have is my
+'competence.'"<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> "The sick, children, the aged, are still competent
+for a great deal; <i>e. g.</i> to receive their living instead of taking it.
+If they are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108"></a>[<a href="images/132.png">108</a>]</span> competent to control you to the extent of having you desire
+their continued existence, then they have a power over you."<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> "What
+competence the child possesses in its smile, its play, its crying,&mdash;in
+short, in its mere existence! Are you capable of resisting its demand?
+or do you not hold out to it, as a mother, your breast,&mdash;as a father, so
+much of your belongings as it needs? It puts you under constraint, and
+therefore possesses what you call yours."<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Property, therefore, should not and cannot be done away with; rather,
+it must be torn from ghostly hands and become my property; then will the
+erroneous consciousness that I cannot entitle myself to as much as I
+want vanish.&mdash;'But what cannot a man want?' Well, he who wants much, and
+knows how to get it, has in all times taken it to him, as Napoleon did
+the continent, and the French Algeria. Therefore the only point is just
+that the respectful 'lower classes' should at length learn to take to
+themselves what they want. If they reach their hands too far for you,
+why, defend yourselves."<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> "What 'man' wants does not by any means
+furnish a scale for me and my needs; for I may have a use for more, or
+for less. Rather, I must have as much as I am competent to appropriate
+to myself."<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. "In this matter, as well as in others, unions will multiply the
+individual's means and make secure his assailed property."<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> "When it
+is our will no longer to leave the land to the land-owners, but to
+appropriate it to ourselves, we unite ourselves for this purpose; we
+form a union, a <i>soci&eacute;t&eacute;</i>, which makes itself owner;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109"></a>[<a href="images/133.png">109</a>]</span> if we are
+successful, they cease to be land-owners. And, as we chase them out from
+land and soil, so we can also from many another property, to make it our
+own, the property of the&mdash;conquerors. The conquerors form a society,
+which one may conceive of as so great that by degrees it embraces all
+mankind; but so-called mankind is also, as such, only a thought (ghost);
+its reality is the individuals. And these individuals as a collective
+mass will deal not less arbitrarily with land and soil than does an
+isolated individual."<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a></p>
+
+<p>"What all want to have a share in will be withdrawn from that individual
+who wants to have it for himself alone; it is made a common possession.
+As a common possession every one has a share in it, and this share is
+his property. Just so, even in our old relations, a house which belongs
+to five heirs is their common possession; but the fifth part of the
+proceeds is each one's property. The property which for the present is
+still withheld from us can be better made use of when it is in the hands
+of us all. Let us therefore associate ourselves for the purpose of this
+robbery."<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">6.&mdash;REALIZATION</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>According to Stirner the change which every one's own welfare requires
+is to come about in this way,&mdash;that men in sufficient number first
+undergo an inward change and recognize their own welfare as their
+highest law, and that these men then bring to pass by force the outward
+change also: to wit, the abrogation of</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110"></a>[<a href="images/134.png">110</a>]</span> <i>law, State, and property, and
+the introduction of the new condition.</i></p>
+
+<p>I. The first and most important thing is the inward change of men.</p>
+
+<p>"Revolution and insurrection must not be regarded as synonymous. The
+former consists in an overturning of conditions, of the existing
+condition or state, the State or society, and so is a political or
+social act; the latter has indeed a transformation of conditions as its
+inevitable consequence, but starts not from this but from men's
+discontent with themselves, is not a lifting of shields but a lifting of
+individuals, a coming up, without regard to the arrangements that spring
+from it. The Revolution aimed at new arrangements: the Insurrection
+leads to no longer having ourselves arranged but arranging ourselves,
+and sets no brilliant hope on 'institutions.' It is not a fight against
+the existing order, since, if it prospers, the existing order collapses
+of itself; it is only a working my way out of the existing order. If I
+leave the existing order, it is dead and passes into decay. Now, since
+my purpose is not the upsetting of an existing order but the lifting of
+myself above it, my aim and act are not political or social, but, as
+directed upon myself and my ownness alone, egoistic."<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a></p>
+
+<p>Why was the founder of Christianity "not a revolutionist, not a
+demagogue as the Jews would have liked to see him; why was he not a
+Liberal? Because he expected no salvation from a change of <i>conditions</i>,
+and this whole business was indifferent to him. He was not a
+revolutionist, like C&aelig;sar for <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111"></a>[<a href="images/135.png">111</a>]</span>instance, but an insurgent; not an
+overturner of the State, but one who straightened <i>himself</i> up. He waged
+no Liberal or political war against the existing authorities, but wanted
+to go his own way regardless of these authorities and undisturbed by
+them."<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Everything sacred is a bond, a fetter. Everything sacred will be, must
+be, perverted by perverters of law; therefore our present time has such
+perverters by the quantity in all spheres. They are preparing for the
+break of the law, for lawlessness."<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> "Regard yourself as more
+powerful than they allege you to be, and you have more power; regard
+yourself as more, and you are more."<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> "The poor become free and
+proprietors only when they&mdash;'rise'."<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> "Only from egoism can the
+lower classes get help, and this help they must give to themselves
+and&mdash;will give to themselves. If they do not let themselves be
+constrained into fear, they are a power."<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. Furthermore, in order to bring about the "transformation of
+conditions"<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> and put the new condition in the place of law, State,
+and property, violent insurrection against the condition that has
+hitherto existed is requisite.</p>
+
+<p>1. "The State can be overcome only by a violent arbitrariness."<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a>
+"The individual's violence [<i>Gewalt</i>] is called crime [<i>Verbrechen</i>],
+and only by crime does he break [<i>brechen</i>] the State's authority
+[<i>Gewalt</i>] when he opines that the State is not above him, but he above
+the State."<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> "Here too the result is that the thinkers' combat
+against the government is wrong,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112"></a>[<a href="images/136.png">112</a>]</span> <i>viz.</i> in impotence, so far as it
+cannot bring into the field anything but thoughts against a personal
+power (the egoistic power stops the mouths of the thinkers). The
+theoretical combat cannot complete the victory, and the sacred power of
+thought succumbs to the might of egoism. It is only the egoistic combat,
+the combat of egoists on both sides, that clears up everything."<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The property question cannot be solved so gently as the Socialists,
+even the Communists, dream. It is solved only by the war of all against
+all."<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> "Let me then retract the might which I have conceded to
+others out of ignorance regarding the strength of my own might! Let me
+say to myself, 'Whatever my might reaches to is my property,' and then
+claim as property all that I feel myself strong enough to attain; and
+let me make my real property extend as far as I entitle (<i>i. e.</i>
+empower) myself to take."<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> "In order to extirpate the unpossessing
+rabble, egoism does not say, 'Wait and see what the Board of Equity
+will&mdash;donate to you in the name of the collectivity', but 'Put your hand
+to it and take what you need!'"<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a></p>
+
+<p>In this combat Stirner agrees to all methods. "I will not draw back with
+a shudder from any act because there dwells in it a spirit of
+godlessness, immorality, wrongfulness, as little as St. Boniface was
+disposed to abstain from chopping down the heathens'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113"></a>[<a href="images/137.png">113</a>]</span> sacred oak on
+account of religious scruples."<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> "The power over life and death,
+which Church and State reserved to themselves, this too I
+call&mdash;mine."<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> "The life of the individual man I rate only at what it
+is worth. His goods, the material and the spiritual alike, are mine, and
+I dispose of them as proprietor to the extent of my&mdash;might."<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. Stirner depicts for us a single event in this violent transformation
+of conditions. He assumes that certain men come to realize that they
+occupy a disproportionately unfavorable position in the State as
+compared with others who receive the preference.</p>
+
+<p>"Those who are in the unfavorable position take courage to ask the
+question, 'By what, then, is your property secure, you favored ones?'
+and give themselves the answer, 'By our refraining from interference! By
+our protection, therefore! And what do you give us for it? Kicks and
+contempt you give the "common people"; police oversight, and a catechism
+with the chief sentence "Respect what is not yours, what belongs to
+others! respect others, and especially superiors!" But we reply, "If you
+want our respect, buy it for a price that shall be acceptable to us." We
+will leave you your property, if you pay duly for this leaving. With
+what, indeed, does the general in time of peace pay for the many
+thousands of his yearly income? or Another for the sheer
+hundred-thousands and millions? With what do you pay us for chewing
+potatoes and looking quietly on while you swallow oysters? Only buy the
+oysters from us as dear as we have to buy the potatoes from you, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114"></a>[<a href="images/138.png">114</a>]</span>
+you may go on eating them. Or do you suppose the oysters do not belong
+to us as much as to you? You will make an outcry about violence if we
+take hold and help eat them, and you are right. Without violence we do
+not get them, as you no less have them by doing violence to us.</p>
+
+<p>"'But take the oysters and done with it, and let us come to what is in a
+closer way our property (for this other is only possession)&mdash;to labor.
+We toil twelve hours in the sweat of our foreheads, and you offer us a
+few groschen for it. Then take the like for your labor too. We will come
+to terms all right if only we have first agreed on the point that
+neither any longer needs to&mdash;donate anything to the other. For centuries
+we have offered you alms in our kindly&mdash;stupidity, have given the mite
+of the poor and rendered to the masters what is&mdash;not the masters'; now
+just open your bags, for henceforth there is a tremendous rise in the
+price of our ware. We will take nothing away from you, nothing at all,
+only you shall pay better for what you want to have. What have you then?
+"I have an estate of a thousand acres." And I am your plowman, and will
+hereafter do your plowing only for a thaler a day wages. "Then I'll get
+another." You will not find one, for we plowmen are no longer doing
+anything different, and if one presents himself who takes less, let him
+beware of us.'"<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Stirner p. 439. [The page-numbers of Stirner's first
+edition, here cited, agree almost exactly with those of the English
+translation under the title "The Ego and His Own." Any passage quoted
+here will in general be found in the English translation either on the
+page whose number is given or on the preceding page; for the early
+pages, subtract two or three from the number.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 435-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 465.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 464.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 466.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Stirner p. 473.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> No more do his adherents, <i>e. g.</i> Mackay, "Stirner" pp.
+164-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> Stirner p. 322.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 343.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 420.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 189-90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> Stirner p. 427.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 428.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 429.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 478.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 426.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Stirner p. 395.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 387.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> [To understand some of the following citations it is
+necessary to remember that in German "law" (in the sense of common law,
+or including this) and "right" are one and the same word.&mdash;While it is
+probably not fair to say that these assaults of Stirner are directed
+only against some laws, it does seem fair to say that they deny to the
+laws only some sorts of validity. We have very little material for
+compiling the constructive side of Stirner's teaching, for he avoided
+specifying what things the Egoists or their unions were to do in his
+future social order; he said explicitly that the only way to know what a
+slave will do when he breaks his fetters is to wait and see. But, while
+he may nowhere have stated a law which is to obtain in the good time
+coming, neither has he said anything which authorizes us to declare that
+none of his unions will ever make laws on such a basis as (for instance)
+the rules of the Stock Exchange. On <a href="#Page_114">page 114</a> below is quoted a
+passage where he distinctly and approvingly contemplates the possibility
+that a union of his followers may fix a minimum wage, and may threaten
+violence to any person who consents to work below the scale. This would
+be law, and might easily be the germ of a State. On <a href="#Page_108">pages 108</a> and <a href="#Page_109">page 109</a>
+are quoted passages which strongly suggest that the Egoistic union would
+undertake to defend its member against all interference with his
+possession of certain goods; this would be both law and property.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> Stirner p. 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Stirner p. 248.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 317.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 317, 316.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 265-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 276.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 270.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 326-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 248-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> Stirner p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 259, 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 251. [The German idiom for "it suits me" is "it
+is right to me"].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 490.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 491.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 491.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> Stirner p. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 212.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Stirner p. 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 295.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 231-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 231.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 259.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Stirner p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 280.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 299.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Stirner p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 337-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 235; Stirner "<i>Vierteljahrsschrift</i>" p. 192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> Stirner p. 304.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> Stirner p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p 411.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 416.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 411.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Stirner pp. 417-18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> Stirner "<i>Vierteljahrsschrift</i>" pp. 193-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> Stirner p. 305.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 332.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 327-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 328, 326.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> Stirner pp. 328-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> Zenker fails to recognize this when he asserts (p. 80)
+that Stirner demands property based on the right of occupation</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> Stirner p. 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 351.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Stirner p. 351.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 351-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 343-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 349.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> Stirner pp. 329-30. [See footnote on <a href="#Page_97">page 97</a>.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 330.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> Stirner pp. 421-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> Stirner p. 423.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 483.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 344.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 343.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 422.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 199.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 259.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> Stirner pp. 198-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 344. [But Stirner does not mean that all are to
+fight against all; they are merely to declare themselves no longer bound
+by the obligations of peace, and then those who are able to agree with
+each other can at once make terms to suit themselves.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 341.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> Stirner p. 479.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 424.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 326-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> Stirner pp. 359-60.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115"></a>[<a href="images/139.png">115</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER VI</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>BAKUNIN'S TEACHING</span> <span class="smaller">1.&mdash;GENERAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>1. Mikhail Alexandrovitch Bakunin was born in 1814 at Pryamukhino,
+district of Torshok, government of Tver. In 1834 he entered the
+Artillery School at St. Petersburg; in 1835 he became an officer, but
+resigned his commission in the same year. He then lived alternately in
+Pryamukhino and in Moscow.</p>
+
+<p>In 1840 Bakunin left Russia. In the following years revolutionary plans
+took him now to this part of Europe, now to that; in Paris he associated
+much with Proudhon. In 1849 he was condemned to death in Saxony, but was
+pardoned; in 1850 he was handed over to Austria and was condemned to
+death there also; in 1851 he was handed over to Russia and was there
+kept a prisoner first at St. Petersburg, then at Schluesselburg; in 1857
+he was sent to Siberia.</p>
+
+<p>From Siberia Bakunin escaped to London in 1865, by way of Japan and
+California. He took up his revolutionary activities again at once, and
+thereafter lived by turns in the most various parts of Europe. In 1868
+he became a member of the <i>Association internationale des travailleurs</i>,
+and soon afterward he founded the <i>Alliance internationale de la
+d&eacute;mocratie socialiste</i>. In 1869 he came into intimate relations with the
+fanatic Nechayeff, but broke away from him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116"></a>[<a href="images/140.png">116</a>]</span> in the next year. In 1872 he
+was expelled from the <i>Association internationale des travailleurs</i> on
+the ground that his aims were different from those of the Association.
+He died at Berne in 1876.</p>
+
+<p>Bakunin wrote a number of works of a philosophical and political nature.</p>
+
+<p>2. Bakunin's teaching about law, the State, and property finds its
+expression especially in the "<i>Proposition motiv&eacute;e au comit&eacute; central de
+la Ligue de la paix et de la libert&eacute;</i>"<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> offered by him in 1868; in
+the principles<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> of the <i>Alliance internationale de la d&eacute;mocratie
+socialiste</i>, drawn up by him in 1868; and in his work "<i>Dieu et
+l'Etat</i>"<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> (1871).</p>
+
+<p>Writings which cannot with certainty be assigned to Bakunin are here
+disregarded. Among such we may name especially the two works "The
+Principles of the Revolution"<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> and "Catechism of the
+Revolution,"<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> in which Nechayeff's views are set forth. They are
+indeed ascribed to Bakunin by some,<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> but their matter is in
+contradiction to his other utterances as well as to his deeds; he even
+used vehement language on several occasions against Nechayeff's<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117"></a>[<a href="images/141.png">117</a>]</span>
+"Machiavellianism and Jesuitism."<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> Even on the assumption that they
+are by Bakunin, they would at any rate express only a very insignificant
+chapter in his development.</p>
+
+<p>3. Bakunin designates his teaching about law, the State, and property as
+"Anarchism." "In a word, we reject all legislation, all authority, all
+privileged, chartered, official, and legal influence,&mdash;even if it were
+created by universal suffrage,&mdash;in the conviction that such things can
+but redound always to the advantage of a ruling minority of exploiters
+and to the disadvantage of the vast enslaved majority. In this sense we
+are in truth Anarchists."<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;BASIS</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>Bakunin regards the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a
+less perfect existence to the most perfect possible existence as the law
+which has supreme validity for man.</i></p>
+
+<p>"Science has no other task than the careful intellectual reproduction,
+in the most systematic form possible, of the natural laws of corporeal,
+mental, and moral life, alike in the physical and in the social world,
+which two worlds constitute in fact only a single natural world."<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now "science&mdash;that is, true, unselfish science"<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a>&mdash;teaches us the
+following: "Every evolution signifies the negation of its
+starting-point. Since according to the materialists the basis or
+starting-point is material, the negation must necessarily be
+ideal."<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> That is,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118"></a>[<a href="images/142.png">118</a>]</span> "everything that lives makes the effort to
+perfect itself as fully as possible."<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus, "according to the conception of materialists, man's historical
+evolution also moves in a constantly ascending line."<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> "It is an
+altogether natural movement from the simple to the compound, from down
+to up, from the lower to the higher."<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> "History consists in the
+progressive negation of man's original bestiality by the evolution of
+his humanity."<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Man is originally a wild beast, a cousin of the gorilla. But he has
+already come out of the deep night of bestial impulses to make his way
+to the light of the mind. This explains all his former missteps in the
+most natural way, and comforts us somewhat with regard to his present
+aberrations. He has turned his back on bestial slavery, and is now
+moving toward freedom through the realm of slavery to God, which lies
+between his bestial and his human existence. Behind us, therefore, lies
+our bestial existence, before us our human; the light of humanity, which
+alone can light us and warm us, deliver us and exalt us, make us free,
+happy, and brothers, stands never at the beginning of history, but
+always only at its end."<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a></p>
+
+<p>This "historical negation of the past takes place now slowly,
+sluggishly, sleepily, but now again passionately and violently."<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> It
+always takes place with the inevitable certainty of natural law: "we
+believe in the final triumph of humanity on earth."[G] "We yearn for the
+coming of this triumph, and seek to hasten it with united effort";<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a>
+"we must never look<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119"></a>[<a href="images/143.png">119</a>]</span> back, always forward alone; before us is our sun,
+before us our bliss."<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">3.&mdash;LAW</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>In the progress of mankind from its bestial existence to a human
+existence, one of the next steps, according to Bakunin, will be the
+disappearance&mdash;not indeed of law, but&mdash;of enacted law.</i></p>
+
+<p>Enacted law belongs to a low stage of evolution. "A political
+legislation, whether it is based on a ruler's will or on the votes of
+representatives chosen by universal suffrage, can never correspond to
+the laws of nature, and is always baleful, hostile to the liberty of the
+masses, if only because it forces upon them a system of external and
+consequently despotic laws."<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> No legislation has ever "had another
+aim than that of confirming, and exalting into a system, the
+exploitation of the laboring populace by the ruling classes."<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> Thus
+every legislation "has for its consequence at once the enslavement of
+society and the depravation of the legislators."<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a></p>
+
+<p>But mankind will soon leave behind it the stage of evolution to which
+law belongs. Enacted law is indissolubly connected with the State: "the
+State is a historically necessary evil,"<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> "a transitory form of
+society";<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> "with the State, law in the jurists' sense, the so-called
+legal regulation of popular life from above downward by legislation,
+must necessarily fall."<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> Everybody feels already that this moment is
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120"></a>[<a href="images/144.png">120</a>]</span>approaching,<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> the transformation is at hand,<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> it is to be
+expected within the nineteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>In the next stage of evolution, which mankind must speedily reach,
+there will be no enacted law to be sure, but there will be law even
+there.</i> What Bakunin predicts with regard to this next stage of
+evolution enables us to perceive that according to his expectation norms
+will then prevail which "are based on a general will,"<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> and which
+even secure obedience by forcible compulsion if necessary,<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> so that
+they are legal norms.</p>
+
+<p>Among such legal norms of our next stage of evolution Bakunin mentions
+that by virtue of which there exists a "right to independence."<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> For
+me as an individual this means "that I as a man am entitled to obey no
+other man, and to act only in accordance with my own judgment."<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a>
+But, furthermore, "every nation, every province, and every commune has
+the unlimited right to complete independence, provided that its internal
+constitution does not threaten the independence and liberty of the
+adjoining territories."<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a></p>
+
+<p>Likewise Bakunin regards it as a legal norm of the next stage of
+evolution that contracts must be lived up to. To be sure, the obligation
+of contracts has its limits. "Human justice cannot recognize anything as
+creating an obligation in perpetuity. All rights and duties are founded
+on liberty. The right of freely uniting and separating is the first and
+most important<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121"></a>[<a href="images/145.png">121</a>]</span> of all political rights."<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a></p>
+
+<p>Another legal norm mentioned by Bakunin as belonging to the next stage
+of evolution is that by virtue of which "the land, the instruments of
+labor, and all other capital, as the collective property of the whole of
+society, will exclusively serve for the use of the agricultural and
+industrial associations."<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">4.&mdash;THE STATE</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>In the progress of mankind from its bestial existence to a human
+existence the State will shortly, according to Bakunin, disappear.</i> "The
+State is a historically temporary arrangement, a transitory form of
+society."<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a></p>
+
+<p>1. The State belongs to a low stage of evolution.</p>
+
+<p>"Man takes the first step from his bestial existence to a human
+existence by religion; but so long as he remains religious he will never
+reach his goal; for every religion condemns him to absurdity, guides him
+into a wrong course, and makes him seek the divine in place of the
+human."<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> "All religions, with their gods, demigods, and prophets,
+their Messiahs and saints, are products of the credulous fancy of men
+who had not yet come to the full development and entire possession of
+their intellectual powers."<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> This holds good also, and particularly,
+of Christianity: it is "the complete inversion of common-sense and
+reason."<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a></p>
+
+<p>The State is a product of religion. "In all lands it is born of a
+marriage of violence, robbery, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122"></a>[<a href="images/146.png">122</a>]</span>spoliation,&mdash;in short, of war and
+conquest,&mdash;with the gods whom the religious enthusiasm of the nations
+had gradually created."<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> "He who speaks of revelation speaks thereby
+of revealers enlightened by God, of Messiahs, prophets, priests, and
+lawgivers; and, if once these are recognized on earth as representatives
+of the Deity, as sacred teachers of mankind chosen by God himself, then
+of course they have unlimited authority. All men owe them blind
+obedience; for no human reason, no human justice, is valid against the
+divine reason and justice. As slaves of God, men must be also slaves of
+the Church, and of the State so far as the Church hallows the
+State."<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a></p>
+
+<p>"No State is without religion, and none can be without religion. Take
+the freest States in the world,&mdash;for instance, the United States of
+America or the Swiss Confederacy,&mdash;and see what an important part divine
+providence plays in all public utterances there."<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> "It is not
+without good reason that governments hold the belief in God to be an
+essential condition of their power."<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> "There is a class of people
+who, even if they do not believe, must necessarily act as if they
+believed. This class embraces all mankind's tormentors, oppressors, and
+exploiters. Priests, monarchs, statesmen, soldiers, financiers,
+office-holders of all sorts; policemen, <i>gendarmes</i>, jailers, and
+executioners; capitalists, usurers, heads of business, and house-owners;
+lawyers, economists, politicians of all shades,&mdash;all of them, down to
+the smallest grocer, will always repeat in chorus the words of Voltaire,
+that, if there were no God, it would be necessary to invent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123"></a>[<a href="images/147.png">123</a>]</span> him; 'for
+must not the populace have its religion?' It is the very
+safety-valve."<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The characteristics of the State correspond to the low stage of
+evolution to which it belongs.</p>
+
+<p>The State enslaves the governed. "The State is force; nay, it is the
+silly parading of force. It does not propose to win love or to make
+converts; if it puts its finger into anything, it does so only in an
+unfriendly way; for its essence consists not in persuasion, but in
+command and compulsion. However much pains it may take, it cannot
+conceal the fact that it is the legal maimer of our will, the constant
+negation of our liberty. Even when it commands the good, it makes this
+valueless by commanding it; for every command slaps liberty in the face;
+as soon as the good is commanded, it is transformed into the evil in the
+eyes of true (that is, human, by no means divine) morality, of the
+dignity of man, of liberty; for man's liberty, morality, and dignity
+consist precisely in doing the good not because he is commanded to but
+because he recognizes it, wills it, and loves it."<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a></p>
+
+<p>At the same time the State depraves those who govern. "It is
+characteristic of privilege, and of every privileged position, that they
+poison the minds and hearts of men. He who is politically or
+economically privileged has his mind and heart depraved. This is a law
+of social life, which admits of no exceptions and is applicable to
+entire nations as well as to classes, corporations, and individuals. It
+is the law of equality, the foremost of the conditions of liberty and
+humanity."<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124"></a>[<a href="images/148.png">124</a>]</span></p><p>"Powerful States can maintain themselves only by crime, little States
+are virtuous only from weakness."<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> "We abhor monarchy with all our
+hearts; but at the same time we are convinced that a great republic too,
+with army, bureaucracy, and political centralization, will make a
+business of conquest without and oppression within, and will be
+incapable of guaranteeing happiness and liberty to its subjects even if
+it calls them citizens."<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> "Even in the purest democracies, such as
+the United States and Switzerland, a privileged minority faces the vast
+enslaved majority."<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. But the stage of mankind's evolution to which the State belongs will
+soon be left behind.</p>
+
+<p>"From the beginning of historic society to this day, there has always
+been oppression of the nations by the State. Is it to be inferred that
+this oppression is inseparably connected with the existence of human
+society?"<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> Certainly not! "The great, true goal of history, the only
+one for which there is justification, is our humanization and
+deliverance, the genuine liberty and prosperity of all socially-living
+men."<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> "In the triumph of humanity is at the same time the goal and
+the essential meaning of history, and this triumph can be brought about
+only by liberty."<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> "As in the past the State was historically
+necessary evil, it must just as necessarily, sooner or later, disappear
+altogether."<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> Everybody feels already that this moment is
+approaching,<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> the transformation is at hand,<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> it is to be
+expected within the nineteenth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125"></a>[<a href="images/149.png">125</a>]</span> century.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>In the next stage of evolution, which mankind must speedily reach,
+the place of the State will be taken by a social human life on the basis
+of the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. Even after the State is done away, men will live together socially.
+The goal of human evolution, "complete humanity,"<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> can be attained
+only in a society. "Man becomes man, and his humanity becomes conscious
+and real, only in society and by the joint activity of society. He frees
+himself from the yoke of external nature only by joint&mdash;that is,
+societary&mdash;labor: it alone is capable of making the surface of the earth
+fit for the evolution of mankind; but without such external liberation
+neither intellectual nor moral liberation is possible. Furthermore, man
+gets free from the yoke of his own nature only by education and
+instruction: they alone make it possible for him to subordinate the
+impulses and motions of his body to the guidance of his more and more
+developed mind; but education and instruction are of an exclusively
+societary nature. Outside of society man would have remained forever a
+wild beast, or, what comes to about the same thing, a saint. Finally, in
+his isolation man cannot have the consciousness of liberty. What liberty
+means for man is that he is recognized as free, and treated as free, by
+those who surround him; liberty is not a matter of isolation, therefore,
+but of mutuality&mdash;not of separateness, but of combination; for every man
+it is only the mirroring of his humanity (that is, of his human rights)
+in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126"></a>[<a href="images/150.png">126</a>]</span> consciousness of his brothers."<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a></p>
+
+<p>But men will be held together in society no longer by a supreme
+authority, but by the legally binding force of contract. Complete
+humanity can be attained only in a free society. "My liberty, or, what
+means the same, my human dignity, consists in my being entitled, as man,
+to obey no other man and to act only on my own judgment."<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> "I myself
+am a free man only so far as I recognize the humanity and liberty of all
+the men who surround me. In respecting their humanity I respect my own.
+A cannibal, who treats his prisoner as a wild beast and eats him, is
+himself not a man, but a beast. A slaveholder is not a man, but a
+master."<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> "The more free men surround me, and the deeper and broader
+their freedom is, so much deeper, broader, and more powerful is my
+freedom too. On the other hand, every enslavement of men is at the same
+time a limitation of my freedom, or, what is the same thing, a negation
+of my human existence by its bestial existence."<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a> But a free society
+cannot be held together by authority,<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> but only by contract.<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. How will the future society shape itself in detail?</p>
+
+<p>"Unity is the goal toward which mankind ceaselessly moves."<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a>
+Therefore men will unite with the utmost amplitude. But "the place of
+the old organization, built from above downward upon force and
+authority, will be taken by a new one which has no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127"></a>[<a href="images/151.png">127</a>]</span> other basis than the
+natural needs, inclinations, and endeavors of men."<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> Thus we come to
+a "free union of individuals into communes, of communes into provinces,
+of provinces into nations, and finally of nations into the United States
+of Europe and later of the whole world."<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Every nation,&mdash;be it great or small, strong or weak,&mdash;every province,
+and every commune has the unlimited right to complete independence,
+provided that its internal constitution does not threaten the
+independence and liberty of the adjoining territories."<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a></p>
+
+<p>"All of what are known as the historic rights of nations are totally
+done away; all questions regarding natural, political, strategic, and
+economic boundaries are henceforth to be classed as ancient history and
+resolutely disallowed."<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a></p>
+
+<p>"By the fact that a territory has once belonged to a State, even by a
+voluntary adhesion, it is in no wise bound to remain always united with
+this State. Human justice, the only justice that means anything to us,
+cannot recognize anything as creating an obligation in perpetuity. All
+rights and duties are founded on liberty. The right of freely uniting
+and separating is the first and most important of all political rights.
+Without this right the League would be merely a concealed centralization
+still."<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">5.&mdash;PROPERTY</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>In the progress of mankind from its bestial</i> <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128"></a>[<a href="images/152.png">128</a>]</span><i>existence to a human
+existence, according to Bakunin, we must shortly come to the
+disappearance&mdash;not indeed of property, but&mdash;of property's present form,
+unlimited private property.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. Private property, so far as it fastens upon all things without
+distinction, belongs to the same low stage of evolution as the State.</p>
+
+<p>"Private property is at once the consequence and the basis of the
+State."<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> "Every government is necessarily based on exploitation on
+the one hand, and on the other hand has exploitation for its goal and
+bestows upon exploitation protection and legality."<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> In every State
+there exist "two kinds of relationship,&mdash;to wit, government and
+exploitation. If really governing means sacrificing one's self for the
+good of the governed, then indeed the second relationship is in direct
+contradiction to the first. But let us only understand our point
+rightly! From the ideal standpoint, be it theological or metaphysical,
+the good of the masses can of course not mean their temporal welfare:
+what are a few decades of earthly life in comparison to eternity? Hence
+one must govern the masses with regard not to this coarse earthly
+happiness, but to their eternal good. Outward sufferings and privations
+may even be welcomed from the educator's standpoint, since an excess of
+sensual enjoyment kills the immortal soul. But now the contradiction
+disappears. Exploiting and governing mean the same; the one completes
+the other, and serves as its means and its end."<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. Private property, when it exists in all things<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129"></a>[<a href="images/153.png">129</a>]</span> without distinction,
+has such characteristics as correspond to the low stage of evolution to
+which it belongs.</p>
+
+<p>"On the privileged representatives of head-work (who at present are
+called to be the representatives of society, not because they have more
+sense, but only because they were born in the privileged class) such
+property bestows all the blessings and also all the debasement of our
+civilization: wealth, luxury, profuse expenditure, comfort, the
+pleasures of family life, the exclusive enjoyment of political liberty,
+and hence the possibility of exploiting millions of laborers and
+governing them at discretion in one's own interest. What is there left
+for the representatives of handwork, these numberless millions of
+proletarians or of small farmers? Hopeless misery, not even the joys of
+the family (for the family soon becomes a burden to the poor man),
+ignorance, barbarism, an almost bestial existence, and this for
+consolation with it all, that they are serving as pedestal for the
+culture, liberty, and depravity of a minority."<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a></p>
+
+<p>The freer and more highly developed trade and industry are in any place,
+"the more complete is the demoralization of the privileged few on the
+one hand, and the greater are the misery, the complaints, and the just
+indignation of the laboring masses on the other. England, Belgium,
+France, Germany, are certainly the countries of Europe in which trade
+and industry enjoy greatest freedom and have made most progress. In
+these very countries the most cruel pauperism prevails, the gulf between
+capitalists and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130"></a>[<a href="images/154.png">130</a>]</span> landlords on the one hand and the laboring class on the
+other is greater than in any other country. In Russia, in the
+Scandinavian countries, in Italy, in Spain, where trade and industry are
+still embryonic, people but seldom die of hunger except on extraordinary
+occasions. In England starvation is an every-day thing. And not only
+individuals starve, but thousands, tens of thousands, hundreds of
+thousands."<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. But mankind will soon have passed the low stage of evolution to which
+private property belongs.</p>
+
+<p>As there has at all times been oppression of the nations by the State,
+so has there also always been "exploitation of the masses of slaves,
+serfs, wage-workers, by a ruling minority."<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> But this exploitation
+is no more "inseparably united with the existence of human society"<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a>
+than is that oppression. "By the force of things themselves"<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a>
+unlimited private property will be done away. Everybody feels already
+that this moment is approaching,<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> the transformation is already at
+hand,<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> it is to be expected within the nineteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>In the next stage of evolution, which mankind must speedily reach,
+property will be so constituted that there will indeed be private
+property in the objects of consumption, but in land, instruments of
+labor, and all other capital, there will be only social property. The
+future society will be collectivist.</i></p>
+
+<p>In this way every laborer has the product of his labor guaranteed to him.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131"></a>[<a href="images/155.png">131</a>]</span></p><p>1. "Justice must serve as basis for the new world: without it, no
+liberty, no living together, no prosperity, no peace."<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> "Justice,
+not that of jurists, nor yet that of theologians, nor yet that of
+metaphysicians, but simple human justice, commands"<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> that "in future
+every man's enjoyment corresponds to the quantity of goods produced by
+him."<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> The thing is, then, to find a means "which makes it
+impossible for any one, whoever he may be, to exploit the labor of
+another, and permits each to share in the enjoyment of society's stock
+of goods (which is solely a product of labor) only so far as he has, by
+his labor, directly contributed to the production of this stock of
+goods."<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a></p>
+
+<p>This means consists in the principle "that the land, the instruments of
+labor, and all other capital, as the collective property of the whole of
+society, shall exclusively serve for the use of the laborers,&mdash;that is,
+of their agricultural and industrial associations."<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> "I am not a
+Communist, but a Collectivist."<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The collectivism of the future society "by no means demands the
+setting up of any supreme authority. In the name of liberty, on which
+alone an economic or a political organization can be founded, we shall
+always protest against everything that looks even remotely similar to
+Communism or State Socialism."<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> "I would have the organization of
+society, and of the collective or social property, from below upward by
+the voice of free union, not from above downward by means of any
+authority."<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132"></a>[<a href="images/156.png">132</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">6.&mdash;REALIZATION</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>The change that is promptly to be expected in the course of mankind's
+progress from its bestial existence to a human existence,&mdash;the
+disappearance of the State, the transformation of law and property, and
+the appearance of the new condition,&mdash;will come to pass, according to
+Bakunin, by a social revolution; that is, by a violent subversion of the
+old order, which will be automatically brought about by the power of
+things, but which those who foresee the course of evolution have the
+task of hastening and facilitating.</i></p>
+
+<p>I. "To escape its wretched lot the populace has three ways, two
+imaginary and one real. The two first are the rum-shop and the church,
+the third is the social revolution."<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> "A cure is possible only
+through the social revolution,"<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a>&mdash;that is, through "the destruction
+of all institutions of inequality, and the establishment of economic and
+social equality."<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> The revolution will not be made by anybody.
+"Revolutions are never made, neither by individuals nor yet by secret
+societies. They come about automatically, in a measure; the power of
+things, the current of events and facts, produces them. They are long
+preparing in the depth of the obscure consciousness of the masses&mdash;then
+they break out suddenly, not seldom on apparently slight occasion."<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a>
+The revolution is already at hand to-day;<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> everybody feels its
+approach;<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> we are to expect it within the nineteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133"></a>[<a href="images/157.png">133</a>]</span></p><p>1. "By the revolution we understand the unchaining of everything that
+is to-day called 'evil passions,' and the destruction of everything that
+in the same language is called 'public order'."<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a></p>
+
+<p>The revolution will rage not against men, but against relations and
+things.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> "Bloody revolutions are often necessary, thanks to human
+stupidity; yet they are always an evil, a monstrous evil and a great
+disaster, not only with regard to the victims, but also for the sake of
+the purity and perfection of the purpose in whose name they take
+place."<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> "One must not wonder if in the first moment of their
+uprising the people kill many oppressors and exploiters&mdash;this
+misfortune, which is of no more importance anyhow than the damage done
+by a thunderstorm, can perhaps not be avoided. But this natural fact
+will be neither moral nor even useful. Political massacres have never
+killed parties; particularly have they always shown themselves impotent
+against the privileged classes; for authority is vested far less in men
+than in the position which the privileged acquire by any institutions,
+particularly by the State and private property. If one would make a
+thorough revolution, therefore, one must attack things and
+relationships, destroy property and the State: then there is no need of
+destroying men and exposing one's self to the inevitable reaction which
+the slaughtering of men always has provoked and always will provoke in
+every society. But, in order to have the right to deal humanely with men
+without danger to the revolution, one must be inexorable toward things
+and relationships, destroy <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134"></a>[<a href="images/158.png">134</a>]</span>everything, and first and foremost property
+and its inevitable consequence the State. This is the whole secret of
+the revolution."<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The revolution, as the power of things to-day necessarily presents it
+before us, will not be national, but international,&mdash;that is, universal.
+In view of the threatened league of all privileged interests and all
+reactionary powers in Europe, in view of the terrible instrumentalities
+that a shrewd organization puts at their disposal, in view of the deep
+chasm that to-day yawns between the <i>bourgeoisie</i> and the laborers
+everywhere, no revolution can count on success if it does not speedily
+extend itself beyond the individual nation to all other nations. But the
+revolution can never cross the frontiers and become general unless it
+has in it the foundations for this generality; that is, unless it is
+pronouncedly socialistic, and, by equality and justice, destroys the
+State and establishes liberty. For nothing can better inspire and uplift
+the sole true power of the century, the laborers, than the complete
+liberation of labor and the shattering of all institutions for the
+protection of hereditary property and of capital."<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> "A political and
+national revolution cannot win, therefore, unless the political
+revolution becomes social, and the national revolution, by the very fact
+of its fundamentally socialistic and State-destroying character, becomes
+a universal revolution."<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. "The revolution, as we understand it, must on its very first day
+completely and fundamentally destroy the State and all State
+institutions. This destruction will have the following natural and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135"></a>[<a href="images/159.png">135</a>]</span>necessary effects. (a) The bankruptcy of the State. (b) The cessation
+of State collection of private debts, whose payment is thenceforth left
+to the debtor's pleasure. (c) The cessation of the payment of taxes, and
+of the levying of direct or indirect imposts. (d) The dissolution of the
+army, the courts, the corps of office-holders, the police, and the
+clergy. (e) The stoppage of the official administration of justice, the
+abolition of all that is called juristic law and of its exercise. Hence,
+the valuelessness, and the consignment to an <i>auto-da-fe</i>, of all titles
+to property, testamentary dispositions, bills of sale, deeds of gift,
+judgments of courts&mdash;in short, of the whole mass of papers relating to
+private law. Everywhere, and in regard to everything, the revolutionary
+fact in place of the law created and guaranteed by the State. (f) The
+confiscation of all productive capital and instruments of labor in favor
+of the associations of laborers, which will use them for collective
+production. (g) The confiscation of all Church and State property, as
+well as of the bullion in private hands, for the benefit of the commune
+formed by the league of the associations of laborers. In return for the
+confiscated goods, those who are affected by the confiscation receive
+from the commune their absolute necessities; they are free to acquire
+more afterward by their labor."<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a></p>
+
+<p>The destruction will be followed by the reshaping.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136"></a>[<a href="images/160.png">136</a>]</span> Hence, (h) "The
+organization of the commune by the permanent association of the
+barricades and by its organ, the council of the revolutionary commune,
+to which every barricade, every street, every quarter, sends one or two
+responsible and revocable representatives with binding instructions. The
+council of the commune can appoint executive committees out of its
+membership for the various branches of the revolutionary administration.
+(i) The declaration of the capital, insurgent and organized as a
+commune, that, after the righteous destruction of the State of authority
+and guardianship, it renounces the right (or rather the usurpation) of
+governing the provinces and setting a standard for them. (k) The summons
+to all provinces, communities, and associations, to follow the example
+given by the capital, first to organize themselves in revolutionary
+form, then to send to a specified meeting-place responsible and
+revocable representatives with binding instructions, and so to
+constitute the league of the insurgent associations, communities, and
+provinces, and to organize a revolutionary power capable of defeating
+the reaction. The sending, not of official commissioners of the
+revolution with some sort of badges, but of agitators for the
+revolution, to all the provinces and communities&mdash;especially to the
+peasants, who cannot be revolutionized by scientific principles nor yet
+by the edicts of any dictatorship, but only by the revolutionary fact
+itself: that is, by the inevitable effects of the complete cessation of
+official State activity in all the communities. The abolition of the
+national State, not only in other senses, but in this,&mdash;that all foreign
+countries, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137"></a>[<a href="images/161.png">137</a>]</span>provinces, communities, associations, nay, all individuals
+who have risen in the name of the same principles, without regard to the
+present State boundaries, are accepted as part of the new political
+system and nationality; and that, on the other hand, it shall exclude
+from membership those provinces, communities, associations, or
+personages, of the same country, who take the side of the reaction. Thus
+must the universal revolution, by the very fact of its binding the
+insurgent countries together for joint defence, march on unchecked over
+the abolished boundaries and the ruins of the formerly existing States
+to its triumph."<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. "To serve, to organize, and to hasten"<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> "the revolution, which
+must everywhere be the work of the people"<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a>&mdash;this alone is the task
+of those who foresee the course of evolution. We have to perform
+"midwife's services"<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> for the new time, "to help on the birth of the
+revolution."<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a></p>
+
+<p>To this end we must, "first, spread among the masses thoughts that
+correspond to the instincts of the masses."<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> "What keeps the
+salvation-bringing thought from going through the laboring masses with a
+rush? Their ignorance; and particularly the political and religious
+prejudices which, thanks to the exertions of the ruling classes, to this
+day obscure the laborer's natural thought and healthy feelings."<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a>
+"Hence the aim must consist in making him completely conscious of what
+he wants, evoking in him the thought that corresponds to his impulses.
+If once<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138"></a>[<a href="images/162.png">138</a>]</span> the thoughts of the laboring masses have mounted to the level
+of their impulses, then will their will be soon determined and their
+power irresistible."<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a></p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, we must "form, not indeed the army of the revolution,&mdash;the
+army can never be anything but the people,&mdash;but yet a sort of staff for
+the revolutionary army. These must be devoted, energetic, talented men,
+who, above all, love the people without ambition and vanity, and who
+have the faculty of mediating between the revolutionary thought and the
+instincts of the people. No very great number of such men is requisite.
+A hundred revolutionists firmly and seriously bound together are enough
+for the international organization of all Europe. Two or three hundred
+revolutionists are enough for the organization of the largest
+country."<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a></p>
+
+<p>Here, especially, is the field for the activity of secret
+societies.<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> "In order to serve, organize, and hasten the general
+revolution"<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> Bakunin founded the <i>Alliance internationale de la
+d&eacute;mocratie socialiste</i>. It was to pursue a double purpose: "(a) The
+spreading of correct views about politics, economics, and philosophical
+questions of every kind, among the masses in all countries; an active
+propaganda by newspapers, pamphlets, and books, as well as by the
+founding of public associations. (b) The winning of all wise, energetic,
+silent, well-disposed men who are sincerely devoted to the idea; the
+covering of Europe, and America too so far as possible, with a network
+of self-sacrificing revolutionists, strong by unity."<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> Printed in "<i>&OElig;uvres de Michel Bakounine</i>" (1895) pp.
+1-205, under the title "<i>F&eacute;d&eacute;ralisme, socialisme et antith&eacute;ologisme</i>."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> Printed in "<i>L'Alliance de la d&eacute;mocratie socialiste et
+l'Association internationale des travailleurs</i>" (1873) pp. 118-35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> Only fragments have been printed: one under the title
+"<i>L'Empire knoutogermanique et la R&eacute;volution sociale</i>" (1871), a second
+under the title "<i>Dieu et l'Etat</i>" (1882), a third under the same title
+in "<i>&OElig;uvres de Michel Bakounine</i>" (1895) pp. 261-326.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> Printed in Dragomanoff, "<i>Michail Bakunins
+sozial-politischer Briefwechsel mit Alexander Iw. Herzen und Ogarjow</i>,"
+German translation by Minz&egrave;s (1895) pp. 358-64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> A part is printed in French translation, in "<i>L'Alliance
+de la d&eacute;mocratie socialiste et l'Association internationale des
+travailleurs</i>" (1873) pp. 90-95, the rest in Dragomanoff pp. 371-83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> "<i>L'Alliance de la d&eacute;mocratie socialiste et l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs</i>" p. 89; Dragomanoff p. IX.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Briefe</i>" pp. 223, 233, 266, 272.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" p. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" p. 104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" p. 155.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 27-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Programme</i>" p. 382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" <i>&OElig;uvres</i> p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Programme</i>" p. 382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Articles</i>" p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" <i>&OElig;uvres</i> p. 281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" pp. 129-31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" pp. 17-18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" <i>&OElig;uvres</i> p. 281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" pp. 17-18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" <i>&OElig;uvres</i> p. 285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" p. 134.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 87.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" <i>&OElig;uvres</i> p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" <i>&OElig;uvres</i> p. 288.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" pp. 29-30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" p. 154</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" <i>&OElig;uvres</i> pp. 287-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 53</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" <i>&OElig;uvres</i> p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Articles</i>" p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" <i>&OElig;uvres</i> pp. 277-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 283.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" pp. 16-18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 16-17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 17-18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 128.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" <i>&OElig;uvres</i> p. 324.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 323-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" pp. 32-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" pp. 26-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Programme</i>" p. 382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Articles</i>" p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" pp. 54-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" p. 55.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Discours</i>" p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Proposition</i>" p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Discours</i>" p. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Dieu</i>" p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Articles</i>" p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 129.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Volkssache</i>" p. 309.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" pp. 127-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" pp. 129-30. [Bakunin is writing in a
+world where the Church is everywhere part of the State machine. Would
+his words about Church property apply equally, according to him, in the
+United States, where the Church property is in general made up of the
+free gifts of individual believers? Perhaps; for he would have no love
+for the Church even here, and he is obviously hostile to anything in the
+nature of mortmain. If so, how about college property?]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" pp. 130-31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Volkssache</i>" p. 309.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Articles</i>" p. 103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Articles</i>" p. 103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> Ba. "<i>Statuts</i>" p. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 125-6.</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p>&nbsp;<span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/163.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/164.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<div class="center"><img src="images/p164.jpg" width='500' height='700' alt="illustration" /></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139"></a>[<a href="images/165.png">139</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER VII</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>KROPOTKIN'S TEACHING</span> <span class="smaller">1.&mdash;GENERAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>1. Prince Peter Alexeyevitch Kropotkin was born at Moscow in 1842. From
+1862 to 1867 he was an officer of the Cossacks of the Amur; during this
+time he traveled over a great part of Siberia and Manchuria. From 1867
+to 1871 he studied mathematics at St. Petersburg; at this time he was
+also secretary of the Geographical Society; under its commission he
+explored the glaciers of Finland and Sweden in 1871.</p>
+
+<p>In 1872 Kropotkin visited Belgium and Switzerland, where he joined the
+<i>Association internationale des travailleurs</i>. In the same year he
+returned to St. Petersburg and became a prominent member of the
+Tchaikoffski secret society. This was found out in 1874. He was arrested
+and kept in prison until in 1876 he succeeded in escaping to England.</p>
+
+<p>From England Kropotkin went to Switzerland in 1877, but was expelled
+from that country in 1881. Thenceforth he resided alternately in England
+and France. In France, in 1883, he was condemned to five years'
+imprisonment for membership in a prohibited association; he was kept in
+prison till 1886, and then pardoned. Since then he has lived in England.</p>
+
+<p>Kropotkin has published geographical works and accounts of travel, and
+also writings in the spheres of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140"></a>[<a href="images/166.png">140</a>]</span> economics, politics, and the philosophy
+of law.</p>
+
+<p>2. For Kropotkin's teaching about law, the State, and property, the most
+important sources are his many short works, newspaper articles, and
+lectures. The articles that he published from 1879 to 1882 in "<i>Le
+R&eacute;volt&eacute;</i>" of Geneva, appeared in 1885 as a book under the title
+"<i>Paroles d'un r&eacute;volt&eacute;</i>." The only large work in which he develops his
+teaching is "<i>La conqu&ecirc;te du pain</i>" (1892).</p>
+
+<p>3. Kropotkin calls his teaching "Anarchism." "When in the bosom of the
+International there was formed a party which no more acknowledged an
+authority inside that association than any other authority, this party
+called itself at first federalist, then anti-authoritarian or hostile to
+the State. At that time it avoided describing itself as Anarchistic. The
+word <i>an-archie</i> (it was so written at that time) seemed to identify the
+party too much with the adherents of Proudhon, whose reform ideas the
+International was opposing. But for this very reason its opponents
+delighted in using this designation in order to produce confusion;
+besides, the name made the assertion possible that from the very name of
+the Anarchists it was evident that they aimed merely at disorder and
+chaos, without thinking any farther. The Anarchistic party was not slow
+to adopt the designation that was given to it. At first it still
+insisted on the hyphen between <i>an</i> and <i>archie</i>, with the explanation
+that in this form the word <i>an-archie</i>, being of Greek origin, denoted
+absence of dominion and not 'disorder'; but it soon decided to spare the
+proof-reader his useless trouble and the reader his lesson in Greek, and
+used the name as it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141"></a>[<a href="images/167.png">141</a>]</span> stood."<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> And in fact "the word <i>anarchie</i>,
+which negates the whole of this so-called order and reminds us of the
+fairest moments in the lives of the nations, is well chosen for a party
+that looks forward to conquering a better future."<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;BASIS</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>According to Kropotkin, the law which has supreme validity for man is
+the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible; from this law he derives
+the commandment of justice and the commandment of energy.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. The supreme law for man is the evolutionary law of the progress of
+mankind from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as possible.</p>
+
+<p>There is "only one scientific method, the method of the natural
+sciences,"<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> and we apply this method also "in the sciences that
+relate to man,"<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> particularly in the "science of society."<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> Now,
+a mighty revolution is at present taking place<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> in the entire realm
+of science; it is the result of the "philosophy of evolution."<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> "The
+idea hitherto prevalent, that everything in nature stands fast, is
+fallen, destroyed, annihilated. Everything in nature changes; nothing
+remains: neither the rock which appears to us to be immovable and the
+continent which we call <i>terra firma</i>, nor the inhabitants, their
+customs, habits, and thoughts. All that we see about us is a transitory
+phenomenon, and must change, because <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142"></a>[<a href="images/168.png">142</a>]</span>motionlessness would be
+death."<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> In the case of organisms this evolution is progress, in
+consequence of "their admirable adaptivity to their conditions of life.
+They develop such faculties as render more complete both the adaptations
+of the aggregates to their surroundings and those of each of the
+constituent parts of the aggregate to the needs of free
+co-operation."<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> "This is the 'struggle for existence,' which,
+therefore, must not be conceived merely in its restricted sense of a
+struggle between individuals for the means of subsistence."<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Evolution never advances so slowly and evenly as has been asserted.
+Evolution and revolution alternate, and the revolutions&mdash;that is, the
+times of accelerated evolution&mdash;belong to the unity of nature just as
+much as do the times in which evolution takes place more slowly."<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a>
+"Order is the free equilibrium of all forces that operate upon the same
+point; if any of these forces are interfered with in their operation by
+a human will, they operate none the less, but their effects accumulate
+till some day they break the artificial dam and provoke a
+revolution."<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a></p>
+
+<p>Kropotkin applies these general propositions to the social life of
+men.<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> "A society is an aggregation of organisms trying to combine
+the wants of the individual with those of co-operation for the welfare
+of the species";<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> it is "a whole which serves toward the purpose of
+attaining the largest possible amount of happiness at the least possible
+expense of human<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143"></a>[<a href="images/169.png">143</a>]</span> force."<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> Now human societies evolve,<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> and one
+may try to determine the direction of this evolution.<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> Societies
+advance from lower to higher forms of organization;<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> but the goal of
+this evolution&mdash;that is, the point towards which it directs
+itself&mdash;consists in "establishing the best conditions for realizing the
+greatest happiness of humanity."<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> What we call progress is the right
+path to this goal;<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> humanity may for the time err from this path,
+but will always be brought back to it at last.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a></p>
+
+<p>But not even here does evolution take place without revolutions. What is
+true of a man's views, of the climate of a country, of the
+characteristics of a species, is true also of societies: "they evolve
+slowly, but there are also times of the quickest transformation."<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a>
+For circumstances of many kinds may oppose themselves to the effort of
+human associations to attain to the greatest possible measure of
+happiness.<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> "New thoughts germinate everywhere, try to get to the
+light, try to get themselves applied in life; but they are kept back by
+the inertia of those who have an interest in keeping up the old
+conditions, they are stifled under long-established prejudices and
+traditions."<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> "Political, economic, and social institutions fall in
+ruins, and the building which has become uninhabitable hinders the
+development of what is sprouting in its crevices and around it."<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a>
+Then there is need of "great events which rudely break the thread of
+history and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144"></a>[<a href="images/170.png">144</a>]</span> hurl mankind out of its ruts into new roads";<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> "the
+Revolution becomes a peremptory necessity."<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a>&mdash;"Man has recognized
+his place in nature; he has recognized that his institutions are his
+work and can be refashioned by him alone."<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> "What has not the
+engineer's art dared, and what do not literature, painting, music, the
+drama dare to-day?"<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> Thus must we also, where any institutions
+hinder the progress of society, "dare the fight, to make a rich and
+overflowing life possible to all."<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. From the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a less
+happy existence to the happiest existence possible Kropotkin derives the
+commandment of justice and the commandment of energy.</p>
+
+<p>In the struggle for existence human societies evolve toward a condition
+in which there are given the best conditions for the attainment of the
+greatest happiness of mankind.<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> When we describe anything as "good,"
+we mean by this that it favors the attainment of the goal; that is, it
+is beneficial to the society in which we live; and we call that "evil"
+which in our opinion hinders the attainment of the goal, that is, is
+harmful to the society we live in.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now, men's views as to what favors and what hinders the establishment of
+the best conditions for the attainment of mankind's greatest happiness,
+and hence as to what is beneficial or harmful to society, may certainly
+change.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> But one fundamental requisite for the attainment of the
+goal will always have to be recognized as such, whatever the diversity
+of opinions.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145"></a>[<a href="images/171.png">145</a>]</span> It "may be summed up in the sentence 'Do to others as you
+would have it done to you in the like case'."<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> But this sentence "is
+nothing else than the principle of equality";<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> and equality, in
+turn, "means the same as equity,"<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> "solidarity,"<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a>
+"justice."<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a></p>
+
+<p>But there is indisputably yet another fundamental requisite for the
+attainment of the goal. This is "something greater, finer, and mightier
+than mere equality";<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> it may be expressed in the sentence "Be
+strong; overflow with the passion of thought and action: so shall your
+understanding, your love, your energy, pour itself into others."<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">3.&mdash;LAW</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>In mankind's progress from a less happy existence to an existence as
+happy as possible, one of the next steps, according to Kropotkin, will
+be the disappearance&mdash;not indeed of law, but&mdash;of enacted law.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. Enacted law has become a hindrance to mankind's progress toward an
+existence as happy as possible.</p>
+
+<p>"For thousands of years those who govern have been repeating again and
+again, 'Respect the law!'";<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> "in the States of to-day a new law is
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146"></a>[<a href="images/172.png">146</a>]</span>regarded as the cure for all evils."<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> But "the law has no claim to
+men's respect."<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> "It is an adroit mixture of such customs as are
+beneficial to society, and would be observed even without a law, with
+others which are to the advantage only of a ruling minority, but are
+harmful to the masses and can be upheld only by terror."<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> "The law,
+which first made its appearance as a collection of customs which serve
+for the maintenance of society, is now merely an instrument to keep up
+the exploitation and domination of the industrious masses by wealthy
+idlers. It has now no longer any civilizing mission; its only mission is
+to protect exploitation."<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> "It puts rigid immobility in the place of
+progressive development,"<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> "it seeks to confirm permanently the
+customs that are advantageous to the ruling minority."<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a></p>
+
+<p>"If one looks over the millions of laws which mankind obeys, one can
+distinguish three great classes: protection of property, protection of
+government, protection of persons. But in examining these three classes
+one comes in every case to the necessary conclusion that the law is
+valueless and harmful. What the protection of property is worth, the
+Socialists know only too well. The laws about property do not exist to
+secure to individuals or to society the product of their labor. On the
+contrary, they exist to rob the producer of a part of his product, and
+to protect a few in the enjoyment of what they have stolen from the
+producer or from the whole of society."<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> And as regards the laws for
+the protection of government, "we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147"></a>[<a href="images/173.png">147</a>]</span> know well that all governments,
+without exception, have it for their mission to uphold by force the
+privileges of the propertied classes&mdash;the nobility, the clergy, and the
+<i>bourgeoisie</i>. A man has only to examine all these laws, only to observe
+their every-day working, and he will be convinced that not one is worth
+keeping."<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> Equally "superfluous and harmful, finally, are the laws
+for the protection of persons, for the punishment and prevention of
+'crimes'. The fear of punishment never yet restrained a murderer. He who
+would kill his neighbor, for revenge or for necessity, does not beat his
+brains about the consequences; and every murderer hitherto has had the
+firm conviction that he would escape prosecution. If murder were
+declared not punishable, the number of murders would not increase even
+by one; rather it would decrease to the extent that murders are at
+present committed by habitual criminals who have been corrupted in
+prison."<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The stage of evolution to which enacted law belongs will soon be left behind by man.</p>
+
+<p>"The law is a comparatively young formation. Mankind lived for ages
+without any written law. At that time the relations of men to each other
+were regulated by mere habits, by customs and usages, which age made
+venerable, and which every one learned from his childhood in the same
+way as he learned hunting, cattle-raising, or agriculture."<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> "But
+when society came to be more and more split into two hostile classes, of
+which the one wanted to rule and the other to escape from rule, the
+victor of the moment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148"></a>[<a href="images/174.png">148</a>]</span> sought to give permanence to the accomplished fact
+and to hallow it by all that was venerable to the defeated. Consecrated
+by the priest and protected by the strong hand of the warrior, law
+appeared."<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a></p>
+
+<p>But its days are already numbered. "Everywhere we find insurgents who
+will no longer obey the law till they know where it comes from, what it
+is good for, by what right it demands obedience, and for what reason it
+is held in honor. They bring under their criticism everything that has
+until now been respected as the foundation of society, but first and
+foremost the fetish, law."<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> The moment of its disappearance, for the
+hastening of which we must fight,<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> is close at hand,<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> perhaps
+even at the end of the nineteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>In the next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown, mankind
+must soon reach, there will indeed be no enacted law, but there will be
+law even there.</i> "The laws will be totally abrogated;"<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> "unwritten
+customs,"<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> "'customary law,' as jurists say,"<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> will "suffice to
+maintain a good understanding."<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> These norms of the next stage of
+evolution will be based on a general will;<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> and conformity to them
+will be adequately assured "by the necessity, which every one feels, of
+finding co-operation, support, and sympathy"<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> and by the fear of
+expulsion from the fellowship,<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> but also, if necessary, by the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149"></a>[<a href="images/175.png">149</a>]</span>intervention of the individual citizen<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> or of the masses;<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> they
+will therefore be legal norms.</p>
+
+<p>Of legal norms of the next stage of evolution Kropotkin mentions in the
+first place this,&mdash;that contracts must be lived up to.<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a></p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, according to Kropotkin there will obtain in the next stage
+of evolution a legal norm by virtue of which not only the means of
+production, but all things, are common property.<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a></p>
+
+<p>An additional legal norm in the next stage of evolution will, according
+to Kropotkin, be that by virtue of which "every one who co-operates in
+production to a certain extent has, for one thing, the right to live;
+for another, the right to live comfortably."<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">4.&mdash;THE STATE</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>According to Kropotkin, in mankind's progress from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible the State will shortly disappear.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. The State has become a hindrance to mankind's evolution toward a
+happiness as great as possible.</p>
+
+<p>"What does this monstrous engine serve for, that we call 'State'? For
+preventing the exploitation of the laborer by the capitalist, of the
+peasant by the landlord? or for assuring us of work? for providing us
+food when the mother has nothing but water left for her child? No, a
+thousand times no."<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> But instead of this the State "meddles in all
+our affairs, pinions us<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150"></a>[<a href="images/176.png">150</a>]</span> from cradle to grave. It prescribes all our
+actions, it piles up mountains of laws and ordinances that bewilder the
+shrewdest lawyer. It creates an army of office-holders who sit like
+spiders in their webs and have never seen the world except through the
+dingy panes of their office-window. The immense and ever-increasing sums
+that the State collects from the people are never sufficient: it lives
+at the expense of future generations, and steers with all its might
+toward bankruptcy. 'State' is tantamount to 'war'; one State seeks to
+weaken and ruin another in order to force upon the latter its law, its
+policy, its commercial treaties, and to enrich itself at its expense;
+war is to-day the usual condition in Europe, there is a thirty years'
+supply of causes of war on hand. And civil war rages at the same time
+with foreign war; the State, which was originally to be a protection for
+all and especially for the weak, has to-day become a weapon of the rich
+against the exploited, of the propertied against the propertyless."<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a></p>
+
+<p>In these respects there is no distinction to be made between the
+different forms of the State. "Toward the end of the last century the
+French people overthrew the monarchy, and the last absolute king
+expiated on the scaffold his own crimes and those of his
+predecessors."<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> "Later all the countries of the Continent went
+through the same evolution: they overthrew their absolute monarchies and
+flung themselves into the arms of parliamentarism."<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> "Now it is
+being perceived that parliamentarism, which was entered upon with such
+great hopes, has everywhere <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151"></a>[<a href="images/177.png">151</a>]</span>become a tool for intrigue and personal
+enrichment, for efforts hostile to the people and to evolution."<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a>
+"Precisely like any despot, the body of representatives of the
+people&mdash;be it called Parliament, Convention, or anything else; be it
+appointed by the prefects of a Bonaparte or elected with all conceivable
+freedom by an insurgent city&mdash;will always try to enlarge its competence,
+to strengthen its power by all sorts of meddling, and to displace the
+activity of the individual and the group by the law."<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> "It was only
+a forty years' movement, which occasionally even set fire to
+grain-fields, that could bring the English Parliament to secure to the
+tenant the value of the improvements made by him. But if it is a
+question of protecting the capitalist's interest, threatened by a
+disturbance or even by agitation,&mdash;ah, then every representative of the
+people is on hand, then it acts with more recklessness and cowardice
+than any despot. The six-hundred-headed beast without a name has outdone
+Louis IX and Ivan IV."<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> "Parliamentarism is nauseating to any one
+who has seen it near at hand."<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The dominion of men, which calls itself 'government,' is incompatible
+with a morality founded on solidarity."<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> This is best shown by "the
+so-called civil rights, whose value and importance the <i>bourgeois</i> press
+is daily praising to us in every key."<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> "Are they made for those who
+alone need them? Certainly not. Universal suffrage may under some
+circumstances afford to the <i>bourgeoisie</i> a certain protection against
+encroachments by the central authority, it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152"></a>[<a href="images/178.png">152</a>]</span> may establish a balance
+between two authorities without its being necessary for the rivals to
+draw the knife on each other as formerly; but it is valueless when the
+object is to overthrow authority or even to set bounds to it. For the
+rulers it is an excellent means of deciding their disputes; but of what
+use is it to the ruled? Just so with the freedom of the press. To the
+mind of the <i>bourgeoisie</i>, what is the best thing that has been alleged
+in its favor? Its impotence. 'Look at England, Switzerland, the United
+States,' they say. 'There the press is free and yet the dominion of
+capital is more assured than in any other country.' Just so they think
+about the right of association. 'Why should we not grant full right of
+association?' says the <i>bourgeoisie</i>. 'It will not impair our
+privileges. What we have to fear is secret societies; public unions are
+the best means to cripple them.' 'The inviolability of the home? Yes,
+this we must proclaim aloud, this we must inscribe in the
+statute-books,' say the sly <i>bourgeois</i>, 'the police certainly must not
+be looking into our pots and kettles. If things go wrong some day, we
+will snap our fingers at a man's right to his own house, rummage
+everything, and, if necessary, arrest people in their beds.' 'The
+secrecy of letters? Yes, just proclaim its inviolability aloud
+everywhere, our little privacies certainly must not come to the light.
+If we scent a plot against our privileges, we shall not stand much on
+ceremony. And if anybody objects, we shall say what an English minister
+lately said among the applause of Parliament: "Yes, gentlemen, it is
+with a heavy heart and with the deepest <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153"></a>[<a href="images/179.png">153</a>]</span>reluctance that we are having
+letters opened, but the country (that is, the aristocracy and
+<i>bourgeoisie</i>) is in danger!"' That is what political rights are.
+Freedom of the press and freedom of association, the inviolability of
+the home, and all the rest, are respected only so long as the people
+make no use of them against the privileged classes. But on the day when
+the people begin to use them for the undermining of privileges all these
+'rights' are thrown overboard."<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The stage of evolution to which the State belongs will soon be left
+behind by man. The State is doomed.<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is "of a relatively modern origin."<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a> "The State is a historic
+formation which, in the life of all nations, has at a certain time
+gradually taken the place of free associations. Church, law, military
+power, and wealth acquired by plunder, have for centuries made common
+cause, have in slow labor piled stone on stone, encroachment on
+encroachment, and thus created the monstrous institution which has
+finally fixed itself in every corner of social life&mdash;nay, in the brains
+and hearts of men&mdash;and which we call the State."<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a></p>
+
+<p>It has now begun to decompose. "The peoples&mdash;especially those of the
+Latin races&mdash;are bent on destroying its authority, which merely hampers
+their free development; they want the independence of provinces,
+communes, and groups of laborers; they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154"></a>[<a href="images/180.png">154</a>]</span> want not to submit to any
+dominion, but to league themselves together freely."<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> "The
+dissolution of the States is advancing at frightful speed. They have
+become decrepit graybeards, with wrinkled skins and tottering feet,
+gnawed by internal diseases and without understanding for the new
+thoughts; they are squandering the little strength that they still had
+left, living at the expense of their numbered years, and hastening their
+end by falling foul of each other like old women."<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> The moment of
+the State's disappearance is therefore close at hand.<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> Kropotkin
+says now that it will come in a few years,<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> now that it will come at
+the end of the nineteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>In the next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown, mankind
+must soon reach, the place of the State will be taken by a social human
+life on the basis of the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to.</i>
+Anarchism is the "inevitable"<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> "next phase,"<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> "higher
+form,"<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a> of society.</p>
+
+<p>1. Even after the State is done away men will live together socially;
+but they will no longer be held together in society by a governmental
+authority, but by the legally binding force of contract. "Free expansion
+of individuals into groups and of groups into associations, free
+organization from the simple to the complex as need and inclination are
+felt,"<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> will be the future form of society.</p>
+
+<p>We can at present perceive a growing Anarchistic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155"></a>[<a href="images/181.png">155</a>]</span> movement; that is, "a
+movement towards limiting more and more the sphere of action of
+government. After having tried all kinds of government, humanity is
+trying now to free itself from the bonds of any government whatever, and
+to respond to its needs of organization by the free understanding
+between individuals prosecuting the same common aims."<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> "Free
+associations are beginning to take to themselves the entire field of
+human activity."<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> "The large organizations resulting merely and
+simply from free agreement have grown recently. The railway net of
+Europe&mdash;a confederation of so many scores of separate societies&mdash;is an
+instance; the Dutch <i>Beurden</i>, or associations of ship and boat owners,
+are extending now their organizations over the rivers of Germany, and
+even to the shipping trade of the Baltic; the numberless amalgamated
+manufacturers' associations, and the <i>syndicats</i> of France, are so many
+instances in point. But there also is no lack of free organizations for
+nobler pursuits: the Lifeboat Association, the Hospitals Association,
+and hundreds of like organizations. One of the most remarkable societies
+which has<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> recently arisen is the Red Cross Society. To slaughter
+men on the battle-fields, that remains the duty of the State; but these
+very States recognize their inability to take care of their own wounded;
+they abandon the task, to a great extent, to private initiative."<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a>
+"These endeavors will attain to free play, will find a new and vast
+field for their <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156"></a>[<a href="images/182.png">156</a>]</span>application, and will form the foundation of the future
+society."<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The agreement between the hundreds of companies to which the European
+railroads belong has been entered into directly, without the meddling of
+any central authority that prescribed laws to the several companies. It
+has been kept up by conventions at which delegates met to consult
+together and then to lay before their principals plans, not laws. This
+is a new procedure, utterly different from any government whether
+monarchical or republican, absolute or constitutional. It is an
+innovation which at first makes its way into European manners only by
+hesitating steps, but to which the future belongs."<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. "To rack our brains to-day about the details of the form which public
+life shall take in the future society, would be silly. Yet we must come
+to an agreement now about the main outlines."<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> "We must not forget
+that perhaps in a year or two we shall be called on to decide all
+questions of the organization of society."<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a></p>
+
+<p>Communes will continue to exist; but "these communes are not
+agglomerations of men in a territory, and know neither walls nor
+boundaries; the commune is a clustering of like-minded persons, not a
+closed integer. The various groups in one commune will feel themselves
+drawn to similar groups in other communes; they will unite themselves
+with these as firmly as with their fellow-citizens; and thus there will
+come about communities of interest whose members are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157"></a>[<a href="images/183.png">157</a>]</span> scattered over a
+thousand cities and villages."<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a></p>
+
+<p>Men will join themselves together by "contracts"<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> to form such
+communes. They will "take upon themselves duties to society,"<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> which
+on its part engages to do certain things for them.<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> It will not be
+necessary to compel the fulfilment of these contracts,<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> there will
+be no need of penalties and judges.<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> Fulfilment will be sufficiently
+assured by "the necessity, which every one feels, of finding
+co-operation, support, and sympathy among his neighbors;"<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> he who
+does not live up to his obligations can of course be expelled from
+fellowship.<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the commune every one will "do what is necessary himself, without
+waiting for a government's orders."<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> "The commune will not first
+destroy the State and then set it up again."<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> "People will see that
+they are freest and happiest when they have no plenipotentiary agents
+and depend as little on the wisdom of representatives as on that of
+Providence."<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> Nor will there be prisons or other penal
+institutions;<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> "for the few anti-social acts that may still take
+place the best remedy will consist in loving treatment, moral influence,
+and liberty."<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a></p>
+
+<p>The communes on their part will join themselves together by
+contracts<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> quite in the same way as do the members of the individual
+communes. "The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158"></a>[<a href="images/184.png">158</a>]</span> commune will recognize nothing above it except the
+interests of the league that it has of its own accord made with other
+communes."<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> "Owing to the multiplicity of our needs, a single league
+will soon not be enough; the commune will feel the necessity of entering
+into other connections also, joining this or that other league. For the
+purpose of obtaining food it is already a member of one group; now it
+must join a second in order to obtain other objects that it
+needs,&mdash;metal, for instance,&mdash;and then a third and fourth too, that will
+supply it with cloth and works of art. If one takes up an economic atlas
+of any country, one sees that there are no economic boundaries: the
+areas of production and exchange for the different objects are blended,
+interlaced, superimposed. Thus the combinations of the communes also, if
+they followed their natural development, would soon intertwine in the
+same way and form an infinitely denser network and a far more consummate
+'unity' than the States, whose individual parts, after all, only lie
+side by side like the rods around the lictor's axe."<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. The future society will be able easily to accomplish the tasks that
+the State accomplishes at present.</p>
+
+<p>"Suppose there is need of a street. Well, then let the inhabitants of
+the neighboring communes come to an understanding about it, and they
+will do their business better than the Minister of Public Works would do
+it. Or a railroad is needed. Here too the communes that are concerned
+will produce something very different from the work of the promoters who
+only build bad pieces of track and make millions by it.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159"></a>[<a href="images/185.png">159</a>]</span> Or schools are
+required. People can fit them up for themselves at least as well as the
+gentlemen at Paris. Or the enemy invades the country. Then we defend
+ourselves instead of relying on generals who would merely betray us. Or
+the farmer must have tools and machines. Then he comes to an
+understanding with the city workingmen, these supply him with them at
+cost in return for his products, and the middleman, who now robs both
+the farmer and the workingman, is superfluous."<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> "Or there comes up
+a little dispute, or a stronger man tries to push down a weaker. In the
+first case the people will know enough to create a court of arbitration,
+and in the second every citizen will regard it as his duty to interfere
+himself and not wait for the police; there will be as little need of
+constables as of judges and turnkeys."<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">5.&mdash;PROPERTY</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>According to Kropotkin, the progress of mankind from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible will shortly bring us to
+the disappearance not indeed of property, but of its present form,
+private property.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. Private property has become a hindrance to the evolution of mankind
+toward a happiness as great as possible.</p>
+
+<p>What are the effects of private property to-day? "The crisis, which was
+formerly acute, has become chronic; the crisis in the cotton trade, the
+crisis in the production of metals, the crisis in watchmaking, all the
+crises, rage concurrently now and do not come<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160"></a>[<a href="images/186.png">160</a>]</span> to an end. The unemployed
+in Europe to-day are estimated at several million; those who beg their
+way from city to city, or gather in mobs to demand 'work or bread' with
+threats, are estimated at tens of thousands. Great branches of industry
+are destroyed; great cities, like Sheffield, forsaken. Everything is at
+a standstill, want and misery prevail everywhere: the children are pale,
+the wife has grown five years older in one winter, disease and death are
+rife among the workingmen&mdash;and people talk of over-production!"<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> One
+might reply that in peasant ownership of land, at least, private
+property has good effects.<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> "But the golden age is over for the
+small farmer. To-day he hardly knows how to make both ends meet. He gets
+into debt, becomes a victim of the cattle-dealer, the real-estate
+jobber, the usurer; notes and mortgages ruin whole villages, even more
+than the frightful taxes imposed by State and commune. Small
+proprietorship is in a desperate condition; and even if the small farmer
+is still owner in name, he is in fact nothing more than a tenant paying
+rent to money-dealers and usurers."<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a></p>
+
+<p>But private property has still more sweeping indirect effects. "So long
+as we have a caste of idlers who have us feed them under the pretext
+that they must lead us, so long these idlers will always be a focus of
+pestilence to general morality. He who lives his life in dull laziness,
+who is always bent merely on getting new pleasures, who by the very
+basis of his existence can know no solidarity, and who by his course of
+life cultivates the vilest self-seeking,&mdash;he will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161"></a>[<a href="images/187.png">161</a>]</span> always pursue the
+coarsest sensual pleasures and debase everything around him. With his
+bag full of dollars and his bestial impulses he will go and dishonor
+women and children, degrade art, the drama, the press, sell his country
+and its defenders, and, because he is too cowardly to murder with his
+own hands, will have his proxies murder the choicest of his nation when,
+some day, he is afraid for his darling money-bag."<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a> "Year by year
+thousands of children grow up in the physical and moral filth of our
+great cities, among a population corrupted by the struggle for daily
+bread, and at the same time they daily see the immorality, idleness,
+prodigality, and ostentation of which these same cities are full."<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a>
+"Thus society is incessantly bringing forth beings who are incapable of
+an honorable and industrious life, and who are full of anti-social
+feelings. It does homage to them when success crowns their crimes, and
+sends them to the penitentiary when they are unlucky."<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a></p>
+
+<p>Private property offends against justice. "The labor of all has produced
+the entire accumulated mass of wealth, that of the present generation as
+well as that of all that went before. The house in which we happen to be
+together has value only by its being in Paris, this glorious city in
+which the labor of twenty generations is piled layer upon layer. If it
+were removed to the snow-fields of Siberia, it would be worth
+substantially nothing. This machine, invented and patented by you, has
+in it the labor of five or six generations; it has a value only as a
+part of the vast whole that we call nineteenth-century industry. Take<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162"></a>[<a href="images/188.png">162</a>]</span>
+your lace-making machine to the Papuans in New Guinea, and it is
+valueless."<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a> "Science and industry; theory and practice; the
+invention and the putting the invention in operation, which leads to new
+inventions again; head work and hand work,&mdash;all is connected. Every
+discovery, every progress, every increase in our wealth, has its origin
+in the total bodily and mental activity of the past and present. Then by
+what right can any one appropriate to himself the smallest fraction of
+this vast total and say 'this belongs to me and not to you'?"<a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a>&mdash;But
+this unjust appropriation of what belongs to all has nevertheless taken
+place. "Among the changes of time a few have taken possession of all
+that is made possible to man by the production of goods and the increase
+of his productive power. To-day the land, though it owes its value to
+the needs of a ceaselessly increasing population, belongs to a minority
+which can hinder the people from cultivating it, and which does so&mdash;or
+at least does not permit the people to cultivate it in a manner
+accordant with modern needs. The mines, which represent the toil of
+centuries, and whose value is based solely on the needs of industry and
+the necessities of population, belong likewise to a few, and these few
+limit the mining of coal, or entirely forbid it when they find a better
+investment for their money. The machines, too, are the property of a
+handful of men; and, even if a machine has indubitably been brought to
+its present perfection by three generations of workers, it nevertheless
+belongs to a few givers of work.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163"></a>[<a href="images/189.png">163</a>]</span> The roads, which would be scrap-iron
+but for Europe's dense population, industry, trade, and travel, are in
+the possession of a few shareholders who perhaps do not even know the
+location of the lines from which they draw princely incomes."<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. Mankind will soon have passed the stage of evolution to which private
+property belongs. Private property is doomed.<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a></p>
+
+<p>Private property is a historic formation: it "has developed
+parasitically amidst the free institutions of our earliest
+ancestors,"<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a> and this in the closest connection with the State. "The
+political constitution of a society is always the expression, and at the
+same time the consecration, of its economic constitution."<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a> "The
+origin of the State, and its reason for existence, lie in the fact that
+it interferes in favor of the propertied and to the disadvantage of the
+propertyless."<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> "The omnipotence of the State constitutes the
+foundation of the strength of the <i>bourgeoisie</i>."<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a></p>
+
+<p>But private property is already on the way to dissolution. "The economic
+chaos can last no longer. The people are tired of the crises which the
+greed of the ruling classes provokes. They want to work and live, not
+first drudge a few years for scanty wages and then become for many years
+victims of want and objects of charity. The workingman sees the
+incapacity of the ruling classes: he sees how unable they are either to
+understand his efforts or to manage the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164"></a>[<a href="images/190.png">164</a>]</span>production and exchange of
+goods."<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> Hence "one of the leading features of our century is the
+growth of Socialism and the rapid spreading of Socialist views among the
+working classes."<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a> The moment when private property is to disappear
+is near, therefore: be it in a few years,<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> be it at the end of the
+nineteenth century,<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> in any case it will come soon.<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>In mankind's next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown,
+must soon be attained, property will take such form that only property
+of society shall exist.</i> The "next phase of evolution,"<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> "higher
+form of social organization,"<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> will "inevitably"<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a> be not only
+Anarchism, but "Anarchistic Communism."<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a> "The tendencies towards
+economical and political freedom are two different manifestations of the
+very same need of equality which constitutes the very essence of all
+struggles mentioned by history";<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> "these two powerful currents of
+thought characterize our century."<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a></p>
+
+<p>In this way a comfortable life will be guaranteed to every person who
+co-operates in production to a certain extent.</p>
+
+<p>1. Mankind's next stage of evolution will no longer know any but the
+property of society.</p>
+
+<p>"In our century the Communist tendency is continually reasserting
+itself. The penny bridge disappears before the public bridge; and the
+turnpike road <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165"></a>[<a href="images/191.png">165</a>]</span>before the free road. The same spirit pervades thousands
+of other institutions. Museums, free libraries, and free public schools;
+parks and pleasure grounds; paved and lighted streets, free for
+everybody's use; water supplied to private dwellings, with a growing
+tendency towards disregarding the exact amount of it used by the
+individual; tramways and railways which have already begun to introduce
+the season ticket or the uniform tax, and will surely go much further on
+this line when they are no longer private property: all these are tokens
+showing in what direction further progress is to be expected."<a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a></p>
+
+<p>So will the future society be Communistic. "The first act of the
+nineteenth-century commune will consist in laying hands on the entire
+capital accumulated in its bosom."<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> This applies "to the materials
+for consumption as well as to those for production."<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> "People have
+tried to make a distinction between the capital that serves for the
+production of goods and that which satisfies the wants of life, and have
+said that machines, factories, raw materials, the means of
+transportation, and the land are destined to become the property of the
+community; while dwellings, finished products, clothing, and provisions
+will remain private property. This distinction is erroneous and
+impracticable. The house that shelters us, the coal and gas that we
+burn, the nutriment that our body burns up, the clothing that covers us,
+and the book from which we draw instruction, are all essential to our
+existence and are just as necessary for successful<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166"></a>[<a href="images/192.png">166</a>]</span> production and for
+the further development of mankind as are machines, factories, raw
+materials, and other factors of production. With private property in the
+former goods, there would still remain inequality, oppression, and
+exploitation; a half-way abolition of private property would have its
+effectiveness crippled in advance."<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a></p>
+
+<p>There is no fear that the Communistic communes will isolate
+themselves.<a name="FNanchor_577_577" id="FNanchor_577_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a> "If to-day a great city transforms itself into a
+Communistic commune, and introduces community of the materials for both
+work and enjoyment, then in a very few days, if it is not shut in by
+hostile armies, trains of wagons will appear in its markets, and raw
+materials will arrive from distant ports; and the city's industrial
+products, when once the wants of the population are satisfied, will go
+to the ends of the earth seeking purchasers; throngs of strangers will
+stream in from near and far, and will afterward tell at home of the
+marvelous life of the free city where everybody works, where there are
+neither poor nor oppressed, where every one enjoys the fruit of his
+toil, and no one interferes with another's doing so."<a name="FNanchor_578_578" id="FNanchor_578_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The Communism of the future society will "not be the Communism of the
+convent or the barrack, such as was formerly preached, but a free
+Communism which puts the joint products at the disposal of all while
+leaving to every one the liberty of using them at home."<a name="FNanchor_579_579" id="FNanchor_579_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> To get an
+entirely clear idea of every detail of it, indeed, is not as yet
+possible; "nevertheless we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167"></a>[<a href="images/193.png">167</a>]</span> must come to an agreement about the
+fundamental features at least."<a name="FNanchor_580_580" id="FNanchor_580_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a></p>
+
+<p>What form will production take?</p>
+
+<p>That must first be produced which is requisite "for the satisfaction of
+man's most urgent wants."<a name="FNanchor_581_581" id="FNanchor_581_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a> For this it suffices "that all adults,
+with the exception of those women who are occupied with the education of
+children, engage to do five hours a day, from the age of twenty or
+twenty-two to the age of forty-five or fifty, of any one (at their
+option) of the labors that are regarded as necessary."<a name="FNanchor_582_582" id="FNanchor_582_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> "For
+instance, a society would enter into the following contract with each of
+its members: 'We will guarantee to you the enjoyment of our houses,
+stores of goods, streets, conveyances, schools, museums, etc., on
+condition that from your twentieth year to your forty-fifth or fiftieth
+you apply five hours every day to one of the labors necessary to life.
+Every moment you will have your choice of the groups you will join, or
+you may found a new one provided that it proposes to do necessary
+service. For the rest of your time you may associate yourself with whom
+you like for the purpose of scientific or artistic recreation at your
+pleasure. We ask of you, therefore, nothing but twelve or fifteen
+hundred hours' work annually in one of the groups which produce food,
+clothing, and shelter, or which care for health, transportation, etc.;
+and in return we insure to you all that these groups produce or have
+produced'."<a name="FNanchor_583_583" id="FNanchor_583_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a></p>
+
+<p>There will be time enough, therefore, to produce what is requisite for
+the satisfaction of less urgent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168"></a>[<a href="images/194.png">168</a>]</span> wants. "When one has done in the field
+or the factory the work that he is under obligation to do for society,
+he can devote the other half of his day, his week, or his year, to the
+satisfaction of artistic or scientific wants."<a name="FNanchor_584_584" id="FNanchor_584_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> "The lover of music
+who wishes a piano will enter the association of instrument-makers; he
+will devote part of his half-days, and will soon possess the longed-for
+piano. Or the enthusiast in astronomy will join the astronomers'
+association with its philosophers, observers, calculators, and
+opticians, its scholars and amateurs; and he will obtain the telescope
+he wishes, if only he dedicates some work to the common cause&mdash;for there
+is a deal of rough work necessary for an observatory, masons' work,
+carpenters' work, founders' work, machinists' work&mdash;the final polish, to
+be sure, can be given to the instrument of precision by none but the
+artist. In a word, the five to seven hours that every one has left,
+after he has first devoted some hours to the production of the
+necessary, are quite sufficient to render possible for him every kind of
+luxury."<a name="FNanchor_585_585" id="FNanchor_585_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The separation of agriculture from manufactures will pass away. The
+factory workmen will be at the same time field workmen."<a name="FNanchor_586_586" id="FNanchor_586_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a> "As an
+eminently periodic industry, which at certain times (and even more in
+the making of improvements than in harvest) needs a large additional
+force, agriculture will form the link between village and city."<a name="FNanchor_587_587" id="FNanchor_587_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a>
+And "the separation of mental from bodily labor will come to an
+end"<a name="FNanchor_588_588" id="FNanchor_588_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a> too. "Poets and scientists will no longer find poor devils<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169"></a>[<a href="images/195.png">169</a>]</span>
+who will sell their energies to them for a plate of soup; they will have
+to get together and print their writings themselves. Then the authors,
+and their admirers of both sexes, will soon acquire the art of handling
+the type-case and composing-stick; they will learn the pleasure of
+producing jointly, with their own hands, a work that they value."<a name="FNanchor_589_589" id="FNanchor_589_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a>
+"Every labor will be agreeable."<a name="FNanchor_590_590" id="FNanchor_590_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> "If there is still work which is
+really disagreeable in itself, it is only because our scientific men
+have never cared to consider the means of rendering it less so: they
+have always known that there were plenty of starving men who would do it
+for a few pence a day."<a name="FNanchor_591_591" id="FNanchor_591_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> "Factories, smelters, mines, can be as
+sanitary and as splendid as the best laboratories of our universities;
+and the more perfectly they are fitted up the more they will
+produce."<a name="FNanchor_592_592" id="FNanchor_592_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a> And the product of such labor will be "infinitely better,
+and considerably greater, than the mass of goods hitherto produced under
+the goad of slavery, serfdom, and wage-slavery."<a name="FNanchor_593_593" id="FNanchor_593_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a></p>
+
+<p>How will distribution take place?</p>
+
+<p>Every one who contributes his part to production will also have his
+share in the product. But it must not be assumed that this share in the
+product will correspond to that share in the production. "Each according
+to his powers; to each according to his wants."<a name="FNanchor_594_594" id="FNanchor_594_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> "Need will be put
+above service; it will be recognized that every one who co-operates in
+production to a certain extent has in the first place the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170"></a>[<a href="images/196.png">170</a>]</span> right to
+live, and in the second place the right to live comfortably."<a name="FNanchor_595_595" id="FNanchor_595_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a>
+"Every one, no matter how strong or weak, how competent or incompetent
+he may be, will have the right to live,"<a name="FNanchor_596_596" id="FNanchor_596_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> and "to have a comfortable
+life; he will furthermore have the right to decide for himself what
+belongs to a comfortable life."<a name="FNanchor_597_597" id="FNanchor_597_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a></p>
+
+<p>Society's stock of goods will quite permit this. "If one considers on
+the one hand the rapidity with which the productive power of civilized
+nations is increasing, and on the other hand the limits that are
+directly or indirectly set to its production by present conditions, one
+comes to the conclusion that even a moderately sensible economic
+constitution would permit the civilized nations to heap up in a few
+years so many useful things that we should have to cry out 'Enough!
+enough coal! enough bread! enough clothes! Let us rest, take recreation,
+put our strength to a better use, spend our time in a better way!'"<a name="FNanchor_598_598" id="FNanchor_598_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a></p>
+
+<p>However, what if the stock should in fact not suffice for all wants?
+"The solution is&mdash;free taking of everything that exists in superfluity,
+and rations of that in which there is a possibility of dearth: rations
+according to needs, with preference to children, the aged, and the weak
+in general. That is what is done even now in the country. What commune
+thinks of limiting the use of the meadows so long as there are enough of
+them? what commune, so long as there are chestnuts and brushwood enough,
+hinders those who belong to it from taking as much as they please?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171"></a>[<a href="images/197.png">171</a>]</span> And
+what does the peasant introduce when there is a prospect that firewood
+will give out? Rationing."<a name="FNanchor_599_599" id="FNanchor_599_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">6.&mdash;REALIZATION</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>The change that is promptly to be expected in the course of mankind's
+progress from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as
+possible,&mdash;the disappearance of the State, the transformation of law and
+property, and the appearance of the new condition,&mdash;will be
+accomplished, according to Kropotkin, by a social revolution; that is,
+by a violent subversion of the old order, which will come to pass of
+itself, but for which it is the function of those who foresee the course
+of evolution to prepare men's minds.</i></p>
+
+<p>I. We know that we shall not reach the future condition "without intense
+perturbations."<a name="FNanchor_600_600" id="FNanchor_600_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a> "That justice may be victorious, and the new
+thoughts become reality, there is need of a frightful storm to sweep
+away all this rottenness, to vivify torpid souls with its breath, and to
+restore self-sacrifice, self-denial, and heroism to our senile,
+decrepit, crumbling society."<a name="FNanchor_601_601" id="FNanchor_601_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> There is need of "social revolution:
+that is, the people's taking possession of society's total stock of
+goods, and the abolition of all authorities."<a name="FNanchor_602_602" id="FNanchor_602_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a> "The social
+revolution is at the door,"<a name="FNanchor_603_603" id="FNanchor_603_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> "it stands before us at the end of this
+century,"<a name="FNanchor_604_604" id="FNanchor_604_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> "it will be here in a few years."<a name="FNanchor_605_605" id="FNanchor_605_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a> It is "the task
+which history sets for us,"<a name="FNanchor_606_606" id="FNanchor_606_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> but "whether we will or not, it will
+be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172"></a>[<a href="images/198.png">172</a>]</span> accomplished independently of our will."<a name="FNanchor_607_607" id="FNanchor_607_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a></p>
+
+<p>1. "The social revolution will be no uprising of a few days: we shall
+have to go through a period of three, four, or five years of revolution,
+till the transformation of the social and economic situation is
+completed."<a name="FNanchor_608_608" id="FNanchor_608_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a> "During this time what we have sown to-day will be
+coming up and bearing fruit; and he who now is yet indifferent will
+become a convinced adherent of the new doctrine."<a name="FNanchor_609_609" id="FNanchor_609_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> Nor will the
+social revolution be limited to a narrow area. "We must not assume, to
+be sure, that it will break out in all Europe at once."<a name="FNanchor_610_610" id="FNanchor_610_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> "Germany is
+nearer the revolution than people think";<a name="FNanchor_611_611" id="FNanchor_611_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a> "but whether it start
+from France, Germany, Spain, or Russia, it will anyhow be a European
+revolution in the end. It will spread as rapidly as that of our
+predecessors the heroes of 1848, and set Europe afire."<a name="FNanchor_612_612" id="FNanchor_612_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The first act of the social revolution will be a work of
+destruction.<a name="FNanchor_613_613" id="FNanchor_613_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a> "The impulse to destruction, which is so natural and
+justifiable because it is at the same time an impulse to renovation,
+will find its full satisfaction. How much old trash there is to clear
+away! Does not everything have to be transformed, the houses, the
+cities, the businesses of manufacturing and farming,&mdash;in short, all the
+arrangements of society?"<a name="FNanchor_614_614" id="FNanchor_614_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a> "Everything that it is necessary to
+abolish should be destroyed without delay: the penitentiaries and
+prisons, the forts that threaten cities,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173"></a>[<a href="images/199.png">173</a>]</span> the slums whose disease-laden
+air people have breathed so long."<a name="FNanchor_615_615" id="FNanchor_615_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a></p>
+
+<p>Yet the social revolution will not be a reign of terror. "Naturally the
+fight will demand victims. One can understand how it was that the people
+of Paris, before they hurried to the frontiers, killed the aristocrats
+in the prisons, who had planned with the enemy for the annihilation of
+the revolution. He who would blame the people for this should be asked,
+'Have you suffered with them and like them? if not, blush and be
+still.'"<a name="FNanchor_616_616" id="FNanchor_616_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a> But yet the people will never, like the kings and czars,
+exalt terror into a system. "They have sympathy for the victims; they
+are too good-hearted not to feel a speedy repugnance at cruelty. The
+public prosecutor, the corpse-cart, the guillotine, speedily become
+repulsive. After a little while it is recognized that such a reign of
+terror is merely preparing the way for a dictatorship, and the
+guillotine is abolished."<a name="FNanchor_617_617" id="FNanchor_617_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a></p>
+
+<p>The government will be overthrown first. "There is no need of fearing
+its strength. Governments only seem terrible; the first collision with
+the insurgent people lays them prostrate; many have collapsed in a few
+hours before now."<a name="FNanchor_618_618" id="FNanchor_618_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a> "The people rise, and the State machine is
+already at a standstill; the officials are in confusion and know not
+what to do; the army has lost confidence in its leaders."<a name="FNanchor_619_619" id="FNanchor_619_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a></p>
+
+<p>But it cannot stop with this. "On the day when the people has swept away
+the governments, it will also, without waiting for any directions from
+above,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174"></a>[<a href="images/200.png">174</a>]</span> abolish private property by forcible expropriation."<a name="FNanchor_620_620" id="FNanchor_620_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a> "The
+peasants will drive out the great landlords and declare their estates
+common property; they will annul the mortgages and proclaim general
+release from debt";<a name="FNanchor_621_621" id="FNanchor_621_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a> and in the cities "the people will seize on the
+entire wealth accumulated there, turn out the factory-owners, and
+undertake the management themselves."<a name="FNanchor_622_622" id="FNanchor_622_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> "The expropriation will be
+general; nothing but an expropriation of the broadest kind can initiate
+the re-shaping of society&mdash;expropriation on a small scale would appear
+like ordinary plunder."<a name="FNanchor_623_623" id="FNanchor_623_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a> It will extend not only to the materials of
+production, but also to those of consumption: "the first thing that the
+people do after the overthrow of the governments will be to provide
+itself with sanitary dwellings and with sufficient food and
+clothing."<a name="FNanchor_624_624" id="FNanchor_624_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a>&mdash;Yet expropriation will "have its limits."<a name="FNanchor_625_625" id="FNanchor_625_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> "Suppose
+by pinching, a poor devil has got himself a house that will hold him and
+his family. Will he be thrown on the street? Certainly not! If the house
+is just big enough for him and his family, he shall keep it, and he
+shall also continue to work the garden under his window. Our young men
+will even lend him a hand in case of need. But, if he has rented a room
+to somebody else, the people will say to this one, 'You know, friend,
+don't you, that you no longer owe the old fellow anything? Keep your
+room gratis; you need no longer fear the officer of the court, we have
+the new society!"<a name="FNanchor_626_626" id="FNanchor_626_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a> "Expropriation will extend just<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175"></a>[<a href="images/201.png">175</a>]</span> to that which
+makes it possible for any one to exploit another's labor."<a name="FNanchor_627_627" id="FNanchor_627_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. "The work of destruction will be followed by a work of
+re-shaping."<a name="FNanchor_628_628" id="FNanchor_628_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a></p>
+
+<p>Most people conceive of revolution as with "a 'revolutionary
+government'"<a name="FNanchor_629_629" id="FNanchor_629_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a>&mdash;this in two ways. Some understand by this an elective
+government. "It is proposed to summon the people to elections, to elect
+a government as quickly as possible, and entrust to it the work which
+each of us ought to be doing of his own accord."<a name="FNanchor_630_630" id="FNanchor_630_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> "But any
+government which an insurgent people attains by elections must
+necessarily be a leaden weight on its feet, especially in so immense an
+economic, political, and moral reorganization as the social
+revolution."<a name="FNanchor_631_631" id="FNanchor_631_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a> This is perceived by others; "therefore they give up
+the thought of a 'legal' government, at least for the time of
+insurrection against all laws, and preach the 'revolutionary
+dictatorship.' 'The party which has overthrown the government,' say
+they, 'will forcibly put itself in the government's place. It will seize
+the authority and adopt a revolutionary procedure. For every one who
+does not recognize it&mdash;the guillotine; for every one who refuses
+obedience to it&mdash;the guillotine likewise.' So talk the little
+Robespierres. But we Anarchists know that this thought is nothing but an
+unwholesome fruit of government fetishism, and that any dictatorship,
+even the best disposed, is the death of the revolution."<a name="FNanchor_632_632" id="FNanchor_632_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a></p>
+
+<p>"We will do what is needful ourselves, without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176"></a>[<a href="images/202.png">176</a>]</span> waiting for the orders
+of a government."<a name="FNanchor_633_633" id="FNanchor_633_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a> "If the dissolution of the State is once started,
+if once the oppression-machine begins to give out, free associations
+will be formed quite automatically. Just remember the voluntary
+combinations of the armed <i>bourgeoisie</i> during the great Revolution.
+Remember the societies which were voluntarily formed in Spain, and which
+defended the independence of the country, when the State was shaken to
+its foundations by Napoleon's armies. As soon as the State no longer
+compels any co-operation, natural wants bring about a voluntary
+co-operation quite automatically. If the State be but overthrown, free
+society will rise up at once on its ruins."<a name="FNanchor_634_634" id="FNanchor_634_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The reorganization of production will not be possible in a few
+days,"<a name="FNanchor_635_635" id="FNanchor_635_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a> especially as the revolution will presumably not break out
+in all Europe at a time.<a name="FNanchor_636_636" id="FNanchor_636_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a> The people will consequently have to take
+temporary measures to assure themselves, first of all, of food,
+clothing, and shelter. First the populace of the insurgent cities will
+take possession of the dealers' stocks of food, and of the grain
+warehouses and the slaughter-houses. Volunteers make an inventory of the
+provisions found, and distribute printed tabular statements by the
+million. Henceforth free taking of all that is present in abundance;
+rations of what has to be measured out, with preference to the sick and
+the weak; a supply for deficiencies by importation from the country
+(which will come in plenty if we produce things that the farmer needs
+and put them at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177"></a>[<a href="images/203.png">177</a>]</span> his disposal) and also by the inhabitants of the city
+entering upon the cultivation of the royal parks and meadows in the
+vicinity.<a name="FNanchor_637_637" id="FNanchor_637_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a> The people will take possession of the dwelling-houses in
+like manner. Again volunteers make lists of the available dwellings and
+distribute them. People come together by streets, quarters, districts,
+and agree about the allotment of the dwellings. But the evils that will
+at first still have to be borne are soon to be done away: the artisans
+of the building trades need only work a few hours a day, and soon the
+over-spacious dwellings that were on hand will be sensibly altered, and
+model houses, entirely new, will be built.<a name="FNanchor_638_638" id="FNanchor_638_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a> The same procedure will
+be followed with regard to clothing. The people take possession of the
+great clothiers' establishments, and volunteers list the stocks. People
+take freely what is on hand in abundance, in rations what is limited in
+quantity. What is lacking is supplied in the shortest of time by the
+factories with their perfected machines.<a name="FNanchor_639_639" id="FNanchor_639_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. "To prepare men's minds"<a name="FNanchor_640_640" id="FNanchor_640_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> for the approaching revolution is the
+task of those who foresee the course of evolution. This is especially
+"the task of the secret societies and revolutionary organizations."<a name="FNanchor_641_641" id="FNanchor_641_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a>
+It is the task of "the Anarchist party."<a name="FNanchor_642_642" id="FNanchor_642_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> The Anarchists "are to-day
+as yet a minority, but their number is daily growing, will grow more and
+more, and will on the eve of the revolution become a majority."<a name="FNanchor_643_643" id="FNanchor_643_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a>
+"What a dismal sight France presented a few years before the great
+Revolution, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178"></a>[<a href="images/204.png">178</a>]</span> how weak was the minority of those who thought of the
+abolition of royalty and feudalism; but what a change three or four
+years later! the minority had begun the revolution and had carried the
+masses with it."<a name="FNanchor_644_644" id="FNanchor_644_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a>&mdash;But how are men's minds to be prepared for the
+revolution?</p>
+
+<p>1. First and foremost, the aim of the revolution is to be made generally
+known. "It is to be proclaimed by word and deed till it is thoroughly
+popularized, so that on the day of the rising it is in everybody's
+mouth. This task is greater and more serious than is generally assumed;
+for, if some few do have the aim clearly before their eyes, it is quite
+otherwise with the masses, constantly worked upon as they are by the
+<i>bourgeois</i> press."<a name="FNanchor_645_645" id="FNanchor_645_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a></p>
+
+<p>But this does not suffice. "The spirit of insurrection must be aroused;
+the sense of independence and the wild boldness without which no
+revolution comes about must awake."<a name="FNanchor_646_646" id="FNanchor_646_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> "Between the peaceable
+discussion of evils and tumult, insurrection, lies a chasm&mdash;the same
+chasm that in the greater part of mankind separates reflection from act,
+thought from will."<a name="FNanchor_647_647" id="FNanchor_647_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The way to obtain these two results is "action&mdash;constant, incessant
+action by minorities. Courage, devotion, self-sacrifice are as
+contagious as cowardice, servility, and apprehension."<a name="FNanchor_648_648" id="FNanchor_648_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a></p>
+
+<p>"What forms is the propaganda to take? Every form that is prescribed by
+the situation, by opportunity, and propensity. It may be now serious,
+now jocular; but it must always be bold. It must never leave<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179"></a>[<a href="images/205.png">179</a>]</span> a means
+unused, never leave a fact of public life unobserved, to keep minds
+alert, to give aliment and expression to discontent, to stir hate
+against exploiters, to make the government ridiculous, and to
+demonstrate its impotence. But above all, to arouse boldness and the
+spirit of insurrection, it must continually preach by example."<a name="FNanchor_649_649" id="FNanchor_649_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Men of courage, willing not only to speak but to act; pure characters
+who prefer prison, exile, and death to a life that contradicts their
+principles; bold natures who know that in order to win one must
+dare,&mdash;these are the advance-guard who open the fight long before the
+masses are ripe to lift the banner of insurrection openly and to seek
+their rights arms in hand. In the midst of the complaining, talking,
+discussing, comes a mutinous deed by one or more persons, which
+incarnates the longings of all."<a name="FNanchor_650_650" id="FNanchor_650_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Perhaps at first the masses remain indifferent and believe the wise
+ones who regard the act as 'crazy', but soon they are privately
+applauding the crazy and imitating them. While the first of them are
+filling the penitentiaries, others are already continuing their work.
+The declarations of war against present-day society, the mutinous deeds,
+the acts of revenge, multiply. General attention is aroused; the new
+thought makes its way into men's heads and wins their hearts. A single
+deed makes more propaganda in a few days than a thousand pamphlets. The
+government defends itself, it rages pitilessly; but by this it only
+causes further deeds to be committed by one or more persons, and drives
+the insurgents to heroism. One deed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180"></a>[<a href="images/206.png">180</a>]</span> brings forth another; opponents
+join the mutiny; the government splits into factions; harshness
+intensifies the conflict; concessions come too late; the revolution
+breaks out."<a name="FNanchor_651_651" id="FNanchor_651_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. To make still clearer the means by which the aim of the revolution is
+to be made generally known and the spirit of insurrection is to be
+aroused, Kropotkin tells some of the history of what preceded the Revolution of 1789.</p>
+
+<p>He tells how at that time thousands of lampoons acquainted the people
+with the vices of the court, and how a multitude of satirical songs
+flagellated crowned heads and stirred hatred against the nobility and
+clergy. He sets before us how in placards the king, the queen, the
+farmers-general, were threatened, reviled, and jeered at; how enemies of
+the people were hanged or burned or quartered in effigy. He describes to
+us the way in which the insurrectionists got the people used to the
+streets and taught them to defy the police, the military, the cavalry.
+We learn how in the villages secret organizations, the jacques, set fire
+to the barns of the lord of the manor, destroyed his crops or his game,
+murdered him himself, threatened the collection or payment of rent with
+death. He sets forth to us how then, one day, the storehouses were
+broken into, the trains of wagons were stopped on the highway, the
+toll-gates were burned and the officials killed, the tax-lists and the
+account-books and the city archives went up in flames, and the
+revolution broke out on all sides.<a name="FNanchor_652_652" id="FNanchor_652_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a></p>
+
+<p>"What conclusions are to be drawn from this"<a name="FNanchor_653_653" id="FNanchor_653_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181"></a>[<a href="images/207.png">181</a>]</span> Kropotkin does not
+think it necessary to explain. He contents himself with characterizing
+as "a precious instruction for us"<a name="FNanchor_654_654" id="FNanchor_654_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> the facts which he reports.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Temps nouveaux</i>" p. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 8, 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> Kr. "Studies" p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 8-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Temps nouveaux</i>" p. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> Kr. "Studies" p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Temps nouveaux</i>" p. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 275-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 277-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> Kr. "Studies" p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Morale</i>" p. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Morale</i>" pp. 24, 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Morale</i>" pp. 30-31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 38; Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 296.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 342, 129.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Morale</i>" p. 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 61-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 215. [In Eltzbacher's general
+discussions, and his summaries of the different writers' views on law,
+the word translated "law" is everywhere <i>Recht</i>, French <i>droit</i>, Latin
+<i>jus</i>, law as a body of rights and duties. But in the quotations from
+Kropotkin under the heading "Law" the word is everywhere (with the
+single exception of the phrase "customary law") <i>Gesetz</i>, French <i>loi</i>,
+Latin <i>lex</i>, a law as an enacted formula to describe men's actions; and
+the same is the word translated "law" in Eltzbacher's summaries under
+the heading "Basis" in the different chapters.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 235.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 240-42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 221.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 218-19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Morale</i>" p. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 264-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 235; Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution
+socialiste</i>" pp. 28-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 227, 235.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 221.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 221.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" pp. 229, 109.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> Kr. "Studies" p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 110, 134-5, "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 109.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" pp. 169, 128-9, 203-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 136-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 11-14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 172.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 175.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 181-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 183-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 35-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Temps nouveaux</i>" pp. 49-50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp 9-10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 264-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 235; Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution
+socialiste</i>" pp. 28-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 117-18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a> [<i>Sic</i>, edition of 1891].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 25-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> Kr. "Studies" p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" pp. 169, 203.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 145, 136, 128-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 203-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 29-30, "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p.
+188.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Prisons</i>" p. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 24. [Kropotkin prefixes "his
+own social habits and."]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 175.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Prisons</i>" p. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 58-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" pp. 44-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 115-16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 166.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Studies</i>" p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 5-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 322-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 326.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Prisons</i>" p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" pp. 8-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" pp. 9-10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 169.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Temps nouveaux</i>" p. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> Kr. "Studies" p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 7-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 139, "<i>L'Anarchie&mdash;sa philosophie son
+id&eacute;al</i>" p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 235, "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution
+socialiste</i>" pp. 28-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 264-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 88, "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution
+socialiste</i>" p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">[573]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 110.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_577_577" id="Footnote_577_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577_577"><span class="label">[577]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_578_578" id="Footnote_578_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578_578"><span class="label">[578]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 113-14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_579_579" id="Footnote_579_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579_579"><span class="label">[579]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_580_580" id="Footnote_580_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a> Kr. "Studies" p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_581_581" id="Footnote_581_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581_581"><span class="label">[581]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_582_582" id="Footnote_582_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582_582"><span class="label">[582]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 128-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_583_583" id="Footnote_583_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 203-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_584_584" id="Footnote_584_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_585_585" id="Footnote_585_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 150-51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_586_586" id="Footnote_586_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586_586"><span class="label">[586]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_587_587" id="Footnote_587_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587_587"><span class="label">[587]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 330-1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_588_588" id="Footnote_588_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" pp. 195-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_589_589" id="Footnote_589_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_590_590" id="Footnote_590_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 153.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_591_591" id="Footnote_591_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591_591"><span class="label">[591]</span></a> Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_592_592" id="Footnote_592_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_593_593" id="Footnote_593_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593_593"><span class="label">[593]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 193.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_594_594" id="Footnote_594_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594_594"><span class="label">[594]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_595_595" id="Footnote_595_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595_595"><span class="label">[595]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_596_596" id="Footnote_596_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596_596"><span class="label">[596]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_597_597" id="Footnote_597_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597_597"><span class="label">[597]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_598_598" id="Footnote_598_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_599_599" id="Footnote_599_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599_599"><span class="label">[599]</span></a> Kr. "L'<i>Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_600_600" id="Footnote_600_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600_600"><span class="label">[600]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_601_601" id="Footnote_601_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601_601"><span class="label">[601]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 280.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_602_602" id="Footnote_602_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602_602"><span class="label">[602]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 261.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_603_603" id="Footnote_603_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603_603"><span class="label">[603]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_604_604" id="Footnote_604_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604_604"><span class="label">[604]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 28.
+[The nineteenth century, of course, is meant.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_605_605" id="Footnote_605_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605_605"><span class="label">[605]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_606_606" id="Footnote_606_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606_606"><span class="label">[606]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Si&egrave;cle</i>" p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_607_607" id="Footnote_607_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607_607"><span class="label">[607]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" p. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_608_608" id="Footnote_608_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608_608"><span class="label">[608]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 90, "Studies" p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_609_609" id="Footnote_609_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609_609"><span class="label">[609]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 90-91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_610_610" id="Footnote_610_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_611_611" id="Footnote_611_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611_611"><span class="label">[611]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie. Sa philosophie&mdash;son id&eacute;al</i>" p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_612_612" id="Footnote_612_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612_612"><span class="label">[612]</span></a> Kr. "<i>L'Anarchie dans l'&eacute;volution socialiste</i>" pp. 28-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_613_613" id="Footnote_613_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613_613"><span class="label">[613]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_614_614" id="Footnote_614_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614_614"><span class="label">[614]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_615_615" id="Footnote_615_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615_615"><span class="label">[615]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_616_616" id="Footnote_616_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616_616"><span class="label">[616]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Prisons</i>" p. 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_617_617" id="Footnote_617_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Studies</i>" p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_618_618" id="Footnote_618_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 166.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_619_619" id="Footnote_619_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619_619"><span class="label">[619]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_620_620" id="Footnote_620_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 134-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_621_621" id="Footnote_621_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621_621"><span class="label">[621]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 167.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_622_622" id="Footnote_622_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622_622"><span class="label">[622]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_623_623" id="Footnote_623_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623_623"><span class="label">[623]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_624_624" id="Footnote_624_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624_624"><span class="label">[624]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" pp. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_625_625" id="Footnote_625_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625_625"><span class="label">[625]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_626_626" id="Footnote_626_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626_626"><span class="label">[626]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 109.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_627_627" id="Footnote_627_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627_627"><span class="label">[627]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_628_628" id="Footnote_628_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628_628"><span class="label">[628]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_629_629" id="Footnote_629_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629_629"><span class="label">[629]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_630_630" id="Footnote_630_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630_630"><span class="label">[630]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 248-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_631_631" id="Footnote_631_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631_631"><span class="label">[631]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_632_632" id="Footnote_632_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632_632"><span class="label">[632]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 253-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_633_633" id="Footnote_633_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633_633"><span class="label">[633]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_634_634" id="Footnote_634_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634_634"><span class="label">[634]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 116-17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_635_635" id="Footnote_635_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635_635"><span class="label">[635]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" p. 75.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_636_636" id="Footnote_636_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636_636"><span class="label">[636]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_637_637" id="Footnote_637_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637_637"><span class="label">[637]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Conqu&ecirc;te</i>" pp. 76-96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_638_638" id="Footnote_638_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638_638"><span class="label">[638]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 104-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_639_639" id="Footnote_639_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639_639"><span class="label">[639]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 114-16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_640_640" id="Footnote_640_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640_640"><span class="label">[640]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_641_641" id="Footnote_641_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641_641"><span class="label">[641]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_642_642" id="Footnote_642_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642_642"><span class="label">[642]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 99, 254; Kr. "<i>Temps nouveaux</i>" p. 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_643_643" id="Footnote_643_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643_643"><span class="label">[643]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_644_644" id="Footnote_644_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644_644"><span class="label">[644]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 92-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_645_645" id="Footnote_645_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645_645"><span class="label">[645]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_646_646" id="Footnote_646_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646_646"><span class="label">[646]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_647_647" id="Footnote_647_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647_647"><span class="label">[647]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 283.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_648_648" id="Footnote_648_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648_648"><span class="label">[648]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_649_649" id="Footnote_649_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649_649"><span class="label">[649]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_650_650" id="Footnote_650_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650_650"><span class="label">[650]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_651_651" id="Footnote_651_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651_651"><span class="label">[651]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" pp. 285-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_652_652" id="Footnote_652_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652_652"><span class="label">[652]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 293-304.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_653_653" id="Footnote_653_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653_653"><span class="label">[653]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 292.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_654_654" id="Footnote_654_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654_654"><span class="label">[654]</span></a> Kr. "<i>Paroles</i>" p. 304.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182"></a>[<a href="images/208.png">182</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER VIII</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>TUCKER'S TEACHING</span> <span class="smaller">1.&mdash;GENERAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>Benjamin R. Tucker was born in 1854 at South Dartmouth, near New
+Bedford, Massachusetts. From 1870 to 1872 he studied technology in
+Boston; there he made the acquaintance of Josiah Warren<a name="FNanchor_655_655" id="FNanchor_655_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a> in 1872. In
+1874 he traveled in England, France, and Italy.</p>
+
+<p>In 1877 Tucker took the temporary editorship of the "Word," published at
+Princeton, Massachusetts. In 1878 he published the quarterly "The
+Radical Review" in New Bedford; but only four numbers appeared. In 1881,
+in Boston, he founded the semi-monthly paper "Liberty," of which there
+also appeared for a short time a German edition under the title
+"Libertas"; in Boston, also, he was for ten years one of the editorial
+staff of the "Globe." Since 1892 he has lived in New York, and "Liberty"
+has appeared there as a weekly.<a name="FNanchor_656_656" id="FNanchor_656_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. Tucker's teaching about law, the State, and property is contained
+mainly in his articles in "Liberty." He has published a collection<a name="FNanchor_657_657" id="FNanchor_657_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a>
+of these articles under the title "Instead of a Book. By a Man Too Busy
+to Write One. A fragmentary exposition of philosophical Anarchism"
+(1893).</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/209.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<div class="center"><img src="images/p209.jpg" width='500' height='700' alt="illustration" /></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p>&nbsp;<span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/210.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183"></a>[<a href="images/211.png">183</a>]</span></p><p>3. Tucker calls his teaching "Anarchism." "Circumstances have combined
+to make me somewhat conspicuous as an exponent of the theory of Modern
+Anarchism."<a name="FNanchor_658_658" id="FNanchor_658_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a> "Anarchy does not mean simply opposed to the <i>archos</i>,
+or political leader. It means opposed to <i>arch[=e]</i>. Now, <i>arch[=e]</i>, in
+the first instance, means <i>beginning</i>, <i>origin</i>. From this it comes to
+mean <i>a first principle</i>, <i>an element</i>; then <i>first place</i>, <i>supreme
+power</i>, <i>sovereignty</i>, <i>dominion</i>, <i>command</i>, <i>authority</i>; and finally
+<i>a sovereignty</i>, <i>an empire</i>, <i>a realm</i>, <i>a magistracy</i>, <i>a governmental
+office</i>. Etymologically, then, the word anarchy may have several
+meanings. But the word Anarchy as a philosophical term and the word
+Anarchist as the name of a philosophical sect were first appropriated in
+the sense of opposition to dominion, to authority, and are so held by
+right of occupancy, which fact makes any other philosophical use of them
+improper and confusing."<a name="FNanchor_659_659" id="FNanchor_659_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;BASIS</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>Tucker considers that the law which has supreme validity for every one
+of us is self-interest; and from this he derives the law of equal liberty.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. For every man self-interest is the supreme law. "The Anarchists are
+not only utilitarians, but egoists in the farthest and fullest
+sense."<a name="FNanchor_660_660" id="FNanchor_660_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a></p>
+
+<p>What does self-interest mean? My interest is everything that serves my
+purposes.<a name="FNanchor_661_661" id="FNanchor_661_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> It takes in not only the lowest but also "the higher
+forms of selfishness."<a name="FNanchor_662_662" id="FNanchor_662_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a> Thus, in particular, the interest of society
+is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184"></a>[<a href="images/212.png">184</a>]</span> at the same time that of every individual: "its life is inseparable
+from the lives of individuals; it is impossible to destroy one without
+destroying the other."<a name="FNanchor_663_663" id="FNanchor_663_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a></p>
+
+<p>Self-interest is the supreme law for man. "The Anarchists totally
+discard the idea of moral obligation, of inherent rights and
+duties."<a name="FNanchor_664_664" id="FNanchor_664_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> "So far as inherent right is concerned, might is its only
+measure. Any man, be his name Bill Sykes or Alexander Romanoff, and any
+set of men, whether the Chinese highbinders or the Congress of the
+United States, have the right, if they have the power, to kill or coerce
+other men and to make the entire world subservient to their ends."<a name="FNanchor_665_665" id="FNanchor_665_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a>
+"The Anarchism of to-day affirms the right of society to coerce the
+individual and of the individual to coerce society so far as either has
+the requisite power."<a name="FNanchor_666_666" id="FNanchor_666_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. From this supreme law Tucker derives "the law of equal liberty."<a name="FNanchor_667_667" id="FNanchor_667_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a>
+The law of equal liberty is based on every individual's self-interest.
+For "liberty is the chief essential to man's happiness, and therefore
+the most important thing in the world, and I want as much of it as I can
+get."<a name="FNanchor_668_668" id="FNanchor_668_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a> On the other hand, "human equality is a necessity of stable
+society,"<a name="FNanchor_669_669" id="FNanchor_669_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a> and the life of society "is inseparable from the lives
+of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185"></a>[<a href="images/213.png">185</a>]</span> individuals."<a name="FNanchor_670_670" id="FNanchor_670_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a> Consequently every individual's self-interest
+demands the equal liberty of all.</p>
+
+<p>"Equal liberty means the largest amount of liberty compatible with
+equality and mutuality of respect, on the part of individuals living in
+society, for their respective spheres of action."<a name="FNanchor_671_671" id="FNanchor_671_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a> "'Mind your own
+business' is the only moral law of the Anarchistic scheme."<a name="FNanchor_672_672" id="FNanchor_672_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> "It is
+our duty to respect others' rights, assuming the word 'right' to be used
+in the sense of the limit which the principle of equal liberty logically
+places upon might."<a name="FNanchor_673_673" id="FNanchor_673_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a>&mdash;On the law of equal liberty is founded "the
+distinction between invasion and resistance, between government and
+defence. This distinction is vital: without it there can be no valid
+philosophy of politics."<a name="FNanchor_674_674" id="FNanchor_674_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a></p>
+
+<p>"By 'invasion' I mean the invasion of the individual sphere, which is
+bounded by the line inside of which liberty of action does not conflict
+with others' liberty of action."<a name="FNanchor_675_675" id="FNanchor_675_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a> This boundary-line is in part
+unmistakable; for instance, a threat is not an invasion if the
+threatened act is not an invasion, "a man has a right to threaten what
+he has a right to execute."<a name="FNanchor_676_676" id="FNanchor_676_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a> But the boundary-line may also be
+dubious; for instance, "we cannot clearly identify the maltreatment of
+child by parent as either invasive or non-invasive of the liberty of
+third parties."<a name="FNanchor_677_677" id="FNanchor_677_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> "Additional <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186"></a>[<a href="images/214.png">186</a>]</span>experience is continually sharpening
+our sense of what constitutes invasion. Though we still draw the line by
+rule of thumb, we are drawing it more clearly every day."<a name="FNanchor_678_678" id="FNanchor_678_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> "The
+nature of such invasion is not changed, whether it is made by one man
+upon another man, after the manner of the ordinary criminal, or by one
+man upon all other men, after the manner of an absolute monarch, or by
+all other men upon one man, after the manner of a modern
+democracy."<a name="FNanchor_679_679" id="FNanchor_679_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a></p>
+
+<p>"On the other hand, he who resists another's attempt to control is not
+an aggressor, an invader, a governor, but simply a defender, a
+protector."<a name="FNanchor_680_680" id="FNanchor_680_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a> "The individual has the right to repel invasion of his
+sphere of action."<a name="FNanchor_681_681" id="FNanchor_681_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> "Anarchism justifies the application of force to
+invasive men,"<a name="FNanchor_682_682" id="FNanchor_682_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a> "violence is advisable when it will accomplish the
+desired end and inadvisable when it will not."<a name="FNanchor_683_683" id="FNanchor_683_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a> And "defensive
+associations acting on the Anarchistic principle would not only demand
+redress for, but would prohibit, all clearly invasive acts. They would
+not, however, prohibit non-invasive acts, even though these acts create
+additional opportunity for invasive persons to act invasively: for
+instance, the selling of liquor."<a name="FNanchor_684_684" id="FNanchor_684_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a> "And the nature of such
+resistance is not changed whether it be offered by one man to another
+man, as when one repels a criminal's onslaught, or by one man to all
+other men, as when one declines to obey an oppressive law, or by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187"></a>[<a href="images/215.png">187</a>]</span> all
+other men to one man, as when a subject people rises against a despot,
+or as when the members of a community voluntarily unite to restrain a
+criminal."<a name="FNanchor_685_685" id="FNanchor_685_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">3.&mdash;LAW</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>According to Tucker, from the standpoint of every one's self-interest
+and the equal liberty of all there is no objection to law.</i> Legal norms
+are to obtain: that is, norms that are based on a general will<a name="FNanchor_686_686" id="FNanchor_686_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a> and
+to which obedience is enforced, if necessary, by every means,<a name="FNanchor_687_687" id="FNanchor_687_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> even
+by prison, torture, and capital punishment.<a name="FNanchor_688_688" id="FNanchor_688_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a> But the law is to be
+"so flexible that it will shape itself to every emergency and need no
+alteration. And it will then be regarded as <i>just</i> in proportion to its
+flexibility, instead of as now in proportion to its rigidity."<a name="FNanchor_689_689" id="FNanchor_689_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> The
+means to this end is that "juries will judge not only the facts, but the
+law";<a name="FNanchor_690_690" id="FNanchor_690_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> machinery<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188"></a>[<a href="images/216.png">188</a>]</span> for altering the law is then unnecessary.<a name="FNanchor_691_691" id="FNanchor_691_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a>&mdash;In
+particular, there are to be recognized the following legal norms, whose
+correctness Tucker tries to deduce from the law of equal liberty:</p>
+
+<p>First, a legal norm by which the person is secured against hurt. "We are
+the sternest enemies of invasion of the person, and, although chiefly
+busy in destroying the causes thereof, have no scruples against such
+heroic treatment of its immediate manifestations as circumstances and
+wisdom may dictate."<a name="FNanchor_692_692" id="FNanchor_692_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a> Capital punishment is quite compatible with
+the protection of the person against hurt, for its essence is not that
+of an act of hurting, but of an act of defence.<a name="FNanchor_693_693" id="FNanchor_693_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a></p>
+
+<p>Next, there is to be recognized a legal norm by virtue of which
+"ownership on a basis of labor"<a name="FNanchor_694_694" id="FNanchor_694_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a> exists. "This form of property
+secures each in the possession of his own products, or of such products
+of others as he may have obtained unconditionally without the use of
+fraud or force."<a name="FNanchor_695_695" id="FNanchor_695_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> "It will be seen from this definition that
+Anarchistic property concerns only products. But anything is a product
+upon which human labor has been expended. It should be stated, however,
+that in the case of land, or of any other material the supply of which
+is so limited that all cannot hold it in unlimited quantities, Anarchism
+undertakes to protect no titles except such as are based on actual
+occupancy and use."<a name="FNanchor_696_696" id="FNanchor_696_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a> Against <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189"></a>[<a href="images/217.png">189</a>]</span>injury to property, as well as against
+injury to the person, Anarchism has no scruples against "such heroic
+treatment as circumstances and wisdom may dictate."<a name="FNanchor_697_697" id="FNanchor_697_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a></p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, there is to be recognized the legal norm that contracts
+must be lived up to. Obligation comes into existence when obligations
+are "consciously and voluntarily assumed";<a name="FNanchor_698_698" id="FNanchor_698_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a> and the other party thus
+acquires "a right."<a name="FNanchor_699_699" id="FNanchor_699_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a> To be sure, the obligatory force of contract is
+not without bounds. "Contract is a very serviceable and most important
+tool, but its usefulness has its limits; no man can employ it for the
+abdication of his manhood";<a name="FNanchor_700_700" id="FNanchor_700_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a> therefore "the constituting of an
+association in which each member waives the right of secession would be
+a mere <i>form</i>."<a name="FNanchor_701_701" id="FNanchor_701_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a> Furthermore, no one can employ it for the invasion
+of third parties; therefore a promise "whose fulfilment would invade
+third parties"<a name="FNanchor_702_702" id="FNanchor_702_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a> would be invalid.&mdash;"I deem the keeping of promises
+such an important matter that only in the extremest cases would I
+approve their violation. It is of such vital consequence that associates
+should be able to rely upon each other that it is better never to do
+anything to weaken this confidence except when it can be maintained only
+at the expense of some consideration of even greater importance."<a name="FNanchor_703_703" id="FNanchor_703_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a>
+"The man who has received a promise is defrauded by its non-fulfilment,
+invaded, deprived of a portion of his liberty against his will."<a name="FNanchor_704_704" id="FNanchor_704_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a> "I
+have no doubt of the right of any man to whom, for a consideration, a
+promise has been made, to insist, even<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190"></a>[<a href="images/218.png">190</a>]</span> by force, upon the fulfilment of
+that promise, provided the promise be not one whose fulfilment would
+invade third parties. And, if the promisee has a right to use force
+himself for such a purpose, he has a right to secure such co-operative
+force from others as they are willing to extend. These others, in turn,
+have a right to decide what sort of promises, if any, they will help him
+to enforce. When it comes to the determination of this point, the
+question is one of policy solely; and very likely it will be found that
+the best way to secure the fulfilment of promises is to have it
+understood in advance that the fulfilment is not to be enforced."<a name="FNanchor_705_705" id="FNanchor_705_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">4.&mdash;THE STATE</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>With regard to every man's self-interest, especially on the basis of
+the law of equal liberty, Tucker rejects the State; and that
+universally, not merely for special circumstances determined by place
+and time.</i> For the State is "the embodiment of the principle of
+invasion."<a name="FNanchor_706_706" id="FNanchor_706_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a></p>
+
+<p>1. "Two elements are common to all the institutions to which the name
+'State' has been applied: first, aggression."<a name="FNanchor_707_707" id="FNanchor_707_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a> "Aggression,
+invasion, government, are interconvertible terms."<a name="FNanchor_708_708" id="FNanchor_708_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a> "This is the
+Anarchistic definition of government: the subjection of the non-invasive
+individual to an external will."<a name="FNanchor_709_709" id="FNanchor_709_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a> And "second, the assumption of
+authority over a given area and all within it, exercised generally for
+the double purpose of more complete oppression of its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191"></a>[<a href="images/219.png">191</a>]</span> subjects and
+extension of its boundaries."<a name="FNanchor_710_710" id="FNanchor_710_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a> Therefore "this is the Anarchistic
+definition of the State: the embodiment of the principle of invasion in
+an individual, or a band of individuals, assuming to act as
+representatives or masters of the entire people within a given
+area."<a name="FNanchor_711_711" id="FNanchor_711_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Rule is evil, and it is none the better for being majority rule."<a name="FNanchor_712_712" id="FNanchor_712_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a>
+"The theocratic despotism of kings or the democratic despotism of
+majorities"<a name="FNanchor_713_713" id="FNanchor_713_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a> are alike condemnable. "What is the ballot? It is
+neither more nor less than a paper representative of the bayonet, the
+billy, and the bullet. It is a labor-saving device for ascertaining on
+which side force lies and bowing to the inevitable. The voice of the
+majority saves bloodshed, but it is no less the arbitrament of force
+than is the decree of the most absolute of despots backed by the most
+powerful of armies."<a name="FNanchor_714_714" id="FNanchor_714_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. "In the first place, all the acts of governments are indirectly
+invasive, because dependent upon the primary invasion called
+taxation."<a name="FNanchor_715_715" id="FNanchor_715_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a> "The very first act of the State, the compulsory
+assessment and collection of taxes, is itself an aggression, a violation
+of equal liberty, and, as such, vitiates every subsequent act, even
+those acts which would be purely defensive if paid for out of a treasury
+filled by voluntary contributions. How is it possible to sanction, under
+the law of equal liberty, the confiscation of a man's earnings to pay
+for protection which he has not sought and does not desire?"<a name="FNanchor_716_716" id="FNanchor_716_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192"></a>[<a href="images/220.png">192</a>]</span></p><p>"And, if this is an outrage, what name shall we give to such
+confiscation when the victim is given, instead of bread, a stone,
+instead of protection, oppression? To force a man to pay for the
+violation of his own liberty is indeed an addition of insult to injury.
+But that is exactly what the State is doing."<a name="FNanchor_717_717" id="FNanchor_717_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a> For "in the second
+place, by far the greater number of their acts are directly invasive,
+because directed, not to the restraint of invaders, but to the denial of
+freedom to the people in their industrial, commercial, social, domestic,
+and individual lives."<a name="FNanchor_718_718" id="FNanchor_718_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a></p>
+
+<p>"How thoughtless, then, to assert that the existing political order is
+of a purely defensive character!"<a name="FNanchor_719_719" id="FNanchor_719_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a> "Defence is a service, like any
+other service. It is labor both useful and desired, and therefore an
+economic commodity subject to the law of supply and demand. In a free
+market this commodity would be furnished at the cost of production. The
+production and sale of this commodity are now monopolized by the State.
+The State, like almost all monopolists, charges exorbitant prices. Like
+almost all monopolists, it supplies a worthless, or nearly worthless,
+article. Just as the monopolist of a food product often furnishes poison
+instead of nutriment, so the State takes advantage of its monopoly of
+defence to furnish invasion instead of protection. Just as the patrons
+of the one pay to be poisoned, so the patrons of the other pay to be
+enslaved. And the State exceeds all its fellow-monopolists in the extent
+of its villany because it enjoys the unique privilege of compelling all
+people to buy its product whether they want it or not."<a name="FNanchor_720_720" id="FNanchor_720_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193"></a>[<a href="images/221.png">193</a>]</span></p><p>3. It cannot be alleged in favor of the State that it is necessary as a
+means for combating crime.<a name="FNanchor_721_721" id="FNanchor_721_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a> "The State is itself the most gigantic
+criminal extant. It manufactures criminals much faster than it punishes
+them."<a name="FNanchor_722_722" id="FNanchor_722_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a> "Our prisons are filled with criminals which our virtuous
+State has made what they are by its iniquitous laws, its grinding
+monopolies, and the horrible social conditions that result from them. We
+enact many laws that manufacture criminals, and then a few that punish
+them."<a name="FNanchor_723_723" id="FNanchor_723_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a></p>
+
+<p>No more can the State be defended on the ground that it is wanted for
+the relief of suffering. "The State is rendering assistance to the
+suffering and starving victims of the Mississippi inundation. Well, such
+work is better than forging new chains to keep the people in subjection,
+we allow; but is not worth the price that is paid for it. The people
+cannot afford to be enslaved for the sake of being insured. If there
+were no other alternative, they would do better, on the whole, to take
+Nature's risks and pay her penalties as best they might. But Liberty
+supplies another alternative, and furnishes better insurance at cheaper
+rates. Mutual insurance, by the organization of risk, will do the utmost
+that can be done to mitigate and equalize the suffering arising from the
+accidental destruction of wealth."<a name="FNanchor_724_724" id="FNanchor_724_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Every man's self-interest, and equal liberty particularly, demands,
+in place of the State, a social human life on the basis of the legal
+norm that contracts must be lived up to.</i> The "voluntary <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194"></a>[<a href="images/222.png">194</a>]</span>association of
+contracting individuals"<a name="FNanchor_725_725" id="FNanchor_725_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a> is to take the place of the State.</p>
+
+<p>1. "The Anarchists have no intention or desire to abolish society. They
+know that its life is inseparable from the lives of individuals; that it
+is impossible to destroy one without destroying the other."<a name="FNanchor_726_726" id="FNanchor_726_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a>
+"Society has come to be man's dearest possession. Pure air is good, but
+no one wants to breathe it long alone. Independence is good, but
+isolation is too heavy a price to pay for it."<a name="FNanchor_727_727" id="FNanchor_727_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a></p>
+
+<p>But men are not to be held together in society by a concrete supreme
+authority, but solely by the legally binding force of contract.<a name="FNanchor_728_728" id="FNanchor_728_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a> The
+form of society is to be "voluntary association,"<a name="FNanchor_729_729" id="FNanchor_729_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a> whose
+"constitution"<a name="FNanchor_730_730" id="FNanchor_730_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a> is nothing but a contract.</p>
+
+<p>2. But what is to be the nature of the voluntary association in detail?</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, it cannot bind its members for life. "The
+constituting of an association in which each member waives the right of
+secession would be a mere <i>form</i>, which every decent man who was a party
+to it would hasten to violate and tread under foot as soon as he
+appreciated the enormity of his folly. To indefinitely waive one's right
+of secession is to make one's self a slave. Now, no man can make himself
+so much a slave as to forfeit the right to issue his own emancipation
+proclamation."<a name="FNanchor_731_731" id="FNanchor_731_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the next place, the voluntary association, as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195"></a>[<a href="images/223.png">195</a>]</span> such, can have no
+dominion over a territory. "Certainly such voluntary association would
+be entitled to enforce whatever regulations the contracting parties
+might agree upon within the limits of whatever territory, or divisions
+of territory, had been brought into the association by these parties as
+individual occupiers thereof, and no non-contracting party would have a
+right to enter or remain in this domain except upon such terms as the
+association might impose. But if, somewhere between these divisions of
+territory, had lived, prior to the formation of the association, some
+individual on his homestead, who for any reason, wise or foolish, had
+declined to join in forming the association, the contracting parties
+would have had no right to evict him, compel him to join, make him pay
+for any incidental benefits that he might derive from proximity to their
+association, or restrict him in the exercise of any previously-enjoyed
+right to prevent him from reaping these benefits. Now, voluntary
+association necessarily involving the right of secession, any seceding
+member would naturally fall back into the position and upon the rights
+of the individual above described, who refused to join at all. So much,
+then, for the attitude of the individual toward any voluntary
+association surrounding him, his support thereof evidently depending
+upon his approval or disapproval of its objects, his view of its
+efficiency in attaining them, and his estimate of the advantages and
+disadvantages involved in joining, seceding, or abstaining."<a name="FNanchor_732_732" id="FNanchor_732_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196"></a>[<a href="images/224.png">196</a>]</span></p><p>For the members of the voluntary association numerous obligations arise
+from their membership. The association may require, as a condition of
+membership, the agreement to perform certain services,&mdash;for instance,
+"jury service."<a name="FNanchor_733_733" id="FNanchor_733_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a> And "inasmuch as Anarchistic associations recognize
+the right of secession, they may utilize the ballot, if they see fit to
+do so. If the question decided by ballot is so vital that the minority
+thinks it more important to carry out its own views than to preserve
+common action, the minority can withdraw. In no case can a minority,
+however small, be governed without its consent."<a name="FNanchor_734_734" id="FNanchor_734_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a> The voluntary
+association is entitled to compel its members to live up to their
+obligations. "If a man makes an agreement with men, the latter may
+combine to hold him to his agreement";<a name="FNanchor_735_735" id="FNanchor_735_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a> therefore a voluntary
+association is "entitled to enforce whatever regulations the contracting
+parties may agree upon."<a name="FNanchor_736_736" id="FNanchor_736_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a> To be sure, one must bear in mind that
+"very likely the best way to secure the fulfilment of promises is to
+have it understood in advance that the fulfilment is not to be
+enforced."<a name="FNanchor_737_737" id="FNanchor_737_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of especial importance among the obligations of the members of a
+voluntary association is the duty of paying taxes; but the tax is
+voluntary by virtue of the fact that it is based on contract.<a name="FNanchor_738_738" id="FNanchor_738_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a>
+"Voluntary<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197"></a>[<a href="images/225.png">197</a>]</span> taxation, far from impairing the association's credit, would
+strengthen it";<a name="FNanchor_739_739" id="FNanchor_739_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a> for, in the first place, because of the simplicity
+of its functions, the association seldom or never has to borrow; in the
+second place, it cannot, like the present State upon its basis of
+compulsory taxation, repudiate its debts and still continue business;
+and, in the third place, it will necessarily be more intent on
+maintaining its credit by paying its debts than is the State which
+enforces taxation.<a name="FNanchor_740_740" id="FNanchor_740_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a> And furthermore, the voluntariness of the tax
+has this advantage, that "the defensive institution will be steadily
+deterred from becoming an invasive institution through fear that the
+voluntary contributions will fall off; it will have this constant motive
+to keep itself trimmed down to the popular demand."<a name="FNanchor_741_741" id="FNanchor_741_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Ireland's true order: the wonderful Land League, the nearest approach,
+on a large scale, to perfect Anarchistic organization that the world has
+yet seen. An immense number of local groups, scattered over large
+sections of two continents separated by three thousand miles of ocean;
+each group autonomous, each free; each composed of varying numbers of
+individuals of all ages, sexes, races, equally autonomous and free; each
+inspired by a common, central purpose; each supported entirely by
+voluntary contributions; each obeying its own judgment; each guided in
+the formation of its judgment and the choice of its conduct by the
+advice of a central council of picked men, having no power to enforce
+its orders except that inherent in the convincing logic of the reasons
+on which the orders are based; all <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198"></a>[<a href="images/226.png">198</a>]</span>co-ordinated and federated, with a
+minimum of machinery and without sacrifice of spontaneity, into a vast
+working unit, whose unparalleled power makes tyrants tremble and armies
+of no avail."<a name="FNanchor_742_742" id="FNanchor_742_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. Among the prominent associations of the new society are mutual
+insurance societies and mutual banks,<a name="FNanchor_743_743" id="FNanchor_743_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a> and, especially, defensive
+associations.</p>
+
+<p>"The abolition of the State will leave in existence a defensive
+association"<a name="FNanchor_744_744" id="FNanchor_744_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a> which will give protection against those "who violate
+the social law by invading their neighbors."<a name="FNanchor_745_745" id="FNanchor_745_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a> To be sure, this need
+will be only transitory. "We look forward to the ultimate disappearance
+of the necessity of force even for the purpose of repressing
+crime."<a name="FNanchor_746_746" id="FNanchor_746_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a> "The necessity for defence against individual invaders is
+largely and perhaps, in the end, wholly due to the oppressions of the
+invasive State. When the State falls, criminals will begin to
+disappear."<a name="FNanchor_747_747" id="FNanchor_747_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a></p>
+
+<p>A number of defensive associations may exist side by side. "There are
+many more than five or six insurance companies in England, and it is by
+no means uncommon for members of the same family to insure their lives
+and goods against accident or fire in different companies. Why should
+there not be a considerable number of defensive associations in England,
+in which people, even members of the same family, might<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199"></a>[<a href="images/227.png">199</a>]</span> insure their
+lives and goods against murderers or thieves? Defence is a service, like
+any other service."<a name="FNanchor_748_748" id="FNanchor_748_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a> "Under the influence of competition the best
+and cheapest protector, like the best and cheapest tailor, would
+doubtless get the greater part of the business. It is conceivable even
+that he might get the whole of it. But, if he should, it would be by his
+virtue as a protector, not by his power as a tyrant. He would be kept at
+his best by the possibility of competition and the fear of it; and the
+source of power would always remain, not with him, but with his patrons,
+who would exercise it, not by voting him down or by forcibly putting
+another in his place, but by withdrawing their patronage."<a name="FNanchor_749_749" id="FNanchor_749_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> But, if
+invader and invaded belong to different defensive associations, will not
+a conflict of associations result? "Anticipations of such conflicts
+would probably result in treaties, and even in the establishment of
+federal tribunals, as courts of last resort, by the co-operation of the
+various associations, on the same voluntary principle in accordance with
+which the associations themselves were organized."<a name="FNanchor_750_750" id="FNanchor_750_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Voluntary defensive associations acting on the Anarchistic principle
+would not only demand redress for, but would prohibit, all clearly
+invasive acts."<a name="FNanchor_751_751" id="FNanchor_751_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a> To fulfil this function they may choose any
+appropriate means, without thereby exercising a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200"></a>[<a href="images/228.png">200</a>]</span>government. "Government
+is the subjection of the <i>non-invasive</i> individual to a will not his
+own. The subjection of the <i>invasive</i> individual is not government, but
+resistance to and protection from government."<a name="FNanchor_752_752" id="FNanchor_752_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a>&mdash;"Anarchism
+recognizes the right to arrest, try, convict, and punish for wrong
+doing."<a name="FNanchor_753_753" id="FNanchor_753_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a> "Anarchism will take enough of the invader's property from
+him to repair the damage done by his invasion."<a name="FNanchor_754_754" id="FNanchor_754_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a> "If it can find no
+better instrument of resistance to invasion, Anarchism will use
+prisons."<a name="FNanchor_755_755" id="FNanchor_755_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a> It admits even capital punishment. "The society which
+inflicts capital punishment does not commit murder. Murder is an
+offensive act. The term cannot be applied legitimately to any defensive
+act. There is nothing sacred in the life of an invader, and there is no
+valid principle of human society that forbids the invaded to protect
+themselves in whatever way they can."<a name="FNanchor_756_756" id="FNanchor_756_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> "It is allowable to punish
+invaders by torture. But, if the 'good' people are not fiends, they are
+not likely to defend themselves by torture until the penalties of death
+and tolerable confinement have shown themselves destitute of
+efficacy."<a name="FNanchor_757_757" id="FNanchor_757_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a>&mdash;"All disputes will be submitted to juries."<a name="FNanchor_758_758" id="FNanchor_758_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a>
+"Speaking for myself, I think the jury should be selected by drawing
+twelve names by lot from a wheel containing the names of all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201"></a>[<a href="images/229.png">201</a>]</span> the
+citizens in the community."<a name="FNanchor_759_759" id="FNanchor_759_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a> "The juries will judge not only the
+facts, but the law, the justice of the law, its applicability to the
+given circumstances, and the penalty or damage to be inflicted because
+of its infraction."<a name="FNanchor_760_760" id="FNanchor_760_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">5.&mdash;PROPERTY</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>According to Tucker, from the standpoint of every one's
+self-interest and the equal liberty of all there is no objection to
+property.</i> Tucker rejects only the distribution of property on the basis
+of monopoly, as it everywhere and always exists in the State. That the
+State is essentially invasion appears in the laws which "not only
+prescribe personal habits, but, worse still, create and sustain
+monopolies"<a name="FNanchor_761_761" id="FNanchor_761_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a> and thereby make usury possible.<a name="FNanchor_762_762" id="FNanchor_762_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a></p>
+
+<p>1. Usury is the taking of surplus value.<a name="FNanchor_763_763" id="FNanchor_763_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a> "A laborer's product is
+such portion of the value of that which he delivers to the consumer as
+his own labor has contributed."<a name="FNanchor_764_764" id="FNanchor_764_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a> The laborer does not get this
+product, "at least not as laborer; he gains a bare subsistence by his
+work."<a name="FNanchor_765_765" id="FNanchor_765_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a> But, "somebody gets the surplus wealth. Who is the
+somebody?"<a name="FNanchor_766_766" id="FNanchor_766_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> "The usurer."<a name="FNanchor_767_767" id="FNanchor_767_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a></p>
+
+<p>"There are three forms of usury: interest on money, rent of land and
+houses, and profit in exchange. Whoever is in receipt of any of these is
+a usurer. And who is not? Scarcely any one. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202"></a>[<a href="images/230.png">202</a>]</span> banker is a usurer; the
+manufacturer is a usurer; the merchant is a usurer; the landlord is a
+usurer; and the workingman who puts his savings, if he has any, out at
+interest, or takes rent for his house or lot, if he owns one, or
+exchanges his labor for more than an equivalent,&mdash;he too is a usurer.
+The sin of usury is one under which all are concluded, and for which all
+are responsible. But all do not benefit by it. The vast majority suffer.
+Only the chief usurers accumulate: in agricultural and thickly settled
+countries, the landlords; in industrial and commercial countries, the
+bankers. Those are the Somebodies who swallow up the surplus
+wealth."<a name="FNanchor_768_768" id="FNanchor_768_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. "And where do they get their power? From monopoly maintained by the
+State. Usury rests on this."<a name="FNanchor_769_769" id="FNanchor_769_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a> And "of the various monopolies that
+now prevail, four are of principal importance."<a name="FNanchor_770_770" id="FNanchor_770_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a></p>
+
+<p>"First in the importance of its evil influence they [the founders of
+Anarchism] considered the money monopoly, which consists of the
+privilege given by the government to certain individuals, or to
+individuals holding certain kinds of property, of issuing the
+circulating medium, a privilege which is now enforced in this country by
+a national tax of ten per cent. upon all other persons who attempt to
+furnish a circulating medium, and by State laws making it a criminal
+offence to issue notes as currency. It is claimed that holders of this
+privilege control the rate of interest, the rate of rent of houses and
+buildings, and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203"></a>[<a href="images/231.png">203</a>]</span> prices of goods,&mdash;the first directly, and the second
+and third indirectly. For, if the business of banking were made free to
+all, more and more persons would enter into it until the competition
+should become sharp enough to reduce the price of lending money to the
+labor cost, which statistics show to be less than three-fourths of one
+per cent."<a name="FNanchor_771_771" id="FNanchor_771_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a> "Then down will go house-rent. For no one who can borrow
+capital at one per cent. with which to build a house of his own will
+consent to pay rent to a landlord at a higher rate than that."<a name="FNanchor_772_772" id="FNanchor_772_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a>
+Finally, "down will go profits also. For merchants, instead of buying at
+high prices on credit, will borrow money of the banks at less than one
+per cent., buy at low prices for cash, and correspondingly reduce the
+prices of their goods to their customers."<a name="FNanchor_773_773" id="FNanchor_773_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Second in importance comes the land monopoly, the evil effects of which
+are seen principally in exclusively agricultural countries, like
+Ireland. This monopoly consists in the enforcement by government of
+land-titles which do not rest upon personal occupancy and
+cultivation."<a name="FNanchor_774_774" id="FNanchor_774_774"></a><a href="#Footnote_774_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a> "Ground-rent exists only because the State stands by
+to collect it and to protect land-titles rooted in force or fraud."<a name="FNanchor_775_775" id="FNanchor_775_775"></a><a href="#Footnote_775_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a>
+"As soon as individuals should no longer be protected in anything but
+personal occupancy and cultivation of land, ground-rent would disappear,
+and so usury have one less leg to stand on."<a name="FNanchor_776_776" id="FNanchor_776_776"></a><a href="#Footnote_776_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204"></a>[<a href="images/232.png">204</a>]</span></p><p>The third and fourth places are occupied by the tariff and patent
+monopolies.<a name="FNanchor_777_777" id="FNanchor_777_777"></a><a href="#Footnote_777_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a> "The tariff monopoly consists in fostering production
+at high prices and under unfavorable conditions by visiting with the
+penalty of taxation those who patronize production at low prices and
+under favorable conditions. The evil to which this monopoly gives rise
+might more properly be called <i>mis</i>usury than usury, because it compels
+labor to pay, not exactly for the use of capital, but rather for the
+misuse of capital."<a name="FNanchor_778_778" id="FNanchor_778_778"></a><a href="#Footnote_778_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a> "The patent monopoly protects inventors and
+authors against competition for a period long enough to enable them to
+extort from the people a reward enormously in excess of the labor
+measure of their services,&mdash;in other words, it gives certain people a
+right of property for a term of years in laws and facts of nature, and
+the power to exact tribute from others for the use of this natural
+wealth, which should be open to all."<a name="FNanchor_779_779" id="FNanchor_779_779"></a><a href="#Footnote_779_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a> It is on the tariff and
+patent monopolies, next to the money monopoly, that profit in exchange
+is based. If they were done away along with the money monopoly, it would
+disappear.<a name="FNanchor_780_780" id="FNanchor_780_780"></a><a href="#Footnote_780_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Every one's self-interest, and particularly the equal liberty of
+all, demands a distribution of property in which every one is guaranteed
+the product of his labor.</i><a name="FNanchor_781_781" id="FNanchor_781_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a></p>
+
+<p>1. "Equal liberty, in the property sphere, is such a balance between the
+liberty to take and the liberty to keep that the two liberties may
+coexist without <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205"></a>[<a href="images/233.png">205</a>]</span>conflict or invasion."<a name="FNanchor_782_782" id="FNanchor_782_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a> "Nearly all Anarchists
+consider labor to be the only basis of the right of ownership in harmony
+with that law";<a name="FNanchor_783_783" id="FNanchor_783_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a> "the laborers, instead of having only a small
+fraction of the wealth in the world, should have all the wealth."<a name="FNanchor_784_784" id="FNanchor_784_784"></a><a href="#Footnote_784_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a>
+This form of property "secures each in the possession of his own
+products, or of such products of others as he may have obtained
+unconditionally without the use of fraud or force, and in the
+realization of all titles to such products which he may hold by virtue
+of free contract with others."<a name="FNanchor_785_785" id="FNanchor_785_785"></a><a href="#Footnote_785_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a></p>
+
+<p>"It will be seen from this definition that Anarchistic property concerns
+only products. But anything is a product upon which human labor has been
+expended, whether it be a piece of iron or a piece of land. (It should
+be stated, however, that in the case of land, or of any other material
+the supply of which is so limited that all cannot hold it in unlimited
+quantities, Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles except such as are
+based on actual occupancy and use.)"<a name="FNanchor_786_786" id="FNanchor_786_786"></a><a href="#Footnote_786_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. A distribution of property in which every one is guaranteed the
+product of his labor presupposes merely that equal liberty be applied in
+those spheres which are as yet dominated by State monopoly.<a name="FNanchor_787_787" id="FNanchor_787_787"></a><a href="#Footnote_787_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Free money first."<a name="FNanchor_788_788" id="FNanchor_788_788"></a><a href="#Footnote_788_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a> "I mean by free money the utter absence of
+restriction upon the issue of all money not fraudulent";<a name="FNanchor_789_789" id="FNanchor_789_789"></a><a href="#Footnote_789_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> "making
+the issue of money as free as the manufacture of shoes."<a name="FNanchor_790_790" id="FNanchor_790_790"></a><a href="#Footnote_790_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206"></a>[<a href="images/234.png">206</a>]</span></p><p>Money is here understood in the broadest sense, it means both
+"commodity money and credit money,"<a name="FNanchor_791_791" id="FNanchor_791_791"></a><a href="#Footnote_791_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a> by no means coin alone; "if the
+idea of the royalty of gold and silver could once be knocked out of the
+people's heads, and they could once understand that no particular kind
+of merchandise is created by nature for monetary purposes, they would
+settle this question in a trice."<a name="FNanchor_792_792" id="FNanchor_792_792"></a><a href="#Footnote_792_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a> "If they only had the liberty to
+do so, there are enough large and small property-holders willing and
+anxious to issue money, to provide a far greater amount than is
+needed."<a name="FNanchor_793_793" id="FNanchor_793_793"></a><a href="#Footnote_793_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a> "Does the law of England allow citizens to form a bank for
+the issue of paper money against any property that they may see fit to
+accept as security; said bank perhaps owning no specie whatever; the
+paper money not redeemable in specie except at the option of the bank;
+the customers of the bank mutually pledging themselves to accept the
+bank's paper in lieu of gold or silver coin of the same face value; the
+paper being redeemable only at the maturity of the mortgage notes, and
+then simply by a return of said notes and a release of the mortgaged
+property,&mdash;is such an institution, I ask, allowed by the law of England?
+If it is, then I have only to say that the working people of England are
+very great fools not to take advantage of this inestimable
+liberty."<a name="FNanchor_794_794" id="FNanchor_794_794"></a><a href="#Footnote_794_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a> Then "competition would reduce the rate of interest on
+capital to the mere cost of banking, which is much less than one per
+cent.,"<a name="FNanchor_795_795" id="FNanchor_795_795"></a><a href="#Footnote_795_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a> for "capitalists will not be able to lend their capital at
+interest when people can get money at the bank without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207"></a>[<a href="images/235.png">207</a>]</span> interest with
+which to buy capital outright."<a name="FNanchor_796_796" id="FNanchor_796_796"></a><a href="#Footnote_796_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> Likewise the charge of rent on
+buildings "would be almost entirely and directly abolished,"<a name="FNanchor_797_797" id="FNanchor_797_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a> and
+"profits fall to the level of the manufacturer's or merchant's proper
+wage,"<a name="FNanchor_798_798" id="FNanchor_798_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a> "except in business protected by tariff or patent
+laws."<a name="FNanchor_799_799" id="FNanchor_799_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a> "This facility of acquiring capital will give an unheard-of
+impetus to business";<a name="FNanchor_800_800" id="FNanchor_800_800"></a><a href="#Footnote_800_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a> "if free banking were only a picayunish
+attempt to distribute more equitably the small amount of wealth now
+produced, I would not waste a moment's energy on it."<a name="FNanchor_801_801" id="FNanchor_801_801"></a><a href="#Footnote_801_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a></p>
+
+<p>Free land is needed in the second place.<a name="FNanchor_802_802" id="FNanchor_802_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a> "'The land for the
+people,' according to 'Liberty', means the protection of all people who
+desire to cultivate land in the possession of whatever land they
+personally cultivate, without distinction between the existing classes
+of landlords, tenants, and laborers, and the positive refusal of the
+protecting power to lend its aid to the collection of any rent
+whatsoever."<a name="FNanchor_803_803" id="FNanchor_803_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a> This "system of occupying ownership, accompanied by no
+legal power to collect rent, but coupled with the abolition of the
+State-guaranteed monopoly of money, thus making capital readily
+available,"<a name="FNanchor_804_804" id="FNanchor_804_804"></a><a href="#Footnote_804_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a> would "abolish ground-rent"<a name="FNanchor_805_805" id="FNanchor_805_805"></a><a href="#Footnote_805_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a> and "distribute the
+increment naturally and quietly among its rightful owners."<a name="FNanchor_806_806" id="FNanchor_806_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the third and fourth place, free trade and freedom of intellectual
+products are necessary.<a name="FNanchor_807_807" id="FNanchor_807_807"></a><a href="#Footnote_807_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a> If they were added to freedom in money,
+"profit on <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208"></a>[<a href="images/236.png">208</a>]</span>merchandise would become merely the wages of mercantile
+labor."<a name="FNanchor_808_808" id="FNanchor_808_808"></a><a href="#Footnote_808_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a> Free trade "would result in a great reduction in the prices
+of all articles taxed."<a name="FNanchor_809_809" id="FNanchor_809_809"></a><a href="#Footnote_809_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a> And "the abolition of the patent monopoly
+would fill its beneficiaries with a wholesome fear of competition which
+would cause them to be satisfied with pay for their services equal to
+that which other laborers get for theirs."<a name="FNanchor_810_810" id="FNanchor_810_810"></a><a href="#Footnote_810_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a></p>
+
+<p>If equal liberty is realized in these four spheres, its realization in
+the sphere of property follows of itself: that is, a distribution of
+property in which every one is guaranteed the product of his labor.<a name="FNanchor_811_811" id="FNanchor_811_811"></a><a href="#Footnote_811_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a>
+"Economic privilege must disappear as a result of the abolition of
+political tyranny."<a name="FNanchor_812_812" id="FNanchor_812_812"></a><a href="#Footnote_812_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a> In a society in which there is no more
+government of man by man, there can be no such things as interest, rent,
+and profits;<a name="FNanchor_813_813" id="FNanchor_813_813"></a><a href="#Footnote_813_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a> every one is guaranteed the ownership of the product
+of his labor. "Socialism does not say: 'Thou shalt not steal!' It says:
+'When all men have Liberty, thou wilt not steal.'"<a name="FNanchor_814_814" id="FNanchor_814_814"></a><a href="#Footnote_814_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. "Liberty will abolish all means whereby any laborer can be deprived
+of any of his product; but it will not abolish the limited inequality
+between one laborer's product and another's."<a name="FNanchor_815_815" id="FNanchor_815_815"></a><a href="#Footnote_815_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a> "There will remain
+the slight disparity of products due to superiority of soil and skill.
+But even this disparity will soon develop a tendency to decrease. Under
+the new economic conditions and enlarged opportunities resulting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209"></a>[<a href="images/237.png">209</a>]</span> from
+freedom of credit and land classes will tend to disappear; great
+capacities will not be developed in a few at the expense of stunting
+those of the many; freedom of locomotion will be vastly increased; the
+toilers will no longer be anchored in such large numbers in the present
+commercial centres, and thus made subservient to the city landlords;
+territories and resources never before utilized will become easy of
+access and development; and under all these influences the disparity
+above mentioned will decrease to a minimum."<a name="FNanchor_816_816" id="FNanchor_816_816"></a><a href="#Footnote_816_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Probably it will never disappear entirely."<a name="FNanchor_817_817" id="FNanchor_817_817"></a><a href="#Footnote_817_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a> "Now, because liberty
+has not the power to bring this about, there are people who say: We will
+have no liberty, for we must have absolute equality. I am not of them.
+If I can go through life free and rich, I shall not cry because my
+neighbor, equally free, is richer. Liberty will ultimately make all men
+rich; it will not make all men equally rich. Authority may (and may not)
+make all men equally rich in purse; it certainly will make them equally
+poor in all that makes life best worth living."<a name="FNanchor_818_818" id="FNanchor_818_818"></a><a href="#Footnote_818_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">6.&mdash;REALIZATION</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>According to Tucker, the manner in which the change called for by every
+one's self-interest takes place is to be that those who have recognized
+the truth shall first convince a sufficient number of people how
+necessary the change is to their own interests, and that then they all
+of them, by refusing obedience, abolish</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210"></a>[<a href="images/238.png">210</a>]</span> <i>the State, transform law and
+property, and thus bring about the new condition.</i></p>
+
+<p>I. First a sufficient number of men are to be convinced that their own
+interests demand the change.</p>
+
+<p>1. "A system of Anarchy in actual operation implies a previous education
+of the people in the principles of Anarchy."<a name="FNanchor_819_819" id="FNanchor_819_819"></a><a href="#Footnote_819_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a> "The individual must
+be penetrated with the Anarchistic idea and taught to rebel."<a name="FNanchor_820_820" id="FNanchor_820_820"></a><a href="#Footnote_820_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a>
+"Persistent inculcation of the doctrine of equality of liberty, whereby
+finally the majority will be made to see in regard to existing forms of
+invasion what they have already been made to see in regard to its
+obsolete forms,&mdash;namely, that they are not seeking equality of liberty
+at all, but simply the subjection of all others to themselves."<a name="FNanchor_821_821" id="FNanchor_821_821"></a><a href="#Footnote_821_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a>
+"The Irish Land League failed because the peasants were acting, not
+intelligently in obedience to their wisdom, but blindly in obedience to
+leaders who betrayed them at the critical moment. Had the people
+realized the power they were exercising and understood the economic
+situation, they would not have resumed the payment of rent at Parnell's
+bidding, and to-day they might have been free. The Anarchists do not
+propose to repeat their mistake. That is why they are devoting
+themselves entirely to the inculcation of principles, especially of
+economic principles. In steadfastly pursuing this course regardless of
+clamor, they alone are laying a sure foundation for the success of the
+revolution."<a name="FNanchor_822_822" id="FNanchor_822_822"></a><a href="#Footnote_822_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. In particular, according to Tucker, appropriate means for the
+inculcation of the Anarchistic idea are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211"></a>[<a href="images/239.png">211</a>]</span> "speech and the
+press."<a name="FNanchor_823_823" id="FNanchor_823_823"></a><a href="#Footnote_823_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a>&mdash;But what if the freedom of speech and of the press be
+suppressed? Then force is justifiable.<a name="FNanchor_824_824" id="FNanchor_824_824"></a><a href="#Footnote_824_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a></p>
+
+<p>But force is to be used only as a "last resort."<a name="FNanchor_825_825" id="FNanchor_825_825"></a><a href="#Footnote_825_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a> "When a physician
+sees that his patient's strength is being exhausted so rapidly by the
+intensity of his agony that he will die of exhaustion before the medical
+processes inaugurated have a chance to do their curative work, he
+administers an opiate. But a good physician is always loth to do so,
+knowing that one of the influences of the opiate is to interfere with
+and defeat the medical processes themselves. It is the same with the use
+of force, whether of the mob or of the State, upon diseased society; and
+not only those who prescribe its indiscriminate use as a sovereign
+remedy and a permanent tonic, but all who ever propose it as a cure, and
+even all who would lightly and unnecessarily resort to it, not as a
+cure, but as an expedient, <i>are social quacks</i>."<a name="FNanchor_826_826" id="FNanchor_826_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a></p>
+
+<p>Therefore violence "should be used against the oppressors of mankind
+only when they have succeeded in hopelessly repressing all peaceful
+methods of agitation."<a name="FNanchor_827_827" id="FNanchor_827_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a> "Bloodshed in itself is pure loss. When we
+must have freedom of agitation, and when nothing but bloodshed will
+secure it, then bloodshed is wise."<a name="FNanchor_828_828" id="FNanchor_828_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a> "As long as freedom of speech
+and of the press is not struck down, there should be no resort to
+physical force in the struggle against oppression. It must not be
+inferred that, because 'Libertas' thinks it may become<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212"></a>[<a href="images/240.png">212</a>]</span> advisable to use
+force to secure free speech, it would therefore sanction a bloody deluge
+as soon as free speech had been struck down in one, a dozen, or a
+hundred instances. Not until the gag had become completely efficacious
+would 'Libertas' advise that last resort, the use of force."<a name="FNanchor_829_829" id="FNanchor_829_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a>
+"Terrorism is expedient in Russia and inexpedient in Germany and
+England."<a name="FNanchor_830_830" id="FNanchor_830_830"></a><a href="#Footnote_830_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a>&mdash;In what form is violence to be used? "The days of armed
+revolution have gone by. It is too easily put down."<a name="FNanchor_831_831" id="FNanchor_831_831"></a><a href="#Footnote_831_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a> "Terrorism and
+assassination"<a name="FNanchor_832_832" id="FNanchor_832_832"></a><a href="#Footnote_832_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a> are necessary, but they "will have to consist of a
+series of acts of individual dynamiters."<a name="FNanchor_833_833" id="FNanchor_833_833"></a><a href="#Footnote_833_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. But, besides speech and the press, there are yet other methods of
+"propagandism."<a name="FNanchor_834_834" id="FNanchor_834_834"></a><a href="#Footnote_834_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such a method is "isolated individual resistance to taxation."<a name="FNanchor_835_835" id="FNanchor_835_835"></a><a href="#Footnote_835_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a>
+"Some year, when an Anarchist feels exceptionally strong and
+independent, when his conduct can impair no serious personal
+obligations, when on the whole he would a little rather go to jail than
+not, and when his property is in such shape that he can successfully
+conceal it, let him declare to the assessor property of a certain value,
+and then defy the collector to collect. Or, if he have no property, let
+him decline to pay his poll tax. The State will then be put to its
+trumps. Of two things one,&mdash;either it will let him alone, and then he
+will tell his neighbors all about it, resulting the next year in an
+alarming disposition on their part to keep their own money in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213"></a>[<a href="images/241.png">213</a>]</span> their own
+pockets; or else it will imprison him, and then by the requisite legal
+processes he will demand and secure all the rights of a civil prisoner
+and live thus a decently comfortable life until the State shall get
+tired of supporting him and the increasing number of persons who will
+follow his example. Unless, indeed, the State, in desperation, shall see
+fit to make its laws regarding imprisonment for taxes more rigorous, and
+then, if our Anarchist be a determined man, we shall find out how far a
+republican government, 'deriving its just powers from the consent of the
+governed,' is ready to go to procure that 'consent,'&mdash;whether it will
+stop at solitary confinement in a dark cell or join with the czar of
+Russia in administering torture by electricity. The farther it shall go
+the better it will be for Anarchy, as every student of the history of
+reform well knows. Who shall estimate the power for propagandism of a
+few cases of this kind, backed by a well-organized force of agitators
+outside the prison walls?"<a name="FNanchor_836_836" id="FNanchor_836_836"></a><a href="#Footnote_836_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a></p>
+
+<p>Another method of propaganda consists in "a practical test of
+Anarchistic principles."<a name="FNanchor_837_837" id="FNanchor_837_837"></a><a href="#Footnote_837_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a> But this cannot take place in isolated
+communities, but only "in the very heart of existing industrial and
+social life."<a name="FNanchor_838_838" id="FNanchor_838_838"></a><a href="#Footnote_838_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a> "In some large city fairly representative of the
+varied interests and characteristics of our heterogeneous civilization
+let a sufficiently large number of earnest and intelligent Anarchists,
+engaged in nearly all the different trades and professions, combine to
+carry on their production and distribution on the cost principle,
+and,"<a name="FNanchor_839_839" id="FNanchor_839_839"></a><a href="#Footnote_839_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a> "setting at defiance the national and State<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214"></a>[<a href="images/242.png">214</a>]</span> banking
+prohibitions,"<a name="FNanchor_840_840" id="FNanchor_840_840"></a><a href="#Footnote_840_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a> "to start a bank through which they can obtain a
+non-interest-bearing currency for the conduct of their commerce and
+dispose their steadily accumulating capital in new enterprises, the
+advantages of this system of affairs being open to all who should choose
+to offer their patronage,&mdash;what would be the result? Why, soon the whole
+composite population, wise and unwise, good, bad, and indifferent, would
+become interested in what was going on under their very eyes, more and
+more of them would actually take part in it, and in a few years, each
+man reaping the fruit of his labor and no man able to live in idleness
+on an income from capital, the whole city would become a great hive of
+Anarchistic workers, prosperous and free individuals."<a name="FNanchor_841_841" id="FNanchor_841_841"></a><a href="#Footnote_841_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. If a sufficient number of persons are convinced that their
+self-interest demands the change, then the time is come to abolish the
+State, transform law and property, and bring about the new condition, by
+"the Social Revolution,"<a name="FNanchor_842_842" id="FNanchor_842_842"></a><a href="#Footnote_842_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a> <i>i. e.</i> by as general a refusal of
+obedience as possible. The State "is sheer tyranny, and has no rights
+which any individual is bound to respect; on the contrary, every
+individual who understands his rights and values his liberties will do
+his best to overthrow it."<a name="FNanchor_843_843" id="FNanchor_843_843"></a><a href="#Footnote_843_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a></p>
+
+<p>1. Many believe "that the State cannot disappear until the individual is perfected.</p>
+
+<p>"In saying which, Mr. Appleton joins hands with those wise persons who
+admit that Anarchy will be practicable when the millennium arrives. No
+doubt it is true that, if the individual could perfect himself<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215"></a>[<a href="images/243.png">215</a>]</span> while
+the barriers to his perfection are standing, the State would afterwards
+disappear. Perhaps, too, he could go to heaven, if he could lift himself
+by his boot-straps."<a name="FNanchor_844_844" id="FNanchor_844_844"></a><a href="#Footnote_844_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a> "'Bullion' thinks that 'civilization consists
+in teaching men to govern themselves and then letting them do it.' A
+very slight change suffices to make this stupid statement an entirely
+accurate one, after which it would read: 'Civilization consists in
+teaching men to govern themselves by letting them do it.'"<a name="FNanchor_845_845" id="FNanchor_845_845"></a><a href="#Footnote_845_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a>
+Therefore it is necessary to "abolish the State"<a name="FNanchor_846_846" id="FNanchor_846_846"></a><a href="#Footnote_846_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a> by "the impending
+social revolution."<a name="FNanchor_847_847" id="FNanchor_847_847"></a><a href="#Footnote_847_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. Others have the "fallacious idea that Anarchy can be inaugurated by
+force."<a name="FNanchor_848_848" id="FNanchor_848_848"></a><a href="#Footnote_848_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a></p>
+
+<p>In what way it is to be inaugurated is solely a question of
+"expediency."<a name="FNanchor_849_849" id="FNanchor_849_849"></a><a href="#Footnote_849_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a> "To brand the policy of terrorism and assassination
+as immoral is ridiculously weak. 'Liberty' does not assume to set any
+limit on the right of an invaded individual to choose his own methods of
+defence. The invader, whether an individual or a government, forfeits
+all claim to consideration from the invaded. This truth is independent
+of the character of the invasion. It makes no difference in what
+direction the individual finds his freedom arbitrarily limited; he has a
+right to vindicate it in any case, and he will be justified in
+vindicating it by whatever means are available."<a name="FNanchor_850_850" id="FNanchor_850_850"></a><a href="#Footnote_850_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The right to resist oppression by violence is beyond doubt. But its
+exercise would be unwise unless the suppression of free thought, free
+speech, and a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216"></a>[<a href="images/244.png">216</a>]</span> free press were enforced so stringently that all other
+means of throwing it off had become hopeless."<a name="FNanchor_851_851" id="FNanchor_851_851"></a><a href="#Footnote_851_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a> "If government
+should be abruptly and entirely abolished to-morrow, there would
+probably ensue a series of physical conflicts about land and many other
+things, ending in reaction and a revival of the old tyranny. But, if the
+abolition of government shall take place gradually, it will be
+accompanied by a constant acquisition and steady spreading of social
+truth."<a name="FNanchor_852_852" id="FNanchor_852_852"></a><a href="#Footnote_852_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. The social revolution is to come about by passive resistance; that
+is, refusal of obedience.<a name="FNanchor_853_853" id="FNanchor_853_853"></a><a href="#Footnote_853_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Passive resistance is the most potent weapon ever wielded by man
+against oppression."<a name="FNanchor_854_854" id="FNanchor_854_854"></a><a href="#Footnote_854_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a> "'Passive resistance,' said Ferdinand
+Lassalle, with an obtuseness thoroughly German, 'is the resistance which
+does not resist.' Never was there a greater mistake. It is the only
+resistance which in these days of military discipline meets with any
+result. There is not a tyrant in the civilized world to-day who would
+not do anything in his power to precipitate a bloody revolution rather
+than see himself confronted by any large fraction of his subjects
+determined not to obey. An insurrection is easily quelled, but no army
+is willing or able to train its guns on inoffensive people who do not
+even gather in the street but stay at home and stand back on their
+rights."<a name="FNanchor_855_855" id="FNanchor_855_855"></a><a href="#Footnote_855_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Power feeds on its spoils, and dies when its victims refuse to be
+despoiled. They can't persuade it to death; they can't vote it to death;
+they can't shoot<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217"></a>[<a href="images/245.png">217</a>]</span> it to death; but they can always starve it to death.
+When a determined body of people, sufficiently strong in numbers and
+force of character to command respect and make it unsafe to imprison
+them, shall agree to quietly close their doors in the faces of the
+tax-collector and the rent-collector, and shall, by issuing their own
+money in defiance of legal prohibition, at the same time cease paying
+tribute to the money-lord, government, with all the privileges which it
+grants and the monopolies which it sustains, will go by the board."<a name="FNanchor_856_856" id="FNanchor_856_856"></a><a href="#Footnote_856_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a></p>
+
+<p>Consider "the enormous and utterly irresistible power of a large and
+intelligent minority, comprising say one-fifth of the population in any
+given locality," refusing to pay taxes.<a name="FNanchor_857_857" id="FNanchor_857_857"></a><a href="#Footnote_857_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a> "I need do no more than
+call attention to the wonderfully instructive history of the Land League
+movement in Ireland, the most potent and instantly effective
+revolutionary force the world has ever known so long as it stood by its
+original policy of 'Pay No Rent,' and which lost nearly all its strength
+the day it abandoned that policy. But it was pursued far enough to show
+that the British government was utterly powerless before it; and it is
+scarcely too much to say, in my opinion, that, had it been persisted in,
+there would not to-day be a landlord in Ireland. It is easier to resist
+taxes in this country than it is to resist rent in Ireland; and such a
+policy would be as much more potent here than there as the intelligence
+of the people is greater, providing always that you can enlist in it a
+sufficient number of earnest and determined men and women.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218"></a>[<a href="images/246.png">218</a>]</span> If one-fifth
+of the people were to resist taxation, it would cost more to collect
+their taxes, or try to collect them, than the other four-fifths would
+consent to pay into the treasury."<a name="FNanchor_858_858" id="FNanchor_858_858"></a><a href="#Footnote_858_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_655_655" id="Footnote_655_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655_655"><span class="label">[655]</span></a> [Recognized by Tucker as the originator of Anarchism, so
+far as any man can claim this title. See Bailie's life of Warren.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_656_656" id="Footnote_656_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656_656"><span class="label">[656]</span></a> [At present (1908) a bi-monthly magazine.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_657_657" id="Footnote_657_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657_657"><span class="label">[657]</span></a> [Or rather a selection.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_658_658" id="Footnote_658_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658_658"><span class="label">[658]</span></a> Tucker p. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_659_659" id="Footnote_659_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659_659"><span class="label">[659]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_660_660" id="Footnote_660_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660_660"><span class="label">[660]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_661_661" id="Footnote_661_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661_661"><span class="label">[661]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 24, 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_662_662" id="Footnote_662_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662_662"><span class="label">[662]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_663_663" id="Footnote_663_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663_663"><span class="label">[663]</span></a> Tucker p. 35. [This passage refers merely to what it
+mentions, the alleged intent utterly to destroy society. As to identity
+of interests, I believe Tucker's position is that the interest of
+society is that of <i>almost</i> every individual.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_664_664" id="Footnote_664_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664_664"><span class="label">[664]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_665_665" id="Footnote_665_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665_665"><span class="label">[665]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_666_666" id="Footnote_666_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666_666"><span class="label">[666]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_667_667" id="Footnote_667_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667_667"><span class="label">[667]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 42. [Eltzbacher does not seem to perceive that
+Tucker uses this as a ready-made phrase, coined by Herbert Spencer and
+designating Spencer's well-known formula that in justice "every man has
+freedom to do all that he wills, provided he infringes not the equal
+freedom of any other man."]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_668_668" id="Footnote_668_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668_668"><span class="label">[668]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_669_669" id="Footnote_669_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669_669"><span class="label">[669]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_670_670" id="Footnote_670_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670_670"><span class="label">[670]</span></a> Tucker p. 35. [This citation is again irrelevant, but
+Eltzbacher's misapplication of it does not misrepresent Tucker's
+views.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_671_671" id="Footnote_671_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671_671"><span class="label">[671]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_672_672" id="Footnote_672_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672_672"><span class="label">[672]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_673_673" id="Footnote_673_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673_673"><span class="label">[673]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 59. [It should be understood that a great part
+of "Instead of a Book" is made up of the reprints of discussions with
+various opponents whose language is quoted and alluded to.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_674_674" id="Footnote_674_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674_674"><span class="label">[674]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_675_675" id="Footnote_675_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675_675"><span class="label">[675]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_676_676" id="Footnote_676_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676_676"><span class="label">[676]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 153.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_677_677" id="Footnote_677_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677_677"><span class="label">[677]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 135. [Since the publication of "Instead of a
+Book" Tucker has had a notable discussion of the child question in
+"Liberty," which, while developing much disagreement on this point among
+Tucker's friends, has at least brought definiteness into the judgments
+passed upon it.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_678_678" id="Footnote_678_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678_678"><span class="label">[678]</span></a> Tucker p. 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_679_679" id="Footnote_679_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679_679"><span class="label">[679]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_680_680" id="Footnote_680_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680_680"><span class="label">[680]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_681_681" id="Footnote_681_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681_681"><span class="label">[681]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 59. [The wording of this clause is so thoroughly
+Eltzbacher's own that his quotation-marks appear unjustifiable; but the
+doctrine is Tucker's.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_682_682" id="Footnote_682_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682_682"><span class="label">[682]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_683_683" id="Footnote_683_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683_683"><span class="label">[683]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_684_684" id="Footnote_684_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 167.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_685_685" id="Footnote_685_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685_685"><span class="label">[685]</span></a> Tucker p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_686_686" id="Footnote_686_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686_686"><span class="label">[686]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 60, 52, 158, 104, 167.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_687_687" id="Footnote_687_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687_687"><span class="label">[687]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_688_688" id="Footnote_688_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688_688"><span class="label">[688]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 60. [But see below, <a href="#Page_200">page 200</a>, where
+Tucker's page 60 is quoted <i>verbatim</i>.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_689_689" id="Footnote_689_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689_689"><span class="label">[689]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_690_690" id="Footnote_690_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690_690"><span class="label">[690]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 312. [Tucker is not likely to think that he is
+fairly represented without a fuller quotation: "not only the facts, but
+the law, the justice of the law, its applicability to the given
+circumstances, and the penalty or damage to be inflicted because of its
+infraction." He would emphasize "the justice of the law"&mdash;a juryman will
+disregard a law that he disapproves. Tucker here prefixes "All rules and
+laws will be little more than suggestions for the guidance of juries."
+Nevertheless the juryman is to be guided by norm and not by caprice: see
+"Liberty" Sept. 7, 1895, where he says: "I am asked by a correspondent
+if I would 'passively see a woman throw her baby into the fire as a man
+throws his newspaper'. It is highly probable that I would interfere in
+such a case. But it is as probable, and perhaps more so, that I would
+personally interfere to prevent the owner of a masterpiece by Titian
+from applying the torch to the canvas. My interference in the former
+case no more invalidates the mother's property right in her child than
+my interference in the latter case would invalidate the property right
+of the owner of the painting. If I interfere in either case, I am an
+invader, acting in obedience to my injured feelings. As such I deserve
+to be punished. I consider that it would be the duty of a policeman in
+the service of the defence association to arrest me for assault. On my
+arraignment I should plead guilty, and it would be the duty of the jury
+to impose a penalty on me. I might ask for a light sentence on the
+strength of the extenuating circumstances, and I believe that my prayer
+would be heeded. But, if such invasions as mine were persisted in, it
+would become the duty of the jury to impose penalties sufficiently
+severe to put a stop to them."]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_691_691" id="Footnote_691_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691_691"><span class="label">[691]</span></a> Tucker p. 312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_692_692" id="Footnote_692_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692_692"><span class="label">[692]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_693_693" id="Footnote_693_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693_693"><span class="label">[693]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 156-7. [Compare the exact words of this passage
+as quoted on <a href="#Page_200">page 200</a> below.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_694_694" id="Footnote_694_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694_694"><span class="label">[694]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 131. [Not <i>verbatim</i>.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_695_695" id="Footnote_695_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695_695"><span class="label">[695]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_696_696" id="Footnote_696_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696_696"><span class="label">[696]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_697_697" id="Footnote_697_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697_697"><span class="label">[697]</span></a> Tucker p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_698_698" id="Footnote_698_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698_698"><span class="label">[698]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_699_699" id="Footnote_699_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699_699"><span class="label">[699]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 146, 350.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_700_700" id="Footnote_700_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700_700"><span class="label">[700]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_701_701" id="Footnote_701_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701_701"><span class="label">[701]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_702_702" id="Footnote_702_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702_702"><span class="label">[702]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_703_703" id="Footnote_703_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703_703"><span class="label">[703]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_704_704" id="Footnote_704_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704_704"><span class="label">[704]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_705_705" id="Footnote_705_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705_705"><span class="label">[705]</span></a> Tucker pp. 157-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_706_706" id="Footnote_706_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706_706"><span class="label">[706]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_707_707" id="Footnote_707_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707_707"><span class="label">[707]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_708_708" id="Footnote_708_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708_708"><span class="label">[708]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_709_709" id="Footnote_709_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709_709"><span class="label">[709]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_710_710" id="Footnote_710_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710_710"><span class="label">[710]</span></a> Tucker p. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_711_711" id="Footnote_711_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711_711"><span class="label">[711]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_712_712" id="Footnote_712_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712_712"><span class="label">[712]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 169.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_713_713" id="Footnote_713_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713_713"><span class="label">[713]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 115. [The words are Lucien V. Pinney's, but
+Tucker quotes them approvingly.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_714_714" id="Footnote_714_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714_714"><span class="label">[714]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 426-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_715_715" id="Footnote_715_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715_715"><span class="label">[715]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_716_716" id="Footnote_716_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716_716"><span class="label">[716]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_717_717" id="Footnote_717_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717_717"><span class="label">[717]</span></a> Tucker pp. 25-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_718_718" id="Footnote_718_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718_718"><span class="label">[718]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_719_719" id="Footnote_719_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719_719"><span class="label">[719]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_720_720" id="Footnote_720_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720_720"><span class="label">[720]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. [32-]33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_721_721" id="Footnote_721_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721_721"><span class="label">[721]</span></a> Tucker p. 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_722_722" id="Footnote_722_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722_722"><span class="label">[722]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_723_723" id="Footnote_723_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723_723"><span class="label">[723]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 26-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_724_724" id="Footnote_724_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724_724"><span class="label">[724]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 158-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_725_725" id="Footnote_725_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725_725"><span class="label">[725]</span></a> Tucker p. 44. [See my note below, <a href="#Page_195">page 195</a>.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_726_726" id="Footnote_726_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726_726"><span class="label">[726]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_727_727" id="Footnote_727_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727_727"><span class="label">[727]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_728_728" id="Footnote_728_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728_728"><span class="label">[728]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_729_729" id="Footnote_729_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729_729"><span class="label">[729]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 44. [Or rather p. 167, and sundry other
+passages; on p. 44 see my note below, <a href="#Page_195">page 195</a>.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_730_730" id="Footnote_730_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730_730"><span class="label">[730]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_731_731" id="Footnote_731_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731_731"><span class="label">[731]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_732_732" id="Footnote_732_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732_732"><span class="label">[732]</span></a> Tucker pp. 44-5. [All this is a discussion of the
+characteristics which the State of to-day would have to possess if it
+were to deserve to be characterized as a voluntary association. The same
+conditions must of course be fulfilled by any future voluntary
+association; but it does not follow that all the points mentioned are
+such as Anarchistic associations would have most occasion to
+contemplate.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_733_733" id="Footnote_733_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733_733"><span class="label">[733]</span></a> Tucker p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_734_734" id="Footnote_734_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734_734"><span class="label">[734]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 56-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_735_735" id="Footnote_735_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735_735"><span class="label">[735]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_736_736" id="Footnote_736_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736_736"><span class="label">[736]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 44. [For context and limitations see <a href="#Page_195">page 195</a> of the present book.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_737_737" id="Footnote_737_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737_737"><span class="label">[737]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_738_738" id="Footnote_738_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738_738"><span class="label">[738]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 32. [It is not necessary that taxation exist,
+though it may be altogether presumable that it will. Still less is it
+necessary that the taxation be considerable in amount.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_739_739" id="Footnote_739_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739_739"><span class="label">[739]</span></a> Tucker pp. 36-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_740_740" id="Footnote_740_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740_740"><span class="label">[740]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_741_741" id="Footnote_741_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741_741"><span class="label">[741]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_742_742" id="Footnote_742_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742_742"><span class="label">[742]</span></a> Tucker p. 414.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_743_743" id="Footnote_743_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743_743"><span class="label">[743]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 159. [Tucker himself would assuredly have given
+the emphasis of "especially" to the mutual banks. The defensive
+associations receive especially frequent mention because of the need of
+incessantly answering the objection "If we lose the State, who will
+protect us against ruffians?" but Tucker certainly expects that the
+defensive association will from the start fill a much smaller sphere in
+every respect than the present police. See <i>e. g.</i> "Instead of a Book"
+p. 40.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_744_744" id="Footnote_744_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744_744"><span class="label">[744]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_745_745" id="Footnote_745_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745_745"><span class="label">[745]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_746_746" id="Footnote_746_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746_746"><span class="label">[746]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_747_747" id="Footnote_747_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747_747"><span class="label">[747]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_748_748" id="Footnote_748_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748_748"><span class="label">[748]</span></a> Tucker p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_749_749" id="Footnote_749_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749_749"><span class="label">[749]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 326-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_750_750" id="Footnote_750_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750_750"><span class="label">[750]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_751_751" id="Footnote_751_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751_751"><span class="label">[751]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 167. [But the restraint of aggressions against
+those with whom the association has no contract, and also the possible
+refusal to pay any attention to some particular class of aggressions
+which it may be thought best to let alone, are optional; in these
+respects the association will do what seems best to serve the interests
+(including the pleasure, altruistic or other) of its members; those who
+do not approve the policy adopted may quit the association if they
+like.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_752_752" id="Footnote_752_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752_752"><span class="label">[752]</span></a> Tucker p. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_753_753" id="Footnote_753_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753_753"><span class="label">[753]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 55 [where Tucker explicitly refuses to approve
+this statement unless he is allowed to add the caveat "if by the words
+wrong doing is meant invasion"].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_754_754" id="Footnote_754_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754_754"><span class="label">[754]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_755_755" id="Footnote_755_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755_755"><span class="label">[755]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_756_756" id="Footnote_756_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756_756"><span class="label">[756]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 156-7. [But accompanied by a disapproval of the
+ordinary practice of capital punishment.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_757_757" id="Footnote_757_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757_757"><span class="label">[757]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 60 [where the particular torture under
+discussion is failure to "feed, clothe, and make comfortable" the
+prisoners].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_758_758" id="Footnote_758_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758_758"><span class="label">[758]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 312. [But "Anarchism, as such, neither believes
+nor disbelieves in jury trial; it is a matter of expediency," pp.
+55-6.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_759_759" id="Footnote_759_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759_759"><span class="label">[759]</span></a> Tucker p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_760_760" id="Footnote_760_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760_760"><span class="label">[760]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_761_761" id="Footnote_761_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761_761"><span class="label">[761]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_762_762" id="Footnote_762_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762_762"><span class="label">[762]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_763_763" id="Footnote_763_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763_763"><span class="label">[763]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 178, 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_764_764" id="Footnote_764_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764_764"><span class="label">[764]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_765_765" id="Footnote_765_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765_765"><span class="label">[765]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 177. [This is given as an answer to the question
+here quoted next, about "surplus wealth."]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_766_766" id="Footnote_766_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766_766"><span class="label">[766]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 177. [Quoted from N. Y. "Truth."]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_767_767" id="Footnote_767_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767_767"><span class="label">[767]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_768_768" id="Footnote_768_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768_768"><span class="label">[768]</span></a> Tucker p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_769_769" id="Footnote_769_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769_769"><span class="label">[769]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 178. [Not <i>verbatim</i>.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_770_770" id="Footnote_770_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770_770"><span class="label">[770]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_771_771" id="Footnote_771_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771_771"><span class="label">[771]</span></a> Tucker p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_772_772" id="Footnote_772_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772_772"><span class="label">[772]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_773_773" id="Footnote_773_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773_773"><span class="label">[773]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_774_774" id="Footnote_774_774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_774_774"><span class="label">[774]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_775_775" id="Footnote_775_775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_775_775"><span class="label">[775]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_776_776" id="Footnote_776_776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_776_776"><span class="label">[776]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 12. [This is given as the view of Proudhon and
+Warren; the next sentence states Tucker's belief that for perfect
+correctness it should be modified by admitting that a small fraction of
+ground-rent, tending constantly to a minimum, would persist even then,
+but would be no cause for "serious alarm."]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_777_777" id="Footnote_777_777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_777_777"><span class="label">[777]</span></a> Tucker pp. 12-13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_778_778" id="Footnote_778_778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_778_778"><span class="label">[778]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_779_779" id="Footnote_779_779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_779_779"><span class="label">[779]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_780_780" id="Footnote_780_780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_780_780"><span class="label">[780]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 12-13, 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_781_781" id="Footnote_781_781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_781_781"><span class="label">[781]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 59-60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_782_782" id="Footnote_782_782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_782_782"><span class="label">[782]</span></a> Tucker p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_783_783" id="Footnote_783_783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_783_783"><span class="label">[783]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_784_784" id="Footnote_784_784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_784_784"><span class="label">[784]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 185. [Quoted, with express approval, from A. B.
+Brown.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_785_785" id="Footnote_785_785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_785_785"><span class="label">[785]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_786_786" id="Footnote_786_786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_786_786"><span class="label">[786]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_787_787" id="Footnote_787_787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_787_787"><span class="label">[787]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_788_788" id="Footnote_788_788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_788_788"><span class="label">[788]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 273.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_789_789" id="Footnote_789_789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_789_789"><span class="label">[789]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 274.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_790_790" id="Footnote_790_790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_790_790"><span class="label">[790]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 374.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_791_791" id="Footnote_791_791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_791_791"><span class="label">[791]</span></a> Tucker p. 272.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_792_792" id="Footnote_792_792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_792_792"><span class="label">[792]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 198.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_793_793" id="Footnote_793_793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_793_793"><span class="label">[793]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 248.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_794_794" id="Footnote_794_794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_794_794"><span class="label">[794]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_795_795" id="Footnote_795_795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_795_795"><span class="label">[795]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 474.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_796_796" id="Footnote_796_796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_796_796"><span class="label">[796]</span></a> Tucker p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_797_797" id="Footnote_797_797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_797_797"><span class="label">[797]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 274-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_798_798" id="Footnote_798_798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_798_798"><span class="label">[798]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_799_799" id="Footnote_799_799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_799_799"><span class="label">[799]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_800_800" id="Footnote_800_800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_800_800"><span class="label">[800]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_801_801" id="Footnote_801_801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_801_801"><span class="label">[801]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_802_802" id="Footnote_802_802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_802_802"><span class="label">[802]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_803_803" id="Footnote_803_803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_803_803"><span class="label">[803]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 299.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_804_804" id="Footnote_804_804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_804_804"><span class="label">[804]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 325.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_805_805" id="Footnote_805_805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_805_805"><span class="label">[805]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_806_806" id="Footnote_806_806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_806_806"><span class="label">[806]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 325. [Meaning, of course, John Stuart Mill's
+"unearned increment" in the value of land.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_807_807" id="Footnote_807_807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_807_807"><span class="label">[807]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 12-13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_808_808" id="Footnote_808_808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_808_808"><span class="label">[808]</span></a> Tucker pp. 474, 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_809_809" id="Footnote_809_809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_809_809"><span class="label">[809]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_810_810" id="Footnote_810_810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_810_810"><span class="label">[810]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_811_811" id="Footnote_811_811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_811_811"><span class="label">[811]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 403.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_812_812" id="Footnote_812_812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_812_812"><span class="label">[812]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 403.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_813_813" id="Footnote_813_813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_813_813"><span class="label">[813]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 470.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_814_814" id="Footnote_814_814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_814_814"><span class="label">[814]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 362. ["Socialism" is here used as including
+Anarchism; and Tucker prefers so to use the word.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_815_815" id="Footnote_815_815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_815_815"><span class="label">[815]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. [347-]348.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_816_816" id="Footnote_816_816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_816_816"><span class="label">[816]</span></a> Tucker pp. 332-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_817_817" id="Footnote_817_817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_817_817"><span class="label">[817]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 333.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_818_818" id="Footnote_818_818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_818_818"><span class="label">[818]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 348.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_819_819" id="Footnote_819_819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_819_819"><span class="label">[819]</span></a> Tucker p. 104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_820_820" id="Footnote_820_820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_820_820"><span class="label">[820]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_821_821" id="Footnote_821_821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_821_821"><span class="label">[821]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 77-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_822_822" id="Footnote_822_822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_822_822"><span class="label">[822]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 416.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_823_823" id="Footnote_823_823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_823_823"><span class="label">[823]</span></a> Tucker pp. 397, 413.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_824_824" id="Footnote_824_824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_824_824"><span class="label">[824]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 413.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_825_825" id="Footnote_825_825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_825_825"><span class="label">[825]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 397.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_826_826" id="Footnote_826_826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_826_826"><span class="label">[826]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 428.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_827_827" id="Footnote_827_827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_827_827"><span class="label">[827]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 428 [where the subject is not "violence" of all
+sorts great and small, but "terrorism and assassination"].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_828_828" id="Footnote_828_828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_828_828"><span class="label">[828]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 439.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_829_829" id="Footnote_829_829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_829_829"><span class="label">[829]</span></a> Tucker p. 397.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_830_830" id="Footnote_830_830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_830_830"><span class="label">[830]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 428.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_831_831" id="Footnote_831_831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_831_831"><span class="label">[831]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 440.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_832_832" id="Footnote_832_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832_832"><span class="label">[832]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 428 [with limiting context quoted above, <a href="#Page_211">page 211</a>]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_833_833" id="Footnote_833_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833_833"><span class="label">[833]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 440.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_834_834" id="Footnote_834_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834_834"><span class="label">[834]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_835_835" id="Footnote_835_835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_835_835"><span class="label">[835]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 45 [where nothing is said as to whether the work
+is the better or the worse for being "isolated"].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_836_836" id="Footnote_836_836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_836_836"><span class="label">[836]</span></a> Tucker p. 412.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_837_837" id="Footnote_837_837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_837_837"><span class="label">[837]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 423.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_838_838" id="Footnote_838_838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_838_838"><span class="label">[838]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 423.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_839_839" id="Footnote_839_839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_839_839"><span class="label">[839]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 423.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_840_840" id="Footnote_840_840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_840_840"><span class="label">[840]</span></a> Tucker p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_841_841" id="Footnote_841_841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_841_841"><span class="label">[841]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 423-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_842_842" id="Footnote_842_842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_842_842"><span class="label">[842]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 416, 439.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_843_843" id="Footnote_843_843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_843_843"><span class="label">[843]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_844_844" id="Footnote_844_844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_844_844"><span class="label">[844]</span></a> Tucker p. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_845_845" id="Footnote_845_845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_845_845"><span class="label">[845]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_846_846" id="Footnote_846_846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_846_846"><span class="label">[846]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_847_847" id="Footnote_847_847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_847_847"><span class="label">[847]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 487.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_848_848" id="Footnote_848_848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_848_848"><span class="label">[848]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 427.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_849_849" id="Footnote_849_849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_849_849"><span class="label">[849]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 429.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_850_850" id="Footnote_850_850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_850_850"><span class="label">[850]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 428-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_851_851" id="Footnote_851_851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_851_851"><span class="label">[851]</span></a> Tucker p. 439.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_852_852" id="Footnote_852_852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_852_852"><span class="label">[852]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 329 [where the course it must take is somewhat
+more precisely described].</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_853_853" id="Footnote_853_853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_853_853"><span class="label">[853]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 413.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_854_854" id="Footnote_854_854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_854_854"><span class="label">[854]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 415.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_855_855" id="Footnote_855_855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_855_855"><span class="label">[855]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 413.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_856_856" id="Footnote_856_856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_856_856"><span class="label">[856]</span></a> Tucker pp. 415-16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_857_857" id="Footnote_857_857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_857_857"><span class="label">[857]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 412.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_858_858" id="Footnote_858_858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_858_858"><span class="label">[858]</span></a> Tucker pp. 412-13. [This chapter should be completed by a
+mention of Tucker's doctrine that we must expect Anarchy to be
+established by gradually getting rid of one oppression after another
+till at last all the domination of violence shall have disappeared. See,
+for instance, "Liberty" for December, 1900: "The fact is that Anarchist
+society was started thousands of years ago, when the first glimmer of
+the idea of liberty dawned upon the human mind, and has been advancing
+ever since,&mdash;not steadily advancing, to be sure, but fitfully, with an
+occasional reversal of the current. Mr. Byington looks upon the time
+when a jury of Anarchists shall sit, as a point not far from the
+beginning of the history of Anarchy's growth, whereas I look upon that
+time as a point very near the end of that history. The introduction of
+more Anarchy into our economic life will have made marriage a thing of
+the past long before the first drawing of a jury of Anarchists to pass
+upon any contract whatever." Also "Instead of a Book" p. 104:
+"Anarchists work for the abolition of the State, but by this they mean
+not its overthrow, but, as Proudhon put it, its dissolution in the
+economic organism. This being the case, the question before us is not,
+as Mr. Donisthorpe supposes, what measures and means of interference we
+are justified in instituting, but which ones of those already existing
+we should first lop off." Tucker has lately been laying more emphasis on
+this view than on the more programme-like propositions cited by
+Eltzbacher, which date from the first six years of the publication of
+"Liberty." Indeed, I am sure I remember that somewhere lately, being
+challenged as to the feasibility of some of the latter, he admitted that
+those precise forms of action might perhaps not be adequate to bring the
+State to its end, and added that the end of the State is at present too
+remote to allow us to specify the processes by which it must ultimately
+be brought about. All this, however, does not mean that Tucker's faith
+in passive resistance as the most potent instrument discoverable both
+for propaganda and for the practical winning of liberty has grown
+weaker; he has no more given up this principle than he has given up the
+plan of propaganda by discussion.]</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p>&nbsp;<span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/247.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/248.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<div class="center"><img src="images/p248.jpg" width='525' height='700' alt="illustration" /></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219"></a>[<a href="images/249.png">219</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER IX</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>TOLSTOI'S TEACHING</span> <span class="smaller">1.&mdash;GENERAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. Lef Nikolayevitch Tolstoi was born in 1828 at Yasnaya Polyana,
+district of Krapivna, government of Tula. From 1843 to 1846 he studied
+in Kazan at first oriental languages, then jurisprudence; from 1847 to
+1848, in St. Petersburg, jurisprudence. After a lengthy stay at Yasnaya
+Polyana, he entered an artillery regiment in the Caucasus, in 1851; he
+became an officer, remained in the Caucasus till 1853, then served in
+the Crimean war, and left the army in 1855.</p>
+
+<p>Tolstoi now lived at first in St. Petersburg. In 1857 he took a lengthy
+tour in Germany, France, Italy, and Switzerland. After his return he
+lived mostly in Moscow till 1860. In 1860-1861 he traveled in Germany,
+France, Italy, England, and Belgium; in Brussels he made the
+acquaintance of Proudhon.</p>
+
+<p>Since 1861 Tolstoi has lived almost uninterruptedly at Yasnaya Polyana,
+as at once agriculturist and author.</p>
+
+<p>Tolstoi has published numerous works; his works up to 1878 are mostly
+stories, among which the two novels "War and Peace" and "Anna Karenina"
+are notable; his later works are mostly of a philosophical nature.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220"></a>[<a href="images/250.png">220</a>]</span></p><p>2. Of special importance for Tolstoi's teaching about law, the State,
+and property are his works "My Confession" (1879), "The Gospel in Brief"
+(1880), "What I Believe" (1884) [also known in English as "My
+Religion"], "What Shall We Do Then?" (1885), "On Life" (1887), "The
+Kingdom of God is Within You; or, Christianity not a mystical doctrine,
+but a new life-conception" (1893).</p>
+
+<p>3. Tolstoi does not call his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." He designates as "Anarchism" the teaching which sets up as
+its goal a life without government and wishes to see this realized by
+the application of force.<a name="FNanchor_859_859" id="FNanchor_859_859"></a><a href="#Footnote_859_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;BASIS</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>According to Tolstoi our supreme law is love; from this he derives the
+commandment not to resist evil by force.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. Tolstoi designates "Christianity"<a name="FNanchor_860_860" id="FNanchor_860_860"></a><a href="#Footnote_860_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a> as his basis; but by
+Christianity he means not the doctrine of one of the Christian churches,
+neither the Orthodox nor the Catholic nor that of any of the Protestant
+bodies,<a name="FNanchor_861_861" id="FNanchor_861_861"></a><a href="#Footnote_861_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a> but the pure teaching of Christ.<a name="FNanchor_862_862" id="FNanchor_862_862"></a><a href="#Footnote_862_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Strange as it may sound, the churches have always been not merely alien
+but downright hostile to the teaching of Christ, and they must needs be
+so. The churches are not, as many think, institutions that are based on
+a Christian origin and have only erred a little from the right way; the
+churches as such, as <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221"></a>[<a href="images/251.png">221</a>]</span>associations that assert their infallibility, are
+anti-Christian institutions. The Christian churches and Christianity
+have no fellowship except in name; nay, the two are utterly opposite and
+hostile elements. The churches are arrogance, violence, usurpation,
+rigidity, death; Christianity is humility, penitence, submissiveness,
+progress, life."<a name="FNanchor_863_863" id="FNanchor_863_863"></a><a href="#Footnote_863_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a> The church has "so transformed Christ's teaching
+to suit the world that there no longer resulted from it any demands, and
+that men could go on living as they had hitherto lived. The church
+yielded to the world, and, having yielded, followed it. The world did
+everything that it chose, and left the church to hobble after as well as
+it could with its teachings about the meaning of life. The world led its
+life, contrary to Christ's teaching in each and every point, and the
+church contrived subtleties to demonstrate that in living contrary to
+Christ's law men were living in harmony with it. And it ended in the
+world's beginning to lead a life worse than the life of the heathen, and
+the church's daring not only to justify such a life but even to assert
+that this was precisely what corresponded to Christ's teaching."<a name="FNanchor_864_864" id="FNanchor_864_864"></a><a href="#Footnote_864_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a></p>
+
+<p>Particularly different from Christ's teaching is the church
+"creed,"<a name="FNanchor_865_865" id="FNanchor_865_865"></a><a href="#Footnote_865_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a>&mdash;that is, the totality of the utterly incomprehensible and
+therefore useless "dogmas."<a name="FNanchor_866_866" id="FNanchor_866_866"></a><a href="#Footnote_866_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a> "Of a God, external creator, origin of
+all origins, we know nothing";<a name="FNanchor_867_867" id="FNanchor_867_867"></a><a href="#Footnote_867_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a> "God is the spirit in man,"<a name="FNanchor_868_868" id="FNanchor_868_868"></a><a href="#Footnote_868_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a>
+"his conscience,"<a name="FNanchor_869_869" id="FNanchor_869_869"></a><a href="#Footnote_869_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a> "the knowledge of life";<a name="FNanchor_870_870" id="FNanchor_870_870"></a><a href="#Footnote_870_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a> "every man
+recognizes in himself a free rational spirit <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222"></a>[<a href="images/252.png">222</a>]</span>independent of the flesh:
+this spirit is what we call God."<a name="FNanchor_871_871" id="FNanchor_871_871"></a><a href="#Footnote_871_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a> Christ was a man,<a name="FNanchor_872_872" id="FNanchor_872_872"></a><a href="#Footnote_872_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a> "the son
+of an unknown father; as he did not know his father, in his childhood he
+called God his father";<a name="FNanchor_873_873" id="FNanchor_873_873"></a><a href="#Footnote_873_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a> and he was a son of God as to his spirit,
+as every man is a son of God,<a name="FNanchor_874_874" id="FNanchor_874_874"></a><a href="#Footnote_874_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a> he embodied "Man confessing his
+sonship of God."<a name="FNanchor_875_875" id="FNanchor_875_875"></a><a href="#Footnote_875_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a> Those who "assert that Christ professed to redeem
+with his blood mankind fallen by Adam, that God is a trinity, that the
+Holy Spirit descended upon the apostles and that it passes to the priest
+by the laying on of hands, that seven mysteries are necessary to
+salvation, and so forth,"<a name="FNanchor_876_876" id="FNanchor_876_876"></a><a href="#Footnote_876_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a> "preach doctrines utterly alien to
+Christ."<a name="FNanchor_877_877" id="FNanchor_877_877"></a><a href="#Footnote_877_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a> "Never did Christ with a single word attest the personal
+resurrection and the immortality of man beyond the grave,"<a name="FNanchor_878_878" id="FNanchor_878_878"></a><a href="#Footnote_878_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a> which
+indeed is "a very low and coarse idea";<a name="FNanchor_879_879" id="FNanchor_879_879"></a><a href="#Footnote_879_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a> the Ascension and the
+Resurrection are to be counted among "the most objectionable
+miracles."<a name="FNanchor_880_880" id="FNanchor_880_880"></a><a href="#Footnote_880_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a></p>
+
+<p>Tolstoi accepts Christ's teaching as valid not on the ground of faith in
+a revelation, but solely for its rationality. Faith in a revelation "was
+the main reason why the teaching was at first misunderstood and later
+mutilated outright."<a name="FNanchor_881_881" id="FNanchor_881_881"></a><a href="#Footnote_881_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a> Faith in Christ is "not a trusting in
+something related to Christ, but the knowledge of the truth."<a name="FNanchor_882_882" id="FNanchor_882_882"></a><a href="#Footnote_882_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a></p>
+
+<p>"'There is a law of evolution, and therefore one must live only his own
+personal life and leave the rest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223"></a>[<a href="images/253.png">223</a>]</span> to the law of evolution,' is the last
+word of the refined culture of our day, and, at the same time, of that
+obscuration of consciousness to which the cultured classes are a
+prey."<a name="FNanchor_883_883" id="FNanchor_883_883"></a><a href="#Footnote_883_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a> But "human life, from getting up in the morning to going to
+bed at night, is an unbroken series of actions; man must daily choose
+out from hundreds of actions possible to him those actions which he will
+perform; therefore, man cannot live without something to guide the
+choice of his actions."<a name="FNanchor_884_884" id="FNanchor_884_884"></a><a href="#Footnote_884_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a> Now, reason alone can offer him this guide.
+"Reason is that law, recognized by man, according to which his life is
+to be accomplished."<a name="FNanchor_885_885" id="FNanchor_885_885"></a><a href="#Footnote_885_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a> "If there is no higher reason,&mdash;and such there
+is not, nor can anything prove its existence,&mdash;then my reason is the
+supreme judge of my life."<a name="FNanchor_886_886" id="FNanchor_886_886"></a><a href="#Footnote_886_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a> "The ever-increasing subjugation"<a name="FNanchor_887_887" id="FNanchor_887_887"></a><a href="#Footnote_887_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a>
+"of the bestial personality to the rational consciousness"<a name="FNanchor_888_888" id="FNanchor_888_888"></a><a href="#Footnote_888_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a> is "the
+true life,"<a name="FNanchor_889_889" id="FNanchor_889_889"></a><a href="#Footnote_889_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a> is "life"<a name="FNanchor_890_890" id="FNanchor_890_890"></a><a href="#Footnote_890_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a> as opposed to mere "existence."<a name="FNanchor_891_891" id="FNanchor_891_891"></a><a href="#Footnote_891_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a></p>
+
+<p>"It used to be said, 'Do not argue, but believe in the duty that we have
+prescribed to you; reason will deceive you; faith alone will bring you
+the true happiness of life.' And the man exerted himself to believe, and
+he believed. But intercourse with other men showed him that in many
+cases these believed something quite different, and asserted that this
+other faith bestowed the highest happiness. It has become unavoidable to
+decide the question which of the many faiths is the right one; and only
+reason can decide this."<a name="FNanchor_892_892" id="FNanchor_892_892"></a><a href="#Footnote_892_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a> "If the Buddhist who has learned to know<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224"></a>[<a href="images/254.png">224</a>]</span>
+Islam remains a Buddhist, he is no longer a Buddhist in faith but in
+reason. As soon as another faith comes up before him, and with it the
+question whether to reject his faith or this other, reason alone can
+give him an answer. If he has learned to know Islam and has still
+remained a Buddhist, then rational conviction has taken the place of his
+former blind faith in Buddha."<a name="FNanchor_893_893" id="FNanchor_893_893"></a><a href="#Footnote_893_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a> "Man recognizes truth only by
+reason, not by faith."<a name="FNanchor_894_894" id="FNanchor_894_894"></a><a href="#Footnote_894_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The law of reason reveals itself to men gradually."<a name="FNanchor_895_895" id="FNanchor_895_895"></a><a href="#Footnote_895_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a> "Eighteen
+hundred years ago there appeared in the midst of the pagan Roman world a
+remarkable new teaching, which was not comparable to any that had
+preceded it, and which was ascribed to a man called Christ."<a name="FNanchor_896_896" id="FNanchor_896_896"></a><a href="#Footnote_896_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a> This
+teaching contains "the very strictest, purest, and completest"<a name="FNanchor_897_897" id="FNanchor_897_897"></a><a href="#Footnote_897_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a>
+apprehension of the law of reason to which "the human mind has hitherto
+raised itself."<a name="FNanchor_898_898" id="FNanchor_898_898"></a><a href="#Footnote_898_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a> Christ's teaching is "reason itself";<a name="FNanchor_899_899" id="FNanchor_899_899"></a><a href="#Footnote_899_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a> it must
+be accepted by men because it alone gives those rules of life "without
+which no man ever has lived or can live, if he would live as a
+man,&mdash;that is, with reason."<a name="FNanchor_900_900" id="FNanchor_900_900"></a><a href="#Footnote_900_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a> Man has, "on the basis of reason, no
+right to refuse allegiance to it."<a name="FNanchor_901_901" id="FNanchor_901_901"></a><a href="#Footnote_901_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. Christ's teaching sets up love as the supreme law for us.</p>
+
+<p>What is love? "What men who do not understand life call 'love' is only
+the giving to certain conditions of their personal comfort a preference
+over any<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225"></a>[<a href="images/255.png">225</a>]</span> others. When the man who does not understand life says that he
+loves his wife or child or friend, he means by this only that his
+wife's, child's, or friend's presence in his life heightens his personal
+comfort."<a name="FNanchor_902_902" id="FNanchor_902_902"></a><a href="#Footnote_902_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a></p>
+
+<p>"True love is always renunciation of one's personal comfort"<a name="FNanchor_903_903" id="FNanchor_903_903"></a><a href="#Footnote_903_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a> for a
+neighbor's sake. True love "is a condition of wishing well to all men,
+such as commonly characterizes children but is produced in grown men
+only by self-abnegation."<a name="FNanchor_904_904" id="FNanchor_904_904"></a><a href="#Footnote_904_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a> "What living man does not know the happy
+feeling, even if he has felt it only once and in most cases only in
+earliest childhood, of that emotion in which one wishes to love
+everybody, neighbors and father and mother and brothers and bad men and
+enemies and dog and horse and grass; one wishes only one thing, that it
+were well with all, that all were happy; and still more does one wish
+that he were himself capable of making all happy, one wishes he might
+give himself, give his whole life, that all might be well off and enjoy
+themselves. Just this, this alone, is that love in which man's life
+consists."<a name="FNanchor_905_905" id="FNanchor_905_905"></a><a href="#Footnote_905_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a></p>
+
+<p>True love is "an ideal of full, infinite, divine perfection."<a name="FNanchor_906_906" id="FNanchor_906_906"></a><a href="#Footnote_906_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a>
+"Divine perfection is the asymptote of human life, toward which it
+constantly strives, to which it draws nearer and nearer, but which can
+be attained only at infinity."<a name="FNanchor_907_907" id="FNanchor_907_907"></a><a href="#Footnote_907_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a> "True life, according to previous
+teachings, consists in the fulfilling of commandments, the fulfilling of
+the law; according to Christ's teaching it consists in the maximum
+approach to the divine perfection which has been exhibited, and which is
+felt in himself by every man."<a name="FNanchor_908_908" id="FNanchor_908_908"></a><a href="#Footnote_908_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226"></a>[<a href="images/256.png">226</a>]</span></p><p>According to the teaching of Christ, love is our highest law. "The
+commandment of love is the expression of the inmost heart of the
+teaching."<a name="FNanchor_909_909" id="FNanchor_909_909"></a><a href="#Footnote_909_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a> There are "three conceptions of life, and only three:
+first the personal or bestial, second the social or heathenish,"<a name="FNanchor_910_910" id="FNanchor_910_910"></a><a href="#Footnote_910_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a>
+"third the Christian or divine."<a name="FNanchor_911_911" id="FNanchor_911_911"></a><a href="#Footnote_911_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a> The man of the bestial conception
+of life, "the savage, acknowledges life only in himself; the mainspring
+of his life is personal enjoyment. The heathenish, social man recognizes
+life no longer in himself alone, but in a community of persons, in the
+tribe, the family, the race, the State; the mainspring of his life is
+reputation. The man of the divine conception of life acknowledges life
+no longer in his person, nor yet in a community of persons, but in the
+prime source of eternal, never-dying life&mdash;in God; the mainspring of his
+life is love."<a name="FNanchor_912_912" id="FNanchor_912_912"></a><a href="#Footnote_912_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a></p>
+
+<p>That love is our supreme law according to Christ's teaching means
+nothing else than that it is such according to reason. As early as 1852
+Tolstoi gives utterance to the thought "That love and beneficence are
+truth is the only truth on earth,"<a name="FNanchor_913_913" id="FNanchor_913_913"></a><a href="#Footnote_913_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a> and much later, in 1887, he
+calls love "man's only rational activity,"<a name="FNanchor_914_914" id="FNanchor_914_914"></a><a href="#Footnote_914_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a> that which "resolves all
+the contradictions of human life."<a name="FNanchor_915_915" id="FNanchor_915_915"></a><a href="#Footnote_915_915" class="fnanchor">[915]</a> Love abolishes the insensate
+activity directed to the filling of the bottomless tub of our bestial
+personality,<a name="FNanchor_916_916" id="FNanchor_916_916"></a><a href="#Footnote_916_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a> does away with the foolish fight between beings that
+strive after their own happiness,<a name="FNanchor_917_917" id="FNanchor_917_917"></a><a href="#Footnote_917_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a> <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227"></a>[<a href="images/257.png">227</a>]</span>gives a meaning independent of
+space and time to life, which without it would flow off without meaning
+in the face of death.<a name="FNanchor_918_918" id="FNanchor_918_918"></a><a href="#Footnote_918_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. From the law of love Christ's teaching derives the commandment not to
+resist evil by force. "'Resist not evil' means 'never resist the evil
+man', that is, 'never do violence to another', that is, 'never commit an
+act that is contrary to love'."<a name="FNanchor_919_919" id="FNanchor_919_919"></a><a href="#Footnote_919_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a></p>
+
+<p>Christ expressly derived this commandment from the law of love. He gave
+numerous commandments, among which five in the Sermon on the Mount are
+notable; "these commandments do not constitute the teaching, they only
+form one of the numberless stages of approach to perfection";<a name="FNanchor_920_920" id="FNanchor_920_920"></a><a href="#Footnote_920_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a> they
+"are all negative, and only show"<a name="FNanchor_921_921" id="FNanchor_921_921"></a><a href="#Footnote_921_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a> what "at mankind's present
+age"<a name="FNanchor_922_922" id="FNanchor_922_922"></a><a href="#Footnote_922_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a> we "have already the full possibility of not doing, along the
+road by which we are striving to reach perfection."<a name="FNanchor_923_923" id="FNanchor_923_923"></a><a href="#Footnote_923_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a> The first of
+the five commandments of the Sermon on the Mount reads "Keep the peace
+with all, and if the peace is broken use every effort to restore
+it";<a name="FNanchor_924_924" id="FNanchor_924_924"></a><a href="#Footnote_924_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a> the second says "Let the man take only one woman and the woman
+only one man, and let neither forsake the other under any pretext";<a name="FNanchor_925_925" id="FNanchor_925_925"></a><a href="#Footnote_925_925" class="fnanchor">[925]</a>
+the third, "make no vows";<a name="FNanchor_926_926" id="FNanchor_926_926"></a><a href="#Footnote_926_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a> the fourth, "endure injury, return not
+evil for evil";<a name="FNanchor_927_927" id="FNanchor_927_927"></a><a href="#Footnote_927_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a> the fifth, "break not the peace to benefit thy
+people."<a name="FNanchor_928_928" id="FNanchor_928_928"></a><a href="#Footnote_928_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a> Among these commandments the fourth is the most important;
+it is enunciated in the fifth chapter of Matthew, verses<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228"></a>[<a href="images/258.png">228</a>]</span> 38-9: "Ye have
+heard that it was said, Eye for eye, and tooth for tooth. But I say to
+you, Resist not evil."<a name="FNanchor_929_929" id="FNanchor_929_929"></a><a href="#Footnote_929_929" class="fnanchor">[929]</a> Tolstoi tells how to him this passage
+"became the key of the whole."<a name="FNanchor_930_930" id="FNanchor_930_930"></a><a href="#Footnote_930_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a> "I needed only to take these words
+simply and downrightly, as they were spoken, and at once everything in
+Christ's whole teaching that had seemed confused to me, not only in the
+Sermon on the Mount but in the Gospels altogether, was comprehensible to
+me, and everything that had been contradictory agreed, and the main gist
+appeared no longer useless but a necessity; everything formed a whole,
+and the one confirmed the other past a doubt, like the pieces of a
+shattered column that one has rightly put together."<a name="FNanchor_931_931" id="FNanchor_931_931"></a><a href="#Footnote_931_931" class="fnanchor">[931]</a> The principle
+of non-resistance binds together "the entire teaching into a whole; but
+only when it is no mere dictum but a peremptory rule, a law."<a name="FNanchor_932_932" id="FNanchor_932_932"></a><a href="#Footnote_932_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a> "It
+is really the key that opens everything, but only when it goes into the
+inmost of the lock."<a name="FNanchor_933_933" id="FNanchor_933_933"></a><a href="#Footnote_933_933" class="fnanchor">[933]</a></p>
+
+<p>We must necessarily derive the commandment not to resist evil by force
+from the law of love. For this demands that either a sure, indisputable
+criterion of evil be found, or all violent resistance to evil be
+abandoned.<a name="FNanchor_934_934" id="FNanchor_934_934"></a><a href="#Footnote_934_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a> "Hitherto it has been the business now of the pope, now
+of an emperor or king, now of an assembly of elected representatives,
+now of the whole nation, to decide what was to be rated as an evil and
+combated by violent resistance. But there have always been men, both
+without and within the State, who have not acknowledged as binding upon
+them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229"></a>[<a href="images/259.png">229</a>]</span> either the decisions that were given out as divine commandments or
+the decisions of the men who were clothed with sanctity or the
+institutions that were supposed to represent the will of the people; men
+who regarded as good what to the powers that be appeared evil, and who,
+in opposition to the force of these powers, likewise made use of force.
+The men who were clothed with sanctity regarded as an evil what appeared
+good to the men and institutions that were clothed with secular
+authority, and the combat grew ever sharper and sharper. Thus it came to
+what it has come to to-day, to the complete obviousness of the fact that
+there is not and cannot be a generally binding external definition of
+evil."<a name="FNanchor_935_935" id="FNanchor_935_935"></a><a href="#Footnote_935_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a> But from this follows the necessity of accepting the
+solution given by Christ.<a name="FNanchor_936_936" id="FNanchor_936_936"></a><a href="#Footnote_936_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a></p>
+
+<p>According to Tolstoi, the precept of non-resistance must not be taken
+"as if it forbade every combat against evil."<a name="FNanchor_937_937" id="FNanchor_937_937"></a><a href="#Footnote_937_937" class="fnanchor">[937]</a> It forbids only the
+combating of evil by force.<a name="FNanchor_938_938" id="FNanchor_938_938"></a><a href="#Footnote_938_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a> But this it forbids in the broadest
+sense. It refers, therefore, not only to evil practised against
+ourselves, but also to evil practised against our fellow-men;<a name="FNanchor_939_939" id="FNanchor_939_939"></a><a href="#Footnote_939_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a> when
+Peter cut off the ear of the high priest's servant, he was defending
+"not himself but his beloved divine Teacher, but Christ forbade him
+outright and said 'All who take the sword will perish by the
+sword.'"<a name="FNanchor_940_940" id="FNanchor_940_940"></a><a href="#Footnote_940_940" class="fnanchor">[940]</a> Nor does the precept say that only a part of men are under
+obligation "to submit without a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230"></a>[<a href="images/260.png">230</a>]</span> contest to what is prescribed to them
+by certain authorities,"<a name="FNanchor_941_941" id="FNanchor_941_941"></a><a href="#Footnote_941_941" class="fnanchor">[941]</a> but it forbids "everybody, therefore even
+those in whom power is vested, and these especially, to use force in any
+case against anybody."<a name="FNanchor_942_942" id="FNanchor_942_942"></a><a href="#Footnote_942_942" class="fnanchor">[942]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">3.&mdash;LAW</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>For love's sake, particularly on the ground of the commandment not
+to resist evil by force, Tolstoi rejects law; not unconditionally,
+indeed, but as an institution for the more highly developed peoples of
+our time.</i> To be sure, he speaks only of enacted laws; but he means all
+law,<a name="FNanchor_943_943" id="FNanchor_943_943"></a><a href="#Footnote_943_943" class="fnanchor">[943]</a> for he rejects on principle every norm based on the will of
+men,<a name="FNanchor_944_944" id="FNanchor_944_944"></a><a href="#Footnote_944_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a> upheld by human force,<a name="FNanchor_945_945" id="FNanchor_945_945"></a><a href="#Footnote_945_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a> especially by courts,<a name="FNanchor_946_946" id="FNanchor_946_946"></a><a href="#Footnote_946_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a> capable
+of deviating from the moral law,<a name="FNanchor_947_947" id="FNanchor_947_947"></a><a href="#Footnote_947_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a> of being different in different
+territories,<a name="FNanchor_948_948" id="FNanchor_948_948"></a><a href="#Footnote_948_948" class="fnanchor">[948]</a> and of being at any time arbitrarily changed.<a name="FNanchor_949_949" id="FNanchor_949_949"></a><a href="#Footnote_949_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a></p>
+
+<p>Perhaps once upon a time law was better than its non-existence. Law is
+"upheld by violence";<a name="FNanchor_950_950" id="FNanchor_950_950"></a><a href="#Footnote_950_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a> on the other hand, it guards against violence
+of individuals to each other;<a name="FNanchor_951_951" id="FNanchor_951_951"></a><a href="#Footnote_951_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a> perhaps there was once a time when
+the former violence was less than the latter.<a name="FNanchor_952_952" id="FNanchor_952_952"></a><a href="#Footnote_952_952" class="fnanchor">[952]</a> Now, at any rate,
+this time is past for us; manners have grown milder; the men of our time
+"acknowledge the commandments of philanthropy, of sympathy with one's
+neighbor, and ask only the possibility of quiet, peaceable life."<a name="FNanchor_953_953" id="FNanchor_953_953"></a><a href="#Footnote_953_953" class="fnanchor">[953]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231"></a>[<a href="images/261.png">231</a>]</span></p><p>Law offends against the commandment not to resist evil by force.<a name="FNanchor_954_954" id="FNanchor_954_954"></a><a href="#Footnote_954_954" class="fnanchor">[954]</a>
+Christ declared this. The words "Judge not, that ye be not judged"
+(Matt. 7.1), "Condemn not, and ye shall not be condemned" (Luke 6.37),
+"mean not only 'do not judge your neighbor in words,' but also 'do not
+condemn him by act; do not judge your neighbor according to your human
+laws by your courts.'"<a name="FNanchor_955_955" id="FNanchor_955_955"></a><a href="#Footnote_955_955" class="fnanchor">[955]</a> Christ here speaks not merely "of every
+individual's personal relation to the court,"<a name="FNanchor_956_956" id="FNanchor_956_956"></a><a href="#Footnote_956_956" class="fnanchor">[956]</a> but rejects "the
+administration of law itself."<a name="FNanchor_957_957" id="FNanchor_957_957"></a><a href="#Footnote_957_957" class="fnanchor">[957]</a> "He says, 'You believe that your
+laws better the evil; they only make it greater; there is only one way
+to check evil, and this consists in returning good for evil, doing good
+to all without discrimination.'"<a name="FNanchor_958_958" id="FNanchor_958_958"></a><a href="#Footnote_958_958" class="fnanchor">[958]</a> And "my heart and my reason"<a name="FNanchor_959_959" id="FNanchor_959_959"></a><a href="#Footnote_959_959" class="fnanchor">[959]</a>
+say to me the same as Christ says.</p>
+
+<p>But this is not the only objection to be made against law. "Authority
+condemns in the rigid form of law only what public opinion has in most
+cases long since disallowed and condemned; withal, public opinion
+disallows and condemns all actions that are contrary to the moral law,
+but the law condemns and prosecutes only the actions included within
+certain quite definite and very narrow limits, and thereby, in a
+measure, justifies all similar actions that do not come within these
+limits. Ever since Moses's day public opinion has regarded selfishness,
+sensuality, and cruelty as evils and has condemned it; it has repudiated
+and condemned every form of selfishness, not only the appropriation of
+others' property by force,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232"></a>[<a href="images/262.png">232</a>]</span> fraud, or guile, but exploitation
+altogether; it has condemned every sort of unchastity, be it with a
+concubine, a slave, a divorced woman, or even with one's own wife; it
+has condemned all cruelty, as it finds expression in the ill-treating,
+starving, and killing not only of men but of animals too. But the law
+prosecutes only particular forms of selfishness, like theft and fraud,
+and only particular forms of unchastity and cruelty, like marital
+infidelity, murder, and mayhem; therefore, in a measure, it permits all
+the forms of selfishness, unchastity, and cruelty that do not come under
+its narrow definitions inspired by a false conception."<a name="FNanchor_960_960" id="FNanchor_960_960"></a><a href="#Footnote_960_960" class="fnanchor">[960]</a></p>
+
+<p>"The Jew could easily submit to his laws, for he did not doubt that they
+were written by God's finger; likewise the Roman, as he thought they
+originated from the nymph Egeria; and man in general so long as he
+regarded the princes who gave him laws as God's anointed, or believed
+that the legislating assemblies had the wish and the capacity to make
+the best laws."<a name="FNanchor_961_961" id="FNanchor_961_961"></a><a href="#Footnote_961_961" class="fnanchor">[961]</a> But "as early as the time when Christianity made
+its appearance men were beginning to comprehend that human laws were
+written by men; that men, whatever outward splendor may enshroud them,
+cannot be infallible, and that erring men do not become infallible even
+by getting together and calling themselves 'Senate' or something
+else."<a name="FNanchor_962_962" id="FNanchor_962_962"></a><a href="#Footnote_962_962" class="fnanchor">[962]</a> "We know how laws are made; we have all been behind the
+scenes; we all know that the laws are products of selfishness,
+deception, partisanship, that true justice does not and cannot dwell in
+them."<a name="FNanchor_963_963" id="FNanchor_963_963"></a><a href="#Footnote_963_963" class="fnanchor">[963]</a> Therefore<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233"></a>[<a href="images/263.png">233</a>]</span> "the recognition of any special laws is a sign of
+the crassest ignorance."<a name="FNanchor_964_964" id="FNanchor_964_964"></a><a href="#Footnote_964_964" class="fnanchor">[964]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Love requires that in place of law it itself be the law for men.</i>
+From this it follows that instead of law Christ's commandments should be
+our rule of action.<a name="FNanchor_965_965" id="FNanchor_965_965"></a><a href="#Footnote_965_965" class="fnanchor">[965]</a> But this is "the Kingdom of God on earth."<a name="FNanchor_966_966" id="FNanchor_966_966"></a><a href="#Footnote_966_966" class="fnanchor">[966]</a></p>
+
+<p>"When the day and the hour of the Kingdom of God appear, depends on men
+themselves alone."<a name="FNanchor_967_967" id="FNanchor_967_967"></a><a href="#Footnote_967_967" class="fnanchor">[967]</a> "Each must only begin to do what we must do, and
+cease to do what we must not do, and the near future will bring the
+promised Kingdom of God."<a name="FNanchor_968_968" id="FNanchor_968_968"></a><a href="#Footnote_968_968" class="fnanchor">[968]</a> "If only everybody would bear witness, in
+the measure of his strength, to the truth that he knows, or at least not
+defend as truth the untruth in which he lives, then in this very year
+1893 there would take place such changes toward the setting up of truth
+on earth as we dare not dream of for centuries to come."<a name="FNanchor_969_969" id="FNanchor_969_969"></a><a href="#Footnote_969_969" class="fnanchor">[969]</a> "Only a
+little effort more, and the Galilean has won."<a name="FNanchor_970_970" id="FNanchor_970_970"></a><a href="#Footnote_970_970" class="fnanchor">[970]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Kingdom of God is "not outside in the world, but in man's
+soul."<a name="FNanchor_971_971" id="FNanchor_971_971"></a><a href="#Footnote_971_971" class="fnanchor">[971]</a> "The Kingdom of God cometh not with outward show; neither
+will men say, 'Lo here!' or, 'There!' for, behold, the kingdom of God is
+within you (Luke 17.20)."<a name="FNanchor_972_972" id="FNanchor_972_972"></a><a href="#Footnote_972_972" class="fnanchor">[972]</a> The Kingdom of God is nothing else than
+the following of Christ's commandments, especially the five commandments
+of the Sermon on the Mount,<a name="FNanchor_973_973" id="FNanchor_973_973"></a><a href="#Footnote_973_973" class="fnanchor">[973]</a> which tell us how we must act in our
+present stage in order to correspond to the ideal of love as much as
+possible,<a name="FNanchor_974_974" id="FNanchor_974_974"></a><a href="#Footnote_974_974" class="fnanchor">[974]</a> and which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234"></a>[<a href="images/264.png">234</a>]</span> command us to keep the peace and do everything
+for its restoration when it is broken, to remain true to one another as
+man and wife, to make no vows, to forgive injury and not return evil for
+evil, and, finally, not to break the peace with anybody for our people's
+sake.<a name="FNanchor_975_975" id="FNanchor_975_975"></a><a href="#Footnote_975_975" class="fnanchor">[975]</a></p>
+
+<p>But what form will outward life take in the Kingdom of God? "The
+disciple of Christ will be poor; that is, he will not live in the city
+but in the country; he will not sit at home, but work in wood and field,
+see the sunshine, the earth, the sky, and the beasts; he will not worry
+over what he is to eat to tempt his appetite, and what he can do to help
+his digestion, but will be hungry three times a day; he will not roll on
+soft cushions and think upon deliverance from insomnia, but sleep; he
+will be sick, suffer, and die like all men&mdash;the poor who are sick and
+die seem to have an easier time of it than the rich&mdash;";<a name="FNanchor_976_976" id="FNanchor_976_976"></a><a href="#Footnote_976_976" class="fnanchor">[976]</a> he "will
+live in free fellowship with all men";<a name="FNanchor_977_977" id="FNanchor_977_977"></a><a href="#Footnote_977_977" class="fnanchor">[977]</a> "the Kingdom of God on earth
+is the peace of men with each other; thus it appeared to the prophets,
+and thus it appears to every human heart."<a name="FNanchor_978_978" id="FNanchor_978_978"></a><a href="#Footnote_978_978" class="fnanchor">[978]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">4.&mdash;THE STATE</span></h2>
+
+<p>II. <i>Together with law Tolstoi necessarily has to reject also, for the
+more highly developed nations of our time, the legal institution of the State.</i></p>
+
+<p>"Perhaps there was once a time when, in a low state of morality with a
+general inclination of men to mutual violence, the existence of a power
+limiting this violence was advantageous&mdash;that is, in which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235"></a>[<a href="images/265.png">235</a>]</span> State
+violence was less than that of individuals against each other. But such
+an advantage of State violence over its non-existence could not last;
+the more the individuals' inclination to violence decreased and manners
+grew milder, and the more the governments degenerated by having nothing
+to check them, the more worthless did State violence grow. In this
+change&mdash;in the moral evolution of the masses on the one hand and the
+degeneration of the governments on the other&mdash;lies the whole history of
+the last two thousand years."<a name="FNanchor_979_979" id="FNanchor_979_979"></a><a href="#Footnote_979_979" class="fnanchor">[979]</a> "I cannot prove either the general
+necessity of the State or its general perniciousness,"<a name="FNanchor_980_980" id="FNanchor_980_980"></a><a href="#Footnote_980_980" class="fnanchor">[980]</a> "I know only
+that on the one hand the State is no longer necessary for me, and that
+on the other hand I can no longer do the things that are necessary for
+the existence of the State."<a name="FNanchor_981_981" id="FNanchor_981_981"></a><a href="#Footnote_981_981" class="fnanchor">[981]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Christianity in its true significance abolishes the State,"<a name="FNanchor_982_982" id="FNanchor_982_982"></a><a href="#Footnote_982_982" class="fnanchor">[982]</a>
+annihilates all government.<a name="FNanchor_983_983" id="FNanchor_983_983"></a><a href="#Footnote_983_983" class="fnanchor">[983]</a> The State offends against love,
+particularly against the commandment not to resist evil by force.<a name="FNanchor_984_984" id="FNanchor_984_984"></a><a href="#Footnote_984_984" class="fnanchor">[984]</a>
+And not only this; in founding a dominion<a name="FNanchor_985_985" id="FNanchor_985_985"></a><a href="#Footnote_985_985" class="fnanchor">[985]</a> the State furthermore
+offends against the principle that for love "all men are God's sons and
+there is equality among them all";<a name="FNanchor_986_986" id="FNanchor_986_986"></a><a href="#Footnote_986_986" class="fnanchor">[986]</a> it is therefore to be rejected
+even aside from the violence on which it is based as a legal
+institution. "That the Christian teaching has an eye only to the
+redemption of the individual, and does not relate to public questions
+and State affairs, is a bold and unfounded assertion."<a name="FNanchor_987_987" id="FNanchor_987_987"></a><a href="#Footnote_987_987" class="fnanchor">[987]</a> "To every
+honest, earnest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236"></a>[<a href="images/266.png">236</a>]</span> man in our time it must be clear that true
+Christianity&mdash;the doctrine of humility, forgiveness, love&mdash;is
+incompatible with the State and its haughtiness, its deeds of violence,
+its capital punishments and wars."<a name="FNanchor_988_988" id="FNanchor_988_988"></a><a href="#Footnote_988_988" class="fnanchor">[988]</a> "The State is an idol";<a name="FNanchor_989_989" id="FNanchor_989_989"></a><a href="#Footnote_989_989" class="fnanchor">[989]</a> its
+objectionableness is independent of its form, be this "absolute
+monarchy, the Convention, the Consulate, the empire of a first or third
+Napoleon or yet of a Boulanger, constitutional monarchy, the Commune, or
+the republic."<a name="FNanchor_990_990" id="FNanchor_990_990"></a><a href="#Footnote_990_990" class="fnanchor">[990]</a>&mdash;Tolstoi carries this out into detail.</p>
+
+<p>1. The State is the rule of the bad, raised to the highest pitch.</p>
+
+<p>The State is rule. Government in the State is "an association of men who
+do violence to the rest."<a name="FNanchor_991_991" id="FNanchor_991_991"></a><a href="#Footnote_991_991" class="fnanchor">[991]</a></p>
+
+<p>"All governments, the despotic and the liberal alike, have in our time
+become what Herzen has so aptly called a Jenghis Khan with
+telegraphs."<a name="FNanchor_992_992" id="FNanchor_992_992"></a><a href="#Footnote_992_992" class="fnanchor">[992]</a> The men in whom the power is vested "practise violence
+not in order to overcome evil, but solely for their advantage or from
+caprice; and the other men submit to the violence not because they
+believe that it is practised for their good,&mdash;that is, in order to
+liberate them from evil,&mdash;but only because they cannot free themselves
+from it."<a name="FNanchor_993_993" id="FNanchor_993_993"></a><a href="#Footnote_993_993" class="fnanchor">[993]</a> "If Nice is united with France, Lorraine with Germany,
+Bohemia with Austria, if Poland is divided, if both Ireland and India
+are subjected to the English dominion, if people fight with China, kill
+the Africans, expel the Chinese from America, and persecute the Jews in
+Russia, it is not because this is good<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237"></a>[<a href="images/267.png">237</a>]</span> or necessary or useful for men
+and the opposite would be evil, but only because it so pleases those in
+whom the power is vested."<a name="FNanchor_994_994" id="FNanchor_994_994"></a><a href="#Footnote_994_994" class="fnanchor">[994]</a></p>
+
+<p>The State is the rule of the bad.<a name="FNanchor_995_995" id="FNanchor_995_995"></a><a href="#Footnote_995_995" class="fnanchor">[995]</a> "'If the State power were to be
+annihilated, the wicked would rule over the less wicked,' say the
+defenders of State rule."<a name="FNanchor_996_996" id="FNanchor_996_996"></a><a href="#Footnote_996_996" class="fnanchor">[996]</a> But has the power, when it has passed
+from some men to some others in the State, really always come to the
+better men? "When Louis the Sixteenth, Robespierre, Napoleon, came to
+power, who ruled then, the better or the worse? When did the better
+rule, when the power was vested in the Versaillese or in the Communards,
+when Charles the First or Cromwell stood at the head of the government?
+When Peter the Third was czar, and then when after his murder the
+authority of czar was exercised in one part of Russia by Catharine and
+in another by Pugatcheff, who was wicked then and who was good? All men
+who find themselves in power assert that their power is necessary in
+order that the wicked may not do violence to the good, and regard it as
+self-evident that they are the good and are giving the rest of the good
+protection against the bad."<a name="FNanchor_997_997" id="FNanchor_997_997"></a><a href="#Footnote_997_997" class="fnanchor">[997]</a> But in reality those who grasp and
+hold the power cannot possibly be the better.<a name="FNanchor_998_998" id="FNanchor_998_998"></a><a href="#Footnote_998_998" class="fnanchor">[998]</a> "In order to obtain
+and retain power, one must love it. But the effort after power is not
+apt to be coupled with goodness, but with the opposite qualities, pride,
+craft, and cruelty. Without exalting self and abasing others, without
+hypocrisy, lying, prisons, fortresses, penalties, killing, no power can<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238"></a>[<a href="images/268.png">238</a>]</span>
+arise or hold its own."<a name="FNanchor_999_999" id="FNanchor_999_999"></a><a href="#Footnote_999_999" class="fnanchor">[999]</a> "It is downright ridiculous to speak of
+Christians in power."<a name="FNanchor_1000_1000" id="FNanchor_1000_1000"></a><a href="#Footnote_1000_1000" class="fnanchor">[1000]</a> To this it is to be added "that the
+possession of power depraves men."<a name="FNanchor_1001_1001" id="FNanchor_1001_1001"></a><a href="#Footnote_1001_1001" class="fnanchor">[1001]</a> "The men who have the power
+cannot but misuse it; they must infallibly be unsettled by such
+frightful authority."<a name="FNanchor_1002_1002" id="FNanchor_1002_1002"></a><a href="#Footnote_1002_1002" class="fnanchor">[1002]</a> "However many means men have invented to
+hinder the possessors of power from subordinating the welfare of the
+whole to their own advantage, hitherto not one of these means has
+worked. Everybody knows that those in whose hands is the power&mdash;be they
+emperors, ministers, chiefs of police, or common policemen&mdash;are, just
+because the power is in their hands, more inclined to immorality, to the
+subordinating of the general welfare to their advantage, than those who
+have no power; nor can it be otherwise."<a name="FNanchor_1003_1003" id="FNanchor_1003_1003"></a><a href="#Footnote_1003_1003" class="fnanchor">[1003]</a></p>
+
+<p>The State is the rule of the bad, raised to the highest pitch. We shall
+always find "that the scheming of the possessors of authority&mdash;nay,
+their unconscious effort&mdash;is directed toward weakening the victims of
+their authority as much as possible; for, the weaker the victim is, the
+more easily can he be held down."<a name="FNanchor_1004_1004" id="FNanchor_1004_1004"></a><a href="#Footnote_1004_1004" class="fnanchor">[1004]</a> "To-day there is only one sphere
+of human activity left that has not been conquered by the authority of
+government: the sphere of the family, of housekeeping, private life,
+labor. And even this sphere, thanks to the fighting of the Communists
+and Socialists, the governments are already beginning to invade, so that
+soon, if the reformers have their way, work and rest,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239"></a>[<a href="images/269.png">239</a>]</span> housing,
+clothing, and food, will likewise be fixed and regulated by the
+governments."<a name="FNanchor_1005_1005" id="FNanchor_1005_1005"></a><a href="#Footnote_1005_1005" class="fnanchor">[1005]</a> "The most fearful band of robbers is not so horrible
+as a State organization. Every robber chief is at any rate limited by
+the fact that the men who make up his band retain at least a part of
+human liberty, and can refuse to commit acts which are repugnant to
+their consciences."<a name="FNanchor_1006_1006" id="FNanchor_1006_1006"></a><a href="#Footnote_1006_1006" class="fnanchor">[1006]</a> But in the State there is no such limit; "no
+crime is so horrible that it will not be committed by the officials and
+the army at the will of him&mdash;Boulanger, Pugatcheff, Napoleon&mdash;who
+accidentally stands at the head."<a name="FNanchor_1007_1007" id="FNanchor_1007_1007"></a><a href="#Footnote_1007_1007" class="fnanchor">[1007]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The rule in the State is based on physical force.</p>
+
+<p>Every government has for its prop the fact that there are in the State
+armed men who are ready to execute the government's will by physical
+force, a class "educated to kill those whose killing the authorities
+command."<a name="FNanchor_1008_1008" id="FNanchor_1008_1008"></a><a href="#Footnote_1008_1008" class="fnanchor">[1008]</a> Such men are the police<a name="FNanchor_1009_1009" id="FNanchor_1009_1009"></a><a href="#Footnote_1009_1009" class="fnanchor">[1009]</a> and especially the
+army.<a name="FNanchor_1010_1010" id="FNanchor_1010_1010"></a><a href="#Footnote_1010_1010" class="fnanchor">[1010]</a> The army is nothing else than a collectivity of "disciplined
+murderers",<a name="FNanchor_1011_1011" id="FNanchor_1011_1011"></a><a href="#Footnote_1011_1011" class="fnanchor">[1011]</a> its training is "instruction in murdering",<a name="FNanchor_1012_1012" id="FNanchor_1012_1012"></a><a href="#Footnote_1012_1012" class="fnanchor">[1012]</a> its
+victories are "deeds of murder."<a name="FNanchor_1013_1013" id="FNanchor_1013_1013"></a><a href="#Footnote_1013_1013" class="fnanchor">[1013]</a> "The army has always formed the
+basis of power, and does to this day. The power is always in the hands
+of those who command the army, and, from the Roman C&aelig;sars to the Russian
+and German emperors, all possessors of power have always cared first and
+foremost for their armies."<a name="FNanchor_1014_1014" id="FNanchor_1014_1014"></a><a href="#Footnote_1014_1014" class="fnanchor">[1014]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the first place, the army upholds the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240"></a>[<a href="images/270.png">240</a>]</span>government's rule against
+external assaults. It protects it against having the rule taken from it
+by another government.<a name="FNanchor_1015_1015" id="FNanchor_1015_1015"></a><a href="#Footnote_1015_1015" class="fnanchor">[1015]</a> War is nothing but a contest of two or more
+governments for the rule over their subjects. It is "impossible to
+establish international peace in a rational way, by treaty or
+arbitration, so long as the insensate and pernicious subjection of
+nations to governments continues to exist."<a name="FNanchor_1016_1016" id="FNanchor_1016_1016"></a><a href="#Footnote_1016_1016" class="fnanchor">[1016]</a> In consequence of this
+importance of armies "every State is compelled to increase its army to
+face the others, and this increase has the effect of a contagion, as
+Montesquieu observed a hundred and fifty years since."<a name="FNanchor_1017_1017" id="FNanchor_1017_1017"></a><a href="#Footnote_1017_1017" class="fnanchor">[1017]</a></p>
+
+<p>But, if one thinks armies are kept by governments only for external
+defence, he forgets "that governments need armies particularly to
+protect them against their oppressed and enslaved subjects."<a name="FNanchor_1018_1018" id="FNanchor_1018_1018"></a><a href="#Footnote_1018_1018" class="fnanchor">[1018]</a> "In
+the German Reichstag lately, in reply to the question why money was
+needed in order to increase the pay of the petty officers, the
+chancellor made the direct statement that reliable petty officers were
+necessary for the combating of Socialism. Caprivi merely said out loud
+what everybody knows, carefully as it is concealed from the
+peoples,&mdash;the reason why the French kings and the popes kept Swiss and
+Scots, why in Russia the recruits are so introduced that the interior
+regiments get their contingents from the frontiers and the frontier
+regiments theirs from the interior. Caprivi told, by accident, what
+everybody knows or at least feels,&mdash;to wit, that the existing order
+exists not because it must exist or because the people wills its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241"></a>[<a href="images/271.png">241</a>]</span>
+existence, but because the government's force, the army with its bribed
+petty-officers and officers and generals, keeps it up."<a name="FNanchor_1019_1019" id="FNanchor_1019_1019"></a><a href="#Footnote_1019_1019" class="fnanchor">[1019]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. The rule in the State is based on the physical force of the ruled.</p>
+
+<p>It is peculiar to government that it demands from the citizens the very
+force on which it is based, and that consequently in the State "all the
+citizens are their own oppressors."<a name="FNanchor_1020_1020" id="FNanchor_1020_1020"></a><a href="#Footnote_1020_1020" class="fnanchor">[1020]</a> The government demands from
+the citizens both force and the supporting of force. Here belongs the
+obligation, general in Russia, to take an oath at the czar's accession
+to the throne, for by this oath one vows obedience to the
+authorities,&mdash;that is, to men who are devoted to violence; likewise the
+obligation to pay taxes, for the taxes are used for works of violence,
+and the compulsory use of passports, for by taking out a passport one
+acknowledges his dependence on the State's institution of violence;
+withal the obligation to testify in court and to take part in the court
+as juryman, for every court is the fulfilment of the commandment of
+revenge; furthermore, the obligation to police service which in Russia
+rests upon all the country people, for this service demands that we do
+violence to our brother and torment him; and above all the general
+obligation to military service,&mdash;that is, the obligation to be
+executioners and to prepare ourselves for service as executioners.<a name="FNanchor_1021_1021" id="FNanchor_1021_1021"></a><a href="#Footnote_1021_1021" class="fnanchor">[1021]</a>
+The unchristianness of the State comes to light most plainly in the
+general obligation to military service: "every man has to take in hand<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242"></a>[<a href="images/272.png">242</a>]</span>
+deadly weapons, a gun, a knife; and, if he does not have to kill, at
+least he does have to load the gun and sharpen the knife,&mdash;that is, be
+ready for killing."<a name="FNanchor_1022_1022" id="FNanchor_1022_1022"></a><a href="#Footnote_1022_1022" class="fnanchor">[1022]</a></p>
+
+<p>But how comes it that the citizens fulfil these demands of the
+government, though the government is based on this very fulfilment, and
+so mutually oppress each other? This is possible only by "a highly
+artificial organization, created with the help of scientific progress,
+in which all men are bewitched into a circle of violence from which they
+cannot free themselves. At present this circle consists of four means of
+influence; they are all connected and hold each other, like the links of
+a chain."<a name="FNanchor_1023_1023" id="FNanchor_1023_1023"></a><a href="#Footnote_1023_1023" class="fnanchor">[1023]</a> The first means is "what is best described as the
+hypnotization of the people."<a name="FNanchor_1024_1024" id="FNanchor_1024_1024"></a><a href="#Footnote_1024_1024" class="fnanchor">[1024]</a> This hypnotization leads men to "the
+erroneous opinion that the existing order is unchangeable and must be
+upheld, while in reality it is unchangeable only by its being
+upheld."<a name="FNanchor_1025_1025" id="FNanchor_1025_1025"></a><a href="#Footnote_1025_1025" class="fnanchor">[1025]</a> The hypnotization is accomplished "by fomenting the two
+forms of superstition called religion and patriotism";<a name="FNanchor_1026_1026" id="FNanchor_1026_1026"></a><a href="#Footnote_1026_1026" class="fnanchor">[1026]</a> it "begins
+its influence even in childhood, and continues it till death."<a name="FNanchor_1027_1027" id="FNanchor_1027_1027"></a><a href="#Footnote_1027_1027" class="fnanchor">[1027]</a>
+With reference to this hypnotization one may say that State authority is
+based on the fraudulent misleading of public opinion.<a name="FNanchor_1028_1028" id="FNanchor_1028_1028"></a><a href="#Footnote_1028_1028" class="fnanchor">[1028]</a> The second
+means consists in "bribery; that is, in taking from the laboring
+populace its wealth, by money taxes, and dividing this among the
+officials, who, for this pay, must maintain and strengthen the
+enslavement of the people."<a name="FNanchor_1029_1029" id="FNanchor_1029_1029"></a><a href="#Footnote_1029_1029" class="fnanchor">[1029]</a> The officials "more or less believe in
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243"></a>[<a href="images/273.png">243</a>]</span> unchangeability of the existing order, mainly because it benefits
+them."<a name="FNanchor_1030_1030" id="FNanchor_1030_1030"></a><a href="#Footnote_1030_1030" class="fnanchor">[1030]</a> With reference to this bribery one may say that State
+authority is based on the selfishness of those to whom it guarantees
+profitable positions.<a name="FNanchor_1031_1031" id="FNanchor_1031_1031"></a><a href="#Footnote_1031_1031" class="fnanchor">[1031]</a> The third means is "intimidation. It
+consists in setting down the present State order&mdash;of whatever sort, be
+it a free republican order or be it the most grossly despotic&mdash;as
+something sacred and unchangeable, and imposing the most frightful
+penalties upon every attempt to change it."<a name="FNanchor_1032_1032" id="FNanchor_1032_1032"></a><a href="#Footnote_1032_1032" class="fnanchor">[1032]</a> Finally, the fourth
+means is to "separate a certain part of all the men whom they have
+stupefied and bewitched by the three first means, and subject these men
+to special stronger forms of stupefaction and bestialization, so that
+they become will-less tools of every brutality and cruelty that the
+government sees fit to resolve upon."<a name="FNanchor_1033_1033" id="FNanchor_1033_1033"></a><a href="#Footnote_1033_1033" class="fnanchor">[1033]</a> This is done in the army, to
+which, at present, all young men belong by virtue of the general
+obligation to military service.<a name="FNanchor_1034_1034" id="FNanchor_1034_1034"></a><a href="#Footnote_1034_1034" class="fnanchor">[1034]</a> "With this the circle of violence
+is made complete. Intimidation, bribery, hypnosis, bring men to enlist
+as soldiers. The soldiers, in turn, afford the possibility of punishing
+men, plundering them in order to bribe officials with the money,
+hypnotizing them, and thus bringing them into the ranks of the very
+soldiers on whom the power for all this is based."<a name="FNanchor_1035_1035" id="FNanchor_1035_1035"></a><a href="#Footnote_1035_1035" class="fnanchor">[1035]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Love requires that a social life based solely on its commandments
+take the place of the State.</i> "To-day every man who thinks, however
+little, sees the impossibility of keeping on with the life hitherto
+lived,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244"></a>[<a href="images/274.png">244</a>]</span> and the necessity of determining new forms of life."<a name="FNanchor_1036_1036" id="FNanchor_1036_1036"></a><a href="#Footnote_1036_1036" class="fnanchor">[1036]</a> "The
+Christian humanity of our time must unconditionally renounce the heathen
+forms of life that it condemns, and set up a new life on the Christian
+bases that it recognizes."<a name="FNanchor_1037_1037" id="FNanchor_1037_1037"></a><a href="#Footnote_1037_1037" class="fnanchor">[1037]</a></p>
+
+<p>1. Even after the State is done away, men are to live in societies. But
+what is to hold them together in these societies?</p>
+
+<p>Not a promise, at any rate. Christ commands us to make "no vows,"<a name="FNanchor_1038_1038" id="FNanchor_1038_1038"></a><a href="#Footnote_1038_1038" class="fnanchor">[1038]</a>
+to "promise men nothing."<a name="FNanchor_1039_1039" id="FNanchor_1039_1039"></a><a href="#Footnote_1039_1039" class="fnanchor">[1039]</a> "The Christian cannot promise that he
+will do or not do a particular thing at a particular hour, because he
+cannot know what the law of love, which it is the meaning of his life to
+obey, will demand of him at that hour."<a name="FNanchor_1040_1040" id="FNanchor_1040_1040"></a><a href="#Footnote_1040_1040" class="fnanchor">[1040]</a> And still less can he
+"give his word to fulfil somebody's will, without knowing what the
+substance of this will is to be";<a name="FNanchor_1041_1041" id="FNanchor_1041_1041"></a><a href="#Footnote_1041_1041" class="fnanchor">[1041]</a> by the mere fact of such a
+promise he would "make it manifest that the inward divine law is no
+longer the sole law of his life";<a name="FNanchor_1042_1042" id="FNanchor_1042_1042"></a><a href="#Footnote_1042_1042" class="fnanchor">[1042]</a> "one cannot serve two
+masters."<a name="FNanchor_1043_1043" id="FNanchor_1043_1043"></a><a href="#Footnote_1043_1043" class="fnanchor">[1043]</a></p>
+
+<p>Men are to be held together in societies in future by the mental
+influence which the men who have made progress in knowledge exert upon
+the less advanced. "Mental influence is such a way of working upon a man
+that by it his wishes change and coincide with what is wanted of him;
+the man who yields to a mental influence acts according to his own
+wishes."<a name="FNanchor_1044_1044" id="FNanchor_1044_1044"></a><a href="#Footnote_1044_1044" class="fnanchor">[1044]</a> Now, the force "by which men can live in societies"<a name="FNanchor_1045_1045" id="FNanchor_1045_1045"></a><a href="#Footnote_1045_1045" class="fnanchor">[1045]</a>
+is found in the mental influence which the men who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245"></a>[<a href="images/275.png">245</a>]</span> have made progress
+in knowledge exert upon the less advanced, in the "characteristic of
+little-thinking men, that they subordinate themselves to the directions
+of those who stand on a higher level of knowledge."<a name="FNanchor_1046_1046" id="FNanchor_1046_1046"></a><a href="#Footnote_1046_1046" class="fnanchor">[1046]</a> In consequence
+of this characteristic "a body of men put themselves under the same
+rational principles, the minority consciously, because the principles
+agree with the demands of their reason, and the majority unconsciously,
+because the principles have become public opinion."<a name="FNanchor_1047_1047" id="FNanchor_1047_1047"></a><a href="#Footnote_1047_1047" class="fnanchor">[1047]</a> "In this
+subordination there is nothing irrational or self-contradictory."<a name="FNanchor_1048_1048" id="FNanchor_1048_1048"></a><a href="#Footnote_1048_1048" class="fnanchor">[1048]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. But in the future societary condition how shall the functions which
+the State at present performs be performed? Here people usually have
+three things in mind.<a name="FNanchor_1049_1049" id="FNanchor_1049_1049"></a><a href="#Footnote_1049_1049" class="fnanchor">[1049]</a></p>
+
+<p>First, protection against the bad men in our midst.<a name="FNanchor_1050_1050" id="FNanchor_1050_1050"></a><a href="#Footnote_1050_1050" class="fnanchor">[1050]</a> "But who are
+the bad men among us? If there once were such men three or four
+centuries ago, when people still paraded warlike arts and equipments and
+looked upon killing as a brilliant deed, they are gone to-day anyhow;
+nobody any longer carries weapons, everybody acknowledges the commands
+of philanthropy. But, if by the men from whom the State must protect us
+we mean the criminals, then we know that they are not special creatures
+like the wolf among the sheep, but just such men as all of us, who like
+committing crimes as little as we do; we know that the activity of
+governments with their cruel forms of punishment, which do not
+correspond to the present stage of morality, their prisons, tortures,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246"></a>[<a href="images/276.png">246</a>]</span>gallows, guillotines, contributes more to the barbarizing of the people
+than to their culture, and hence rather to the multiplication than to
+the diminution of such criminals."<a name="FNanchor_1051_1051" id="FNanchor_1051_1051"></a><a href="#Footnote_1051_1051" class="fnanchor">[1051]</a> If we are Christians and start
+from the principle that "what our life exists for is the serving of
+others, then no one will be foolish enough to rob men that serve him of
+their means of support or to kill them. Miklucho-Maclay settled among
+the wildest so-called 'savages', and they not only left him alive but
+loved him and submitted to his authority, solely because he did not fear
+them, asked nothing of them, and did them good."<a name="FNanchor_1052_1052" id="FNanchor_1052_1052"></a><a href="#Footnote_1052_1052" class="fnanchor">[1052]</a></p>
+
+<p>Secondly, the question is asked how in the future societary condition we
+can find protection against external enemies.<a name="FNanchor_1053_1053" id="FNanchor_1053_1053"></a><a href="#Footnote_1053_1053" class="fnanchor">[1053]</a> But we do know "that
+the nations of Europe profess the principles of liberty and fraternity,
+and therefore need no protection against each other; but, if it were a
+protection against the barbarians that was meant, a thousandth part of
+the armies that are now kept up would suffice. State authority not
+merely leaves in existence the danger of hostile attacks, but even
+itself provokes this danger."<a name="FNanchor_1054_1054" id="FNanchor_1054_1054"></a><a href="#Footnote_1054_1054" class="fnanchor">[1054]</a> But, "if there existed a community
+of Christians who did evil to nobody and gave to others all the
+superfluous products of their labor, then no enemy, neither the German
+nor the Turk nor the savage, would kill or vex such men; all one could
+do would be to take from them what they were ready to give voluntarily
+without distinguishing between Russians, Germans,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247"></a>[<a href="images/277.png">247</a>]</span> Turks, and
+savages."<a name="FNanchor_1055_1055" id="FNanchor_1055_1055"></a><a href="#Footnote_1055_1055" class="fnanchor">[1055]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thirdly, the question is asked how in the future societary condition
+institutions for education, popular culture, religion, commerce, etc.
+are to be possible.<a name="FNanchor_1056_1056" id="FNanchor_1056_1056"></a><a href="#Footnote_1056_1056" class="fnanchor">[1056]</a> "Perhaps there was once a time when men lived
+so far apart, when the means for coming together and exchanging thoughts
+were so undeveloped, that people could not, without a State centre,
+discuss and agree on any matter either of trade and economy or of
+culture. But to-day this separation no longer exists; the means of
+intercourse have developed extraordinarily; for the forming of
+societies, associations, corporations, for the gathering of congresses
+and the creation of economic and political institutions, governments are
+not needed; nay, in most cases they are rather a hindrance than a help
+toward the attainment of such ends."<a name="FNanchor_1057_1057" id="FNanchor_1057_1057"></a><a href="#Footnote_1057_1057" class="fnanchor">[1057]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. But what form will men's life together in the future societary
+condition take in detail? "The future will be as circumstances and men
+shall make it."<a name="FNanchor_1058_1058" id="FNanchor_1058_1058"></a><a href="#Footnote_1058_1058" class="fnanchor">[1058]</a> We are not at this moment able to get perfectly
+clear ideas of it.<a name="FNanchor_1059_1059" id="FNanchor_1059_1059"></a><a href="#Footnote_1059_1059" class="fnanchor">[1059]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Men say, 'What will the new orders be like, that are to take the place
+of the present ones? So long as we do not know what form our life will
+take in future, we will not go forward, we will not stir from this
+spot.'"<a name="FNanchor_1060_1060" id="FNanchor_1060_1060"></a><a href="#Footnote_1060_1060" class="fnanchor">[1060]</a> "If Columbus had gone to making such observations, he
+would never have weighed anchor. It was insanity to steer across an
+ocean that no man had ever yet sailed upon toward a land whose
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248"></a>[<a href="images/278.png">248</a>]</span>existence was a question. With this insanity, he discovered the New
+World. It would certainly be more convenient if nations had nothing to
+do but move out of one ready-furnished mansion into another and a
+better; only, by bad luck, there is nobody there to furnish the new
+quarters."<a name="FNanchor_1061_1061" id="FNanchor_1061_1061"></a><a href="#Footnote_1061_1061" class="fnanchor">[1061]</a></p>
+
+<p>But what disquiets men in their imagining of the future is "less the
+question 'What will be?' They are tormented by the question 'How are we
+to live without all the familiar conditions of our existence, that are
+called science, art, civilization, culture?'"<a name="FNanchor_1062_1062" id="FNanchor_1062_1062"></a><a href="#Footnote_1062_1062" class="fnanchor">[1062]</a> "But all these, bear
+in mind, are only forms in which truth appears. The change that lies
+before us will be an approach to the truth and its realization. How can
+the forms in which truth appears be brought to naught by an approach to
+the truth? They will be made different, better, higher, but by no means
+will they be brought to naught. Only that which was false in the forms
+of its appearance hitherto will be brought to naught; what was genuine
+will but unfold itself the more splendidly."<a name="FNanchor_1063_1063" id="FNanchor_1063_1063"></a><a href="#Footnote_1063_1063" class="fnanchor">[1063]</a></p>
+
+<p>"If the individual man's life were completely known to him when he
+passes from one stage of maturity to another, he would have no reason
+for living. So it is with the life of mankind too; if at its entrance
+upon a new stage of growth a programme lay before it already drawn up,
+this would be the surest sign that it was not alive, not progressing,
+but that it was sticking at one point. The details of a new order of
+life cannot be known to us, they have to be worked out by us ourselves.
+Life consists only in learning to know the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249"></a>[<a href="images/279.png">249</a>]</span> unknown, and putting our
+action in harmony with the new knowledge. In this consists the life of
+the individual, in this the life of human societies and of
+humanity."<a name="FNanchor_1064_1064" id="FNanchor_1064_1064"></a><a href="#Footnote_1064_1064" class="fnanchor">[1064]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">5.&mdash;PROPERTY</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. <i>Together with law Tolstoi necessarily has to reject also, for the
+more highly developed nations of our time, the legal institution of property.</i></p>
+
+<p>Perhaps there was once a time when the violence necessary to secure the
+individual in the possession of a piece of goods against all others was
+less than the violence which would have been practised in a general
+fight for the possession of the goods, so that the existence of property
+was better than its non-existence. But at any rate this time is past,
+the existing order has "lived out its time";<a name="FNanchor_1065_1065" id="FNanchor_1065_1065"></a><a href="#Footnote_1065_1065" class="fnanchor">[1065]</a> among the men of
+to-day no wild fight for the possession of goods would break out even if
+there were no property; they all "profess allegiance to the commands of
+philanthropy,"<a name="FNanchor_1066_1066" id="FNanchor_1066_1066"></a><a href="#Footnote_1066_1066" class="fnanchor">[1066]</a> each of them "knows that all men have equal rights
+in the goods of the world,"<a name="FNanchor_1067_1067" id="FNanchor_1067_1067"></a><a href="#Footnote_1067_1067" class="fnanchor">[1067]</a> and already we see "many a rich man
+renounce his inheritance from a specially delicate sense of germinant
+public opinion."<a name="FNanchor_1068_1068" id="FNanchor_1068_1068"></a><a href="#Footnote_1068_1068" class="fnanchor">[1068]</a></p>
+
+<p>Property offends against love, especially against the commandment not to
+resist evil by force.<a name="FNanchor_1069_1069" id="FNanchor_1069_1069"></a><a href="#Footnote_1069_1069" class="fnanchor">[1069]</a> But not only this; in founding a dominion of
+possessors over non-possessors it also offends against the principle
+that for love "all men are God's sons and there is equality<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250"></a>[<a href="images/280.png">250</a>]</span> among them
+all";<a name="FNanchor_1070_1070" id="FNanchor_1070_1070"></a><a href="#Footnote_1070_1070" class="fnanchor">[1070]</a> and it is therefore to be rejected, even aside from the
+violence on which it is based as a legal institution. The rich are under
+"guilt by the very fact that they are rich."<a name="FNanchor_1071_1071" id="FNanchor_1071_1071"></a><a href="#Footnote_1071_1071" class="fnanchor">[1071]</a> It is "a crime"<a name="FNanchor_1072_1072" id="FNanchor_1072_1072"></a><a href="#Footnote_1072_1072" class="fnanchor">[1072]</a>
+that tens of thousands of "hungry, cold, deeply degraded human beings
+are living in Moscow, while I with a few thousand others have tenderloin
+and sturgeon for dinner and cover horses and floors with blankets and
+carpets."<a name="FNanchor_1073_1073" id="FNanchor_1073_1073"></a><a href="#Footnote_1073_1073" class="fnanchor">[1073]</a> I shall be "an accomplice in this unending and
+uninterrupted crime so long as I still have a superfluous bit of bread
+while another has no bread at all, or still possess two garments while
+another does not possess even one."<a name="FNanchor_1074_1074" id="FNanchor_1074_1074"></a><a href="#Footnote_1074_1074" class="fnanchor">[1074]</a>&mdash;Tolstoi carries this out into
+detail.</p>
+
+<p>1. Property means the dominion of the possessors over the non-possessors.</p>
+
+<p>Property is the exclusive right to use some things, whether one actually
+uses them or not.<a name="FNanchor_1075_1075" id="FNanchor_1075_1075"></a><a href="#Footnote_1075_1075" class="fnanchor">[1075]</a> "Many of the men who called me their horse,"
+Tolstoi makes the horse Linen-Measurer say, "did not ride me; quite
+different men rode me. Nor did they feed me; quite different men fed me.
+Nor was it those who called me their horse that did me kindnesses, but
+coachmen, veterinary surgeons, strangers altogether. Later, when the
+circle of my observations grew wider, I convinced myself that the idea
+'mine,' which has no other basis than men's low and bestial propensity
+which they call 'sense of ownership' or 'right of property,' finds
+application not only with respect to us horses.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251"></a>[<a href="images/281.png">251</a>]</span> A man says 'this house
+is mine' and never lives in it, he only attends to the building and
+repair of the house. A merchant says 'my store, my dry-goods store,' and
+his clothing is not of the best fabrics he has in his store. There are
+men who call a piece of land 'mine' and have never seen this piece of
+land nor set foot on it. What men aim at in life is not to do what they
+think good, but to call as many things as possible 'mine.'"<a name="FNanchor_1076_1076" id="FNanchor_1076_1076"></a><a href="#Footnote_1076_1076" class="fnanchor">[1076]</a></p>
+
+<p>But the significance of property consists in the fact that the poor man
+who has no property is dependent on the rich man who has property; in
+order to come by the things which he needs for his living, but which
+belong to another, he must do what this other wills&mdash;in particular, he
+must work for him. Thus property divides men into "two castes, an
+oppressed laboring caste that famishes and suffers and an idle
+oppressing caste that enjoys and lives in superfluity."<a name="FNanchor_1077_1077" id="FNanchor_1077_1077"></a><a href="#Footnote_1077_1077" class="fnanchor">[1077]</a> "We are
+all brothers, and yet every morning my brother or my sister carries out
+my dishes. We are all brothers, but every morning I have to have my
+cigar, my sugar, my mirror, and other such things, in whose production
+healthy brothers and sisters, people like me, have sacrificed and are
+sacrificing their health."<a name="FNanchor_1078_1078" id="FNanchor_1078_1078"></a><a href="#Footnote_1078_1078" class="fnanchor">[1078]</a> "I spend my whole life in the following
+way: I eat, talk, and listen; eat, write, and read&mdash;that is, talk and
+listen again; eat and play; eat, talk, and listen again; eat and go to
+bed; and so it goes on, one day like another. I cannot do, do not know
+how to do, anything beyond this. And, that I may be able to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252"></a>[<a href="images/282.png">252</a>]</span> do this,
+the porter, the farmer, the cook, the cook's maid, the lackey, the
+coachman, the laundress, must work from morning till night, not to speak
+of the work of other men which is necessary in order that those
+coachmen, cooks, lackeys, and so on may have all that they need when
+they work for me&mdash;the axes, barrels, brushes, dishes, furniture,
+likewise the wax, the blacking, the kerosene, the hay, the wood, the
+beef. All of them have to work day by day, early and late, that I may be
+able to talk, eat, and sleep."<a name="FNanchor_1079_1079" id="FNanchor_1079_1079"></a><a href="#Footnote_1079_1079" class="fnanchor">[1079]</a></p>
+
+<p>This significance of property makes itself especially felt in the case
+of the things that are necessary for the producing of other things, and
+so most notably in the case of land and tools.<a name="FNanchor_1080_1080" id="FNanchor_1080_1080"></a><a href="#Footnote_1080_1080" class="fnanchor">[1080]</a> "There can be no
+farmer without land that he tills, without scythes, wagons, and horses;
+no shoemaker is possible without a house built on the earth, without
+water, air, and tools";<a name="FNanchor_1081_1081" id="FNanchor_1081_1081"></a><a href="#Footnote_1081_1081" class="fnanchor">[1081]</a> but property means that in many cases "the
+farmer possesses no land, no horses, no scythe, the shoemaker no house,
+no water, no awl: that somebody is keeping these things back from
+them."<a name="FNanchor_1082_1082" id="FNanchor_1082_1082"></a><a href="#Footnote_1082_1082" class="fnanchor">[1082]</a> This leads to the consequence "that for a large fraction of
+the workers the natural conditions of production are deranged, that this
+fraction is necessitated to use other people's stock,"<a name="FNanchor_1083_1083" id="FNanchor_1083_1083"></a><a href="#Footnote_1083_1083" class="fnanchor">[1083]</a> and may by
+the owner of the stock be compelled "to work not on their own account,
+but for an employer."<a name="FNanchor_1084_1084" id="FNanchor_1084_1084"></a><a href="#Footnote_1084_1084" class="fnanchor">[1084]</a> Consequently the workman works "not for
+himself, to suit his own wish, but under compulsion, to suit the whim of
+some idle persons who live in superfluity, for the benefit of some rich
+man, the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253"></a>[<a href="images/283.png">253</a>]</span>proprietor of a factory or other industrial plant."<a name="FNanchor_1085_1085" id="FNanchor_1085_1085"></a><a href="#Footnote_1085_1085" class="fnanchor">[1085]</a> Thus
+property means the exploitation of the laborer by those to whom the land
+and tools belong; it means "that the products of human labor pass more
+and more out of the hands of the laboring masses into the hands of the
+unlaboring."<a name="FNanchor_1086_1086" id="FNanchor_1086_1086"></a><a href="#Footnote_1086_1086" class="fnanchor">[1086]</a></p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, the significance of property as making the poor dependent
+on the rich becomes especially prominent in the case of money. "Money is
+a value that remains always equal, that always ranks as correct and
+legal."<a name="FNanchor_1087_1087" id="FNanchor_1087_1087"></a><a href="#Footnote_1087_1087" class="fnanchor">[1087]</a> Consequently, as the saying is, "he who has money has in
+his pocket those who have none."<a name="FNanchor_1088_1088" id="FNanchor_1088_1088"></a><a href="#Footnote_1088_1088" class="fnanchor">[1088]</a> "Money is a new form of slavery,
+distinguished from the old solely by its impersonality, by the lack of
+any human relation between the master and the slave";<a name="FNanchor_1089_1089" id="FNanchor_1089_1089"></a><a href="#Footnote_1089_1089" class="fnanchor">[1089]</a> for "the
+essence of all slavery consists in drawing the benefit of another's
+labor-force by compulsion, and it is quite immaterial whether the
+drawing of this benefit is founded upon property in the slave or upon
+property in money which is indispensable to the other man."<a name="FNanchor_1090_1090" id="FNanchor_1090_1090"></a><a href="#Footnote_1090_1090" class="fnanchor">[1090]</a> "Now,
+honestly, of what sort is my money, and how have I come by it? I got
+part for the land that I inherited from my father. The peasant sold his
+last sheep, his last cow, to pay me this money. Another part of my
+assets consists of the sums which I have received for my literary
+productions, my books. If my books are harmful, then by them I have
+seduced the purchasers to evil and have acquired the money by bad
+means.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254"></a>[<a href="images/284.png">254</a>]</span> If, on the contrary, my books are useful to people, the case is
+still worse; I have not given them without ceremony to those who had a
+use for them, but have said 'Give me seventeen rubles and you shall have
+them,' and, as in the other case the peasant sold his last sheep, so
+here the poor student or teacher, and many another poor person, have
+denied themselves the plainest necessities to give me the money. And
+thus I have piled up a quantity of such money, and what do I do with it?
+I bring it to the city and give it to the poor here on condition that
+they satisfy all my whims, that they come after me into the city to
+clean the sidewalks for me, and to make me lamps, shoes, and so forth,
+in the factories. With my money I take all their products to myself, and
+I take pains to give them as little as possible and get from them as
+much as possible for it. And then all at once, quite unexpectedly, I
+begin to distribute to the poor this same money gratis&mdash;not to all, but
+arbitrarily to any whom I happen to take up at random";<a name="FNanchor_1091_1091" id="FNanchor_1091_1091"></a><a href="#Footnote_1091_1091" class="fnanchor">[1091]</a> that is, I
+take from the poor thousands of rubles with one hand, and with the other
+I distribute to some of them a few kopeks.<a name="FNanchor_1092_1092" id="FNanchor_1092_1092"></a><a href="#Footnote_1092_1092" class="fnanchor">[1092]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The dominion which property involves, of possessors over
+non-possessors, is based on physical force.</p>
+
+<p>"If the vast wealth that the laborers have piled up ranks not as the
+property of all, but only as that of an elect few,&mdash;if the power of
+raising taxes from labor and using them at pleasure is reserved to some
+men,&mdash;this is not based on the fact that the people want to have it so
+or that by nature it must be so, but on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255"></a>[<a href="images/285.png">255</a>]</span> fact that the ruling
+classes see their advantage in it and determine it so by virtue of their
+power over men's bodies";<a name="FNanchor_1093_1093" id="FNanchor_1093_1093"></a><a href="#Footnote_1093_1093" class="fnanchor">[1093]</a> it is based on "violence and slaying and
+the threat thereof."<a name="FNanchor_1094_1094" id="FNanchor_1094_1094"></a><a href="#Footnote_1094_1094" class="fnanchor">[1094]</a> "If men hand over the greatest part of the
+product of their labor to the capitalist or landlord, though they, as do
+all laborers now, hold this to be unjust,"<a name="FNanchor_1095_1095" id="FNanchor_1095_1095"></a><a href="#Footnote_1095_1095" class="fnanchor">[1095]</a> they do it "only
+because they know they will be beaten and killed if they do not."<a name="FNanchor_1096_1096" id="FNanchor_1096_1096"></a><a href="#Footnote_1096_1096" class="fnanchor">[1096]</a>
+"One may even say outright that in our society, in which to every
+well-to-do man living an aristocratic life there are ten weary,
+ravenous, envious laborers, probably pining away with wife and children
+too, all the privileges of the rich, all their luxury and their
+abundance, are acquired and secured only by chastisement, imprisonment,
+and capital punishment."<a name="FNanchor_1097_1097" id="FNanchor_1097_1097"></a><a href="#Footnote_1097_1097" class="fnanchor">[1097]</a></p>
+
+<p>Property is upheld by the police<a name="FNanchor_1098_1098" id="FNanchor_1098_1098"></a><a href="#Footnote_1098_1098" class="fnanchor">[1098]</a> and the army.<a name="FNanchor_1099_1099" id="FNanchor_1099_1099"></a><a href="#Footnote_1099_1099" class="fnanchor">[1099]</a> "We may act
+as if we did not see the policeman walking up and down before the window
+with loaded revolver to protect us while we eat a savory meal or look at
+a new play, and as if we had no inkling of the soldiers who are every
+moment ready to go with rifle and cartridges where any one tries to
+infringe on our property. Yet we well know, if we can finish our meal
+and see the new play in peace, if we can drive out or hunt or attend a
+festival or a race undisturbed, we have to thank for this only the
+policeman's bullet and the soldier's weapon, which are ready to pierce
+the poor victim of hunger who looks upon our enjoyments from his corner
+with grumbling stomach, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256"></a>[<a href="images/286.png">256</a>]</span> who would at once disturb them if the
+policeman with his revolver went away, or if in the barracks there were
+no longer any soldiers standing ready to appear at our first
+call."<a name="FNanchor_1100_1100" id="FNanchor_1100_1100"></a><a href="#Footnote_1100_1100" class="fnanchor">[1100]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. The dominion which property involves, of the possessors over the
+non-possessors, is based on the physical force of the ruled.</p>
+
+<p>Those very men of the non-possessing classes who through property are
+dependent on the possessing classes must do police duty, serve in the
+army, pay the taxes out of which police and army are kept up, and in
+these and other ways either themselves exercise or at least support the
+physical force by which property is upheld.<a name="FNanchor_1101_1101" id="FNanchor_1101_1101"></a><a href="#Footnote_1101_1101" class="fnanchor">[1101]</a> "If there did not
+exist these men who are ready to discipline or kill any one whatever at
+the word of command, no one would dare assert what the non-laboring
+landlords now do all of them so confidently assert,&mdash;that the soil which
+surrounds the peasants who die off for lack of land is the property of a
+man who does not work on it";<a name="FNanchor_1102_1102" id="FNanchor_1102_1102"></a><a href="#Footnote_1102_1102" class="fnanchor">[1102]</a> it would "not come into the head of
+the lord of the manor to take from the peasants a forest that has grown
+up under their eyes";<a name="FNanchor_1103_1103" id="FNanchor_1103_1103"></a><a href="#Footnote_1103_1103" class="fnanchor">[1103]</a> nor would any one say "that the stores of
+grain accumulated by fraud in the midst of a starving population must
+remain unscathed that the merchant may have his profit."<a name="FNanchor_1104_1104" id="FNanchor_1104_1104"></a><a href="#Footnote_1104_1104" class="fnanchor">[1104]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. <i>Love requires that a distribution based solely on its commandments
+take the place of property.</i> "The impossibility of continuing the life
+that has hitherto been led, and the necessity of determining new forms<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257"></a>[<a href="images/287.png">257</a>]</span>
+of life,"<a name="FNanchor_1105_1105" id="FNanchor_1105_1105"></a><a href="#Footnote_1105_1105" class="fnanchor">[1105]</a> relate to the distribution of goods as well as to other
+things. "The abolition of property,"<a name="FNanchor_1106_1106" id="FNanchor_1106_1106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1106_1106" class="fnanchor">[1106]</a> and its replacement by a new
+kind of distribution of goods, is one of the "questions now in
+order."<a name="FNanchor_1107_1107" id="FNanchor_1107_1107"></a><a href="#Footnote_1107_1107" class="fnanchor">[1107]</a></p>
+
+<p>According to the law of love, every man who works as he has strength
+should have so much&mdash;but only so much&mdash;as he needs.</p>
+
+<p>1. That every man who works as he has strength should have so much as he
+needs and no more is a corollary from two precepts which follow from the law of love.</p>
+
+<p>The first of these precepts says, Man shall "ask no work from others,
+but himself devote his whole life to work for others. 'Man lives not to
+be served but to serve.'"<a name="FNanchor_1108_1108" id="FNanchor_1108_1108"></a><a href="#Footnote_1108_1108" class="fnanchor">[1108]</a> Therefore, in particular, he is not to
+keep accounts with others about his work, or think that he "has the more
+of a living to claim, the greater or more useful his quantum of work
+done is."<a name="FNanchor_1109_1109" id="FNanchor_1109_1109"></a><a href="#Footnote_1109_1109" class="fnanchor">[1109]</a> Following this precept provides every man with what he
+needs. This is true primarily of the healthy adult. "If a man works, his
+work feeds him. If another makes use of this man's work for himself, he
+will feed him for the very reason that he is making use of his
+work."<a name="FNanchor_1110_1110" id="FNanchor_1110_1110"></a><a href="#Footnote_1110_1110" class="fnanchor">[1110]</a> Man assures himself of a living "not by taking it away from
+others, but by making himself useful and necessary to others. The more
+necessary he is to others, the more assured is his existence."<a name="FNanchor_1111_1111" id="FNanchor_1111_1111"></a><a href="#Footnote_1111_1111" class="fnanchor">[1111]</a> But
+the following of the precept to serve others also provides the sick, the
+aged, and children with their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258"></a>[<a href="images/288.png">258</a>]</span> living. Men "do not stop feeding an
+animal when it falls sick; they do not even kill an old horse, but give
+it work appropriate to its strength; they bring up whole families of
+little lambs, pigs, and puppies, because they expect benefit from them.
+How, then, should they not support the sick man who is necessary to
+them? How should they not find appropriate work for old and young, and
+bring up human beings who will in turn work for them?"<a name="FNanchor_1112_1112" id="FNanchor_1112_1112"></a><a href="#Footnote_1112_1112" class="fnanchor">[1112]</a></p>
+
+<p>The second precept that follows from the law of love, and of which a
+corollary is that every man who works as he has strength should have as
+much as he needs and no more, bids us "Share what you have with the
+poor; gather no riches."<a name="FNanchor_1113_1113" id="FNanchor_1113_1113"></a><a href="#Footnote_1113_1113" class="fnanchor">[1113]</a> "To the question of his hearers, what
+they were to do, John the Baptist gave the short, clear, simple answer,
+'He who hath two coats, let him share with him who hath none; and he who
+hath food let him do likewise' (Luke 3.10-11). And Christ too made the
+same declaration several times, only still more unambiguously and
+clearly. He said, 'Blessed are the poor, woe to the rich.' He said that
+one could not serve God and Mammon at once. He not only forbade his
+disciples to take money, but also to have two garments. He told the rich
+young man that because he was rich he could not enter into the Kingdom
+of God, and that a camel should sooner go through a needle's eye than a
+rich man come into heaven. He said that he who did not forsake
+everything&mdash;house, children, lands&mdash;to follow him could not be his
+disciple. He told his hearers the parable of the rich man who did<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259"></a>[<a href="images/289.png">259</a>]</span>
+nothing bad except that he&mdash;like our rich men&mdash;clothed himself in costly
+apparel and fed himself on savory food and drink, and who plunged his
+soul into perdition by this alone, and of the poor Lazarus who did
+nothing good and who entered into the Kingdom of Heaven only because he
+was a beggar."<a name="FNanchor_1114_1114" id="FNanchor_1114_1114"></a><a href="#Footnote_1114_1114" class="fnanchor">[1114]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. But what form can such a distribution of goods take in detail?</p>
+
+<p>This is best shown us by "the Russian colonists. These colonists arrive
+on the soil, settle, and begin to work, and no one of them takes it into
+his head that any one who does not begin to make use of the land can
+have any right to it; on the contrary, the colonists regard the ground
+<i>a priori</i> as common property, and consider it altogether justifiable
+that everybody plows and reaps where he chooses. For working the fields,
+for starting gardens, and for building houses, they procure implements;
+and here too it does not suggest itself to them that these could of
+themselves produce any income&mdash;on the contrary, the colonists look upon
+any profit from the means of labor, any interest for grain lent, etc.,
+as an injustice. They work on masterless land with their own means or
+with means borrowed free of interest, either each for himself or all
+together on joint account."<a name="FNanchor_1115_1115" id="FNanchor_1115_1115"></a><a href="#Footnote_1115_1115" class="fnanchor">[1115]</a></p>
+
+<p>"In talking of such fellowship I am not setting forth fancies, but only
+describing what has gone on at all times, what is even at present taking
+place not only among the Russian colonists but everywhere where man's
+natural condition is not yet deranged by some circumstances or other. I
+am describing what<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260"></a>[<a href="images/290.png">260</a>]</span> seems to everybody natural and rational. The men
+settle on the soil and go each one to work, make their implements, and
+do their labor. If they think it advantageous to work jointly, they form
+a labor company."<a name="FNanchor_1116_1116" id="FNanchor_1116_1116"></a><a href="#Footnote_1116_1116" class="fnanchor">[1116]</a> But, in individual business as well as in
+collective industry, "neither the water nor the ground nor the garments
+nor the plow can belong to anybody save him who drinks the water, wears
+the garments, and uses the plow; for all these things are necessary only
+to him who puts them to use."<a name="FNanchor_1117_1117" id="FNanchor_1117_1117"></a><a href="#Footnote_1117_1117" class="fnanchor">[1117]</a> One can call "only his labor his
+own";<a name="FNanchor_1118_1118" id="FNanchor_1118_1118"></a><a href="#Footnote_1118_1118" class="fnanchor">[1118]</a> by it one has as much as one needs.<a name="FNanchor_1119_1119" id="FNanchor_1119_1119"></a><a href="#Footnote_1119_1119" class="fnanchor">[1119]</a></p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">6.&mdash;REALIZATION</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>The way in which the change required by love is to take place,
+according to Tolstoi, is that those men who have learned to know the
+truth are to convince as many others as possible how necessary the
+change is for love's sake, and that they, with the help of the refusal
+of obedience, are to abolish law, the State, and property, and bring
+about the new condition.</i></p>
+
+<p>I. The prime necessity is that the men who have learned to know the
+truth should convince as many others as possible that love demands the change.</p>
+
+<p>1. "That an order of life corresponding to our knowledge may take the
+place of the order contrary to it, the present antiquated public opinion
+must first be replaced by a new and living one."<a name="FNanchor_1120_1120" id="FNanchor_1120_1120"></a><a href="#Footnote_1120_1120" class="fnanchor">[1120]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is not deeds of all sorts that bring to pass the grandest and most
+significant changes in the life of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261"></a>[<a href="images/291.png">261</a>]</span> humanity, "neither the fitting out
+of armies a million strong nor the construction of roads and engines,
+neither the organization of expositions nor the formation of
+trade-unions, neither revolutions, barricades, and explosions nor
+inventions in aerial navigation&mdash;but the changes of public opinion, and
+these alone."<a name="FNanchor_1121_1121" id="FNanchor_1121_1121"></a><a href="#Footnote_1121_1121" class="fnanchor">[1121]</a> Liberation is possible only "by a change in our
+conception of life";<a name="FNanchor_1122_1122" id="FNanchor_1122_1122"></a><a href="#Footnote_1122_1122" class="fnanchor">[1122]</a> "everything depends on the force with which
+each individual man becomes conscious of Christian truth";<a name="FNanchor_1123_1123" id="FNanchor_1123_1123"></a><a href="#Footnote_1123_1123" class="fnanchor">[1123]</a> "know
+the truth and the truth shall make you free."<a name="FNanchor_1124_1124" id="FNanchor_1124_1124"></a><a href="#Footnote_1124_1124" class="fnanchor">[1124]</a> Our liberation must
+necessarily take place by "the Christian's recognizing the law of love,
+which his Master has revealed to him, as entirely sufficient for all
+human relations, and his perceiving the superfluousness and
+illegitimateness of all violence."<a name="FNanchor_1125_1125" id="FNanchor_1125_1125"></a><a href="#Footnote_1125_1125" class="fnanchor">[1125]</a></p>
+
+<p>The bringing about of this revolution in public opinion is in the hands
+of the men who have learned to know the truth.<a name="FNanchor_1126_1126" id="FNanchor_1126_1126"></a><a href="#Footnote_1126_1126" class="fnanchor">[1126]</a> "A public opinion
+does not need hundreds and thousands of years to arise and spread; it
+has the quality of working by contagion and swiftly seizing a great
+number of men."<a name="FNanchor_1127_1127" id="FNanchor_1127_1127"></a><a href="#Footnote_1127_1127" class="fnanchor">[1127]</a> "As a jarring touch is enough to change a fluid
+saturated with salts to crystals in a moment, so now the slightest
+effort may perhaps suffice to cause the unveiled truth to seize upon
+hundreds, thousands, millions of men so that a public opinion
+corresponding to knowledge shall be established and that hereby the
+whole order of life shall become other than it is. It is in our<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262"></a>[<a href="images/292.png">262</a>]</span> hands
+to make this effort."<a name="FNanchor_1128_1128" id="FNanchor_1128_1128"></a><a href="#Footnote_1128_1128" class="fnanchor">[1128]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. The best means for bringing about the necessary revolution in public
+opinion is that the men who have learned to know the truth should
+testify to it by deed.</p>
+
+<p>"The Christian knows the truth only in order to testify to it before
+those who do not know it,"<a name="FNanchor_1129_1129" id="FNanchor_1129_1129"></a><a href="#Footnote_1129_1129" class="fnanchor">[1129]</a> and that "by deed."<a name="FNanchor_1130_1130" id="FNanchor_1130_1130"></a><a href="#Footnote_1130_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a> "The truth is
+imparted to men by deeds of truth, deeds of truth illuminate every man's
+conscience, and thus destroy the force of deceit."<a name="FNanchor_1131_1131" id="FNanchor_1131_1131"></a><a href="#Footnote_1131_1131" class="fnanchor">[1131]</a> Hence you ought
+properly, "if you are a landlord, to give your land at once to the poor,
+and, if you are a capitalist, to give your money or your factory to the
+workingmen; if you are a prince, a cabinet minister, an official, a
+judge, or a general, you ought at once to resign your position, and, if
+you are a soldier, you ought to refuse obedience without regard to any
+danger."<a name="FNanchor_1132_1132" id="FNanchor_1132_1132"></a><a href="#Footnote_1132_1132" class="fnanchor">[1132]</a> But, to be sure, "it is very probable that you are not
+strong enough to do this; you have connections, dependents,
+subordinates, superiors, the temptations are powerful, and your force
+gives out."<a name="FNanchor_1133_1133" id="FNanchor_1133_1133"></a><a href="#Footnote_1133_1133" class="fnanchor">[1133]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. But there is still another means, though a less effective one, for
+bringing about the necessary revolution in public opinion, and this "you
+can always"<a name="FNanchor_1134_1134" id="FNanchor_1134_1134"></a><a href="#Footnote_1134_1134" class="fnanchor">[1134]</a> employ. It is that the men who have learned to know
+the truth should "speak it out frankly."<a name="FNanchor_1135_1135" id="FNanchor_1135_1135"></a><a href="#Footnote_1135_1135" class="fnanchor">[1135]</a></p>
+
+<p>"If men&mdash;yes, if even a few men&mdash;would do this, the antiquated public
+opinion would at once fall of itself, and a new, living, present-day one
+would arise."<a name="FNanchor_1136_1136" id="FNanchor_1136_1136"></a><a href="#Footnote_1136_1136" class="fnanchor">[1136]</a> "Not billions of rubles, not millions of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263"></a>[<a href="images/293.png">263</a>]</span> soldiers,
+no institutions, wars, or revolutions, have so much power as the simple
+declaration of a free man that he considers something to be right or
+wrong. If a free man speaks out honestly what he thinks and feels, in
+the midst of thousands who in word and act stand for the very contrary,
+one might think he must remain isolated. But usually it is otherwise;
+all, or most, have long been privately thinking and feeling in the same
+way; and then what to-day is still an individual's new opinion will
+perhaps to-morrow be already the general opinion of the majority."<a name="FNanchor_1137_1137" id="FNanchor_1137_1137"></a><a href="#Footnote_1137_1137" class="fnanchor">[1137]</a>
+"If we would only stop lying and acting as if we did not see the truth,
+if we would only testify to the truth that summons us and boldly confess
+it, it would at once turn out that there are hundreds, thousands,
+millions, of men in the same situation as ourselves, that they see the
+truth like us, are afraid like us of remaining isolated if they confess
+it, and are only waiting, like us, for the rest to testify to it."<a name="FNanchor_1138_1138" id="FNanchor_1138_1138"></a><a href="#Footnote_1138_1138" class="fnanchor">[1138]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. To bring about the change and put the new condition in the place of
+law, the State, and property, it is further requisite that the men who
+have learned to know the truth should conform their lives to their
+knowledge, and, in particular, that they should refuse obedience to the State.</p>
+
+<p>1. Men are to bring about the change themselves. They are "no longer to
+wait for somebody to come and help them, be it Christ in the clouds with
+the sound of the trumpet, be it a historic law or a differential or
+integral law of forces. Nobody will help us<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264"></a>[<a href="images/294.png">264</a>]</span> if we do not help
+ourselves."<a name="FNanchor_1139_1139" id="FNanchor_1139_1139"></a><a href="#Footnote_1139_1139" class="fnanchor">[1139]</a></p>
+
+<p>"I have been told a story that happened to a courageous commissary of
+police. He came into a village where they had applied for soldiers on
+account of an outbreak among the peasants. In the spirit of Nicholas the
+First he proposed to make an end of the rising by his personal presence
+alone. He had a few cart-loads of sticks brought, gathered all the
+peasants in a barn, and shut himself in with them. By his shouts he
+succeeded in so cowing the peasants that they obeyed him and began to
+beat each other at his command. So they beat each other till there was
+found a simple-minded peasant who did not obey, and who called out to
+his fellows that they should not beat each other either. Only then did
+the beating cease, and the official made haste to get away. The advice
+of this simple-minded peasant" should be followed by the men of our
+time.<a name="FNanchor_1140_1140" id="FNanchor_1140_1140"></a><a href="#Footnote_1140_1140" class="fnanchor">[1140]</a></p>
+
+<p>2. But it is not by violence that men are to bring about the change.
+"Revolutionary enemies fight the government from outside; Christianity
+does not fight at all, but wrecks its foundations from within."<a name="FNanchor_1141_1141" id="FNanchor_1141_1141"></a><a href="#Footnote_1141_1141" class="fnanchor">[1141]</a></p>
+
+<p>"Some assert that liberation from force, or at least its diminution, can
+be effected by the oppressed men's forcibly shaking off the oppressing
+government; and many do in fact undertake to act on this doctrine. But
+they deceive themselves and others: their activity only enhances the
+despotism of governments, and the attempts at liberation are welcomed by
+the governments as pretexts for strengthening their power."<a name="FNanchor_1142_1142" id="FNanchor_1142_1142"></a><a href="#Footnote_1142_1142" class="fnanchor">[1142]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265"></a>[<a href="images/295.png">265</a>]</span></p><p>However, suppose that by the favor of circumstances (as, for instance,
+in France in 1870) they succeed in overthrowing a government, the party
+which had won by force would be compelled, "in order to remain at the
+helm and introduce its order into life, not only to employ all existing
+violent methods, but to invent new ones in addition. It would be other
+men that would be enslaved, and they would be coerced into other things,
+but there would exist not merely the same but a still more cruel
+condition of violence and enslavement; for the combat would have fanned
+the flames of hatred, strengthened the means of enslavement, and evolved
+new ones. Thus it has been after all revolutions, insurrections, and
+conspiracies, after all violent changes of government. Every fight only
+puts stronger means of enslavement in the hands of the men who at a
+given time are in power."<a name="FNanchor_1143_1143" id="FNanchor_1143_1143"></a><a href="#Footnote_1143_1143" class="fnanchor">[1143]</a></p>
+
+<p>3. Men are to bring about the change by conforming their lives to their
+knowledge. "The Christian frees himself from all human authority by
+recognizing as sole plumb-line for his life and the lives of others the
+divine law of love that is implanted in man's soul and has been brought
+into consciousness by Christ."<a name="FNanchor_1144_1144" id="FNanchor_1144_1144"></a><a href="#Footnote_1144_1144" class="fnanchor">[1144]</a></p>
+
+<p>This means that one is to return good for evil,<a name="FNanchor_1145_1145" id="FNanchor_1145_1145"></a><a href="#Footnote_1145_1145" class="fnanchor">[1145]</a> give to one's
+neighbor all that one has that is superfluous and take away from him
+nothing that one does not need,<a name="FNanchor_1146_1146" id="FNanchor_1146_1146"></a><a href="#Footnote_1146_1146" class="fnanchor">[1146]</a> especially acquire no money and
+get rid of the money one has,<a name="FNanchor_1147_1147" id="FNanchor_1147_1147"></a><a href="#Footnote_1147_1147" class="fnanchor">[1147]</a> not buy nor rent,<a name="FNanchor_1148_1148" id="FNanchor_1148_1148"></a><a href="#Footnote_1148_1148" class="fnanchor">[1148]</a> and, without
+shrinking from any form of work, satisfy one's needs<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266"></a>[<a href="images/296.png">266</a>]</span> with one's own
+hands;<a name="FNanchor_1149_1149" id="FNanchor_1149_1149"></a><a href="#Footnote_1149_1149" class="fnanchor">[1149]</a> and particularly does it mean that one is to refuse
+obedience to the unchristian demands of State authority.<a name="FNanchor_1150_1150" id="FNanchor_1150_1150"></a><a href="#Footnote_1150_1150" class="fnanchor">[1150]</a></p>
+
+<p>That obedience to these demands is refused we see in many cases in
+Russia at present. Men are refusing the payment of taxes, the general
+oath, the oath in court, the exercise of police functions, action as
+jurymen, and military service.<a name="FNanchor_1151_1151" id="FNanchor_1151_1151"></a><a href="#Footnote_1151_1151" class="fnanchor">[1151]</a> "The governments find themselves in
+a desperate situation as they face the Christians' refusals."<a name="FNanchor_1152_1152" id="FNanchor_1152_1152"></a><a href="#Footnote_1152_1152" class="fnanchor">[1152]</a> They
+"can chastise, put to death, imprison for life, and torture, any one who
+tries to overthrow them by force; they can bribe and smother with gold
+the half of mankind; they can bring into their service millions of armed
+men who are ready to annihilate all their foes. But what can they do
+against men who do not destroy anything, do not set up anything either,
+but only, each for himself, are unwilling to act contrary to the law of
+Christ, and therefore refuse to do what is most necessary for the
+governments?"<a name="FNanchor_1153_1153" id="FNanchor_1153_1153"></a><a href="#Footnote_1153_1153" class="fnanchor">[1153]</a> "Let the State do as it will by such men, inevitably
+it will contribute only to its own annihilation,"<a name="FNanchor_1154_1154" id="FNanchor_1154_1154"></a><a href="#Footnote_1154_1154" class="fnanchor">[1154]</a> and therewith to
+the annihilation of law and property and to the bringing in of the new
+order of life. "For, if it does not persecute people like the Dukhobors,
+the Stundists, etc., the advantages of their peaceable Christian way of
+living will induce others to join them&mdash;and not only convinced
+Christians, but also such as want to get clear of their obligations to
+the State under the cloak of Christianity. If, on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267"></a>[<a href="images/297.png">267</a>]</span> other hand, it
+deals cruelly with men against whom there is nothing except that they
+have endeavored to live morally, this cruelty will only make it still
+more enemies, and the moment must at last come when there can no longer
+be found any one who is ready to back up the State with
+instrumentalities of force."<a name="FNanchor_1155_1155" id="FNanchor_1155_1155"></a><a href="#Footnote_1155_1155" class="fnanchor">[1155]</a></p>
+
+<p>4. In the conforming of life to knowledge the individual must make the
+beginning. He must not wait for all or many to do it at the same time with him.</p>
+
+<p>The individual must not think it will be useless if he alone conforms
+his life to Christ's teaching.<a name="FNanchor_1156_1156" id="FNanchor_1156_1156"></a><a href="#Footnote_1156_1156" class="fnanchor">[1156]</a> "Men in their present situation are
+like bees that have left their hive and are hanging on a twig in a great
+mass. The situation of the bees on the twig is a temporary one, and
+absolutely must be changed. They must take flight and seek a new abode.
+Every bee knows that, and wishes to make an end of its own suffering
+condition and that of the others; but this cannot be done by one so long
+as the others do not help. But all cannot rise at once, for one hangs
+over another and hinders it from letting go; therefore all remain
+hanging. One might think that there was no way out of this situation for
+the bees";<a name="FNanchor_1157_1157" id="FNanchor_1157_1157"></a><a href="#Footnote_1157_1157" class="fnanchor">[1157]</a> if and really there would be none, were it not that
+each bee is an independent living being. But it is only needful "that
+one bee spread its wings, rise and fly, and after it the second, the
+third, the tenth, the hundredth, for the immobile hanging mass to become
+a freely flying swarm of bees. Thus it is only needful that one man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268"></a>[<a href="images/298.png">268</a>]</span>
+comprehend life as Christianity teaches it, and take hold of it as
+Christianity teaches him to, and then that a second, a third, a
+hundredth follow him, and the magic circle from which no escape seemed
+possible is destroyed."<a name="FNanchor_1158_1158" id="FNanchor_1158_1158"></a><a href="#Footnote_1158_1158" class="fnanchor">[1158]</a></p>
+
+<p>Neither may the individual let himself be deterred by the fear of
+suffering. "'If I alone,' it is commonly said, 'fulfil Christ's teaching
+in the midst of a world that does not follow it, give away my
+belongings, turn my cheek without resistance, yes, and refuse the oath
+and military service, then I shall have the last bit taken from me, and,
+if I do not die of hunger, they will beat me to death, and, if they do
+not beat me to death, they will jail me or shoot me; and I shall have
+given all the happiness of my life, nay, my life itself, for
+nothing.'"<a name="FNanchor_1159_1159" id="FNanchor_1159_1159"></a><a href="#Footnote_1159_1159" class="fnanchor">[1159]</a> Be it so. "I do not ask whether I shall have more
+trouble, or die sooner, if I follow Christ's teaching. That question can
+be asked only by one who does not see how meaningless and miserable is
+his life as an individual life, and who imagines that he shall 'not
+die'. But I know that a life for the sake of one's own happiness is the
+greatest folly, and that such an aimless life can be followed only by an
+aimless death. And therefore I fear nothing. I shall die like everybody,
+like even those who do not fulfil Christ's teaching, but my life and my
+death will have a meaning for me and for others. My life and my death
+will contribute to the rescue and life of others&mdash;and that is just what
+Christ taught."<a name="FNanchor_1160_1160" id="FNanchor_1160_1160"></a><a href="#Footnote_1160_1160" class="fnanchor">[1160]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269"></a>[<a href="images/299.png">269</a>]</span></p><p>If once enough individuals have conformed their lives to their
+knowledge, the multitude will soon follow. "The passage of men from one
+order of life to another does not take place steadily, as the sand in
+the hour-glass runs out, one grain after another from the first to the
+last, but rather as a vessel that has been sunk into water fills itself.
+At first the water gets in only on one side, slowly and uniformly; but
+then its weight makes the vessel sink, and now the thing takes in, all
+at once, all the water that it can hold."<a name="FNanchor_1161_1161" id="FNanchor_1161_1161"></a><a href="#Footnote_1161_1161" class="fnanchor">[1161]</a> Thus the impulse given
+by individuals will provoke a movement that goes on faster and faster,
+wider and wider, avalanche-like, suddenly sweeps along the masses, and
+brings about the new order of life.<a name="FNanchor_1162_1162" id="FNanchor_1162_1162"></a><a href="#Footnote_1162_1162" class="fnanchor">[1162]</a> Then the time is come "when
+all men are filled with God, shun war, beat their swords into plowshares
+and their spears into pruning-hooks; that is, in our language, when the
+prisons and fortresses are empty, when the gallows, rifles, and cannon
+are out of use. What seemed a dream has found its fulfilment in a new
+form of life."<a name="FNanchor_1163_1163" id="FNanchor_1163_1163"></a><a href="#Footnote_1163_1163" class="fnanchor">[1163]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_859_859" id="Footnote_859_859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_859_859"><span class="label">[859]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 244-5, 280, 315, 325.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_860_860" id="Footnote_860_860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_860_860"><span class="label">[860]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 263, 285-6, To. "Gospel" p. 25, "Religion and
+Morality" p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_861_861" id="Footnote_861_861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_861_861"><span class="label">[861]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_862_862" id="Footnote_862_862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_862_862"><span class="label">[862]</span></a> To. "Gospel" pp. 13-14, 16-17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_863_863" id="Footnote_863_863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_863_863"><span class="label">[863]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 96-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_864_864" id="Footnote_864_864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_864_864"><span class="label">[864]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" pp. 247-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_865_865" id="Footnote_865_865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_865_865"><span class="label">[865]</span></a> To. "Reason and Dogma" p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_866_866" id="Footnote_866_866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_866_866"><span class="label">[866]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 196.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_867_867" id="Footnote_867_867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_867_867"><span class="label">[867]</span></a> To. "Gospel" pp. 51, 29-30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_868_868" id="Footnote_868_868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_868_868"><span class="label">[868]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_869_869" id="Footnote_869_869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_869_869"><span class="label">[869]</span></a> To. "Patriotism" p. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_870_870" id="Footnote_870_870"></a><a href="#FNanchor_870_870"><span class="label">[870]</span></a> To. "Gospel" p. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_871_871" id="Footnote_871_871"></a><a href="#FNanchor_871_871"><span class="label">[871]</span></a> To. "Gospel" p. 50; To. "Religion and Morality" p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_872_872" id="Footnote_872_872"></a><a href="#FNanchor_872_872"><span class="label">[872]</span></a> To. "On Life" p. 214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_873_873" id="Footnote_873_873"></a><a href="#FNanchor_873_873"><span class="label">[873]</span></a> To. "Gospel" p. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_874_874" id="Footnote_874_874"></a><a href="#FNanchor_874_874"><span class="label">[874]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 32, 31, 40, 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_875_875" id="Footnote_875_875"></a><a href="#FNanchor_875_875"><span class="label">[875]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_876_876" id="Footnote_876_876"></a><a href="#FNanchor_876_876"><span class="label">[876]</span></a> To. "Gospel" p. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_877_877" id="Footnote_877_877"></a><a href="#FNanchor_877_877"><span class="label">[877]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_878_878" id="Footnote_878_878"></a><a href="#FNanchor_878_878"><span class="label">[878]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" pp. 160, 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_879_879" id="Footnote_879_879"></a><a href="#FNanchor_879_879"><span class="label">[879]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 166.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_880_880" id="Footnote_880_880"></a><a href="#FNanchor_880_880"><span class="label">[880]</span></a> To. "Confession" p. 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_881_881" id="Footnote_881_881"></a><a href="#FNanchor_881_881"><span class="label">[881]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 75-7, 79.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_882_882" id="Footnote_882_882"></a><a href="#FNanchor_882_882"><span class="label">[882]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" pp. 195, 272, "Kingdom" pp. 72-3,
+"Gospel" p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_883_883" id="Footnote_883_883"></a><a href="#FNanchor_883_883"><span class="label">[883]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 234.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_884_884" id="Footnote_884_884"></a><a href="#FNanchor_884_884"><span class="label">[884]</span></a> To. "On Life" p. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_885_885" id="Footnote_885_885"></a><a href="#FNanchor_885_885"><span class="label">[885]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 72, 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_886_886" id="Footnote_886_886"></a><a href="#FNanchor_886_886"><span class="label">[886]</span></a> To. "Confession" p. 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_887_887" id="Footnote_887_887"></a><a href="#FNanchor_887_887"><span class="label">[887]</span></a> To. "On Life" p. 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_888_888" id="Footnote_888_888"></a><a href="#FNanchor_888_888"><span class="label">[888]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 100.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_889_889" id="Footnote_889_889"></a><a href="#FNanchor_889_889"><span class="label">[889]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 100.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_890_890" id="Footnote_890_890"></a><a href="#FNanchor_890_890"><span class="label">[890]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 160, 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_891_891" id="Footnote_891_891"></a><a href="#FNanchor_891_891"><span class="label">[891]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 160, 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_892_892" id="Footnote_892_892"></a><a href="#FNanchor_892_892"><span class="label">[892]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 262-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_893_893" id="Footnote_893_893"></a><a href="#FNanchor_893_893"><span class="label">[893]</span></a> To. "On Life" p. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_894_894" id="Footnote_894_894"></a><a href="#FNanchor_894_894"><span class="label">[894]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_895_895" id="Footnote_895_895"></a><a href="#FNanchor_895_895"><span class="label">[895]</span></a> To. "Religion and Morality" pp. 21-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_896_896" id="Footnote_896_896"></a><a href="#FNanchor_896_896"><span class="label">[896]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_897_897" id="Footnote_897_897"></a><a href="#FNanchor_897_897"><span class="label">[897]</span></a> To. "Gospel" p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_898_898" id="Footnote_898_898"></a><a href="#FNanchor_898_898"><span class="label">[898]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_899_899" id="Footnote_899_899"></a><a href="#FNanchor_899_899"><span class="label">[899]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" pp. 138-9</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_900_900" id="Footnote_900_900"></a><a href="#FNanchor_900_900"><span class="label">[900]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_901_901" id="Footnote_901_901"></a><a href="#FNanchor_901_901"><span class="label">[901]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_902_902" id="Footnote_902_902"></a><a href="#FNanchor_902_902"><span class="label">[902]</span></a> To. "On Life" pp. 159-60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_903_903" id="Footnote_903_903"></a><a href="#FNanchor_903_903"><span class="label">[903]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_904_904" id="Footnote_904_904"></a><a href="#FNanchor_904_904"><span class="label">[904]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_905_905" id="Footnote_905_905"></a><a href="#FNanchor_905_905"><span class="label">[905]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 170-71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_906_906" id="Footnote_906_906"></a><a href="#FNanchor_906_906"><span class="label">[906]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 140.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_907_907" id="Footnote_907_907"></a><a href="#FNanchor_907_907"><span class="label">[907]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_908_908" id="Footnote_908_908"></a><a href="#FNanchor_908_908"><span class="label">[908]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 138.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_909_909" id="Footnote_909_909"></a><a href="#FNanchor_909_909"><span class="label">[909]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 142, "What I Believe" p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_910_910" id="Footnote_910_910"></a><a href="#FNanchor_910_910"><span class="label">[910]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_911_911" id="Footnote_911_911"></a><a href="#FNanchor_911_911"><span class="label">[911]</span></a> To. "Religion and Morality" p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_912_912" id="Footnote_912_912"></a><a href="#FNanchor_912_912"><span class="label">[912]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 124-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_913_913" id="Footnote_913_913"></a><a href="#FNanchor_913_913"><span class="label">[913]</span></a> To. "Morning" pp. 70-71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_914_914" id="Footnote_914_914"></a><a href="#FNanchor_914_914"><span class="label">[914]</span></a> To. "On Life" p. 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_915_915" id="Footnote_915_915"></a><a href="#FNanchor_915_915"><span class="label">[915]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 147, 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_916_916" id="Footnote_916_916"></a><a href="#FNanchor_916_916"><span class="label">[916]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 122, 133-5, 174, 176.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_917_917" id="Footnote_917_917"></a><a href="#FNanchor_917_917"><span class="label">[917]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 121, 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_918_918" id="Footnote_918_918"></a><a href="#FNanchor_918_918"><span class="label">[918]</span></a> To. "On Life" pp. 26, 122-3, 196, 206.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_919_919" id="Footnote_919_919"></a><a href="#FNanchor_919_919"><span class="label">[919]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_920_920" id="Footnote_920_920"></a><a href="#FNanchor_920_920"><span class="label">[920]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_921_921" id="Footnote_921_921"></a><a href="#FNanchor_921_921"><span class="label">[921]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 142-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_922_922" id="Footnote_922_922"></a><a href="#FNanchor_922_922"><span class="label">[922]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_923_923" id="Footnote_923_923"></a><a href="#FNanchor_923_923"><span class="label">[923]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_924_924" id="Footnote_924_924"></a><a href="#FNanchor_924_924"><span class="label">[924]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_925_925" id="Footnote_925_925"></a><a href="#FNanchor_925_925"><span class="label">[925]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_926_926" id="Footnote_926_926"></a><a href="#FNanchor_926_926"><span class="label">[926]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_927_927" id="Footnote_927_927"></a><a href="#FNanchor_927_927"><span class="label">[927]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_928_928" id="Footnote_928_928"></a><a href="#FNanchor_928_928"><span class="label">[928]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_929_929" id="Footnote_929_929"></a><a href="#FNanchor_929_929"><span class="label">[929]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_930_930" id="Footnote_930_930"></a><a href="#FNanchor_930_930"><span class="label">[930]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_931_931" id="Footnote_931_931"></a><a href="#FNanchor_931_931"><span class="label">[931]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_932_932" id="Footnote_932_932"></a><a href="#FNanchor_932_932"><span class="label">[932]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 21-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_933_933" id="Footnote_933_933"></a><a href="#FNanchor_933_933"><span class="label">[933]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_934_934" id="Footnote_934_934"></a><a href="#FNanchor_934_934"><span class="label">[934]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 68-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_935_935" id="Footnote_935_935"></a><a href="#FNanchor_935_935"><span class="label">[935]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 269-70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_936_936" id="Footnote_936_936"></a><a href="#FNanchor_936_936"><span class="label">[936]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 282.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_937_937" id="Footnote_937_937"></a><a href="#FNanchor_937_937"><span class="label">[937]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_938_938" id="Footnote_938_938"></a><a href="#FNanchor_938_938"><span class="label">[938]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" pp. 17, 20; "Kingdom" p. 268. [Has
+Tolstoi compared in a Greek concordance the other occurrences of the
+word translated "resist"?]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_939_939" id="Footnote_939_939"></a><a href="#FNanchor_939_939"><span class="label">[939]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 49-50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_940_940" id="Footnote_940_940"></a><a href="#FNanchor_940_940"><span class="label">[940]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_941_941" id="Footnote_941_941"></a><a href="#FNanchor_941_941"><span class="label">[941]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 268-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_942_942" id="Footnote_942_942"></a><a href="#FNanchor_942_942"><span class="label">[942]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 269.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_943_943" id="Footnote_943_943"></a><a href="#FNanchor_943_943"><span class="label">[943]</span></a> ["He speaks only of the <i>Gesetz</i>, but he means all
+<i>Recht</i>"; see footnote on <a href="#Page_145">page 145</a> of the present book.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_944_944" id="Footnote_944_944"></a><a href="#FNanchor_944_944"><span class="label">[944]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 268, 300-301.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_945_945" id="Footnote_945_945"></a><a href="#FNanchor_945_945"><span class="label">[945]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 361-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_946_946" id="Footnote_946_946"></a><a href="#FNanchor_946_946"><span class="label">[946]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" pp. 29, 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_947_947" id="Footnote_947_947"></a><a href="#FNanchor_947_947"><span class="label">[947]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 361-2, 172.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_948_948" id="Footnote_948_948"></a><a href="#FNanchor_948_948"><span class="label">[948]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 172.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_949_949" id="Footnote_949_949"></a><a href="#FNanchor_949_949"><span class="label">[949]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 300.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_950_950" id="Footnote_950_950"></a><a href="#FNanchor_950_950"><span class="label">[950]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_951_951" id="Footnote_951_951"></a><a href="#FNanchor_951_951"><span class="label">[951]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_952_952" id="Footnote_952_952"></a><a href="#FNanchor_952_952"><span class="label">[952]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 240.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_953_953" id="Footnote_953_953"></a><a href="#FNanchor_953_953"><span class="label">[953]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_954_954" id="Footnote_954_954"></a><a href="#FNanchor_954_954"><span class="label">[954]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_955_955" id="Footnote_955_955"></a><a href="#FNanchor_955_955"><span class="label">[955]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 28-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_956_956" id="Footnote_956_956"></a><a href="#FNanchor_956_956"><span class="label">[956]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_957_957" id="Footnote_957_957"></a><a href="#FNanchor_957_957"><span class="label">[957]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_958_958" id="Footnote_958_958"></a><a href="#FNanchor_958_958"><span class="label">[958]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 45-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_959_959" id="Footnote_959_959"></a><a href="#FNanchor_959_959"><span class="label">[959]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_960_960" id="Footnote_960_960"></a><a href="#FNanchor_960_960"><span class="label">[960]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 361-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_961_961" id="Footnote_961_961"></a><a href="#FNanchor_961_961"><span class="label">[961]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 172.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_962_962" id="Footnote_962_962"></a><a href="#FNanchor_962_962"><span class="label">[962]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_963_963" id="Footnote_963_963"></a><a href="#FNanchor_963_963"><span class="label">[963]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 172.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_964_964" id="Footnote_964_964"></a><a href="#FNanchor_964_964"><span class="label">[964]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 120.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_965_965" id="Footnote_965_965"></a><a href="#FNanchor_965_965"><span class="label">[965]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 180, 235.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_966_966" id="Footnote_966_966"></a><a href="#FNanchor_966_966"><span class="label">[966]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 235, 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_967_967" id="Footnote_967_967"></a><a href="#FNanchor_967_967"><span class="label">[967]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 393, "What I Believe" p. 121.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_968_968" id="Footnote_968_968"></a><a href="#FNanchor_968_968"><span class="label">[968]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 393-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_969_969" id="Footnote_969_969"></a><a href="#FNanchor_969_969"><span class="label">[969]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 486-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_970_970" id="Footnote_970_970"></a><a href="#FNanchor_970_970"><span class="label">[970]</span></a> To. "Persecutions" p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_971_971" id="Footnote_971_971"></a><a href="#FNanchor_971_971"><span class="label">[971]</span></a> To. "Gospel" p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_972_972" id="Footnote_972_972"></a><a href="#FNanchor_972_972"><span class="label">[972]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 526.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_973_973" id="Footnote_973_973"></a><a href="#FNanchor_973_973"><span class="label">[973]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 121.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_974_974" id="Footnote_974_974"></a><a href="#FNanchor_974_974"><span class="label">[974]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 142-3, 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_975_975" id="Footnote_975_975"></a><a href="#FNanchor_975_975"><span class="label">[975]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" pp. 122-3, 179, 124, 219-20;
+"Gospel" pp. 59-60; "Kingdom" pp. 143-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_976_976" id="Footnote_976_976"></a><a href="#FNanchor_976_976"><span class="label">[976]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_977_977" id="Footnote_977_977"></a><a href="#FNanchor_977_977"><span class="label">[977]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_978_978" id="Footnote_978_978"></a><a href="#FNanchor_978_978"><span class="label">[978]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 121.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_979_979" id="Footnote_979_979"></a><a href="#FNanchor_979_979"><span class="label">[979]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 240-41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_980_980" id="Footnote_980_980"></a><a href="#FNanchor_980_980"><span class="label">[980]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_981_981" id="Footnote_981_981"></a><a href="#FNanchor_981_981"><span class="label">[981]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 335-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_982_982" id="Footnote_982_982"></a><a href="#FNanchor_982_982"><span class="label">[982]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 332.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_983_983" id="Footnote_983_983"></a><a href="#FNanchor_983_983"><span class="label">[983]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_984_984" id="Footnote_984_984"></a><a href="#FNanchor_984_984"><span class="label">[984]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 21; "Persecutions" p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_985_985" id="Footnote_985_985"></a><a href="#FNanchor_985_985"><span class="label">[985]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 209-10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_986_986" id="Footnote_986_986"></a><a href="#FNanchor_986_986"><span class="label">[986]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 167, 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_987_987" id="Footnote_987_987"></a><a href="#FNanchor_987_987"><span class="label">[987]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_988_988" id="Footnote_988_988"></a><a href="#FNanchor_988_988"><span class="label">[988]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 332.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_989_989" id="Footnote_989_989"></a><a href="#FNanchor_989_989"><span class="label">[989]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_990_990" id="Footnote_990_990"></a><a href="#FNanchor_990_990"><span class="label">[990]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 429-30, 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_991_991" id="Footnote_991_991"></a><a href="#FNanchor_991_991"><span class="label">[991]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 209-10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_992_992" id="Footnote_992_992"></a><a href="#FNanchor_992_992"><span class="label">[992]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 274.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_993_993" id="Footnote_993_993"></a><a href="#FNanchor_993_993"><span class="label">[993]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 271-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_994_994" id="Footnote_994_994"></a><a href="#FNanchor_994_994"><span class="label">[994]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_995_995" id="Footnote_995_995"></a><a href="#FNanchor_995_995"><span class="label">[995]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 341, 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_996_996" id="Footnote_996_996"></a><a href="#FNanchor_996_996"><span class="label">[996]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_997_997" id="Footnote_997_997"></a><a href="#FNanchor_997_997"><span class="label">[997]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_998_998" id="Footnote_998_998"></a><a href="#FNanchor_998_998"><span class="label">[998]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_999_999" id="Footnote_999_999"></a><a href="#FNanchor_999_999"><span class="label">[999]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 339-40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1000_1000" id="Footnote_1000_1000"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1000_1000"><span class="label">[1000]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1001_1001" id="Footnote_1001_1001"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1001_1001"><span class="label">[1001]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1002_1002" id="Footnote_1002_1002"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1002_1002"><span class="label">[1002]</span></a> To. "Patriotism" p. 91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1003_1003" id="Footnote_1003_1003"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1003_1003"><span class="label">[1003]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1004_1004" id="Footnote_1004_1004"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1004_1004"><span class="label">[1004]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1005_1005" id="Footnote_1005_1005"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1005_1005"><span class="label">[1005]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1006_1006" id="Footnote_1006_1006"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1006_1006"><span class="label">[1006]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 442.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1007_1007" id="Footnote_1007_1007"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1007_1007"><span class="label">[1007]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 442.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1008_1008" id="Footnote_1008_1008"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1008_1008"><span class="label">[1008]</span></a> To. "Persecutions" p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1009_1009" id="Footnote_1009_1009"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1009_1009"><span class="label">[1009]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 327.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1010_1010" id="Footnote_1010_1010"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1010_1010"><span class="label">[1010]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 238.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1011_1011" id="Footnote_1011_1011"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1011_1011"><span class="label">[1011]</span></a> To. "Patriotism" p. 120.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1012_1012" id="Footnote_1012_1012"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1012_1012"><span class="label">[1012]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 443.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1013_1013" id="Footnote_1013_1013"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1013_1013"><span class="label">[1013]</span></a> To. "Patriotism" p. 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1014_1014" id="Footnote_1014_1014"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1014_1014"><span class="label">[1014]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 238.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1015_1015" id="Footnote_1015_1015"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1015_1015"><span class="label">[1015]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 248-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1016_1016" id="Footnote_1016_1016"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1016_1016"><span class="label">[1016]</span></a> To. "Patriotism" p. 91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1017_1017" id="Footnote_1017_1017"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1017_1017"><span class="label">[1017]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 249.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1018_1018" id="Footnote_1018_1018"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1018_1018"><span class="label">[1018]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 245.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1019_1019" id="Footnote_1019_1019"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1019_1019"><span class="label">[1019]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 246-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1020_1020" id="Footnote_1020_1020"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1020_1020"><span class="label">[1020]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 250, 423-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1021_1021" id="Footnote_1021_1021"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1021_1021"><span class="label">[1021]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 314-28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1022_1022" id="Footnote_1022_1022"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1022_1022"><span class="label">[1022]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" pp. 26-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1023_1023" id="Footnote_1023_1023"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1023_1023"><span class="label">[1023]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 274.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1024_1024" id="Footnote_1024_1024"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1024_1024"><span class="label">[1024]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 276.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1025_1025" id="Footnote_1025_1025"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1025_1025"><span class="label">[1025]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 422.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1026_1026" id="Footnote_1026_1026"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1026_1026"><span class="label">[1026]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1027_1027" id="Footnote_1027_1027"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1027_1027"><span class="label">[1027]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 276.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1028_1028" id="Footnote_1028_1028"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1028_1028"><span class="label">[1028]</span></a> To. "Patriotism" pp. 40-41, 100-102; "Kingdom" pp.
+429-32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1029_1029" id="Footnote_1029_1029"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1029_1029"><span class="label">[1029]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1030_1030" id="Footnote_1030_1030"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1030_1030"><span class="label">[1030]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 422.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1031_1031" id="Footnote_1031_1031"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1031_1031"><span class="label">[1031]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 275-6, 420-22, 444-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1032_1032" id="Footnote_1032_1032"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1032_1032"><span class="label">[1032]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1033_1033" id="Footnote_1033_1033"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1033_1033"><span class="label">[1033]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1034_1034" id="Footnote_1034_1034"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1034_1034"><span class="label">[1034]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1035_1035" id="Footnote_1035_1035"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1035_1035"><span class="label">[1035]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1036_1036" id="Footnote_1036_1036"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1036_1036"><span class="label">[1036]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 511; "Patriotism" p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1037_1037" id="Footnote_1037_1037"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1037_1037"><span class="label">[1037]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 189.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1038_1038" id="Footnote_1038_1038"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1038_1038"><span class="label">[1038]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1039_1039" id="Footnote_1039_1039"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1039_1039"><span class="label">[1039]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 143-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1040_1040" id="Footnote_1040_1040"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1040_1040"><span class="label">[1040]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 300-301.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1041_1041" id="Footnote_1041_1041"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1041_1041"><span class="label">[1041]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 300.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1042_1042" id="Footnote_1042_1042"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1042_1042"><span class="label">[1042]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 301.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1043_1043" id="Footnote_1043_1043"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1043_1043"><span class="label">[1043]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 301.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1044_1044" id="Footnote_1044_1044"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1044_1044"><span class="label">[1044]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1045_1045" id="Footnote_1045_1045"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1045_1045"><span class="label">[1045]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 461.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1046_1046" id="Footnote_1046_1046"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1046_1046"><span class="label">[1046]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 461.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1047_1047" id="Footnote_1047_1047"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1047_1047"><span class="label">[1047]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 461-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1048_1048" id="Footnote_1048_1048"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1048_1048"><span class="label">[1048]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 461.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1049_1049" id="Footnote_1049_1049"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1049_1049"><span class="label">[1049]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1050_1050" id="Footnote_1050_1050"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1050_1050"><span class="label">[1050]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1051_1051" id="Footnote_1051_1051"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1051_1051"><span class="label">[1051]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 255-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1052_1052" id="Footnote_1052_1052"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1052_1052"><span class="label">[1052]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 290.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1053_1053" id="Footnote_1053_1053"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1053_1053"><span class="label">[1053]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 255, 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1054_1054" id="Footnote_1054_1054"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1054_1054"><span class="label">[1054]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1055_1055" id="Footnote_1055_1055"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1055_1055"><span class="label">[1055]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 289.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1056_1056" id="Footnote_1056_1056"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1056_1056"><span class="label">[1056]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 255, 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1057_1057" id="Footnote_1057_1057"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1057_1057"><span class="label">[1057]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1058_1058" id="Footnote_1058_1058"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1058_1058"><span class="label">[1058]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 510.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1059_1059" id="Footnote_1059_1059"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1059_1059"><span class="label">[1059]</span></a> To. "Persecutions" pp. 46-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1060_1060" id="Footnote_1060_1060"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1060_1060"><span class="label">[1060]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 372.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1061_1061" id="Footnote_1061_1061"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1061_1061"><span class="label">[1061]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 510.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1062_1062" id="Footnote_1062_1062"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1062_1062"><span class="label">[1062]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 512.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1063_1063" id="Footnote_1063_1063"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1063_1063"><span class="label">[1063]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 513-14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1064_1064" id="Footnote_1064_1064"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1064_1064"><span class="label">[1064]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 372-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1065_1065" id="Footnote_1065_1065"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1065_1065"><span class="label">[1065]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 518.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1066_1066" id="Footnote_1066_1066"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1066_1066"><span class="label">[1066]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1067_1067" id="Footnote_1067_1067"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1067_1067"><span class="label">[1067]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1068_1068" id="Footnote_1068_1068"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1068_1068"><span class="label">[1068]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 376.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1069_1069" id="Footnote_1069_1069"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1069_1069"><span class="label">[1069]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 21; "What Shall We Do" pp.
+157-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1070_1070" id="Footnote_1070_1070"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1070_1070"><span class="label">[1070]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 167, 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1071_1071" id="Footnote_1071_1071"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1071_1071"><span class="label">[1071]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 273.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1072_1072" id="Footnote_1072_1072"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1072_1072"><span class="label">[1072]</span></a> To. "What Shall We Do" p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1073_1073" id="Footnote_1073_1073"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1073_1073"><span class="label">[1073]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 18-19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1074_1074" id="Footnote_1074_1074"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1074_1074"><span class="label">[1074]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1075_1075" id="Footnote_1075_1075"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1075_1075"><span class="label">[1075]</span></a> To. "Money" p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1076_1076" id="Footnote_1076_1076"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1076_1076"><span class="label">[1076]</span></a> To. "Linen-Measurer" pp. 602-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1077_1077" id="Footnote_1077_1077"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1077_1077"><span class="label">[1077]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1078_1078" id="Footnote_1078_1078"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1078_1078"><span class="label">[1078]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1079_1079" id="Footnote_1079_1079"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1079_1079"><span class="label">[1079]</span></a> To. "What Shall We Do" p. 143.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1080_1080" id="Footnote_1080_1080"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1080_1080"><span class="label">[1080]</span></a> To. "Money" p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1081_1081" id="Footnote_1081_1081"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1081_1081"><span class="label">[1081]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1082_1082" id="Footnote_1082_1082"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1082_1082"><span class="label">[1082]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1083_1083" id="Footnote_1083_1083"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1083_1083"><span class="label">[1083]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1084_1084" id="Footnote_1084_1084"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1084_1084"><span class="label">[1084]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1085_1085" id="Footnote_1085_1085"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1085_1085"><span class="label">[1085]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 166.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1086_1086" id="Footnote_1086_1086"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1086_1086"><span class="label">[1086]</span></a> To. "What Shall We Do" p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1087_1087" id="Footnote_1087_1087"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1087_1087"><span class="label">[1087]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 152.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1088_1088" id="Footnote_1088_1088"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1088_1088"><span class="label">[1088]</span></a> To. "Money" p. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1089_1089" id="Footnote_1089_1089"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1089_1089"><span class="label">[1089]</span></a> To. "What Shall We Do" pp. 151-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1090_1090" id="Footnote_1090_1090"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1090_1090"><span class="label">[1090]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1091_1091" id="Footnote_1091_1091"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1091_1091"><span class="label">[1091]</span></a> To. "What Shall We Do" pp. 134-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1092_1092" id="Footnote_1092_1092"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1092_1092"><span class="label">[1092]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1093_1093" id="Footnote_1093_1093"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1093_1093"><span class="label">[1093]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 247-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1094_1094" id="Footnote_1094_1094"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1094_1094"><span class="label">[1094]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 406.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1095_1095" id="Footnote_1095_1095"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1095_1095"><span class="label">[1095]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 407.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1096_1096" id="Footnote_1096_1096"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1096_1096"><span class="label">[1096]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 407.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1097_1097" id="Footnote_1097_1097"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1097_1097"><span class="label">[1097]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 409.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1098_1098" id="Footnote_1098_1098"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1098_1098"><span class="label">[1098]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 492.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1099_1099" id="Footnote_1099_1099"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1099_1099"><span class="label">[1099]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 247, 447.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1100_1100" id="Footnote_1100_1100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1100_1100"><span class="label">[1100]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 492-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1101_1101" id="Footnote_1101_1101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1101_1101"><span class="label">[1101]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 314-28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1102_1102" id="Footnote_1102_1102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1102_1102"><span class="label">[1102]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 424-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1103_1103" id="Footnote_1103_1103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1103_1103"><span class="label">[1103]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 425.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1104_1104" id="Footnote_1104_1104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1104_1104"><span class="label">[1104]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 425.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1105_1105" id="Footnote_1105_1105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1105_1105"><span class="label">[1105]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 511.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1106_1106" id="Footnote_1106_1106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1106_1106"><span class="label">[1106]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 249.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1107_1107" id="Footnote_1107_1107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1107_1107"><span class="label">[1107]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 249.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1108_1108" id="Footnote_1108_1108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1108_1108"><span class="label">[1108]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1109_1109" id="Footnote_1109_1109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1109_1109"><span class="label">[1109]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 227-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1110_1110" id="Footnote_1110_1110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1110_1110"><span class="label">[1110]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1111_1111" id="Footnote_1111_1111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1111_1111"><span class="label">[1111]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1112_1112" id="Footnote_1112_1112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1112_1112"><span class="label">[1112]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1113_1113" id="Footnote_1113_1113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1113_1113"><span class="label">[1113]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 520.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1114_1114" id="Footnote_1114_1114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1114_1114"><span class="label">[1114]</span></a> To. "What Shall We Do" pp. 157-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1115_1115" id="Footnote_1115_1115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1115_1115"><span class="label">[1115]</span></a> To. "Money" p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1116_1116" id="Footnote_1116_1116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1116_1116"><span class="label">[1116]</span></a> To. "Money" p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1117_1117" id="Footnote_1117_1117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1117_1117"><span class="label">[1117]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 11-12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1118_1118" id="Footnote_1118_1118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1118_1118"><span class="label">[1118]</span></a> "Kernel" p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1119_1119" id="Footnote_1119_1119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1119_1119"><span class="label">[1119]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1120_1120" id="Footnote_1120_1120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1120_1120"><span class="label">[1120]</span></a> "Patriotism" p. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1121_1121" id="Footnote_1121_1121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1121_1121"><span class="label">[1121]</span></a> To. "Patriotism" pp. 108-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1122_1122" id="Footnote_1122_1122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1122_1122"><span class="label">[1122]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 301.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1123_1123" id="Footnote_1123_1123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1123_1123"><span class="label">[1123]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 474.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1124_1124" id="Footnote_1124_1124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1124_1124"><span class="label">[1124]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 302.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1125_1125" id="Footnote_1125_1125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1125_1125"><span class="label">[1125]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 301.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1126_1126" id="Footnote_1126_1126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1126_1126"><span class="label">[1126]</span></a> To. "Patriotism" pp. 116-17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1127_1127" id="Footnote_1127_1127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1127_1127"><span class="label">[1127]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 358.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1128_1128" id="Footnote_1128_1128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1128_1128"><span class="label">[1128]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 508.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1129_1129" id="Footnote_1129_1129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1129_1129"><span class="label">[1129]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 290.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1130_1130" id="Footnote_1130_1130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1130_1130"><span class="label">[1130]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 290.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1131_1131" id="Footnote_1131_1131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1131_1131"><span class="label">[1131]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 293.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1132_1132" id="Footnote_1132_1132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1132_1132"><span class="label">[1132]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 523.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1133_1133" id="Footnote_1133_1133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1133_1133"><span class="label">[1133]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 523.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1134_1134" id="Footnote_1134_1134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1134_1134"><span class="label">[1134]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 523.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1135_1135" id="Footnote_1135_1135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1135_1135"><span class="label">[1135]</span></a> To. "Patriotism" p. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1136_1136" id="Footnote_1136_1136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1136_1136"><span class="label">[1136]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 109.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1137_1137" id="Footnote_1137_1137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1137_1137"><span class="label">[1137]</span></a> To. "Patriotism" pp. 112-13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1138_1138" id="Footnote_1138_1138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1138_1138"><span class="label">[1138]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 509.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1139_1139" id="Footnote_1139_1139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1139_1139"><span class="label">[1139]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" pp. 147-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1140_1140" id="Footnote_1140_1140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1140_1140"><span class="label">[1140]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 306-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1141_1141" id="Footnote_1141_1141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1141_1141"><span class="label">[1141]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 326.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1142_1142" id="Footnote_1142_1142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1142_1142"><span class="label">[1142]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 279-80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1143_1143" id="Footnote_1143_1143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1143_1143"><span class="label">[1143]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 280-81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1144_1144" id="Footnote_1144_1144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1144_1144"><span class="label">[1144]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1145_1145" id="Footnote_1145_1145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1145_1145"><span class="label">[1145]</span></a> To. "What I Believe" p. 292.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1146_1146" id="Footnote_1146_1146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1146_1146"><span class="label">[1146]</span></a> To. "What Shall We Do" p. 164; "What I Believe" p. 291.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1147_1147" id="Footnote_1147_1147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1147_1147"><span class="label">[1147]</span></a> To. "What Shall We Do" p. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1148_1148" id="Footnote_1148_1148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1148_1148"><span class="label">[1148]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1149_1149" id="Footnote_1149_1149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1149_1149"><span class="label">[1149]</span></a> To "What Shall We Do" p. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1150_1150" id="Footnote_1150_1150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1150_1150"><span class="label">[1150]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1151_1151" id="Footnote_1151_1151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1151_1151"><span class="label">[1151]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 327-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1152_1152" id="Footnote_1152_1152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1152_1152"><span class="label">[1152]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 330.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1153_1153" id="Footnote_1153_1153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1153_1153"><span class="label">[1153]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 328.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1154_1154" id="Footnote_1154_1154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1154_1154"><span class="label">[1154]</span></a> To. "Persecutions" p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1155_1155" id="Footnote_1155_1155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1155_1155"><span class="label">[1155]</span></a> To. "Persecutions" p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1156_1156" id="Footnote_1156_1156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1156_1156"><span class="label">[1156]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 293.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1157_1157" id="Footnote_1157_1157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1157_1157"><span class="label">[1157]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 302-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1158_1158" id="Footnote_1158_1158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1158_1158"><span class="label">[1158]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" pp. 303-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1159_1159" id="Footnote_1159_1159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1159_1159"><span class="label">[1159]</span></a> "What I Believe" p. 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1160_1160" id="Footnote_1160_1160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1160_1160"><span class="label">[1160]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 179-80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1161_1161" id="Footnote_1161_1161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1161_1161"><span class="label">[1161]</span></a> To. "Kingdom" p. 353.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1162_1162" id="Footnote_1162_1162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1162_1162"><span class="label">[1162]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 356.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1163_1163" id="Footnote_1163_1163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1163_1163"><span class="label">[1163]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 392.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270"></a>[<a href="images/300.png">270</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER X</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>THE ANARCHISTIC TEACHINGS</span> <span class="smaller">1.&mdash;GENERAL</span></h2>
+
+<p>We have now gained the standpoint that permits us to view
+comprehensively the entire body of Anarchistic teachings.</p>
+
+<p>This comprehensive view is possible only as follows: first we have to
+look and see what the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings here
+presented have in common, and what specialties are to be found among
+them; next we must consider how far that which is common to the seven
+teachings may be equated to that which the entire body of Anarchistic
+teachings have in common, and, in addition, how far the specialties
+represented among the seven teachings may be equated to the specialties
+represented in the entire body of Anarchistic teachings.</p>
+
+<p>To characterize those qualities of the Anarchistic teachings to which
+attention is to be paid, words already existing are here used as far as
+has been found practicable. Where such were totally lacking, the need of
+a concise formula has of necessity overcome repugnance to neologisms.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;BASIS</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. As to their basis the seven teachings here presented have nothing in common.</p>
+
+<p>1. In part they recognize as the supreme law of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271"></a>[<a href="images/301.png">271</a>]</span> human procedure merely
+a natural law, which, as such, does not tell us what ought to take place
+but what really will take place; these teachings may be called
+<i>genetic</i>. The other part of them regard as the supreme law of human
+procedure a norm, which, as such, tells us what ought to take place,
+even if it never really will take place; these teachings may be
+characterized as <i>critical</i>. Genetic are the teachings of Bakunin and
+Kropotkin: the supreme law of human procedure is for Bakunin the
+evolutionary law of mankind's progress from a less perfect existence to
+an existence as perfect as possible, and for Kropotkin that of mankind's
+progress from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as
+possible. Critical are the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Tucker, and Tolstoi.</p>
+
+<p>2. The critical teachings, again, are partly such as set up a duty as
+the supreme law of human procedure, the duty being itself the ultimate
+purpose,&mdash;these teachings may be characterized as <i>idealistic</i>,&mdash;and
+partly such as set up happiness as the supreme law of human procedure,
+all duty being only a means to happiness,&mdash;these may take the name of
+<i>eudemonistic</i>. Idealistic are the teachings of Proudhon and Tolstoi:
+Proudhon sets up as the supreme law of human procedure the duty of
+justice, Tolstoi the duty of love. Eudemonistic are the teachings of
+Godwin, Stirner, and Tucker.</p>
+
+<p>3. The eudemonistic teachings, finally, regard as the supreme law of
+human procedure either the happiness of mankind as a whole, which the
+individual is accordingly to further without regard to his own<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272"></a>[<a href="images/302.png">272</a>]</span>
+happiness,&mdash;these teachings may be characterized as <i>altruistic</i>,&mdash;or
+the happiness of the individual, which he is accordingly to further
+without regard to the welfare of mankind as a whole,&mdash;these teachings
+may be called <i>egoistic</i>. Altruistic is Godwin's teaching, egoistic Stirner's and Tucker's.</p>
+
+<p>II. With regard to what they have in common in their basis, the seven
+recognized Anarchistic teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings. They
+have in their basis nothing in common with each other; all the more is
+it impossible, therefore, that the entire body of recognized Anarchistic
+teachings should have in their basis anything in common.</p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in respect to
+their basis the teachings here presented may be taken as equivalent to
+the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without limitation. For the
+specialties represented among them can be arranged as a system that has
+no room left for any more co-ordinate specialties, but only for
+subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching, therefore, can have any specialty
+that will not be subordinate to these specialties.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+Anarchistic teachings altogether. In their basis they have nothing in
+common, and are to be divided with respect to its differences as shown
+in the table on <a href="#Page_273">page 273</a>.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">3.&mdash;LAW</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. In their relation to law&mdash;that is, to those norms which are based on
+men's will to have a certain <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273"></a>[<a href="images/303.png">273</a>]</span>procedure generally observed within a
+circle which includes themselves&mdash;the seven teachings here presented
+have nothing in common.</p>
+
+<p>1. A part of them negate law for our future; these teachings may be
+called <i>anomistic</i>. The other part of them affirm it for our future;
+these teachings may be characterized as <i>nomistic</i>. Anomistic are the
+teachings of Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi; nomistic those of Proudhon,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Tucker.</p>
+
+<table cellpadding="8" summary="law summary">
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 3px solid black; vertical-align: top" class="center"><i>Genetic</i><br /><i>Teachings</i></td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; border-bottom: 1px solid black; border-right: 1px solid black;" colspan="3" class="center"><i>Critical Teachings</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 3px solid black;"></td>
+    <td style="border-right: 2px solid black;" class="center"><i>Idealistic</i></td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1px solid black; border-bottom: 1px solid black;" colspan="2" class="center"><i>Eudemonistic</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 3px solid black;"></td>
+    <td style="border-right: 2px solid black;"></td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Altruistic</td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Egoistic</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr class="left">
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 3px solid black; border-top: 5px double black;">Bakunin<br />Kropotkin</td>
+    <td style="border-right: 2px solid black; border-top: 5px double black;">Proudhon<br />Tolstoi</td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1px solid black; border-top: 5px double black; vertical-align: top">Godwin</td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1px solid black; border-top: 5px double black;">Stirner<br />Tucker</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>There cannot be given a more precise definition of what is common to the
+anomistic teachings on the one hand and to the nomistic on the other,
+and what is peculiar to the one group as against the other, than has
+here been given. For both the negation and the affirmation of law for
+our future have totally different meanings in the different teachings.</p>
+
+<p>The negation of law for our future means in the cases of Godwin and
+Stirner that they reject law unconditionally, and so for our future as
+well as everywhere else: Godwin because it is always and everywhere
+contrary to the general happiness, Stirner because it is always and
+everywhere contrary to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274"></a>[<a href="images/304.png">274</a>]</span> individual's happiness.</p>
+
+<p>In Tolstoi's case the meaning of the negation of law for our future is
+that he rejects law, though not unconditionally, yet for our future,
+because it is, though not at all times and in all places, yet under our
+circumstances, in a higher degree repugnant to love than its non-existence.</p>
+
+<p>The affirmation of law for our future means in the cases of Proudhon and
+Tucker that they approve law as such (though certainly not every
+particular form of law) unconditionally, and hence for our future as
+well as elsewhere: Proudhon because law as such never and nowhere
+offends against justice, Tucker because law as such never and nowhere
+impairs the individual's happiness.<a name="FNanchor_1164_1164" id="FNanchor_1164_1164"></a><a href="#Footnote_1164_1164" class="fnanchor">[1164]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin, finally, the affirmation of law
+for our future has the meaning that they foresee that the progress of
+evolution will in our future leave in existence law as such, even though
+not the present particular form of law: Bakunin meaning by this the
+progress of mankind from a less perfect existence to an existence as
+perfect as possible, and Proudhon its progress from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible.</p>
+
+<p>2. The anomistic teachings part company again in regard to what they (in
+the same different senses in which they negate law for our future)
+affirm for our future in contrast to the law.</p>
+
+<p>According to Godwin, in future the general <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275"></a>[<a href="images/305.png">275</a>]</span>happiness ought to be men's
+controlling principle in the place of law.</p>
+
+<p>According to Stirner, in future the happiness of self ought to be men's
+controlling principle in the place of law.</p>
+
+<p>According to Tolstoi, in future love ought to be men's controlling
+principle in the place of law.</p>
+
+<p>3. On the other part, the nomistic teachings part company in regard to
+the particular form of law that they affirm for our future.</p>
+
+<p>According to Tucker, even in future there ought to exist enacted law, in
+which the will that creates the law is expressly declared,<a name="FNanchor_1165_1165" id="FNanchor_1165_1165"></a><a href="#Footnote_1165_1165" class="fnanchor">[1165]</a> as well
+as unenacted law, in which such an express declaration of this will is not present.</p>
+
+<p>According to Bakunin and Kropotkin, in future only unenacted law will exist.</p>
+
+<p>According to Proudhon, there ought to exist in future only the single
+legal norm that contracts must be lived up to.<a name="FNanchor_1166_1166" id="FNanchor_1166_1166"></a><a href="#Footnote_1166_1166" class="fnanchor">[1166]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. With regard to what they have in common in their relation to law,
+the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings here presented may be taken
+as equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings. In
+their relation to law they have nothing in common. Much less, therefore,
+can the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings have anything in
+common in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276"></a>[<a href="images/306.png">276</a>]</span> their relation to law.</p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in their
+relation to law the teachings here presented may be taken as equivalent
+to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without limitation. For the
+specialties represented among them can be arranged as a system in which
+there is no room left for any more co-ordinate specialties, but only for
+subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching, therefore, can have any specialty
+that will not be subordinate to these specialties.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+Anarchistic teachings altogether. In their relation to law they have
+nothing in common, and are to be divided as follows with respect to the
+differences of this relation:</p>
+
+<table cellpadding="8" summary="nothing in common">
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center"><i>Anomistic Teachings</i></td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center"><i>Nomistic Teachings</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="center" style="vertical-align: top; border-top: 5px double black; border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 1px solid black;">Godwin<br />Stirner<br />Tolstoi</td>
+    <td class="center" style="border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;">Proudhon<br />Bakunin<br />Kropotkin<br />Tucker</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">4.&mdash;THE STATE</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. In their relation to the State&mdash;that is, to the legal relation by
+virtue of which a supreme authority exists in a territory&mdash;the seven
+teachings here presented have something in common.</p>
+
+<p>1. They have this in common, that they negate the State for our future.</p>
+
+<p>There cannot be given a more precise definition of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277"></a>[<a href="images/307.png">277</a>]</span> what the teachings
+here presented have in common in their relation to the State than has
+here been given. For the negation of the State for our future has
+totally different meanings in them.</p>
+
+<p>In the cases of Godwin, Stirner, Tucker, and Proudhon, the negation of
+the State for our future means that they reject the State
+unconditionally, and hence for our future as well as everywhere else:
+Godwin because the State always and everywhere impairs the general
+happiness, Stirner and Tucker because it always and everywhere impairs
+the individual's happiness, Proudhon because at all times and in all
+places the State offends against justice.</p>
+
+<p>In Tolstoi's case the negation of the State for our future means that he
+rejects the State, though not unconditionally, yet for our future,
+because the State is, though not always and everywhere, yet under our
+circumstances, more repugnant to love than its non-existence.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, in the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin the negation of the State
+for our future has the meaning that they foresee that in our future the
+progress of evolution will abolish the State: Bakunin meaning mankind's
+progress from a less perfect existence to one as perfect as possible,
+Kropotkin its progress from a less happy existence to one as happy as possible.</p>
+
+<p>2. As to what they affirm for our future in contrast to the State (in
+the same different senses in which they negate the State for our future)
+the seven teachings here presented have nothing in common.</p>
+
+<p>One part of them affirm for our future, in contrast to the State, a
+social human life in a voluntary legal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278"></a>[<a href="images/308.png">278</a>]</span> relation&mdash;to wit, under the
+legal norm that contracts must be lived up to; these teachings may take
+the name of <i>federalistic</i>. The other part of them affirm for our
+future, in contrast to the State, a social human life without any legal
+relation&mdash;to wit, under the same controlling principle that they affirm
+for our future in contrast to law; these teachings may be characterized
+as <i>spontanistic</i>. Federalistic are the teachings of Proudhon, Bakunin,
+Kropotkin, and Tucker; spontanistic those of Godwin,<a name="FNanchor_1167_1167" id="FNanchor_1167_1167"></a><a href="#Footnote_1167_1167" class="fnanchor">[1167]</a> Stirner, and
+Tolstoi.</p>
+
+<p>3. The spontanistic teachings in turn part company in respect to the
+non-legal controlling principle which they affirm in contrast to the
+State as the basis of the social human life for our future.</p>
+
+<p>According to Godwin, the place of the State ought to be taken by a
+social human life based on the principle that the general happiness
+should be every one's rule of action.</p>
+
+<p>According to Stirner, the place of the State ought to be taken by a
+social human life based on the principle that each one's own happiness
+should be his rule of action.</p>
+
+<p>According to Tolstoi, the place of the State ought to be taken by a
+social human life based on the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279"></a>[<a href="images/309.png">279</a>]</span>principle that love should be every
+one's rule of action.</p>
+
+<p>II. With regard to what they have in common in their relation to the
+State, the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings here presented may be
+taken as equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic
+teachings. In their relation to the State they have only this one thing
+in common, that they negate the State for our future&mdash;and in very
+different senses at that. But this is common to all recognized
+Anarchistic teachings: observation of any recognized Anarchistic
+teaching shows that in one sense or another it negates the State for our future.</p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in their
+relation to the State the teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without
+limitation. For the specialties represented among them can be arranged
+as a system which affords no room for any more co-ordinate specialties,
+but only for subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching, therefore, can have
+any specialty that will not be subordinate to these specialties.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+the Anarchistic teachings altogether. In their relation to the State
+they have in common their negating the State for our future; and with
+regard to the differences in what they affirm for our future in contrast
+to the State they are to be divided as shown in the table on <a href="#Page_280">page 280</a>.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280"></a>[<a href="images/310.png">280</a>]</span></p>
+
+<table cellpadding="8" summary="relation to state">
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center"><i>Federalistic Teachings</i></td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center"><i>Spontanistic Teachings</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="center" style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;">Proudhon<br />Bakunin<br />Kropotkin<br />Tucker</td>
+    <td class="center" style="vertical-align: top; border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;">Godwin<br />Stirner<br />Tolstoi</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">5.&mdash;PROPERTY</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. In their relation to property&mdash;that is, to that legal relation by
+virtue of which some one has within a certain group of men the exclusive
+privilege of ultimately disposing of a thing&mdash;the seven teachings here
+presented have nothing in common.</p>
+
+<p>1. One part of them negate property for our future; these teachings may
+be characterized as <i>indoministic</i>. The other part affirm it for our
+future; these teachings may be called <i>doministic</i>. Indoministic are the
+teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, and Tolstoi; doministic the
+teachings of Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Tucker.</p>
+
+<p>There cannot be given a more precise definition of what is common to the
+indoministic teachings on the one hand and to the doministic on the
+other, and what is peculiar to the one group as against the other, than
+has here been given. For both the affirmation and the negation of
+property for our future have totally different meanings in the different teachings.</p>
+
+<p>In the cases of Godwin, Stirner, and Proudhon, the negation of property
+for our future means that they reject property unconditionally, and so
+for our future as well as elsewhere: Godwin because it is always and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281"></a>[<a href="images/311.png">281</a>]</span>
+everywhere contrary to the general happiness, Stirner because it is
+always and everywhere contrary to the individual's happiness, Proudhon
+because it always and everywhere offends against justice.</p>
+
+<p>In Tolstoi's case the meaning of the negation of property for our future
+is that he rejects property, though not absolutely, yet for our future,
+because it is, though not at all times and in all places, yet under our
+circumstances, in a higher degree repugnant to love than is its non-existence.</p>
+
+<p>In Tucker's case the affirmation of property for our future means that
+he approves property as such (though certainly not every particular form
+of property) unconditionally, and hence for our future as well as
+elsewhere, because property as such is never and nowhere contrary to the
+individual's happiness.<a name="FNanchor_1168_1168" id="FNanchor_1168_1168"></a><a href="#Footnote_1168_1168" class="fnanchor">[1168]</a></p>
+
+<p>Finally, in the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin the affirmation of
+property for our future is as much as to say that they foresee that in
+our future the progress of evolution will leave in existence property as
+such, even though not the present particular form of property: Bakunin
+meaning mankind's progress from a less perfect existence to one as
+perfect as possible, Kropotkin its progress from a less happy existence
+to one as happy as possible.</p>
+
+<p>2. The indoministic teachings part company again as to what they affirm
+for our future (in the same different senses in which they negate
+property for our future) in contrast to property.</p>
+
+<p>According to Proudhon, a distribution of goods determined by a voluntary
+legal relation, and based<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282"></a>[<a href="images/312.png">282</a>]</span> on the legal norm that contracts ought to be
+lived up to, ought to take the place of property.</p>
+
+<p>According to Godwin, Stirner, and Tolstoi, the place of property ought
+to be taken by a distribution without any legal relation, based rather
+on the same rule of action that is affirmed by them in contrast to law.</p>
+
+<p>According to Godwin, therefore, that distribution of goods which is to
+take the place of property ought to be based on what is prescribed to
+each one by the general happiness.</p>
+
+<p>According to Stirner it ought to be based on what is prescribed to each
+one by his own happiness.</p>
+
+<p>According to Tolstoi it ought to be based on what is prescribed to each one by love.</p>
+
+<p>3. The doministic teachings on their side part company again as to the
+particular form of property that they affirm for our future.</p>
+
+<p>According to Tucker there ought to exist in future, as at present, both
+property of the individual and property of the collectivity, in all
+things indiscriminately.<a name="FNanchor_1169_1169" id="FNanchor_1169_1169"></a><a href="#Footnote_1169_1169" class="fnanchor">[1169]</a> This teaching may be called
+<i>individualistic</i>.</p>
+
+<p>According to Bakunin, in future there will exist property of the
+individual and of the entire community only in goods for consumption,
+indiscriminately, while in the materials and instruments of production
+there will be solely property of the collectivity. This teaching may be
+characterized as <i>collectivistic</i>.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283"></a>[<a href="images/313.png">283</a>]</span></p><p>According to Kropotkin, in future there will exist solely property of
+the collectivity in all things indiscriminately. This teaching may be
+called <i>communistic</i>.</p>
+
+<p>II. With regard to what they have in common in their relation to
+property, the seven Anarchistic teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings. They
+have nothing in common in their relation to property. All the more is it
+impossible, therefore, that the entire body of recognized Anarchistic
+teachings should in their relation to property have anything in common.</p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, in regard to the specialties that they exhibit in their
+relation to property the teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without
+limitation. For the specialties represented among them can be arranged
+as a system in which there is no room left for any more co-ordinate
+specialties, but only for subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching,
+therefore, can have any specialty that will not be subordinate to these specialties.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+Anarchistic teachings altogether. They have nothing in common in their
+relation to property, and are to be divided with respect to the
+differences of this relation as shown in the table on <a href="#Page_284">page 284</a>.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284"></a>[<a href="images/314.png">284</a>]</span></p>
+
+<table cellpadding="8" summary="relation to property">
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 3px solid black;" class="center"><i>Indoministic</i><br /><i>Teachings</i></td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; border-bottom: 1px solid black; border-right: 1px solid black;" colspan="3" class="center"><i>Doministic Teachings</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 3px solid black;"></td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center"><i>Individualistic</i></td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center"><i>Collectivistic</i></td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center"><i>Communistic</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 3px solid black;">Godwin<br />Proudhon<br />Stirner<br />Tolstoi</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; vertical-align: top; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Tucker</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; vertical-align: top; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Bakunin</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; vertical-align: top; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Kropotkin</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">6.&mdash;REALIZATION</span></h2>
+
+<p>I. With regard to the manner in which they conceive their
+realization&mdash;that is, the transition from the negated condition to the
+affirmed condition&mdash;as taking place, the seven teachings here presented
+have nothing in common.</p>
+
+<p>1. The one part of them conceive their realization as taking place
+without breach of law: they have in mind a transition from the negated
+to the affirmed condition merely by the application of legal norms of
+the negated condition; these teachings may be characterized as
+<i>reformatory</i>. Reformatory are the teachings of Godwin and Proudhon. The
+other part conceive their realization as a breach of law: they have in
+mind a transition from the negated to the affirmed condition with
+violation of legal norms of the negated condition; these teachings may
+be called <i>revolutionary</i>. Revolutionary are the teachings of Stirner,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, and Tolstoi.</p>
+
+<p>There cannot be given a more precise definition of what is common to the
+reformatory teachings on the one hand, to the revolutionary on the
+other, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285"></a>[<a href="images/315.png">285</a>]</span> what is peculiar to the one group as against the other, than
+has here been given. For the conceiving the transition from a negated to
+an affirmed condition as taking place in any given way has totally
+different meanings in the different teachings.</p>
+
+<p>If Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Tucker, and Tolstoi conceive the
+transition from a negated to an affirmed condition as taking place in
+any given way, this is as much as to say that they demand that we should
+in a given way first prepare for, and then effect, the transition from a
+disapproved to an approved condition.</p>
+
+<p>If, on the contrary, Bakunin and Kropotkin conceive the transition from
+a negated to an affirmed condition as taking place in any given way,
+this means that they foresee that in the progress of evolution the
+transition from a disappearing to a newly-appearing condition will of
+itself take place in a given way, and that they only demand that we
+should make a certain sort of preparation for this transition.</p>
+
+<p>2. The revolutionary teachings part company again as to the fashion in
+which they conceive of the breach of law that helps in the transition
+from the negated to the affirmed condition.</p>
+
+<p>Some of them conceive of the breach of law as taking place without the
+employment of force; these teachings may be characterized as <i>renitent</i>.
+Renitent are the teachings of Tucker and Tolstoi: Tucker conceiving the
+breach of law chiefly as a refusal to pay taxes and rent and an
+infringement of the banking monopoly, Tolstoi especially as a refusal to
+do military, police, or jury service, and also to pay taxes.</p>
+
+<p>The other revolutionary teachings conceive of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286"></a>[<a href="images/316.png">286</a>]</span> breach of law that
+helps in the transition from the negated to the affirmed condition as
+taking place with the employment of force; these teachings may take the
+name of <i>insurgent</i>. Insurgent are the teachings of Stirner, Bakunin,
+and Kropotkin: Stirner and Bakunin conceiving only of the transition
+itself as attended with the use of violence, but Kropotkin also of
+preparation for it by such acts (propaganda of deed).</p>
+
+<p>II. With regard to what they have in common in respect of the conceived
+manner of realization, the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings which
+have been presented may be taken as equivalent to the entire body of
+recognized Anarchistic teachings. In respect of the conceived manner of
+realization they have nothing in common. Much less, therefore, can the
+entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings have anything in common in this respect.</p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in respect of
+the conceived manner of realization the teachings here presented may be
+taken as equivalent to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without
+limitation. For the specialties represented among them can be arranged
+as a system in which there is no room left for any more co-ordinate
+specialties, but only for subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching,
+therefore, can have any specialty that will not be subordinate to these specialties.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+the Anarchistic teachings altogether. In respect of the conceived manner
+of realization they have nothing in common, and are to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287"></a>[<a href="images/317.png">287</a>]</span> arranged as
+follows with reference to the differences therein:</p>
+
+<table cellpadding="8" summary="manner of realization">
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 3px solid black;" class="center"><i>Reformatory</i><br /><i>Teachings</i></td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; border-bottom: 1px solid black; border-right: 1px solid black;" colspan="2" class="center"><i>Revolutionary Teachings</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 3px solid black;"></td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center"><i>Renitent</i></td>
+    <td style="border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center"><i>Insurgent</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="center" style="border-top: 5px double black; vertical-align: top; border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 3px solid black;">Godwin<br />Proudhon</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; vertical-align: top; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Tucker<br />Tolstoi</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Stirner<br />Bakunin<br />Kropotkin</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1164_1164" id="Footnote_1164_1164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1164_1164"><span class="label">[1164]</span></a> [I shall not indorse this statement till I understand
+it, and I doubt if Tucker will. Perhaps Eltzbacher might have been
+content with saying "is in no case more injurious to the happiness of
+most individuals than its non-existence."]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1165_1165" id="Footnote_1165_1165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1165_1165"><span class="label">[1165]</span></a> [This, if interpreted by Eltzbacher's quotations from
+Tucker, must refer to the right of a voluntary association of any sort
+to make rules for its own members. But in this sense it seems in the
+highest degree doubtful whether Eltzbacher is justified in denying the
+same to all the other six, who have omitted to mention this point
+(perhaps regarding it as self-evident) while they were talking against
+laws in the sense of laws compulsorily binding everybody in the land.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1166_1166" id="Footnote_1166_1166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1166_1166"><span class="label">[1166]</span></a> [But see on Proudhon and Stirner my notes on <a href="#Page_80">pages 80</a>
+and <a href="#Page_97"> 97</a>.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1167_1167" id="Footnote_1167_1167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1167_1167"><span class="label">[1167]</span></a> [It will be seen by consulting the footnotes on <a href="#Page_46">pages 46</a>,
+<a href="#Page_47">47</a>, and <a href="#Page_48">48</a> that the warrants for this statement
+about Godwin are drawn exclusively from the first one-fifth of his book,
+contrary to Eltzbacher's profession at the top of <a href="#Page_41">page 41</a>; that
+the passages quoted <i>verbatim</i> are not in Godwin's second edition; and
+that the quotations which are not <i>verbatim</i> are of doubtful correctness
+by the second edition. This makes it appear that Godwin's sweeping
+rejection of the principle of contract was one of those over-hasty
+propositions about which he changed his mind even before they were
+published (see his words quoted on <a href="#Page_40">page 40</a>, and the preface to
+his second edition). Yet I am not prepared to assert that Godwin would
+at any time have made contract the basis of his civil order.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1168_1168" id="Footnote_1168_1168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1168_1168"><span class="label">[1168]</span></a> [On Proudhon, Stirner, Tucker, see my notes on <a href="#Page_80">pages 80</a>,
+<a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1169_1169" id="Footnote_1169_1169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1169_1169"><span class="label">[1169]</span></a> [We are getting into an ambiguity of language here. The
+"collectivity" in which Kropotkin vests property is, as I understand,
+the entire population; the only "collectivity" which Tucker could
+recognize as owning property would be a voluntary association, whose
+membership, whether large or small, would in general be limited by the
+arbitrary choice of men.]</p></div></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288"></a>[<a href="images/318.png">288</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CHAPTER XI</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span>ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES</span> <span class="smaller">I.&mdash;ERRORS ABOUT ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES</span></h2>
+
+<p>It has now become possible to set aside some of the numerous errors
+about Anarchism and its species.</p>
+
+<p>I. It is said that Anarchism has abolished morality and bases itself
+upon scientific materialism,<a name="FNanchor_1170_1170" id="FNanchor_1170_1170"></a><a href="#Footnote_1170_1170" class="fnanchor">[1170]</a> that its ideal of society is
+determined by its peculiar conception of the way things come to pass in
+history.<a name="FNanchor_1171_1171" id="FNanchor_1171_1171"></a><a href="#Footnote_1171_1171" class="fnanchor">[1171]</a> If this were correct, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon,
+Stirner, Tucker, Tolstoi, and very many other recognized Anarchistic
+teachings, would have to be regarded as not Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>2. It is asserted that Anarchism sets up the happiness of the individual
+as final goal,<a name="FNanchor_1172_1172" id="FNanchor_1172_1172"></a><a href="#Footnote_1172_1172" class="fnanchor">[1172]</a> that it appraises every human action from the
+abstract view-point of the unlimited right of the individual,<a name="FNanchor_1173_1173" id="FNanchor_1173_1173"></a><a href="#Footnote_1173_1173" class="fnanchor">[1173]</a> that
+to it the supreme law is not the general welfare but every individual's
+free preference.<a name="FNanchor_1174_1174" id="FNanchor_1174_1174"></a><a href="#Footnote_1174_1174" class="fnanchor">[1174]</a> Were this really the case, we should have to look
+upon the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tolstoi, and
+a multitude of other recognized Anarchistic teachings, as not Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>3. The moral law of justice is set down as Anarchism's supreme
+law.<a name="FNanchor_1175_1175" id="FNanchor_1175_1175"></a><a href="#Footnote_1175_1175" class="fnanchor">[1175]</a> Were this assertion correct,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289"></a>[<a href="images/319.png">289</a>]</span> the teachings of Godwin,
+Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and numerous other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings, could not rank as Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>4. It is said that Anarchism culminates in the negation of every
+programme,<a name="FNanchor_1176_1176" id="FNanchor_1176_1176"></a><a href="#Footnote_1176_1176" class="fnanchor">[1176]</a> that it has only a negative goal.<a name="FNanchor_1177_1177" id="FNanchor_1177_1177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1177_1177" class="fnanchor">[1177]</a> If this were in
+accordance with truth, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and well-nigh all other recognized
+Anarchistic teachings, would not admit of being regarded as Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>5. It is asserted that Anarchism rejects law,<a name="FNanchor_1178_1178" id="FNanchor_1178_1178"></a><a href="#Footnote_1178_1178" class="fnanchor">[1178]</a> the compulsion of
+law.<a name="FNanchor_1179_1179" id="FNanchor_1179_1179"></a><a href="#Footnote_1179_1179" class="fnanchor">[1179]</a> If this were so, the teachings of Proudhon, Bakunin,
+Kropotkin, Tucker, and very many other recognized Anarchistic teachings,
+could not rank as Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>6. It is declared that Anarchism rejects society,<a name="FNanchor_1180_1180" id="FNanchor_1180_1180"></a><a href="#Footnote_1180_1180" class="fnanchor">[1180]</a> that its ideal
+consists in wiping out society to make a fresh start,<a name="FNanchor_1181_1181" id="FNanchor_1181_1181"></a><a href="#Footnote_1181_1181" class="fnanchor">[1181]</a> that for it
+fellowship exists only to be combated.<a name="FNanchor_1182_1182" id="FNanchor_1182_1182"></a><a href="#Footnote_1182_1182" class="fnanchor">[1182]</a> Were this correct, we
+should have to look upon the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and pretty nearly all other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings, as not Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>7. It is said that Anarchism demands the abolition of the State,<a name="FNanchor_1183_1183" id="FNanchor_1183_1183"></a><a href="#Footnote_1183_1183" class="fnanchor">[1183]</a>
+wills to destroy the State off the face of the earth,<a name="FNanchor_1184_1184" id="FNanchor_1184_1184"></a><a href="#Footnote_1184_1184" class="fnanchor">[1184]</a> wills to
+have the State in no form at all,<a name="FNanchor_1185_1185" id="FNanchor_1185_1185"></a><a href="#Footnote_1185_1185" class="fnanchor">[1185]</a> wills to have no
+government.<a name="FNanchor_1186_1186" id="FNanchor_1186_1186"></a><a href="#Footnote_1186_1186" class="fnanchor">[1186]</a> If this were correct, the teachings of Bakunin and
+Kropotkin, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290"></a>[<a href="images/320.png">290</a>]</span> all the other recognized Anarchistic teachings which
+only foresee the abolition of the State but do not demand it, could not
+rank as Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>8. It is asserted that in Anarchism's future society the individual's
+consent binds him only so long as he is disposed to keep it up.<a name="FNanchor_1187_1187" id="FNanchor_1187_1187"></a><a href="#Footnote_1187_1187" class="fnanchor">[1187]</a>
+Were this really so, then the teachings of Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin,
+Tucker, and very many other recognized Anarchistic teachings, would have
+to be looked upon as not Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>9. It is said that Anarchism wills to put a federation in the place of
+the State,<a name="FNanchor_1188_1188" id="FNanchor_1188_1188"></a><a href="#Footnote_1188_1188" class="fnanchor">[1188]</a> that what it is striving for is the ordering of all
+public affairs by free contracts among federalistically instituted
+communes and societies.<a name="FNanchor_1189_1189" id="FNanchor_1189_1189"></a><a href="#Footnote_1189_1189" class="fnanchor">[1189]</a> Were this in accordance with truth, the
+teachings of Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi, and very many other recognized
+Anarchistic teachings, would not admit of being regarded as Anarchistic,
+and no more would the teachings of Bakunin and Kropotkin and the rest of
+the recognized Anarchistic teachings that do not demand, but only
+foresee, a fellowship of contract.</p>
+
+<p>10. It is declared that Anarchism rejects property.<a name="FNanchor_1190_1190" id="FNanchor_1190_1190"></a><a href="#Footnote_1190_1190" class="fnanchor">[1190]</a> If this were
+correct, we should have to rate the teachings of Bakunin, Kropotkin,
+Tucker, and all the other recognized Anarchistic teachings that affirm
+property either unconditionally or at any rate in some particular form,
+as not Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>11. It is asserted that Anarchism rejects private property,<a name="FNanchor_1191_1191" id="FNanchor_1191_1191"></a><a href="#Footnote_1191_1191" class="fnanchor">[1191]</a>
+endeavors to establish community of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291"></a>[<a href="images/321.png">291</a>]</span> goods,<a name="FNanchor_1192_1192" id="FNanchor_1192_1192"></a><a href="#Footnote_1192_1192" class="fnanchor">[1192]</a> is necessarily
+communistic.<a name="FNanchor_1193_1193" id="FNanchor_1193_1193"></a><a href="#Footnote_1193_1193" class="fnanchor">[1193]</a> Were Anarchism necessarily communistic, then, in the
+first place, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Tolstoi, and
+all the other recognized Anarchistic teachings which negate property in
+every form, even as the property of society, could not rank as
+Anarchistic; and furthermore, neither could the teachings of Tucker and
+Bakunin, and such other recognized Anarchistic teachings as affirm
+private property either in all things or at least in goods for direct
+consumption. And if in addition to this it were a matter of rejection or
+endeavor, then not even Kropotkin's teaching, and the rest of the
+recognized Anarchistic teachings which do not demand, but foresee, a
+communistic form of property, could be regarded as Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>12. A distinction is made between Communist, Collectivist, and
+Individualist Anarchism,<a name="FNanchor_1194_1194" id="FNanchor_1194_1194"></a><a href="#Footnote_1194_1194" class="fnanchor">[1194]</a> or simply between Communist and
+Individualist Anarchism.<a name="FNanchor_1195_1195" id="FNanchor_1195_1195"></a><a href="#Footnote_1195_1195" class="fnanchor">[1195]</a> Were the first division a complete one,
+the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Tolstoi, and all the other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings that do not affirm property in any
+form, could not rank as Anarchistic; were the second complete, these
+again could not, nor yet could Bakunin's teaching and such other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings as affirm a property in the means of
+production only for society, but in the supplies of consumption for individuals also.</p>
+
+<p>13. It is said that Anarchism preaches crime,<a name="FNanchor_1196_1196" id="FNanchor_1196_1196"></a><a href="#Footnote_1196_1196" class="fnanchor">[1196]</a> looks to a violent
+revolution for the initiation of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292"></a>[<a href="images/322.png">292</a>]</span> new condition,<a name="FNanchor_1197_1197" id="FNanchor_1197_1197"></a><a href="#Footnote_1197_1197" class="fnanchor">[1197]</a> seeks to
+attain its goal with the help of all agencies, even theft and
+murder.<a name="FNanchor_1198_1198" id="FNanchor_1198_1198"></a><a href="#Footnote_1198_1198" class="fnanchor">[1198]</a> If Anarchism conceived of its realization as taking place
+by crime, we should have to look upon the teachings of Godwin and
+Proudhon and very many more recognized Anarchistic teachings as not
+Anarchistic; and, if it conceived of its realization as taking place by
+criminal acts of violence, the teachings of Tucker and Tolstoi and
+numerous other recognized Anarchistic teachings would also have to be
+regarded as not Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<p>14. It is asserted that Anarchism recognizes the propaganda of deed as a
+means toward its realization.<a name="FNanchor_1199_1199" id="FNanchor_1199_1199"></a><a href="#Footnote_1199_1199" class="fnanchor">[1199]</a> If this were correct, the teachings
+of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Bakunin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and most of the
+other recognized Anarchistic teachings, could not rank as Anarchistic.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="smaller">2.&mdash;THE CONCEPTS OF ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES</span></h2>
+
+<p>It is now possible, furthermore, to determine the common and special
+qualities of the Anarchistic teachings, to assign them a place in the
+total realm of our experience, and thus to define conceptually Anarchism
+and its species.</p>
+
+<p>I. <i>The common and special qualities of the Anarchistic teachings.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. The Anarchistic teachings have in common only this, that they negate
+the State for our future. In the cases of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, and
+Tucker,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293"></a>[<a href="images/323.png">293</a>]</span> the negation means that they reject the State unconditionally,
+and so for our future as well as elsewhere; in the case of Tolstoi it
+means that he rejects the State, though not unconditionally, yet for our
+future; in the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin it means that they foresee
+that in future the progress of evolution will do away with the State.</p>
+
+<p>2. As to their basis, the Anarchistic teachings are classifiable as
+<i>genetic</i>, recognizing as the supreme law of human procedure merely a
+law of nature (Bakunin, Kropotkin) and <i>critical</i>, regarding a norm as
+the supreme law of human procedure. The critical teachings, again, are
+classifiable as <i>idealistic</i>, whose supreme law is a duty (Proudhon,
+Tolstoi), and <i>eudemonistic</i>, whose supreme law is happiness. The
+eudemonistic teachings, finally, are on their part further classifiable
+as <i>altruistic</i>, for which the general happiness is supreme law
+(Godwin), and <i>egoistic</i>, for which the individual's happiness takes
+this rank (Stirner, Tucker).</p>
+
+<p>As to what they affirm for our future in contrast to the State, the
+Anarchistic teachings are either <i>federalistic</i>&mdash;that is, they affirm
+for our future a social human life on the basis of the legal norm that
+contracts must be lived up to (Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker)&mdash;or
+<i>spontanistic</i>&mdash;that is, they affirm for our future a social human life
+on the basis of a non-juridical controlling principle (Godwin, Stirner,
+Tolstoi).</p>
+
+<p>As to their relation to law, a part of the Anarchistic teachings are
+<i>anomistic</i>, negating law for our future (Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi); the
+other part are <i>nomistic</i>, affirming it for our future (Proudhon,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294"></a>[<a href="images/324.png">294</a>]</span>Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker).</p>
+
+<p>As to their relation to property, the Anarchistic teachings are partly
+<i>indoministic</i>, negating property for our future (Godwin, Proudhon,
+Stirner, Tolstoi), partly <i>doministic</i>, affirming it for our future. The
+doministic teachings, again, are partly <i>individualistic</i>, affirming
+property, without limitation, for the individual as well as for the
+collectivity (Tucker), partly <i>collectivistic</i>, affirming as to supplies
+for direct consumption a property that will sometimes be the
+individual's, but as to the means of production a property that is only
+for the collectivity (Bakunin), and, finally, partly <i>communistic</i>,
+affirming property solely for the collectivity (Kropotkin).</p>
+
+<p>As to how they conceive their realization, the Anarchistic teachings
+divide into the <i>reformatory</i>, which conceive the transition from the
+negated to the affirmed condition as without breach of law (Godwin,
+Proudhon), and <i>revolutionary</i>, which conceive this transition as a
+breach of law. The revolutionary teachings, again, divide into
+<i>renitent</i>, which conceive the breach of law as without the use of force
+(Tucker, Tolstoi) and <i>insurgent</i>, which conceive it as attended by the
+use of force (Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin).</p>
+
+<p>II. <i>The place of the Anarchistic teachings in the total realm of our
+experience.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. There must be distinguished three lines of thought in the philosophy
+of law: that is, three fashions of judging law.</p>
+
+<p>The first is <i>jurisprudential dogmatism</i>. It judges whether a legal
+institution ought to exist or not, and it judges quite unconditionally,
+solely by what the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295"></a>[<a href="images/325.png">295</a>]</span> institution consists of, without regard to its
+effect under this or that particular set of circumstances. It embraces,
+therefore, the doctrines of a <i>proper law</i>: that is, the schools that
+seek to determine what law&mdash;for instance, whether the legal institution
+of marriage&mdash;is under all circumstances to be approved or to be
+disapproved. Its best known form is "natural law."</p>
+
+<p>The weakness of jurisprudential dogmatism lies in its not taking account
+of the fact that our judgment of legal institutions must depend on their
+effects, and that one and the same legal institution has under different
+circumstances altogether different effects.</p>
+
+<p>The second line of thought is <i>jurisprudential skepticism</i>. In view of
+the weakness of jurisprudential dogmatism it foregoes judgment on
+whether a legal institution ought to exist or not, and pronounces
+judgment only on whether the tendency of evolution gives ground for
+expecting that a legal institution will persist or disappear, arise or
+remain non-existent. It embraces, therefore, the doctrines of the
+<i>evolution of law</i>: that is, the schools that undertake to inform us
+what sort of law is to be expected in future&mdash;for instance, whether the
+legal institution of marriage has a prospect of remaining in force among
+us. Its best-known forms are the historical school in the science of
+law, and Marxism.</p>
+
+<p>The weakness of jurisprudential skepticism consists in its not meeting
+our want of a scientific basis that shall enable us to recognize as
+correct or incorrect the incessantly-appearing judgments on the value of
+legal institutions, and to approve or disapprove the manifold
+propositions for changes in law.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296"></a>[<a href="images/326.png">296</a>]</span></p><p>The third line of thought is <i>jurisprudential criticism</i>. In view of
+the weakness of jurisprudential dogmatism it foregoes passing judgment,
+without regard to the particular circumstances under which a legal
+institution operates, on whether that institution ought to exist or not;
+but yet in view of the weakness of jurisprudential skepticism it does
+not forego answering the question whether a legal institution ought to
+exist or not. It therefore sets up a supreme governing principle by
+which legal institutions are to be judged with regard to the particular
+circumstances under which they operate, the point being whether, under
+the particular circumstances under which a legal institution operates,
+it fulfils that supreme governing principle as well as is possible under
+these circumstances, or at least better than any other legal
+institution. It embraces, therefore, the doctrines of <i>the propriety of
+law</i>: that is, the schools that set up fundamental principles by which
+it is to be determined what law&mdash;for instance, whether the legal
+institution of marriage&mdash;ought under any particular circumstances to
+exist or not to exist.</p>
+
+<p>2. With respect to the State these three lines of thought in the
+philosophy of law may arrive at different judgments, each one from its
+standpoint.</p>
+
+<p>First, to the <i>affirmation of the State</i>.</p>
+
+<p>So far as the schools of jurisprudential dogmatism affirm the State,
+they approve of it unconditionally, and so for our future as well as
+elsewhere, without any regard to its effects under this or that
+particular set of circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>Among the numerous affirmative doctrines of the State in the sense of
+jurisprudential dogmatism, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297"></a>[<a href="images/327.png">297</a>]</span> teachings of Hobbes, Hegel, and Jhering
+may perhaps be selected for emphasis as belonging to different sections
+of history.</p>
+
+<p>So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential skepticism affirm the State,
+they foresee, looking to the course evolution is taking, that in our
+future the State will continue to exist.</p>
+
+<p>The most notable representatives of jurisprudential skepticism, such as
+Puchta and Merkel, have offered no teaching regarding the State; but
+affirmative doctrines of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+skepticism may be found, for instance, in Montaigne and Bernstein.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, so far as the doctrines of jurisprudential criticism affirm the
+State, they commend it for our future in consideration of the particular
+circumstances that at present prevail in our case.</p>
+
+<p>Jurisprudential criticism has thus far been most clearly set forth by
+Stammler, who, however, has offered no teaching with regard to the
+State; but, for instance, Spencer's teaching may rank as an affirmative
+doctrine of the State in the sense of jurisprudential criticism.</p>
+
+<p>Second, the three lines of thought in the philosophy of law may arrive
+at the <i>negation of the State</i>, each one from its standpoint.</p>
+
+<p>So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential dogmatism negate the State,
+they reject it unconditionally, and so for our future as well as
+elsewhere, without any regard to its effects under this or that
+particular set of circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>Negative doctrines of the State in the sense of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298"></a>[<a href="images/328.png">298</a>]</span>jurisprudential
+dogmatism are the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, and Tucker.</p>
+
+<p>So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential skepticism negate the State,
+they foresee, looking to the course evolution is taking, that in our
+future the State will disappear.</p>
+
+<p>Negative doctrines of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+skepticism are the teachings of Bakunin and Kropotkin.</p>
+
+<p>So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential criticism negate the State,
+they reject it for our future in consideration of the particular
+circumstances that at present prevail in our case.</p>
+
+<p>A negative doctrine of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+criticism is Tolstoi's teaching.</p>
+
+<p>3. Therefore, the place of the Anarchistic teachings in the total realm
+of our experience is defined by the fact that they, as a species of
+doctrine about the State in the philosophy of law,&mdash;to wit, as negative
+doctrines of the State,&mdash;stand in opposition to the other species of
+doctrine about the State, the affirmative doctrines of the State.</p>
+
+<p>This may be represented as shown in the table on the following page.</p>
+
+<p>III. <i>The concepts of Anarchism and its species.</i></p>
+
+<p>1. Anarchism is the negation of the State in the philosophy of law: that
+is, it is that species of jurisprudential doctrine of the State which
+negates the State.</p>
+
+<p>2. An Anarchistic teaching cannot be complete without stating on what
+basis it rests, what condition it affirms in contrast to the State, and
+how it conceives<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299"></a>[<a href="images/329.png">299</a>]</span> the transition to this condition as taking place. A
+basis, an affirmative side, and a conception of the transition to that
+which it affirms, are necessary constituents of any Anarchistic
+teaching. With regard to these constituents the following species of
+Anarchism may be distinguished.</p>
+
+<table cellpadding="8" summary="necessary constituents">
+  <tr>
+    <td style="border-left: 1px solid black; border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;"></td>
+    <td class="center" style="border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;"><i>Affirmative Doctrines</i><br /><i>of the State</i></td>
+    <td class="center" style="border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;"><i>Negative Doctrines</i><br /><i>of the State</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="center" style="border-top: 5px double black; border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 1px solid black;">In the sense of<br />jurisprudential<br />dogmatism</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; vertical-align: top; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Hobbes<br />Hegel<br />Jhering</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 5px double black; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Godwin<br />Proudhon<br />Stirner<br />Tucker</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="center" style="border-top: 1px solid black; border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 1px solid black;">In the sense of<br />jurisprudential<br />skepticism</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 1px solid black; vertical-align: top; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Montaigne<br />Bernstein</td>
+    <td style="vertical-align: top; border-top: 1px solid black; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Bakunin<br />Kropotkin</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="center" style="border-top: 1px solid black; border-left: 1px solid black; border-right: 1px solid black;">In the sense of<br />jurisprudential<br />criticism</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 1px solid black; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Spencer</td>
+    <td style="border-top: 1px solid black; border-right: 1px solid black;" class="center">Tolstoi</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>First, as to basis, <i>genetic Anarchism</i>, which recognizes as supreme law
+of human procedure only a law of nature (Bakunin, Kropotkin), and
+<i>critical Anarchism</i>, which regards a norm as supreme law of human
+procedure; as subspecies of critical Anarchism, <i>idealistic Anarchism</i>,
+whose supreme law is a duty (Proudhon, Tolstoi), and <i>eudemonistic
+Anarchism</i>, whose supreme law is happiness; and, finally, as subspecies
+of eudemonistic Anarchism, <i>altruistic Anarchism</i>, for which the supreme
+law is the general happiness (Godwin), and <i>egoistic Anarchism</i>, for
+which the supreme law is the individual's happiness (Stirner, Tucker).</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300"></a>[<a href="images/330.png">300</a>]</span></p><p>Second, as to the condition affirmed in contrast to the State, there
+may be distinguished <i>federalistic Anarchism</i>, which affirms for our
+future a social human life according to the legal norm that contracts
+must be lived up to (Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker), and
+<i>spontanistic Anarchism</i>, which affirms for our future a social life
+according to a non-juridical governing principle (Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi).</p>
+
+<p>Third, as to the conception of the transition to the affirmed condition,
+there may be distinguished <i>reformatory Anarchism</i>, which conceives the
+transition from the State to the condition affirmed in contrast thereto
+as taking place without breach of law (Godwin, Proudhon), and
+<i>revolutionary Anarchism</i>, which conceives this transition as a breach
+of law; as subspecies of revolutionary Anarchism, <i>renitent Anarchism</i>,
+which conceives the breach of law as without the use of violence
+(Tucker, Tolstoi), and <i>insurgent Anarchism</i>, which conceives it as
+attended by the use of violence (Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin).</p>
+
+<p>3. An Anarchistic teaching may be complete without taking up a position
+toward law or property. Whenever, therefore, an Anarchistic teaching
+takes up a position toward the one or the other, it contains an
+accidental adjunct. The Anarchistic teachings that contain this adjunct
+may be classified according to its character; but, since Anarchism as
+such can be classified only according to the character of the necessary
+constituents of every Anarchistic teaching, such a classification <i>does
+not give us species of Anarchism</i>.</p>
+
+<p>So far as the Anarchistic teachings take up a position toward law, they
+are either <i>anomistic</i>&mdash;that is,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301"></a>[<a href="images/331.png">301</a>]</span> they negate law for our future
+(Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi)&mdash;or <i>nomistic</i>&mdash;that is, they affirm it for
+our future (Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker).</p>
+
+<p>So far as they take up a position toward property, they are either
+<i>indoministic</i>, negating property for our future (Godwin, Proudhon,
+Stirner, Tolstoi), or <i>doministic</i>, affirming it for our future; the
+doministic teachings, again, are either <i>individualistic</i>, affirming
+property, without limitation, for the individual as well as for the
+collectivity (Tucker), or <i>collectivistic</i>, affirming as to supplies for
+direct consumption a property which may be the individual's, but as to
+the means of production a property that is only for the collectivity
+(Bakunin), or, last of all, <i>communistic</i>, affirming property for the
+collectivity alone (Kropotkin).</p>
+
+<p>All this is brought before the eye in the table on <a href="#Page_302">page 302</a>.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&#9758; [The table is given as compiled by
+Eltzbacher. For correction of errors either certain or probable,
+see footnotes to <a href="#Page_80">pages 80</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>; note also that
+under "condition affirmed" the distinction is excessively fine
+between Stirner, who would have men agree on the terms of a union
+which they are to stick to as long as they find it advisable, and
+Bakunin and Tucker, who would have them bound together by a
+contract limited by the inalienable right of secession.]</p></blockquote>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302"></a>[<a href="images/332.png">302</a>]</span></p>
+
+<div class="center"><img src="images/p332.jpg" width='700' height='459' alt="summary" /></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1170_1170" id="Footnote_1170_1170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1170_1170"><span class="label">[1170]</span></a> "<i>Der Anarchismus und seine Tr&auml;ger</i>" pp. 127, 124, 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1171_1171" id="Footnote_1171_1171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1171_1171"><span class="label">[1171]</span></a> Reichesberg p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1172_1172" id="Footnote_1172_1172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1172_1172"><span class="label">[1172]</span></a> Lenz p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1173_1173" id="Footnote_1173_1173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1173_1173"><span class="label">[1173]</span></a> Plechanow p. 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1174_1174" id="Footnote_1174_1174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1174_1174"><span class="label">[1174]</span></a> Rienzi p. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1175_1175" id="Footnote_1175_1175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1175_1175"><span class="label">[1175]</span></a> Bernatzik pp. 2, 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1176_1176" id="Footnote_1176_1176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1176_1176"><span class="label">[1176]</span></a> Lenz p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1177_1177" id="Footnote_1177_1177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1177_1177"><span class="label">[1177]</span></a> Crispi p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1178_1178" id="Footnote_1178_1178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1178_1178"><span class="label">[1178]</span></a> Stammler pp. 2, 4, 34, 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1179_1179" id="Footnote_1179_1179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1179_1179"><span class="label">[1179]</span></a> Lenz pp. 1, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1180_1180" id="Footnote_1180_1180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1180_1180"><span class="label">[1180]</span></a> Garraud p. 12, Tripels p. 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1181_1181" id="Footnote_1181_1181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1181_1181"><span class="label">[1181]</span></a> Sili&oacute; p. 145.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1182_1182" id="Footnote_1182_1182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1182_1182"><span class="label">[1182]</span></a> Reichesberg pp. 14, 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1183_1183" id="Footnote_1183_1183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1183_1183"><span class="label">[1183]</span></a> Bernstein p. 359.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1184_1184" id="Footnote_1184_1184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1184_1184"><span class="label">[1184]</span></a> Lenz p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1185_1185" id="Footnote_1185_1185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1185_1185"><span class="label">[1185]</span></a> Bernatzik p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1186_1186" id="Footnote_1186_1186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1186_1186"><span class="label">[1186]</span></a> "<i>Hinterm&auml;nner</i>" p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1187_1187" id="Footnote_1187_1187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1187_1187"><span class="label">[1187]</span></a> Reichesberg p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1188_1188" id="Footnote_1188_1188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1188_1188"><span class="label">[1188]</span></a> "<i>Hinterm&auml;nner</i>" p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1189_1189" id="Footnote_1189_1189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1189_1189"><span class="label">[1189]</span></a> Lombroso p. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1190_1190" id="Footnote_1190_1190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1190_1190"><span class="label">[1190]</span></a> Sili&oacute; p. 145, Dubois p. 213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1191_1191" id="Footnote_1191_1191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1191_1191"><span class="label">[1191]</span></a> Proal p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1192_1192" id="Footnote_1192_1192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1192_1192"><span class="label">[1192]</span></a> Lombroso p. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1193_1193" id="Footnote_1193_1193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1193_1193"><span class="label">[1193]</span></a> Sernicoli vol. 2 p. 67, Garraud pp. 3, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1194_1194" id="Footnote_1194_1194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1194_1194"><span class="label">[1194]</span></a> "<i>Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus</i>" p. 16;
+Zenker p. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1195_1195" id="Footnote_1195_1195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1195_1195"><span class="label">[1195]</span></a> Rienzi p. 9; Stammler pp. 28-31; Merlino pp. 18, 27;
+Shaw p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1196_1196" id="Footnote_1196_1196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1196_1196"><span class="label">[1196]</span></a> Garraud p. 6; Lenz p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1197_1197" id="Footnote_1197_1197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1197_1197"><span class="label">[1197]</span></a> Sernicoli vol. 2 p. 116; Garraud p. 2; Reichesberg p.
+38; Van Hamel p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1198_1198" id="Footnote_1198_1198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1198_1198"><span class="label">[1198]</span></a> Lombroso pp. 31, 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1199_1199" id="Footnote_1199_1199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1199_1199"><span class="label">[1199]</span></a> Garraud pp. 10-11; Lombroso p. 34; Ferri p. 257.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303"></a>[<a href="images/333.png">303</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>CONCLUSION</span></h2>
+
+<p>1. The personal want that impelled us toward a scientific knowledge of
+Anarchism has met with some satisfaction.</p>
+
+<p>The concepts of Anarchism and its species have been defined; the most
+important errors have been removed; the most prominent Anarchistic
+teachings of earlier and recent times have been presented in detail. We
+have become acquainted with Anarchism's armory. We have seen all that
+can be objected against the State from all possible standpoints. We have
+been shown the most diverse orders of life as destined to take the
+State's place in future. The transition from the State to these orders
+of life has been represented to us in the most manifold ways.</p>
+
+<p>He who would know Anarchism still more intimately, investigate the less
+notable teachings as well as the most prominent, and assign to both
+these and those their place in the causal nexus of historical events,
+will now find at least the foundation laid for his work. He knows with
+what sorts of teachings, and what parts of these teachings, he must
+concern himself, and what questions he must put to each of them. In this
+investigation he must expect many surprises: the teaching of the unknown
+Pisacane will astonish him by its originality, and that of the
+much-talked-of Most will show itself to be only a coarsened form of
+Kropotkin's. But on the whole it is hardly likely that the investigation
+will be worth the trouble<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304"></a>[<a href="images/334.png">304</a>]</span> it takes: the special ideas that Anarchism
+has to offer are given with tolerable completeness in the seven
+teachings here presented.</p>
+
+<p>2. The external want on account of which Anarchism had to be
+scientifically known may now also be satisfied.</p>
+
+<p>One thing we must at any rate do with regard to Anarchism: examine its
+teachings, as to their soundness or unsoundness, with courage,
+composure, and impartiality. But success in this task can be expected
+only if we no longer wander about aimlessly in the night of
+jurisprudential skepticism, or try to light it up with the lantern of
+dogmatism, but rather keep our eye fixed upon the guiding star of
+criticism.</p>
+
+<p>Whether, besides this, it is requisite to oppose Anarchism or at least
+one or another of its species by especial instrumentalities of
+power,&mdash;whether, in particular, crime committed for the realization of
+Anarchistic teachings is a more serious misdeed than any political or
+even ordinary crime,&mdash;as to this the legislators of each country must
+decide with a view to the special conditions existing therein.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305"></a>[<a href="images/335.png">305</a>]</span></p>
+
+<h2><span>INDEX</span></h2>
+
+<p class="bold">OF DETAILS, EXEMPLIFICATIONS, AND CATCHWORDS IN THE<br />QUOTATIONS FROM THE
+SEVEN WRITERS</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The following index is not a translation of Eltzbacher's, and does
+not index his part of the work, but only the matter quoted from the
+seven writers. Furthermore, it does not index such parts of their
+work as are readily found by consulting the table of contents and
+Chapter X. The reader will therefore, in general, for Justice, see
+the sections "Basis" and "Property" in each chapter, and the whole
+of Chapter IV; for Self-Interest, "Basis" in each chapter and the
+whole of Chapters V and VIII; for Classes, "State" and "Property"
+in each chapter; for Organization, "State" and "Realization"; for
+Government, Democracy, Tyranny, "State"; for Capitalism, Poverty,
+Inequality, "Property"; for Communism, Chapters VII and IX,
+especially "Property" and "Realization", comparing Chapter VI; for
+Propaganda, Social Revolution, "Realization" in each chapter; and
+so on. So far as general points of this nature are mentioned in the
+index, it is in most cases only on some incidental occasion, and
+does not supersede this general reference: nor could this be
+superseded without thereby misleading the reader. "Law" has
+received somewhat exceptional treatment.</p>
+
+<p>The reader will of course not assume, because in the index he does
+not find a certain author among those who are cited on a certain
+topic, that this author has not mentioned it. While the index shows
+a wider range of topics than might have been expected in such a
+book, the nature of Eltzbacher's compilation forbids us to expect
+that it should serve as a complete Cyclopedia of Anarchism.</p></blockquote>
+
+<div class="index">
+<ul>
+	<li>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Absenteeism,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_162">162-3,</a>&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_250">250-51</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_256">256</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_259">259</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Aged, see Dependent
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Agriculture,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_168">168</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_177">177</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>American Revolution,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Anarchism, first use of name,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_67">67</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Anarchy, lesser evil,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Areas of jurisdiction, ideally:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">small,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_48">48-50</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">nation-wide,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_76">76-80</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">larger and larger,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">undefined,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_156">156</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Army:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">cannot crush revolution,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">basis of State,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_239">239-43</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">refuse to serve in,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_262">262</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">of revolution,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_138">138</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Associations, voluntary,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>St. <a href="#Page_104">104-5</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_155">155-6</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_194">194-200</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Astronomy,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Authority:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">object of competition,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_73">73-4</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">sought only by the bad,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_237">237-8</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bad men, see Criminals
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Ballot, see Voting
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bank,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_65">65</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_88">88-91</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_206">206-7</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_214">214</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bees swarming,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306"></a>[<a href="images/336.png">306</a>]</span>Bloodshed:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">insignificant,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_133">133</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">see Force, War
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Boundaries:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">abolished,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_127">127</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_137">137</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">no economic,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">see Areas
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Bribery by State,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_242">242-3</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>California,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Central authority in future,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_51">51-2</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_79">79-80</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Centralization,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_76">76-80</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Children,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_185">185</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>ftn. <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>see Dependent</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Christianity,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_220">220-69</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Church:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">anti-Christian,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_220">220-2</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">organization,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_76">76-7</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">property,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Collectivism,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_131">131</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_165">165-6</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Colonists,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_259">259-60</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Columbus,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_247">247-8</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Commune:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">economic unit,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_156">156-9</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_166">166</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_170">170</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_176">176-7</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">political unit,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Communism in present society,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_164">164-5</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_170">170</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Contract:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">basic,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_75">75</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_157">157</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_194">194-6</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">eschewed,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_46">46-8</a> (but see footnotes),&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_51">51</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">scope of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_120">120</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Courts, future:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">drawn by lot,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">elective,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">free from law,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_45">45</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_50">50</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">partly free from law,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_201">201</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>ftn. <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">merely recommend,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Criminals:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">State gives power to,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_237">237-8</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">State makes,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_161">161</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_193">193</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_198">198</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_245">245-6</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Debts:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">private,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_135">135</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_189">189-90</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">of State,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_135">135</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Defence:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">a commodity,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_192">192</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_198">198-9</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">force justified in,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_185">185-90</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_200">200</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_215">215</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">force not justified in,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_227">227-8</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">see Invasion
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Defensive associations,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_198">198-200</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Deliberative assemblies,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_48">48</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_51">51-2</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_61">61-3</a>;&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>see Central</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Dependent:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">the poor are,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_251">251-4</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">provision for the,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_57">57-8</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_107">107-8</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_170">170</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Destruction,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_172">172-3</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Discussion,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_59">59</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_178">178</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Distress, relief of,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Egoism,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>St. <a href="#Page_93">93-114</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>English history,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_59">59</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_151">151-2</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Evolution no excuse for inertness,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_142">142-5</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_222">222-3</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Example, propaganda by,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_178">178-9</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_212">212-14</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_262">262</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_267">267-9</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Exploitation, State stands for,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_117">117</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_119">119</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Expropriation,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_174">174-5</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Expulsion,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_72">72</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Extradition in future,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_50">50-51</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307"></a>[<a href="images/337.png">307</a>]</span>Force:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">inadmissible,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_227">227-30</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">justification of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_186">186</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_190">190</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_215">215</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in law,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">may be necessary,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_211">211-12</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">necessary,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in property,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_255">255-6</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in State,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_191">191</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_239">239-43</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">undesirable,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">unreliable,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">useful,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">works badly,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_211">211</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_215">215-6</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_264">264-5</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Frankness,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_233">233</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_262">262-3</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Freedom, see Liberty; also Speech, etc.
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>French Revolution:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">events,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_59">59</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_150">150</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_176">176-8</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_180">180-1</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">legislatures,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Government, see State
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Heirs dividing property,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_57">57-8</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Houses,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_174">174</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_177">177</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Hypnotizing the people,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Independence,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_120">120</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_126">126-7</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Inequality will persist but diminish,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_208">208-9</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Institutions to be preserved,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_74">74</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_82">82</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Intelligence, government checks progress in,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_40">40</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Intercourse of social organizations,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_49">49-50</a> and ftn.,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_157">157-8</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Intimidation,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Invasion:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">foreign,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_51">51</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">personal,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_185">185-6</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Irish Land League,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_197">197-8</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_210">210</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_217">217</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Judge, Jury, see Courts
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Labor:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">amount of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_56">56</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_167">167-8</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">basis of distribution,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_84">84</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">basis of ownership,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_188">188</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_205">205</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">basis of sharing,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_169">169-70</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">of past generations,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_161">161-2</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">product of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_201">201</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_205">205</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">seeking higher pay,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">universal duty,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_257">257</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Land:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">monopoly,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">tenure,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_188">188</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_205">205</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_207">207</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Law:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">dwarfs character,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is changeful,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is consecrated,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_97">97-8</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is hostile in purpose,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_102">102-3</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_119">119</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is inadequate,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_231">231-2</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is not agreed to,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_228">228-9</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is not impartial,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_146">146-7</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_151">151-3</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is not up to date,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_231">231-2</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is obstructive,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_102">102</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is prophetic,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is rigid,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_42">42-3</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is uncertain,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is violent,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is voluminous,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_63">63</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_69">69-70</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">origin of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_146">146-8</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308"></a>[<a href="images/338.png">308</a>]</span>tends to encroach,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_69">69</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_102">102</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Liberty, equal,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_184">184-7</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>ftn. <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Liquor,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Mental influence,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_244">244-5</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Military, see Army
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Money:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">monopoly,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_202">202-3</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_205">205-7</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">power of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_253">253-4</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">see Bank
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Monopoly:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">economic,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_202">202-8</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">State is,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Music,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Mutuality,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Non-resistance,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_227">227-8</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Occupancy and use:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">title to land,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_118">118</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_203">203</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">title to everything,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_259">259-60</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Paine quoted,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_47">47</a> and ftn.</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Papers, legal,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Passive resistance,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_216">216-18</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_266">266-7</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Patents,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_204">204</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_208">208</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Peasants:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">beating each other,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">condition of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">economic practices of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_170">170-71</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_259">259-60</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">how to reach,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">revolutionary achievements of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">see Irish
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Police:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">agency of governmental violence,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_239">239</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_241">241</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">depraved,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in future society,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. ftn. <a href="#Page_187">187</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_198">198-9</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>ftn. <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">see Extradition
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">lawless,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">obstructive,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">to be replaced by voluntary intervention of citizens,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">the support of property,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Power, see Authority
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Press, freedom of,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Printing,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Private wants in Communism,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_168">168-9</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Product, see Labor
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Production will increase,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_169">169-70</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Promise, see Contract
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Property, definition of,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_80">80-81</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Public opinion:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">in advance of law,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_230">230-32</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">to be changed,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_86">86-7</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_210">210</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_260">260-61</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">doctored by State,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_242">242-3</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">society to be ruled by,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Punishment:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">is antiquated,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is not wanted,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is proper,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_187">187-9</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_200">200</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">is useless,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">makes criminals,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">see Expulsion
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Railroads:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">agreement of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">building,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">ownership of,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Rationing,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_170">170-71</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Red Cross Society,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Religion foundation of State,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_121">121-2</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Rent:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">economic,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_208">208-9</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>ftn. <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309"></a>[<a href="images/339.png">309</a>]</span>of landlord,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_174">174</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_203">203</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_207">207</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_210">210</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_217">217</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Resistance, see Defence, Force, Passive
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Revolution part of evolution,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_142">142-3</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Rich, the:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">depraved,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_129">129</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_160">160-61</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">guilty,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_253">253-4</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">will help us,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_64">64</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Right, Rights:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">admissible sense,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">a delusion,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>St. <a href="#Page_98">98-9</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">to enforce contract,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_189">189-90</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">to independence,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_120">120</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_126">126-7</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">to live comfortably,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_55">55-6</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_149">149</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_170">170</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">only for rich,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_151">151-3</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">of secession,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_127">127</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_194">194-7</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">State has no,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Robbery, forms of,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_81">81-2</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Ruling classes:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">bad men originally,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_237">237-8</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">depraved by ruling,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">incompetent,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Schools,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Secession,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_127">127</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_194">194-7</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Secret societies,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_132">132</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_138">138</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Self the thing to be changed,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>St. <a href="#Page_110">110-11</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_233">233-4</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Sick, see Dependent
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Society:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">distinguished from government,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">indispensable,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_125">125</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">organism, evolving,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_142">142-4</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">values all due to,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_161">161-2</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">see Secret
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Soldiers, see Army
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Speech, freedom of,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Spencer quoted,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_184">184</a> and ftn.</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Spooner, Lysander,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li><a href="#Page_xi">xi</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Staff of revolutionary army,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>State defined,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_190">190-91</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Stop beating each other,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>To. <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Street-making,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Tariff,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Taxation:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">robbery which vitiates all State's acts,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">refuse to pay,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_212">212-13</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li><a href="#Page_217">217-18</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Theft, see Robbery
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Violence, see Force
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Virtue, State hostile to,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Ba. <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Voting:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">for officers now appointed otherwise,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Pr. <a href="#Page_76">76-9</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in State, a form of force,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">irrational,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Go. <a href="#Page_51">51-2</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">in voluntary association,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Tu. <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>War:
+		<ul>
+			<li class="subitem">a fight for dominion,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>To. <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">State stands for,&nbsp;
+			<ul>
+	 			<li>Kr. <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li>
+			</ul>
+			</li>
+			<li class="subitem">See Force, Invasion
+			</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	<ul>
+		<li>Warren, Josiah,&nbsp;
+		<ul>
+			<li>Tu. ftn. <a href="#Page_182">182</a>,&nbsp;</li>
+			<li><a href="#Page_202">202</a> (for "they" see ftn. <a href="#Page_203">203</a>)</li>
+		</ul>
+		</li>
+	</ul>
+	</li>
+</ul>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/340.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold">The Adventures of</p>
+
+<p class="bold2">Caleb Williams</p>
+
+<p class="bold">OR</p>
+
+<p class="bold">Things as They Are</p>
+
+<p class="bold">BY</p>
+
+<p class="bold">WILLIAM GODWIN</p>
+
+<div class="block"><p>"<i>It was proposed, in the invention of the following work, to
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
+<p>"That element in the idea of property which is necessary,
+immutable, and absolute is reducible to individual and
+transmissible possession, susceptible of exchange but not of
+alienation, founded on labor, and not on fictitious occupancy or
+idle caprice."&mdash;<i>The Author.</i></p></blockquote>
+
+<p class="bold">IN GERMAN</p>
+
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+
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+<p class="bold">Works Relating to</p>
+
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+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<div class="block"><p class="bold">IN ENGLISH</p>
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+and in philosophical value surpasses Nietzsche's by a thousand
+cubits."&mdash;Eduard von Hartmann.</p>
+
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+must have read the book to believe that it exists."&mdash;Revue des Deux
+Mondes.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p class="center">IN GERMAN</p>
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+
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+
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+
+<p class="bold2">MAX STIRNER</p>
+
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+
+<div class="block"><p class="center">IN GERMAN</p>
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+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Mailed, post-paid, by</i><br />
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/348.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold">Works of</p>
+
+<p class="bold2">PETER KROPOTKINE</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<div class="block"><p class="center">IN ENGLISH</p>
+
+<p><b>Fields, Factories, and Workshops</b>; or, Industry combined with Agriculture
+and Brain Work with Manual Work. Illustrated. 268 pages. 97 cents.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"The main subject of social economy&mdash;<i>i. e.</i>, the economy of energy
+required for the satisfaction of human needs&mdash;is the last subject
+which one expects to find treated in a concrete form in economical
+treatises."&mdash;<i>From the Preface.</i></p></blockquote>
+
+<p><b>Memoirs of a Revolutionist.</b> With an introduction by Georg Brandes.
+Portrait. 533 pages. Gilt top. $2.00.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"One will find in this volume a combination of all the elements out
+of which an intensely eventful life is composed: idyl and tragedy,
+drama and romance."&mdash;<i>Brandes.</i></p></blockquote>
+
+<p><b>Russian Literature.</b> 341 pages. Gilt top. $2.69.</p>
+
+<p class="center">IN GERMAN</p>
+
+<p><b>Memoiren eines Revolution&auml;rs.</b> Translated by Max Pannwitz. Illustrated. 2
+vols. 689 pages. $2.64.</p>
+
+<p><b>Ideale und Wirklichkeit in der russischen Literatur.</b> Translated by B.
+Ebenstein. 405 pages. $2.42.</p>
+
+<p><b>Gegenseitige Hilfe in der Entwickelung.</b> Translated by Gustav Landauer.
+343 pages. $2.28.</p></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Mailed, post-paid, by</i><br />
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/349.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold2">Instead of a Book</p>
+
+<p class="bold">BY A MAN TOO BUSY TO WRITE ONE</p>
+
+<p class="bold"><span class="smaller">A FRAGMENTARY EXPOSITION OF</span><br /> PHILOSOPHICAL ANARCHISM</p>
+
+<p class="bold"><i>Culled from the writings of</i><br /> BENJ. R. TUCKER<br />
+EDITOR OF LIBERTY</p>
+
+<p class="bold"><i>With a Full-Page Half-Tone Portrait of the Author</i></p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<div class="block"><p>A large, well-printed, and excessively cheap volume of 524 pages,
+consisting of articles selected from Liberty and classified under the
+following headings: (1) State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They
+Agree, and Wherein They Differ; (2) The Individual, Society, and the
+State; (3) Money and Interest; (4) Land and Rent; (5) Socialism; (6)
+Communism; (7) Methods; (8) Miscellaneous. The whole elaborately
+indexed.</p></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Cloth, One Dollar; Paper, Fifty cents</i></p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><span class="smaller">MAILED, POST-PAID, BY</span><br />BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/350.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold2">State Socialism</p>
+
+<p class="bold">AND</p>
+
+<p class="bold2">Anarchism</p>
+
+<p class="bold"><i>How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ</i></p>
+
+<p class="bold">BY</p>
+
+<p class="bold">BENJ. R. TUCKER</p>
+
+<div class="block"><p>The opening chapter of "Instead of a Book," reprinted separately. The
+best pamphlet with which to meet the demand for a compact exposition of
+Anarchism.</p></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Price, 5 cents</i></p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Mailed, post-paid, by</i><br />
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/351.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold">Works of</p>
+
+<p class="bold2">LEO N. TOLSTOI</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<div class="block"><p class="center">IN ENGLISH</p>
+
+<p><b>War and Peace.</b> Translated by Nathan Haskell Dole. 2 vols. 805 pages.
+$3.00.</p>
+
+<p><b>Anna Kar&eacute;nina.</b> Translated by Nathan Haskell Dole. 780 pages. $1.25.</p>
+
+<p><b>Resurrection.</b> Translated by Louise Maude. Illustrated. 529 pages. Gilt
+top. $1.50.</p>
+
+<p><b>Twenty-Three Tales.</b> Translated by L. and A. Maude. 271 pages. 40 cents.</p>
+
+<p class="center">IN ITALIAN</p>
+
+<p><b>La potenza delle tenebre.</b> 111 pages. 24 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>Resurrezione.</b> Translated by Nina Romanowsky. 2 vols. 701 pages. 57
+cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>La sonata a Kreutzer.</b> 251 pages. 27 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>Anna Karenine</b>. Con uno studio di Domenico Ciampoli sui romanzi russi. 2
+vols. 663 pages. 57 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>La guerra e la paco.</b> With a preface by M. de Vog&uuml;&eacute;. 4 vols. 1,270 pages.
+$1.09.</p>
+
+<p><b>Che cosa e l'arte?</b> 29 cents.</p></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Mailed, post-paid, by</i><br />
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/352.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold">Works of</p>
+
+<p class="bold2">LEO N. TOLSTOI</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<div class="block"><p class="center">IN FRENCH</p>
+
+<p><b>Paroles d'un homme libre.</b> Translated by J. W. Bienstock. 420 pages. 81
+cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>Le patriotisme et le gouvernement</b>. 39 pages. 17 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>La guerre Russo-Japonaise.</b> Translated by E. Halp&eacute;rine-Kaminsky. 298
+pages. 79 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>Plaisirs vicieux.</b> Translated by Halp&eacute;rine-Kaminsky. With a preface by
+Alexandre Dumas. 254 pages. 70 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>Plaisirs cruels.</b> Contenant la profession de foi de l'auteur. Translated
+by Halp&eacute;rine-Kaminsky. With a preface by Charles Richet. 290 pages. 72
+cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>La fin de notre &egrave;re.</b> A propos de la R&eacute;volution en Russie. Translated by
+J. W. Bienstock. 64 pages. 14 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>Les D&eacute;cembristes.</b> Translated by B. Tseytline and E. Jaubert. With a
+historical introduction by E. Jaubert. 300 pages. 70 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>La puissance des t&eacute;n&egrave;bres.</b> Translated by E. Halp&eacute;rine-Kaminsky. 250
+pages. 70 cents.</p>
+
+<p class="center">IN GERMAN</p>
+
+<p><b>Anna Karenina.</b> Translated by Hans Moser. 2 vols. 1,096 pages. 72 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>Krieg und Frieden.</b> 2 vols. 1,257 pages. 74 cents.</p></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Mailed, post-paid, by</i><br />
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/353.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold">Works Relating to</p>
+
+<p class="bold2">ANARCHISM</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<div class="block"><p class="center">IN GERMAN</p>
+
+<p><b>BORGIUS, W.<br />Die Ideenwelt des Anarchismus.</b> 68 pages. 28 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>ELTZBACHER, PAUL.<br />Der Anarchismus.</b> 317 pages. $1.27.</p>
+
+<p><b>FRIEDL&Auml;NDER, BENEDICT.<br />Marxismus und Anarchismus.</b> 240 pages. 69 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>HUMBOLDT, WILHELM VON.<br />Ideen zu einem Versuch, die Grenzen der
+Wirksamkeit des Staats zu bestimmen.</b> 204 pages. 14 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>IBSEN, HENRIK.<br />Ein Volksfeind.</b> Translated by Wilhelm Lange. 105 pages. 8
+cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>MACKAY, JOHN HENRY.<br />Die Anarchisten.</b> Kulturgem&auml;lde aus dem Ende des XIX.
+Jahrhunderts. 339 pages. Cloth, 96 cents; paper, 65 cents. Sturm. 49
+cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>SAITZEFF, HELENE.<br />William Godwin und die Anf&auml;nge des Anarchismus im
+XVIII. Jahrhundert.</b> Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des politischen
+Individualismus. 77 pages. 49 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>ZENKER, E. V.<br />Der Anarchismus.</b> Kritische Geschichte der anarchistischen
+Theorie. 271 pages. $1.28.</p>
+
+<p class="center">IN ITALIAN</p>
+
+<p><b>IBSEN, ENRICO.<br />Un nemico del popolo.</b> 26 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>ZOCCOLI, ESTORE G.<br />L'anarchia: gli agitatori, le idee, i fatti.</b> Saggio
+di una revisione sistematica e critica e di una valutazione etica. 552
+pages. $2.97.</p></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Mailed, post-paid, by</i><br />
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/354.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold">Works Relating to</p>
+
+<p class="bold2">ANARCHISM</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<div class="block"><p class="center">IN ENGLISH</p>
+
+<p><b>BURKE, EDMUND.<br />A Vindication of Natural Society</b>. Pamphlet. 36 pages. 10
+cents.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"In vain you tell me that artificial government is good, but that I
+fall out only with the abuse. The thing&mdash;the thing itself is the
+abuse."&mdash;From the above pamphlet.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p><b>DONISTHORPE, WORDSWORTH.<br />Law in a Free State.</b> 313 pages. $1.81.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"If the doctrine of passive obedience to the Odd Man had been
+universally held by our forefathers, there would have been no
+Smithfield fires to light the way to liberty."&mdash;The Author.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p><b>IBSEN, HENRIK.<br />An Enemy of Society.</b> Translated by William Archer. 130
+pages. Paper covers. 25 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>OUIDA.<br />The Waters of Edera.</b> 348 pages. Gilt top. $1.16. A thoroughly
+Anarchistic novel.</p>
+
+<p><b>TANDY, FRANCIS D.<br />Voluntary Socialism.</b> A sketch. 228 pages. 75 cents.</p>
+
+<p class="center">IN FRENCH</p>
+
+<p><b>ELTZBACHER, PAUL.<br />L'anarchisme.</b> Translated by Otto Karmin. 417 pages. 87
+cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>GHIO, PAUL.<br />L'anarchisme aux Etats-unis.</b> 212 pages. 58 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>IBSEN, HENRIK.<br />Un ennemi du peuple.</b> Translated, with a preface, by the
+Comte Prozor. 300 pages. 73 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>MACKAY, JOHN HENRY.<br />Les anarchistes.</b> M&OElig;urs de la fin du XIXe si&egrave;cle.
+Translated by Auguste Lavall&eacute; (Louis de Hessem). 441 pages. 74 cents.</p>
+
+<p><b>RABANI, &Eacute;MILE.<br />L'anarchie scientifique.</b> 111 pages. 38 cents.</p></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Mailed, post-paid, by</i><br />
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/355.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold2">LIBERTY<br /></p>
+
+<p class="bold">BENJ. R. TUCKER, <i>Editor</i></p>
+
+<div class="block"><p>An Anarchistic journal, expounding the doctrine that in Equal Liberty is
+to be found the most satisfactory solution of social questions, and that
+majority rule, or democracy, equally with monarchical rule, is a denial
+of Equal Liberty.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>APPRECIATIONS</i></p>
+
+<p>G. BERNARD SHAW, <i>author of</i> "<i>Man and Superman</i>":</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Liberty is a lively paper, in which the usual proportions of a
+half-pennyworth of discussion to an intolerable deal of balderdash
+are reversed."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>WILLIAM DOUGLAS O'CONNOR, <i>author of</i> "<i>The Good Gray Poet</i>":</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"The editor of Liberty would be the Gavroche of the Revolution, if
+he were not its Enjolras."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>FRANK STEPHENS, <i>well-known Single-Tax champion, Philadelphia</i>:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Liberty is a paper which reforms reformers."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>BOLTON HALL, <i>author of</i> "<i>Even As You and I</i>":</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Liberty shows us the profit of Anarchy, and is the prophet of
+Anarchy."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>ALLEN KELLY, <i>formerly chief editorial writer on the Philadelphia</i>
+"<i>North American</i>":</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Liberty is my philosophical Polaris. I ascertain the variations of
+my economic compass by taking a sight at her whenever she is
+visible."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>SAMUEL W. COOPER, <i>counsellor at law, Philadelphia</i>:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Liberty is a journal that Thomas Jefferson would have loved."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>EDWARD OSGOOD BROWN, <i>Judge of the Illinois Circuit Court</i>:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"I have seen much in Liberty that I agreed with, and much that I
+disagreed with, but I never saw any cant, hypocrisy, or insincerity
+in it, which makes it an almost unique publication."</p></blockquote></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Published Bimonthly. Twelve Issues, $1.00</i><br />
+<i>Single Copies, 10 Cents</i></p>
+
+<p class="center"><span class="smaller">ADDRESS</span>:<br />
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/356.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold2">JOSIAH WARREN</p>
+
+<p class="bold">The First American Anarchist</p>
+
+<p class="bold">A Biography, with portrait</p>
+
+<p class="center">BY</p>
+
+<p class="bold">WILLIAM BAILIE</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<div class="block"><p>The biography is preceded by an essay on "The Anarchist Spirit," in
+which Mr. Bailie defines Anarchist belief in relation to other social
+forces.</p></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Price, One Dollar</i></p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center">MAILED, POST-PAID, BY<br />
+<span class="smcap">BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/357.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold2">BENJ. R. TUCKER'S</p>
+
+<p class="bold2"><span class="smcap">Unique Book-Shop</span></p>
+
+<p class="center">502 Sixth Ave., near 30th St.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>OPEN EVENINGS</i></p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="bold">Largest Stock in the World</p>
+
+<p class="center">Of Advanced Literature in English, French,<br />
+German, and Italian</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="bold">Lowest Prices in the United States</p>
+
+<p class="center">By 20 to 30 Per Cent.<br />
+For All Books in French, German, and Italian</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="bold">Promptest Service in America</p>
+
+<p class="center">For Importation of Books from Europe</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="bold">Benj. R. Tucker's Unique Catalogues</p>
+
+<p class="center">Of English Books, 125 pages, 1400 Titles<br />
+Of French Books, 57 pages, 1400 Titles<br />
+Of Italian Books, 24 pages, 500 Titles<br />
+Of German Books, 64 pages, 1500 Titles</p>
+
+<p class="center"><i>English Catalogue, 10 Cents; French, 5 Cents; German, 5 Cents;<br />
+Italian, 3 Cents<br />Any catalogue sent to any address on receipt of price</i></p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center">Mail Address:<br />BENJ. R. TUCKER,<br />
+<span class="smcap">P. O. Box 1312, New York City</span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/358.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold2">THE</p>
+
+<p class="bold2">SANITY OF ART</p>
+
+<p class="center">BY</p>
+
+<p class="bold">BERNARD SHAW</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<div class="block"><p>This is the first publication in book or pamphlet form of Bernard Shaw's
+famous open letter to Benj. R. Tucker, the editor of <i>Liberty</i>, in
+review of Max Nordau's "Degeneration," and originally contributed to the
+pages of <i>Liberty</i>. The issue of <i>Liberty</i> containing it is out of
+print, and copies of it are very valuable. The volume contains also a
+characteristic Shaw preface in which he declares that the essay was
+prepared in response to the highest offer ever made for a magazine
+article. "The Sanity of Art" is Mr. Shaw's most important pronouncement
+on the subject of Art, and admittedly one of the finest pieces of art
+criticism ever penned.</p></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>114 pages. Cloth, gilt top, 75 cts.; paper, 35 cts.</i></p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Mailed, post-paid, by</i><br />
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/359.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold">TWO OF A KIND!</p>
+
+<p class="bold2">A Brace of Anarchist Classics</p>
+
+<p class="bold">SPENCER AND THOREAU</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<div class="block"><p class="bold">The Right to Ignore the State</p>
+
+<p class="center">By Herbert Spencer</p>
+
+<p>Being a reprint of the suppressed chapter from the original edition of
+"Social Statics," now rare and costly.</p>
+
+<p class="center"><i>Price, Ten Cents</i></p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="bold">On the Duty of Civil Disobedience</p>
+
+<p class="center">By Henry D. Thoreau</p>
+
+<p>"I quietly declare war with the State, after my fashion, though I will
+still make what use and get what advantage of her I can, as is usual in
+such cases."&mdash;<i>Thoreau.</i></p>
+
+<p class="center"><i>Price, Seven Cents</i></p></div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>Mailed, post-paid, by</i><br />
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>[<a href="images/360.png">-</a>]</span></p>
+
+<p class="bold2">ANARCHIST STICKERS</p>
+
+<div class="block"><p>Aggressive, concise Anarchistic assertions and arguments, in sheets,
+gummed and perforated, to be planted everywhere as broadcast seed for
+thought. Printed in clear, heavy type. Size, 2-1/8 by 1&frac14; inches.</p>
+
+<p>Excellent for use on first, third, and fourth class mail matter. There
+is no better method of propagandism for the money.</p>
+
+<p>There are 48 different Stickers. Each sheet contains 4 copies of one
+Sticker.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p class="bold">SAMPLE STICKERS</p>
+
+<p>No. 2.&mdash;It can never be unpatriotic to take your country's side against
+your Government. It must always be unpatriotic to take your Government's
+side against your country.</p>
+
+<p>No. 7.&mdash;What I must not do, the Government must not do.</p>
+
+<p>No. 8.&mdash;Whatever really useful thing Government does for men they would
+do for themselves if there was no Government.</p>
+
+<p>No. 9.&mdash;The institution known as "government" cannot continue to exist
+unless many a man is willing to be Government's agent in committing what
+he himself regards as an abominable crime.</p>
+
+<p>No. 12.&mdash;Considering what a nuisance the Government is, the man who says
+we cannot get rid of it must be called a confirmed pessimist.</p>
+
+<p>No. 18.&mdash;Anarchism is the denial of force against any peaceable individual.</p>
+
+<p>No. 24.&mdash;"All Governments, the worst on earth and the most tyrannical on
+earth, are free Governments to that portion of the people who
+voluntarily support them."&mdash;Lysander Spooner.</p>
+
+<p>No. 32.&mdash;"I care not who makes th' laws iv a nation, if I can get out an
+injunction."&mdash;Mr. Dooley.</p>
+
+<p>No. 33.&mdash;"It will never make any difference to a hero what the laws
+are."&mdash;Emerson.</p>
+
+<p>No. 34.&mdash;The population of the world is gradually dividing into two
+classes&mdash;Anarchists and criminals.</p>
+
+<p>No. 38.&mdash;"Liberty means responsibility. That is why most men dread
+it."&mdash;Bernard Shaw.</p>
+
+<p>No. 44.&mdash;"There is one thing in the world more wicked than the desire to
+command, and that is the will to obey."&mdash;W. Kingdon Clifford.</p>
+
+<p>No. 46.&mdash;The only protection which honest people need is protection
+against that vast Society for the Creation of Theft which is
+euphemistically designated as the State.</p>
+
+<p>No. 47.&mdash;With the monstrous laws that are accumulating on the
+statute-books, one may safely say that the man who is not a confirmed
+criminal is scarcely fit to live among decent people.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p>Send for circular giving entire list of 48 Stickers, with their numbers.
+Order by number.</p>
+
+<p>Price: 100 Stickers, assorted to suit purchaser, 5 cents; 200, or more,
+Stickers, assorted to suit purchaser, 3 cents per hundred. Mailed, post paid, by</p></div>
+
+<p class="bold">BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Anarchism, by Paul Eltzbacher
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Anarchism, by Paul Eltzbacher
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Anarchism
+
+Author: Paul Eltzbacher
+
+Translator: Steven T. Byington
+
+Release Date: July 10, 2011 [EBook #36690]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Fritz Ohrenschall, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ANARCHISM
+
+BY
+DR. PAUL ELTZBACHER
+Gerichtsassessor and Privatdozent in Halle an der Saale
+
+Translated by
+STEVEN T. BYINGTON
+
+Je ne propose rien, je ne suppose rien, j'expose
+
+[Illustration]
+
+NEW YORK: BENJ. R. TUCKER.
+LONDON: A. C. FIFIELD.
+1908.
+
+
+Copyright, 1907, by
+Benjamin R. Tucker
+
+
+_Gratefully dedicated to the memory of my father_
+
+DR. SALOMON ELTZBACHER
+
+1832-1889
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+                                                   PAGE
+TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE                                vii
+
+BOOKS REFERRED TO                                  xvii
+
+INTRODUCTION                                          3
+
+CHAPTER I. THE PROBLEM
+  1. General                                          6
+  2. The Starting-point                              10
+  3. The Goal                                        13
+  4. The Way to the Goal                             15
+
+CHAPTER II. LAW, THE STATE, PROPERTY
+  1. General                                         18
+  2. Law                                             24
+  3. The State                                       31
+  4. Property                                        36
+
+CHAPTER III. GODWIN'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                         40
+  2. Basis                                           41
+  3. Law                                             42
+  4. The State                                       45
+  5. Property                                        53
+  6. Realization                                     58
+
+CHAPTER IV. PROUDHON'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                         65
+  2. Basis                                           67
+  3. Law                                             69
+  4. The State                                       72
+  5. Property                                        80
+  6. Realization                                     86
+
+CHAPTER V. STIRNER'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                         93
+  2. Basis                                           96
+  3. Law                                             97
+  4. The State                                      100
+  5. Property                                       106
+  6. Realization                                    109
+
+CHAPTER VI. BAKUNIN'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                        115
+  2. Basis                                          117
+  3. Law                                            119
+  4. The State                                      121
+  5. Property                                       127
+  6. Realization                                    132
+
+CHAPTER VII. KROPOTKIN'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                        139
+  2. Basis                                          141
+  3. Law                                            145
+  4. The State                                      149
+  5. Property                                       159
+  6. Realization                                    171
+
+CHAPTER VIII. TUCKER'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                        182
+  2. Basis                                          183
+  3. Law                                            187
+  4. The State                                      190
+  5. Property                                       201
+  6. Realization                                    209
+
+CHAPTER IX. TOLSTOI'S TEACHING
+  1. General                                        219
+  2. Basis                                          220
+  3. Law                                            230
+  4. The State                                      234
+  5. Property                                       249
+  6. Realization                                    260
+
+CHAPTER X. THE ANARCHISTIC TEACHINGS
+  1. General                                        270
+  2. Basis                                          270
+  3. Law                                            272
+  4. The State                                      276
+  5. Property                                       280
+  6. Realization                                    284
+
+CHAPTER XI. ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES
+  1. Errors about Anarchism and its Species         288
+  2. The Concepts of Anarchism and its Species      292
+
+CONCLUSION                                          303
+
+
+
+
+TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE
+
+
+Every person who examines this book at all will speedily divide its
+contents into Eltzbacher's own discussion and his seven chapters of
+classified quotations from Anarchist leaders; and, if he buys the book,
+he will buy it for the sake of the quotations. I do not mean that the
+book might not have a sale if it consisted exclusively of Eltzbacher's
+own words, but simply that among ten thousand people who may value
+Eltzbacher's discussion there will not be found ten who will not value
+still more highly the conveniently-arranged reprint of what the
+Anarchists themselves have said on the cardinal points of Anarchistic
+thought. Nor do I feel that I am saying anything uncomplimentary to
+Eltzbacher when I say that the part of his work to which he has devoted
+most of his space is the part that the public will value most.
+
+And yet there is much to be valued in the chapters that are of
+Eltzbacher's own writing,--even if one is reminded of Sir Arthur Helps's
+satirical description of English lawyers as a class of men, found in a
+certain island, who make it their business to write highly important
+documents in closely-crowded lines on such excessively wide pages that
+the eye is bound to skip a line now and then, but who make up for this
+by invariably repeating in another part of the document whatever they
+have said, so that whatever the reader may miss in one place he will
+certainly catch in another. The fact is that Eltzbacher's work is an
+admirable model of what should be the mental processes of an
+investigator trying to determine the definition of a term which he finds
+to be confusedly conceived. Not only is his method for determining the
+definition of Anarchism flawless, but his subsidiary investigation of
+the definitions of law, the State, and property is conducted as such
+things ought to be, and (a good test of clearness of thought) his
+illustrations are always so exactly pertinent that they go far to redeem
+his style from dullness, if one is reading for the sense and therefore
+cares for pertinence. The only weak point in this part of the book is
+that he thinks it necessary to repeat in print his previous statements
+wherever it is necessary to the investigation that the previous
+statement be mentally renewed. But, however tiresome this may be, one
+gets a steady progress of thought, and the introductory part of the book
+is not very long at worst.
+
+The collection of quotations, which form three-fourths of the book both
+in bulk and in importance, is as much the best part as it is the
+biggest. Here the prime necessity is impartiality, and Eltzbacher has
+attained this as perfectly as can be expected of any man. Positively,
+one comes to the end of all this without feeling sure whether Eltzbacher
+is himself an Anarchist or not; it is not until we come to the last
+dozen pages of the book that he lets his opposition to Anarchism become
+evident. To be sure, one feels that he is more journalistic than
+scientific in selecting for special mention the more sensational points
+of the schemes proposed (the journalistic temper certainly shows itself
+in his habit of picking out for his German public the references to
+Germany in Anarchist writers). Yet it is hard to deny that there is
+legitimate scientific importance in ascertaining how much of the
+sensational is involved in Anarchism; and, on the other hand, Eltzbacher
+recognizes his duty to present the strongest points of the Anarchist
+side, and does this so faithfully that one often wonders if the man can
+repeat these words without feeling their cogency. So far as any bias is
+really felt in this part of the book it is the bias of
+over-methodicalness; now and then a quotation is made to go into the
+classification at a place where it will not go in without forcing, and
+perspective is distorted when some _obiter dictum_ that had never seemed
+to its author to be worth repeating a second time is made to serve as
+illuminant now for this division of the "teaching," now for that, till
+it seems to the reader like a favorite topic of the Anarchist. However,
+the bias of methodicalness is as nearly non-partisan as any bias can be,
+and its effect is to put the matter into a most convenient form for
+consultation and comparison.
+
+Next to impartiality, if not even before it, we need intelligence in our
+compiler; and we have it. Few men, even inside the movement, would have
+been more successful than Eltzbacher in picking out the important parts
+of the Anarchist doctrines, and the quotations that will show these
+important parts as they are. I do not mean that this accuracy has not
+exceptions--many exceptions, if you count such things as the failure to
+give due weight to some clause which might restrict or modify the
+application of the words used; a few serious exceptions, of which we
+reap the fruit in his final summary. But in admitting these errors I do
+not retract my statement that Eltzbacher has made his compilation as
+accurate as any man could be expected to. More than this, it may well be
+said that he has, except in three or four points, made it as accurate as
+is even useful for ordinary reading; he has overlooked nothing but what
+his readers would have been sure to overlook if he had presented it. As
+a gun is advertised to shoot "as straight as any man can hold," so
+Eltzbacher has, with three or four exceptions, told his story as
+straight as any man with ordinary attention can read. The net result is
+that we have here, without doubt, the most complete and accurate
+presentation of Anarchism that ever has been given or ever will be given
+in so short a space. If any one wants a fuller and more trustworthy
+account, he will positively have to go direct to the writings of the
+Anarchists themselves; nowhere else can he find anything so good as
+Eltzbacher. Withal, this main part of the book is decidedly readable.
+Eltzbacher's repetitiousness has no opportunity to become prominent
+here, and the man is not at all dull in choosing and translating his
+quotations. On the contrary, his fondness for apt illustrations is a
+great help toward making the compilation constantly readable, as well as
+toward making the reader's impressions of the Anarchistic teachings
+vivid and definite.
+
+I do not mean to say that this book can take the place of a
+consultation of the original sources. For instance, the Bakunin chapter
+follows next after the Stirner chapter; but the exquisite contrariness
+of almost every word of Bakunin to Stirner's teaching can be appreciated
+only by those who have read Stirner's book--Eltzbacher's quotations are
+on a different aspect of Stirner's teaching from that which applies
+against Bakunin. (Stirner and Bakunin, it will be noted, are the only
+Anarchist leaders against whom Eltzbacher permits himself a
+disrespectful word before he has presented their doctrines.) It is to be
+hoped that many who read this book will go on to examine the sources
+themselves. Meanwhile, here is an excellent introduction, and the
+chronological arrangement makes it easy to watch the historical
+development and see whether the later schools of Anarchism assail the
+State more effectively than the earlier.
+
+I have not reserved any expressions of praise for the small part of the
+book which comes after the compiled chapters, because it calls for none.
+All Eltzbacher's weak points come out in this concluding summary; the
+best that can be said for it is that it deserves careful attention, and
+that the author continues to be oftener right than wrong. But now that
+he has gathered all his knowledge he wants it to amount to omniscience,
+and most imprudently shuts his eyes to the places where there is nothing
+under his feet. He charges men with error for not using in his sense a
+term whose definition he has not undertaken to determine. He accepts all
+too unquestioningly such statements as fit most conveniently into his
+scheme of method. His most glaring offence in this direction is his
+classification of the Anarchist-Communist doctrines as mere prediction
+and not the expression of a will or demand or approval or disapproval of
+anything, simply because the fashionableness of evolutionism and of
+fatalism has led the leaders of that school to prefer to state their
+doctrine in terms of prediction. Eltzbacher has forgotten to compare his
+judgment with the actions of the men he judges; _solvitur ambulando_; if
+Kropotkin's proposition were merely predictive and not pragmatic, it
+would have less trouble with the police than it has. Again, he does one
+of the most indiscreet things that are possible to a votary of strict
+method when he asserts repeatedly that he has listed not merely all that
+is to be found but all that could possibly exist under a certain
+category. For instance, he declares that every possible affirmative
+doctrine of property must be either private property, or common property
+in the wherewithal for production and private property in the
+wherewithal for consumption, or common property. Why should not a scheme
+of common property in the things that are wanted by all men and private
+property in the things that are wanted only by some men have as high a
+rank in the classification as has Eltzbacher's second class? A look at
+the quotations from Kropotkin will show that I have not drawn much on my
+own ingenuity in conceiving such a scheme as supposable. He claims to
+have listed all the standpoints from which Anarchism has been or can be
+propounded or judged, yet he has omitted legitimism, the doctrine that a
+political authority which is to claim our respect and obedience must
+appear to have originated by a legitimate foundation and not by
+usurpation. The great part that legitimism has played in history is
+notorious; and it lends itself very readily to the Anarchist's purpose,
+since some governments are so well known to have originated in
+usurpation and others are so easily suspected of it. Nay, legitimism is
+in fact a potent factor in shaping the most up-to-date Anarchism of our
+time; for it is largely concerned in Lysander Spooner's doctrine of
+juries, of which some slight account is given in Eltzbacher's quotations
+from Tucker. And he claims to have recited all the important arguments
+that sustain Anarchism: where has he mentioned the argument from the
+evil that the State does in interfering with social and economic
+experimentation? or the argument from the fact that reforms in the State
+are necessarily in a democracy, and ordinarily in a monarchy, very slow
+in coming to pass, and when they do come to pass they necessarily come
+with all-disturbing suddenness? or the argument from the evil of
+separating people by the boundary lines which the State involves? or the
+fact that war would be almost inconceivable if the States were replaced
+by voluntary and non-monopolistic organizations, since such
+organizations could have no "jurisdiction" or control of territory to
+fight for, and war for any other cause has long been unknown among
+civilized nations? By these and other such unwarranted claims of
+absolute completeness, and by the conclusions based on these pasteboard
+premises, Eltzbacher makes it necessary to read his final chapters with
+all possible independence of judgment.
+
+It remains for me to say something of my own work on this book. I have
+consulted the originals of some of the works cited--such as
+circumstances have permitted--and given the quotations not by
+translation from Eltzbacher's German but direct from the originals. The
+particulars are as follows:
+
+Of Godwin's "Political Justice" I used an American reprint of the second
+British edition. This second edition is greatly revised and altered from
+the first, which Eltzbacher used. Godwin calls our attention to this,
+and especially informs us that the first edition did not in some
+important respects represent the views which he held at the time of its
+publication, since the earlier pages were printed before the later were
+written, and during the writing of the book he changed his mind about
+some of the principles he had asserted in the earlier chapters. In the
+second edition, he says, the views presented in the first part of the
+book have been made consistent with those in the last part, and all
+parts have been thoroughly revised. It will astonish nobody, therefore,
+that I found it now and then impossible to identify in my copy the
+passages translated by Eltzbacher from the first edition. In particular,
+I got the impression that what Eltzbacher quotes about promises, from
+the first part of the book, is one of those sections which Godwin says
+he retracts and no longer believed in even at the time he wrote the
+later chapters of the first edition. If so, a bit of the foundation for
+Eltzbacher's ultimate classification disappears. Besides giving the
+pages of the first edition as in Eltzbacher, I have added in brackets
+the page numbers of the copy I used, wherever I could identify them.
+Throughout the book brackets distinguish footnotes added by me from
+Eltzbacher's own, and in a few places I have used them in the text to
+indicate Eltzbacher's deviations from the wording of his original, of
+which matter I will speak again in a moment.
+
+The passages from Proudhon's works I translated from the original French
+as given in the collected edition of his "_OEuvres completes_." In this
+edition some of the works differ only in pagination from the editions
+which Eltzbacher used, while others have been extensively revised. I
+know of no changes of essential doctrine.
+
+Since in Stirner's case German is the original language, I have accepted
+as my original the quotations given by Eltzbacher. It is probable that
+they are occasionally condensed; but a fairly faithful memory, and the
+fact that it is less than a year since I was reading the proofs of my
+translation of Stirner's book, enable me to be confident that there is
+no change amounting to distortion. I have here made no use of that
+translation of mine[1] except from memory, because I well knew that in
+dealing with Stirner there is no assurance that the best possible
+translation of the continuous whole will be made up of the best possible
+translations of the individual parts. Neither have I used the extant
+English translations of Bakunin's "God and the State," Kropotkin's
+"Conquest of Bread," Tolstoi's works, or any of the other books cited. I
+have not had at hand any originals of Bakunin or Tolstoi, nor any of
+Kropotkin except "Anarchist Communism." Of this I had the first edition,
+and Eltzbacher, contrary to his habit, the second; but I judge that the
+two are from the same plates, for all the page-numbers cited agree.
+
+Toward the Tucker chapter I have taken a special attitude. I am myself
+one of Tucker's followers and collaborators; I may claim to be an
+"authority" on the exposition of his doctrine--
+
+
+     _Nennt man die besten Namen,
+     So wird auch der meine genannt_--
+
+
+and I have tried to have an eye to the precise correctness of everything
+in that chapter. That I used the original of "Instead of a Book" is a
+matter of course; and I have not only taken Tucker's words where
+Eltzbacher had translated the whole, but have had an eye to all points
+where Eltzbacher had condensed anything in a way that could affect the
+sense, and have restored the words that made the passage mean something
+a little bit different from what Eltzbacher made it mean. (I did about
+the same in this respect with Kropotkin's "Anarchist Communism"; and
+indeed something of the kind is inevitable if one is to consult
+originals at all.) On the other hand, I have not, in general, drawn
+attention to passages where Eltzbacher makes merely formal changes for
+the purpose of inserting in a sentence of a certain grammatical
+structure what Tucker had said in a sentence of different structure.
+
+The renderings of Tolstoi's biblical quotations are taken from the
+"Corrected English New Testament," a conservative version which is now
+spoken of as the best English New Testament extant. It fits well into
+Tolstoi, at least so far as the present quotations go.
+
+I have spoken above of Eltzbacher's qualities as compiler; it here
+becomes necessary to say something of his work as translator. His
+translation is that of a very intelligent man, trusting to his
+intelligence to justify him in translating quite freely. He is confident
+that he knows what the idea to be presented is, and his main concern is
+to express that in the language best suited to the purpose. He even
+avows, as will be seen, that he has "cautiously revised" other people's
+translations from the Russian, without himself claiming to be familiar
+with the Russian language. I would as soon entrust this extremely
+delicate task to Eltzbacher as to anybody I know, for he is in general
+remarkably correct in his re-wordings. The justification of his
+confidence in his knowledge of the author's thought may be seen in the
+fact that in passages which happen not to affect the main thought he
+makes a few such slips as _zahlen mit ihrer Vergiftung_ for "pay to be
+poisoned," _Willkuer_ for "arbitrament," and even _eine blutige
+Revolution ruecksichtslos niederwuerfe_ for "would do anything in his
+power to precipitate a bloody revolution" (can he have been misled by
+the chemist's use of "precipitate"?), but in passages where these
+blunders would do real harm he keeps clear of them, being safeguarded by
+his knowledge of the sense. But it makes a difference whom you translate
+in this way. Tucker is a man who uses language with especial precision:
+every phrase in a sentence of his may be presumed to contribute
+something definite to the thought; and Eltzbacher treats him as if the
+less conspicuous phrases were merely ornamental work which might safely
+be omitted or amended when they seemed not to be advantageous for
+ornamental purposes. I must confess that I have little faith in the
+Eltzbacher method of translation for the rendering of any author; but it
+works especially ill with an author like Tucker.
+
+Of course all defects of translation are cured, silently, by
+substituting the original English. Therefore, at the expense of slightly
+increasing the bulk of the Tucker chapter, this edition gives American
+readers a much more accurate presentation of the utterances of the
+American champion of Anarchism than can be had in Eltzbacher's German;
+and, since I have the same advantage as regards Godwin, I think I may
+claim in general terms that mine is the best edition of Eltzbacher for
+those who read both English and German.
+
+Besides looking out for the accurate presentation of the passages quoted
+from Tucker, I have kept watch of the correctness of the subject-matter.
+Whatever seemed to me to represent Tucker's book unfairly, either by
+misrepresenting his doctrine or by misapplying the quotations, has been
+corrected by a note. This will be useful to the reader not only by
+giving him a better Tucker, but also by giving a sample from which he
+may judge what amount of fault the followers of Kropotkin or Tolstoi or
+the rest would be likely to find with the chapters devoted to them. The
+merely popular reader will probably get the impression that Eltzbacher
+is really a rather unreliable man. The competent student, who knows what
+must be looked out for in all work of this sort, will have his
+confidence in Eltzbacher increased by seeing how little of serious fault
+appears in such a search.
+
+The index is compiled independently for this translation. Omitting such
+entries as merely duplicate the utility of the table of contents, and
+making an effort to head every entry with the word under which the
+reader will actually seek it, I hope I have bettered Eltzbacher's index;
+and I hope the index will be not only a place-finder but a help toward
+the appreciation of the Anarchistic teachings.
+
+I have not in general undertaken to criticise those features of the book
+which embody Eltzbacher's own opinions. Whether it was in fact right to
+select these seven men as the touchstone of Anarchism,--whether
+Eltzbacher is right in discussing the definition of the State as he
+does, or whether he might better simply have taken as authoritative that
+definition which has legal force in international law,--whether he ought
+to have added any other feature to his book,--are points on which the
+reader does not care for my judgment, nor am I eager to express a
+judgment. Having had to work over the book very carefully in detail, I
+have felt entitled to express an opinion as to how well Eltzbacher has
+done the work that he did choose to do; I have also told what work I as
+translator claim to have done; and it is time this preface ended.
+
+STEVEN T. BYINGTON.
+_Ballardvale, Mass., August 28, 1907._
+
+
+
+
+BOOKS REFERRED TO BY ABBREVIATED TITLES
+
+
+Adler, "Handwoerterbuch" = GEORG ADLER, "Anarchismus," in
+_Handwoerterbuch der Staatswissenschaften_, 2d ed. (Jena 1898), vol. 1
+pp. 296-327.
+
+Adler, "Nord und Sued" = GEORG ADLER, "Die Lehren der Anarchisten," in
+_Nord und Sued_ (Breslau) vol. 32 (1885) pp. 371-83.
+
+Ba. "Articles" = "Articles ecrits par Bakounine dans l'Egalite de 1869,"
+in _Memoire presente par la federation jurassienne de l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs a toutes les federations de
+l'Internationale_ (Sonvillier, n. d.), "Pieces justificatives" pp.
+68-114.
+
+Ba. "Briefe" = "Briefe Bakunins," in Dragomanoff (see below) pp. 1-272.
+
+Ba. "Dieu" = MICHEL BAKOUNINE, _Dieu et l'Etat_, 2d ed. (Paris 1892).
+
+Ba. "Dieu" OEuvres = "Dieu et l'Etat," in MICHEL BAKOUNINE, _OEuvres_,
+3d ed. (Paris 1895), pp. 261-326.
+
+Ba. "Discours" = "Discours de Bakounine au congres de Berne," in
+_Memoire presente par la federation jurassienne de l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs a toutes les federations de
+l'Internationale_ (Sonvillier, n. d.), "Pieces justificatives" pp.
+20-38.
+
+Ba. "Programme" = BAKOUNINE, "Programme de la section slave a Zurich,"
+in Dragomanoff (see below) pp. 381-3.
+
+Ba. "Proposition" = "Federalisme, socialisme et antitheologisme.
+Proposition motivee au Comite central de la Ligue de la paix et de la
+liberte," in MICHEL BAKOUNINE, _OEuvres_, 3d ed. (Paris 1895), pp.
+1-205.
+
+Ba. "Statuts" = "Statuts secrets de l'Alliance" and "Programme et
+reglement de l'Alliance publique," in "L'Alliance" (see below) pp.
+118-35.
+
+Ba. "Volkssache" = M. BAKUNIN, "Die Volkssache. Romanow, Pugatschew oder
+Pestel?" in Dragomanoff (see below) pp. 303-9.
+
+Bernatzik = BERNATZIK, "Der Anarchismus," in _Jahrbuch fuer
+Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im Deutschen Reich_
+(Leipzig) vol. 19 (1895) pp. 1-20.
+
+Bernstein = EDUARD BERNSTEIN, "Die soziale Doktrin des Anarchismus," in
+_Die Neue Zeit_ (Stuttgart) year 10 (1891-2) vol. 1 pp. 358-65, 421-8;
+vol. 2 pp. 589-96, 618-26, 657-66, 772-8, 813-19.
+
+Crispi = FRANCESCO CRISPI, "The Antidote for Anarchy," in _Daily Mail_
+(London) no. 807 (1898) p. 4.
+
+"Der Anarchismus und seine Traeger" = _Der Anarchismus und seine
+Traeger. Enthuellungen aus dem Lager der Anarchisten von [**symbol:
+circle in triangle], Verfasser der Londoner Briefe in der Koelnischen
+Zeitung_ (Berlin 1887).
+
+"Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus" = _Die historische
+Entwickelung des Anarchismus_ (New York 1894).
+
+Diehl = KARL DIEHL, _P.-J. Proudhon_. _Seine Lehre und sein Leben._ (3
+vol., Jena 1888-96.)
+
+Dragomanoff = MICHAIL DRAGOMANOW, _Michail Bakunins sozial-politischer
+Briefwechsel mit Alexander Iw. Herzen und Ogarjow, deutsch von Boris
+Minzes_ (Stuttgart 1895).
+
+Dubois = FELIX DUBOIS, _Le Peril anarchiste_ (Paris 1894).
+
+Ferri = "Discours de FERRI" in _Congres international d'anthropologie
+criminelle, compte rendu des travaux de la quatrieme session, tenue a
+Geneve du 24 au 29 aout 1896_ (Geneve 1897) pp. 254-7.
+
+Garraud = R. GARRAUD, _L'Anarchie et la Repression_ (Paris 1895).
+
+Godwin = WILLIAM GODWIN, _An Enquiry concerning Political Justice and
+its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness_ (2 vol., London 1793).
+[Bracketed references are to the "First American from the second London
+edition, corrected," Philadelphia, 1796.]
+
+"Hintermaenner" = _Die Hintermaenner der Sozialdemokratie. Von einem
+Eingeweihten_ (Berlin 1890).
+
+Kr. "Anarchist Communism" = PETER KROPOTKINE, _Anarchist Communism: its
+Basis and Principles_, 2d ed. (London 1895). [Reprinted from the
+_Nineteenth Century_.]
+
+Kr. "Conquete" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _La Conquete du pain_, 5th ed.
+(Paris 1895).
+
+Kr. "L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE,
+_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_ (Paris 1892).
+
+Kr. "L'Anarchie. Sa philosophie--son ideal" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE,
+_L'Anarchie. Sa philosophie--son ideal_ (Paris 1896).
+
+Kr. "Morale" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _La Morale anarchiste_ (Paris 1891).
+
+Kr. "Paroles" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _Paroles d'un revolte, ouvrage publie
+par Elisee Reclus, nouv. ed_. (Paris, n. d.)
+
+Kr. "Prisons" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _Les Prisons_ (Paris 1890).
+
+Kr. "Siecle" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _Un siecle d'attente. 1789-1889_
+(Paris 1893).
+
+Kr. "Studies" = _Revolutionary Studies, translated from "La Revolte" and
+reprinted from "The Commonweal"_ (London 1892).
+
+Kr. "Temps nouveaux" = PIERRE KROPOTKINE, _Les Temps nouveaux
+(conference faite a Londres)_ (Paris 1894).
+
+"L'Alliance" = _L'Alliance de la democratie socialiste et l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs_ (Londres et Hambourg 1873).
+
+Lenz = ADOLF LENZ, _Der Anarchismus und das Strafrecht. Sonderabdruck
+aus der Zeitschrift fuer die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft, Bd. 16,
+Heft 1_ (Berlin, n. d.).
+
+Lombroso = C. LOMBROSO, _Gli Anarchici_, 2d ed. (Torino 1895).
+
+Mackay, "Anarchisten" = JOHN HENRY MACKAY, _Die Anarchisten.
+Kulturgemaelde aus dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts_. Volksausgabe (Berlin
+1893).
+
+Mackay, "Magazin" = JOHN HENRY MACKAY, "Der individualistische
+Anarchismus: ein Gegner der Propaganda der That," in _Das Magazin fuer
+Litteratur_ (Berlin und Weimar) vol. 67 (1898) pp. 913-15.
+
+Mackay, "Stirner" = JOHN HENRY MACKAY, _Max Stirner. Sein Leben und sein
+Werk_ (Berlin 1898).
+
+Merlino = F. S. MERLINO, _L'Individualismo nell'anarchismo_ (Roma 1895).
+
+Pfau = "Proudhon und die Franzosen," in LUDWIG PFAU, _Kunst und Kritik_,
+vol. 6 of _Aesthetische Schriften_, 2d ed. (Stuttgart, Leipzig, Berlin,
+1888), pp. 183-236.
+
+Plechanow = GEORG PLECHANOW, _Anarchismus und Sozialismus_ (Berlin
+1894).
+
+Pr. "Banque" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Banque du peuple, suivie du rapport de
+la commission des delegues du Luxembourg_ (Paris 1849). (In Proudhon's
+_OEuvres completes_, Paris 1866-83, this forms part of the volume
+"Solution.")
+
+Pr. "Contradictions" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Systeme des contradictions
+economiques, ou philosophie de la misere_ (2 vol., Paris 1846).
+
+Pr. "Confessions" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Les Confessions d'un
+revolutionnaire, pour servir a l'histoire de la revolution de fevrier_
+(Paris 1849).
+
+Pr. "Droit" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Le Droit au travail et le Droit de
+propriete_ (Paris 1848). (In the _OEuvres_ this forms part of the volume
+"La Revolution sociale.")
+
+Pr. "Idee" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Idee generate de la revolution au XIXe
+siecle (choix d'etudes sur la pratique revolutionnaire et industrielle)_
+(Paris 1851).
+
+Pr. "Justice" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _De la justice dans la revolution et
+dans l'Eglise. Nouveaux principes de philosophie pratique_ (3 vol.,
+Paris 1858).
+
+Pr. "Organisation" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Organisation du credit et de la
+circulation, et solution du probleme social_ (Paris 1848). (In the
+_OEuvres_ this forms part of the volume "Solution.")
+
+Pr. "Principe" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Du principe federatif et de la
+necessite de reconstituer le parti de la revolution_ (Paris 1863).
+
+Pr. "Propriete" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Qu'est-ce que la propriete? ou
+recherches sur le principe du droit et du gouvernement. Premier memoire_
+(Paris 1841).
+
+Pr. "Solution" = P.-J. PROUDHON, _Solution du probleme social_ (Paris
+1848).
+
+Proal = LOUIS PROAL, _La Criminalite politique_ (Paris 1895).
+
+Reichesberg = NAUM REICHESBERG, _Sozialismus und Anarchismus_ (Bern und
+Leipzig 1895).
+
+Rienzi = RIENZI, _L'Anarchisme, traduit du neerlandais par August
+Dewinne_ (Bruxelles 1893).
+
+Sernicoli = E. SERNICOLI, _L'Anarchia e gli Anarchici. Studio storico e
+politico di E. Sernicoli_ (2 vol., Milano 1894).
+
+Shaw = GEORGE BERNARD SHAW, _The Impossibilities of Anarchism_ (London
+1895).
+
+Silio = CESAR SILIO, "El Anarquismo y la Defensa Social," in _La Espana
+Moderna_ (Madrid) vol. 61 (1894) pp. 141-8.
+
+Stammler = RUDOLF STAMMLER, _Die Theorie des Anarchismus_ (Berlin 1894).
+
+Stirner = MAX STIRNER, _Der Einzige und sein Eigentum_ (Leipzig 1845).
+
+Stirner "Vierteljahrsschrift" = M. St., "Rezensenten Stirners," in
+_Wigands Vierteljahrsschrift_ (Leipzig) vol. 3 (1845) pp. 147-94.
+
+To. "Confession" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Bekenntnisse. Was sollen wir denn
+thun? deutsch von H. von Samson-Himmelstjerna_ (Leipzig 1886), pp.
+1-102.
+
+To. "Gospel" = GRAF LEO N. TOLSTOJ, _Kurze Darlegung des Evangeliums,
+deutsch von Paul Lauterbach_ (Leipzig, n. d.).
+
+To. "Kernel" = "Das Korn," in GRAF LEO N. TOLSTOJ, _Volkserzaehlungen,
+deutsch von Wilhelm Goldschmidt_ (Leipzig, n. d.), pp. 87-9.
+
+To. "Kingdom" = LEO N. TOLSTOJ, _Das Reich Gottes ist in euch, oder das
+Christentum als eine neue Lebensauffassung, nicht als mystische Lehre,
+deutsch von R. Loewenfeld_ (Stuttgart, Leipzig, Berlin, Wien, 1894).
+
+To. "Linen-Measurer" = "Leinwandmesser. Die Geschichte eines Pferdes,"
+in _Leo N. Tolstoj_, _Gesammelte Werke, deutsch herausgegeben von
+Raphael Loewenfeld_, vol. 3 (Berlin 1893) pp. 573-631.
+
+To. "Money" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Geld! Soziale Betrachtungen, deutsch
+von August Scholz_ (Berlin 1891).
+
+To. "Morning" = "Der Morgen des Gutsherrn," in LEO N. TOLSTOJ,
+_Gesammelte Werke, deutsch herausgegeben von Raphael Loewenfeld_, vol.
+2, 2d ed. (Leipzig, n. d.), pp. 1-81.
+
+To. "On Life" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Ueber das Leben, deutsch von Sophie
+Behr_ (Leipzig 1889).
+
+To. "Patriotism" = GRAF LEO N. TOLSTOJ, _Christentum und
+Vaterlandsliebe, deutsch von L. A. Hauff_ (Berlin n. d.).
+
+To. "Persecutions" = _Russische Christenverfolgungen im Kaukasus. Mit
+einem Vor- und Nachwort von Leo Tolstoj_ (Dresden und Leipzig 1896) pp.
+7-8, 38-48.
+
+To. "Reason and Dogma" = GRAF LEO N. TOLSTOJ, _Vernunft und Dogma. Eine
+Kritik der Glaubenslehre, deutsch von L. A. Hauff_ (Berlin n. d.).
+
+To. "Religion and Morality" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Religion und Moral.
+Antwort auf eine in der "Ethischen Kultur" gestellte Frage, deutsch von
+Sophie Behr_ (Berlin 1894).
+
+To. "What I Believe" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Worin besteht mein Glaube?
+Eine Studie, deutsch von Sophie Behr_ (Leipzig 1885).
+
+To. "What Shall We Do" = GRAF LEO TOLSTOJ, _Was sollen wir also thun?
+deutsch von August Scholz_ (Berlin 1891).
+
+Tripels = "Discours de Tripels," in _Congres international
+d'anthropologie criminelle, compte rendu des travaux de la quatrieme
+session, tenue a Geneve du 24 au 29 aout 1896_ (Geneve 1897) pp. 253-4.
+
+Tucker = BENJ. R. TUCKER, _Instead of a Book. By a Man Too Busy to Write
+One. A fragmentary exposition of philosophical Anarchism_ (New York
+1893).
+
+Van Hamel = VAN HAMEL, "L'Anarchisme et le Combat contre l'anarchisme au
+point de vue de l'anthropologie criminelle," in _Congres international
+d'anthropologie criminelle, compte rendu des travaux de la quatrieme
+session, tenue a Geneve du 24 au 29 aout 1896_ (Geneve 1897) pp. 254-7.
+
+Zenker = E. V. ZENKER, _Der Anarchismus. Kritische Geschichte der
+anarchistischen Theorie_ (Jena 1895).
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[1] Entitled "The Ego and His Own." N. Y., Benj. R. Tucker, 1907.
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+1. We want to know Anarchism scientifically, for reasons both personal
+and external.
+
+We wish to penetrate the essence of a movement that dares to question
+what is undoubted and to deny what is venerable, and nevertheless takes
+hold of wider and wider circles.
+
+Besides, we wish to make up our minds whether it is not necessary to
+meet such a movement with force, to protect the established order or at
+least its quiet progressive development, and, by ruthless measures, to
+guard against greater evils.
+
+2. At present there is the greatest lack of clear ideas about Anarchism,
+and that not only among the masses but among scholars and statesmen.
+
+Now it is a historic law of evolution[2] that is described as the
+supreme law of Anarchism, now it is the happiness of the individual,[3]
+now justice.[4]
+
+Now they say that Anarchism culminates in the negation of every
+programme,[5] that it has only a negative aim;[6] now, again, that its
+negating and destroying side is balanced by a side that is affirmative
+and creative;[7] now, to conclude, that what is original in Anarchism is
+to be found exclusively in its utterances about the ideal society,[8]
+that its real, true essence consists in its positive efforts.[9]
+
+Now it is said that Anarchism rejects law,[10] now that it rejects
+society,[11] now that it rejects only the State.[12]
+
+Now it is declared that in the future society of Anarchism there is no
+tie of contract binding persons together;[13] now, again, that Anarchism
+aims to have all public affairs arranged for by contracts between
+federally constituted communes and societies.[14]
+
+Now it is said in general that Anarchism rejects property,[15] or at
+least private property;[16] now a distinction is made between
+Communistic and Individualistic,[17] or even between Communistic,
+Collectivistic, and Individualistic Anarchism.[18]
+
+Now it is asserted that Anarchism conceives of its realization as taking
+place through crime,[19] especially through a violent revolution[20] and
+by the help of the propaganda of deed;[21] now, again, that Anarchism
+rejects violent tactics and the propaganda of deed,[22] or that these
+are at least not necessary constituents of Anarchism.[23]
+
+3. Two demands must be made of everybody who undertakes to produce a
+scientific work on Anarchism.
+
+First, he must be acquainted with the most important Anarchistic
+writings. Here, to be sure, one meets great difficulties. Anarchistic
+writings are very scantily represented in our public libraries. They are
+in part so rare that it is extremely difficult for an individual to
+acquire even the most prominent of them. So it is not strange that of
+all works on Anarchism only one is based on a comprehensive knowledge of
+the sources. This is a pamphlet which appeared anonymously in New York
+in 1894, "_Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus_" which in
+sixteen pages gives a concise presentation that attests an astonishing
+acquaintance with the most various Anarchistic writings. The two large
+works, _"L'anarchia e gli anarchici, studio storico e politico di E.
+Sernicoli_" 2 vol., Milano, 1894, and "_Der Anarchismus, kritische
+Geschichte der anarchistischen Theorie von E. V. Zenker_," Jena, 1895,
+are at least in part founded on a knowledge of Anarchistic writings.
+
+Second, he who would produce a scientific work on Anarchism must be
+equally at home in jurisprudence, in economics, and in philosophy.
+Anarchism judges juridical institutions with reference to their economic
+effects, and from the standpoint of some philosophy or other. Therefore,
+to penetrate its essence and not fall a victim to all possible
+misunderstandings, one must be familiar with those concepts of
+philosophy, jurisprudence, and economics which it applies or has a
+relation to. This demand is best met, among all works on Anarchism, by
+Rudolf Stammler's pamphlet, "_Die Theorie des Anarchismus_," Berlin,
+1894.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[2] "_Der Anarchismus und seine Traeger_" pp. 124, 125, 127; Reichesberg
+p. 27.
+
+[3] Lenz p. 3.
+
+[4] Bernatzik pp. 2, 3.
+
+[5] Lenz p. 5.
+
+[6] Crispi.
+
+[7] Van Hamel p. 112.
+
+[8] Adler p. 321.
+
+[9] Reichesberg p. 13.
+
+[10] Stammler pp. 2, 4, 34, 36; Lenz pp. 1, 4.
+
+[11] Silio p. 145; Garraud p. 12; Reichesberg p. 16; Tripels p. 253.
+
+[12] Bernstein p. 359; Bernatzik p. 3.
+
+[13] Reichesberg p. 30.
+
+[14] Lombroso p. 31.
+
+[15] Silio p. 145; Dubois p. 213.
+
+[16] Lombroso p. 31; Proal p. 50.
+
+[17] Rienzi p. 9; Stammler pp. 28-31; Merlino pp. 18, 27; Shaw p. 23.
+
+[18] "_Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus_" p. 16; Zenker p.
+161.
+
+[19] Garraud p. 6; Lenz p. 5.
+
+[20] Sernicoli vol. 2 p. 116; Garraud p. 2; Reichesberg p. 38; Van Hamel
+p. 113.
+
+[21] Garraud pp. 10, 11; Lombroso p. 34; Ferri p. 257.
+
+[22] Mackay "_Magazin_" pp. 913-915; "_Anarchisten_" pp. 239-243.
+
+[23] Zenker pp. 203, 204.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE PROBLEM
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+The problem for our study is, to get determinate concepts of Anarchism
+and its species. As soon as such determinate concepts are attained,
+Anarchism is scientifically known. For their determination is not only
+conditioned on a comprehensive view of all the individual phenomena of
+Anarchism; it also brings together the results of this comprehensive
+view, and assigns to them a place in the totality of our knowledge.
+
+The problem of getting determinate concepts of Anarchism and its species
+seems at a first glance perfectly clear. But the apparent clearness
+vanishes on closer examination.
+
+For there rises first the question, what shall be the starting-point of
+our study? The answer will be given, "Anarchistic teachings." But there
+is by no means an agreement as to what teachings are Anarchistic; one
+man designates as "Anarchistic" these teachings, another those; and of
+the teachings themselves a part designate themselves as Anarchistic, a
+part do not. How can one take any of them as Anarchistic teachings for a
+starting-point, without applying that very concept of Anarchism which he
+has yet to determine?
+
+Then rises the further question, what is the goal of the study? The
+answer will be given, "the concepts of Anarchism and its species." But
+we see daily that different men define in quite different ways the
+concept of an object which they yet conceive in the same way. One says
+that law is the general will; another, that it is a mass of precepts
+which limit a man's natural liberty for other men's sake; a third, that
+it is the ordering of the life of the nation (or of the community of
+nations) to maintain God's order of the world. They all know that a
+definition should state the proximate genus and the distinctive marks of
+the species, but this knowledge does them little good. So it seems that
+the goal of the study does still require elucidation.
+
+Lastly rises the question, what is the way to this goal? Any one who has
+ever observed the conflict of opinions in the intellectual sciences
+knows well, on the one hand, how utterly we lack a recognized method for
+the solution of problems; and, on the other hand, how necessary it is in
+any study to get clearly in mind the method that is to be used.
+
+2. Our study can come to a more precise specification of its problem.
+The problem is to put concepts in the place of non-conceptual notions of
+Anarchism and its species.
+
+Every concept-determining study faces the problem of comprehending
+conceptually an object that was first comprehended non-conceptually, and
+therefore of putting a concept in the place of non-conceptual notions of
+an object. This problem finds a specially clear expression in the
+concept-determining judgment (the definition), which puts in immediate
+juxtaposition, in its subject some non-conceptual notion of an object,
+and in its predicate a conceptual notion of the same object.
+
+Accordingly, the study that is to determine the concepts of Anarchism
+and its species has for its problem to comprehend conceptually objects
+that are first comprehended in non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and
+its species; and therefore, to put concepts in the place of these
+non-conceptual notions.
+
+3. But our study may specify its problem still more precisely, though at
+first only on the negative side. The problem is not to put concepts in
+the place of all notions that appear as non-conceptual notions of
+Anarchism and its species.
+
+Any concept can comprehend conceptually only one object, not another
+object together with this. The concept of health cannot be at the same
+time the concept of life, nor the concept of the horse that of the
+mammal.
+
+But in the non-conceptual notions that appear as notions of Anarchism
+and its species there are comprehended very different objects. To be
+sure, the object of all these notions is on the one hand a genus that is
+formed by the common qualities of certain teachings, and on the other
+hand the species of this genus, which are formed by the addition of
+sundry peculiarities to these common qualities. But still these notions
+have in view very different groups of teachings with their common and
+special qualities, some perhaps only the teachings of Kropotkin and
+Most, others only the teachings of Stirner, Tucker, and Mackay, others
+again the teachings of both sets of authors.
+
+If one proposed to put concepts in the place of all the non-conceptual
+notions which appear as notions of Anarchism and its species, these
+concepts would have to comprehend at once the common and special
+qualities of quite different groups of teachings, of which groups one
+might embrace only the teachings of Kropotkin and Most, another only
+those of Stirner, Tucker, and Mackay, a third both. But this is
+impossible: the concepts of Anarchism and its species can comprehend
+only the common and special qualities of a single group of teachings;
+therefore our study cannot put concepts in the place of all the notions
+that appear as notions of Anarchism and its species.
+
+4. By completing on the affirmative side this negative specification of
+its problem, our study can arrive at a still more precise specification
+of this problem. The problem is to put concepts in the place of those
+non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and its species, having in view one
+and the same group of teachings, which are most widely diffused among
+the men who at present are scientifically concerned with Anarchism.
+
+Because the only possible problem for our study is to put concepts in
+the place of part of the notions that appear as non-conceptual notions
+of Anarchism and its species,--to wit, only in the place of such notions
+as have in view one and the same group of teachings with its common and
+special qualities,--therefore we must divide into classes, according to
+the groups of teachings that they severally have in view, the notions
+that appear as notions of Anarchism and its species, and we must choose
+the class whose notions are to be replaced by concepts.
+
+The choice of the class must depend on the kind of men for whom the
+study is meant. For the study of a concept is of value only for those
+who non-conceptually apprehend the object of the concept, since the
+concept takes the place of their notions only. For those who form a
+non-conceptual notion of space, the concept of morality is so far
+meaningless; and just as meaningless, for those who mean by Anarchism
+what the teachings of Proudhon and Stirner have in common, is the
+concept of what is common to the teachings of Proudhon, Stirner,
+Bakunin, and Kropotkin.
+
+But the men for whom this study is meant are those who at present are
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism. If all these, in their notions
+of Anarchism and its species, had in view one and the same group of
+teachings, then the problem for our study would be to put concepts in
+the place of this set of notions. Since this is not the case, the only
+possible problem for our study is to put concepts in the place of that
+set of notions which has in view a group of teachings that the greatest
+possible number of the men at present scientifically concerned with
+Anarchism have in view in their non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and
+its species.
+
+
+2.--THE STARTING-POINT
+
+In accordance with what has been said, the starting-point of our study
+must be those non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and its species,
+having in view one and the same group of teachings, which are most
+widely diffused among the men who at present are scientifically
+concerned with Anarchism.
+
+1. How can it be known what group of teachings the non-conceptual
+notions of Anarchism and its species most widely diffused among the men
+at present scientifically concerned with Anarchism have in view?
+
+First and foremost, this may be seen from utterances regarding
+particular Anarchistic teachings, and from lists and descriptions of
+such teachings.
+
+We may assume that a man regards as Anarchistic those teachings which he
+designates as Anarchistic, and, further, those teachings which are
+likewise characterized by the common qualities of these. We may further
+assume that a man does not regard as Anarchistic those teachings which
+he in any form contrasts with the Anarchistic teachings, nor, if he
+undertakes to catalogue or describe the whole body of Anarchistic
+teachings, those teachings unknown to him which are not characterized by
+the common qualities of the teachings he catalogues or describes.
+
+What group of teachings those non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and
+its species which are most widely diffused among the men at present
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism have in view, may be seen
+secondly from the definitions of Anarchism and from other utterances
+about it. We may doubtingly assume that a man regards as Anarchistic
+those teachings which come under his definition of Anarchism, or for
+which his utterances about Anarchism hold good; and, on the contrary,
+that he does not regard as Anarchistic those teachings which do not come
+under that definition, or for which these utterances do not hold good.
+
+When these two means of knowledge lead to contradictions, the former
+must be decisive. For, if a man so defines Anarchism, or so speaks of
+Anarchism, that on this basis teachings which he declares
+non-Anarchistic manifest themselves to be Anarchistic,--and perhaps
+other teachings, which he counts among the Anarchistic, to be
+non-Anarchistic,--this can be due only to his not being conscious of the
+scope of his general pronouncements; therefore it is only from his
+treatment of the individual teachings that one can find out his opinion
+of these.
+
+2. These means of knowledge inform us what group of teachings the
+non-conceptual notions of Anarchism and its species most widely diffused
+among the men at present scientifically concerned with Anarchism have in
+view.
+
+We learn, first, that the teachings of certain particular men are
+recognized as Anarchistic teachings by the greater part of those who at
+present are scientifically concerned with Anarchism.
+
+We learn, second, that by the greater part of those who at present are
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism the teachings of these men are
+recognized as Anarchistic teachings only in so far as they relate to
+law, the State, and property; but not in so far as they may be concerned
+with the law, State, or property of a particular legal system or a
+particular group of legal systems, nor in so far as they regard other
+objects, such as religion, the family, art.
+
+Among the recognized Anarchistic teachings seven are particularly
+prominent: to wit, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Bakunin,
+Kropotkin, Tucker, and Tolstoi. They all manifest themselves to be
+Anarchistic teachings according to the greater part of the definitions
+of Anarchism, and of other scientific utterances about it. They all
+display the qualities that are common to the doctrines treated of in
+most descriptions of Anarchism. Some of them, be it one or another, are
+put in the foreground in almost every work on Anarchism. Of no one of
+them is it denied, to an extent worth mentioning, that it is an
+Anarchistic teaching.
+
+
+3.--THE GOAL
+
+In accordance with what has been said, the goal of our study must be to
+determine, first, the concept of the genus which is constituted by the
+common qualities of those teachings which the greater part of the men at
+present scientifically concerned with Anarchism recognize as Anarchistic
+teachings; second, the concepts of the species of this genus, which are
+formed by the accession of any specialties to those common qualities.
+
+1. The first thing toward a concept is that an object be apprehended as
+clearly and purely as possible.
+
+In non-conceptual notions an object is not apprehended with all possible
+clearness. In our non-conceptual notions of gold we most commonly make
+clear to ourselves only a few qualities of gold; one of us, perhaps,
+thinks mainly of the color and the lustre, another of the color and
+malleability, a third of some other qualities. But in the concept of
+gold color, lustre, malleability, hardness, solubility, fusibility,
+specific gravity, atomic weight, and all other qualities of gold, must
+be apprehended as clearly as possible.
+
+Nor is an object apprehended in all possible purity in our
+non-conceptual notions. We introduce into our non-conceptual notions of
+gold many things that do not belong among the qualities of gold; one,
+perhaps, thinks of the present value of gold, another of golden dishes,
+a third of some sort of gold coin. But all these alien adjuncts must be
+kept away from the concept of gold.
+
+So the first goal of our study is to describe as clearly as possible on
+the one side, and as purely as possible on the other, the common
+qualities of those teachings which the greater part of the men at
+present scientifically concerned with Anarchism recognize as Anarchistic
+teachings, and the specialties of all the teachings which display these
+common qualities.
+
+2. It is further requisite for a concept that an object should have its
+place assigned as well as possible in the total realm of our
+experience,--that is, in a system of species and genera which embraces
+our total experience.
+
+In non-conceptual notions an object does not have its place assigned in
+the total realm of our experience, but arbitrarily in one of the many
+genera in which it can be placed according to its various qualities. One
+of us, perhaps, thinks of gold as a species of the genus "yellow
+bodies," another as a species of the genus "malleable bodies," a third
+as a species of some other genus. But the concept of gold must assign it
+a place in a system of species and genera that embraces our whole
+experience,--a place in the genus "metals."
+
+So a further goal of our study is to assign a place as well as possible
+in the total realm of our experience (that is, in a system of species
+and genera which embraces our total experience) for the common qualities
+of those teachings which the greater part of the men at present
+scientifically concerned with Anarchism recognize as Anarchistic
+teachings, and for the specialties of all the teachings that display
+these common qualities.
+
+
+4.--THE WAY TO THE GOAL
+
+In accordance with what has been said, the way that our study must take
+to go from its starting-point to its goal will be in three parts. First,
+the concepts of law, the State, and property must be determined. Next,
+it must be ascertained what the Anarchistic teachings assert about law,
+the State, and property. Finally, after removing some errors, we must
+get determinate concepts of Anarchism and its species.
+
+1. First, we must get determinate concepts of law, the State, and
+property; and this must be of law, the State, and property in general,
+not of the law, State, or property of a particular legal system or a
+particular family of legal systems.
+
+Law, the State, and property, in this sense, are the objects about which
+the doctrines which are to be examined in their common and special
+qualities make assertions. Before the fact of any assertions about an
+object can be ascertained,--not to say, before the common and special
+qualities of these assertions can be brought out and assigned to a place
+in the total realm of our experience,--we must get a determinate concept
+of this object itself. Hence the first thing that must be done is to
+determine the concepts of law, the State, and property (chapter II).
+
+2. Next, it must be ascertained what the Anarchistic teachings assert
+about law, the State, and property;--that is, the recognized Anarchistic
+teachings, and also those teachings which likewise display the qualities
+common to these.
+
+What the recognized Anarchistic teachings say, must be ascertained in
+order to determine the concept of Anarchism. What all the teachings that
+display the common qualities of the recognized Anarchistic teachings
+say, must be ascertained in order that we may get determinate concepts
+of the species of Anarchism.
+
+So each of these teachings must be questioned regarding its relation to
+law, the State, and property. These questions must be preceded by the
+question on what foundation the teaching rests, and must be followed by
+the question how it conceives the process of its realization.
+
+It is impossible to present here all recognized Anarchistic teachings,
+not to say all Anarchistic teachings. Therefore our study limits itself
+to the presentation of seven especially prominent teachings (chapters
+III to IX), and then, from this standpoint, seeks to get a view of the
+totality of recognized Anarchistic teachings and of all Anarchistic
+teachings (chapter X).
+
+The teachings presented are presented in their own words,[24] but
+according to a uniform system: the first, for security against the
+importation of alien thoughts; the second, to avoid the uncomparable
+juxtaposition of fundamentally different courses of thought. They have
+been compelled to give definite replies to definite questions; it was
+indeed necessary in many cases to bring the answers together in tiny
+fragments from the most various writings, to sift them so far as they
+contradicted each other, and to explain them so far as they deviated
+from ordinary language. Thus Tolstoi's strictly logical structure of
+thought and Bakunin's confused talk, Kropotkin's discussions full of
+glowing philanthropy and Stirner's self-pleasing smartness, come before
+our eyes directly and yet in comparable form.
+
+3. Finally, after removing widely diffused errors, we are to get
+determinate concepts of Anarchism and its species.
+
+We must, therefore, on the basis of that knowledge of the Anarchistic
+teachings which we have acquired, clear away the most important errors
+about Anarchism and its species; and then we must determine what the
+Anarchistic teachings have in common, and what specialties are
+represented among them, and assign to both a place in the total realm of
+our experience. Then we have the concepts of Anarchism and its species
+(chapter XI).
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[24] Russian writings are cited from translations, which are cautiously
+revised where they seem too harsh.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+LAW, THE STATE, PROPERTY
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+_In this discussion we are to get determinate concepts of law, the
+State, and property in general, not of the law, State, and property of a
+particular legal system or of a particular family of legal systems. The
+concepts of law, State, and property are therefore to be determined as
+concepts of general jurisprudence, not as concepts of any particular
+jurisprudence._
+
+1. By the concepts of law, State, and property one may understand,
+first, the concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a
+particular legal system.
+
+These concepts of law, State, and property contain all the
+characteristics that belong to the substance of a particular legal
+system. They embrace only the substance of this system. They may,
+therefore, be called concepts of the science of this system. For we may
+designate as the science of a particular legal system that part of
+jurisprudence which concerns itself exclusively with the norms of a
+particular legal system.
+
+The concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a legal
+system are distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property
+in the sciences of other legal systems by this characteristic,--that
+they are concepts of norms of this particular system. From this
+characteristic we may deduce all the characteristics that result from
+the special substance of this system of law in contrast to other such
+systems. The concepts of property in the present laws of the German
+empire, of France, and of England are distinguished by the fact that
+they are concepts of norms of these three different legal systems.
+Consequently they are as different as are the norms of the present
+imperial-German, French, and English law on the subject of property. The
+concepts of law, State, and property in different legal systems are to
+each other as species-concepts which are subordinate to one and the same
+generic concept.
+
+2. Second, one may understand by the concepts of law, State, and
+property the concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a
+particular family of laws.
+
+These concepts of law, State, and property contain all the
+characteristics that belong to the common substance of the different
+legal systems of this family. They embrace only the common substance of
+the different systems of this family. They may, therefore, be called
+concepts of the science of this family of laws. For we may designate as
+the science of a particular family of laws that part of jurisprudence
+which deals exclusively with the norms of a particular family of legal
+systems, so far as these are not already dealt with by the sciences of
+the particular legal systems of this family.
+
+The concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a family of
+laws are distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property in
+the sciences of the legal systems that form the family by lacking the
+characteristic of being concepts of norms of these systems, and
+consequently lacking also all the characteristics which may be deduced
+from this characteristic according to the special substance of one or
+another legal system. The concept of the State in the science of present
+European law is distinguished from the concepts of the State in the
+sciences of present German, Russian, and Belgian law by not being a
+concept of norms of any one of these systems, and consequently by
+lacking all the characteristics that result from the special substance
+of the constitutional norms in force in Germany, Russia, and Belgium.
+Its relation to the concepts of the State in the science of these
+systems is that of a generic concept to subordinate species-concepts.
+
+The concepts of law, State, and property in the science of a family of
+laws are distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property in
+the sciences of other such families by this characteristic,--that they
+are concepts of norms of this particular family. From this
+characteristic we may deduce all the characteristics that are peculiar
+to the common substance of the different legal systems of this family in
+contrast to the common substance of the different legal systems of other
+families. The concept of the State in the science of present European
+law and the concept of the State in the science of European law in the
+year 1000 are distinguished by the fact that the one is a concept of
+constitutional norms that are in force in Europe to-day, the other of
+such as were in force in Europe then; consequently they are different in
+the same way as what the constitutional norms in force in Europe to-day
+have in common is different from what was common to the constitutional
+norms in force in Europe then. These concepts are to each other as
+species-concepts which are subordinate to one and the same generic
+concept.
+
+3. Third, one may understand by the concepts of law, State, and property
+the concepts of law, State, and property in general jurisprudence.
+
+These concepts of law, State, and property contain all the
+characteristics that belong to the common substance of the most
+different systems and families of laws. They embrace only what the norms
+of the most different systems and families of laws have in common. They
+may, therefore, be called concepts of general jurisprudence. For that
+part of jurisprudence which treats of legal norms without limitation to
+any particular system or family of laws, so far as these norms are not
+already treated by the sciences of the particular systems and families,
+may be designated as general jurisprudence.
+
+The concepts of law, State, and property in general jurisprudence are
+distinguished from the concepts of law, State, and property in the
+particular jurisprudences by lacking the characteristic of being
+concepts of norms of one of these systems or at least one of these
+families of systems, and consequently lacking also all the
+characteristics which may be deduced from this characteristic according
+to the special substance of some system or family of laws. The concept
+of law _per se_ is distinguished from the concept of law in present
+European law and from the concept of law in the present law of the
+German empire by not being a concept of norms of that family of laws,
+not to say that particular system, and consequently by lacking all the
+characteristics that might belong to any peculiarities which might be
+common to all legal norms at present in force in Europe or in Germany.
+Its relation to the concepts of law in these particular jurisprudences
+is that of a generic concept to subordinate species-concepts.
+
+4. In which of the senses here distinguished the concepts of law, State,
+and property should be defined in a particular case, and what matters
+should accordingly be taken into consideration in defining them, depends
+on the purpose of one's study.
+
+If, for example, the point is to describe scientifically the
+constitutional norms of the present law of the German empire, then the
+concept of the State as defined on this occasion must be a concept of
+the science of this particular legal system. For scientific work on the
+norms of a particular legal system requires that concepts be formed of
+the norms of just this system. Consequently the material to be taken
+into consideration will be only the constitutional norms of the present
+law of the German empire.--That the concepts defined in the scientific
+description of a system of law are in fact concepts of the science of
+this system may indeed seem obscure. For every concept of the science of
+any particular system of law may be defined as the concept of a species
+under the corresponding generic concept of general jurisprudence. We
+define this generic concept, say the concept of the State in general
+jurisprudence, and add the distinctive characteristic of the
+species-concept, that it is a concept of norms of this particular system
+of law, say of the present law of the German empire. And then we often
+leave this additional characteristic unexpressed, where we think we may
+assume (as is the case in the scientific description of the norms of any
+particular system of law) that everybody will regard it as tacitly
+added. The consequence is that the definition given in the scientific
+description of a particular system of law looks, at a superficial
+glance, like the definition of a concept of general jurisprudence.
+
+Or, if the point is to compare scientifically the norms of present
+European law regarding property, the concept of property as defined on
+this occasion must be a concept of the science of this particular family
+of laws. For the scientific comparison of norms of different legal
+systems demands that concepts of the sciences of these different legal
+systems be subordinately arranged under the corresponding concept of the
+science of the family of laws which is made up of these systems.
+Consequently the material to be taken into consideration will be only
+the norms of this family of laws.--Here again, indeed, it may seem
+obscure that the concepts defined are really concepts of the science of
+this family of laws. For the concepts that belong to the science of a
+family of laws may likewise be defined by defining the corresponding
+concepts of general jurisprudence and tacitly adding the characteristic
+of being concepts of norms of this particular family of laws.
+
+Finally, if it comes to pass that the point is to compare scientifically
+what the norms of the most diverse systems of law have in common, the
+concept of law as defined on this occasion must be a concept of general
+jurisprudence. For the scientific comparison of norms of the most
+diverse systems and families of laws demands that concepts which belong
+to the sciences of the most diverse systems and families of laws be
+subordinately arranged under the corresponding concept of general
+jurisprudence. Consequently the material to be taken into consideration
+will be the norms of the most diverse systems and families of laws.
+
+Here,--where the point is to take the first step toward a scientific
+comprehension of teachings which pass judgment on law, the State, and
+property in general, not only on the law, State, or property of a
+particular system or family of laws,--the concepts of law, State, and
+property must necessarily be defined as concepts of general
+jurisprudence. For a scientific comprehension of teachings which deal
+with the common substance of the most diverse systems and families of
+laws demands that concepts of this common substance--consequently
+concepts belonging to general jurisprudence--be formed. Therefore we
+have to take into consideration, as our material, the norms (especially
+regarding the State and property) of the most diverse systems and
+families of laws.
+
+
+2.--LAW
+
+_Law is the body of legal norms. A legal norm is a norm which is based
+on the fact that men have the will to see a certain procedure generally
+observed within a circle which includes themselves._
+
+1. A legal norm is a norm.
+
+A norm is the idea of a correct procedure. A correct procedure means one
+that corresponds either to the final purpose of all human procedure
+(unconditionally correct procedure,--for instance, respect for another's
+life), or at any rate to some accidental purpose (conditionally correct
+procedure,--for instance, the skilled handling of a picklock). And the
+idea of a correct procedure means that the unconditionally or
+conditionally correct procedure is to be thought of not as a fact but as
+a task, not as something real but as something to be realized; it does
+not mean that I shall in fact spare my enemy's life, but that I am to
+spare it--not how the thief really did use the picklock, but how he
+should have used it. The idea of a correct procedure is what we
+designate as an "ought": when I think of an "ought," I think of what has
+to be done in order to realize either the final purpose of all human
+procedure or some accidental personal purpose. All passing of judgment
+on past procedure is conditioned upon the idea of a correct
+procedure--only with regard to this idea can past procedure be described
+as good or bad, expedient or inexpedient; and so is all deliberation on
+future procedure--only with regard to this idea does one inquire whether
+it will be right, or at any rate expedient, to proceed in a given
+manner.
+
+Every legal norm represents a procedure as correct, declares that it
+corresponds to a particular purpose. And it represents this correct
+procedure as an idea, designates it not as a fact but as a task, does
+not say that any one does proceed so but that one is to proceed so.
+Hence a legal norm is a norm.
+
+2. A legal norm is a norm based on a human will.
+
+A norm based on a human will is a norm by virtue of which one must
+proceed in a certain way in order that he may not put himself in
+opposition to the will of some particular men, and so be apprehended by
+the power which is at the service of these men. Such a norm, therefore,
+represents a procedure only as conditionally correct; to wit, as a means
+to the end (which we are perhaps pursuing or perhaps despising) of
+remaining in harmony with the will of certain men, and so being spared
+by the power which serves this will.
+
+Every legal norm tells us that we must proceed in a certain way in order
+that we may not contravene the will of some particular men and then
+suffer under their power. Therefore it represents a procedure only as
+conditionally correct, and instructs us not as to what is good but only
+as to what is prescribed. Hence a legal norm is a norm based on a human
+will.
+
+3. A legal norm is a norm based on the fact that men will to have a
+certain procedure for themselves and others.
+
+A norm is based on the fact that men will to have a certain procedure
+for themselves and others when the will on which the norm is based has
+reference not only to others who do not will, but also, at the same
+time, to the willers themselves also; when, therefore, these not only
+will that others be subject to the norm but also will to be subject to
+it themselves.
+
+Every legal norm, and of all norms only the legal norm, has the
+characteristic that the will on which it is based reaches beyond those
+whose will it is, and yet embraces them too. The rule, "Whoever takes
+from another a movable thing that is not his own, with the intent to
+appropriate it illegally, is punished with imprisonment for theft," is
+not only based on the will of men, but each of these men is also
+conscious that, while on the one hand the rule applies to other men, on
+the other hand it applies to himself.
+
+Here it might be alleged that, after all, the mere fact of men's will to
+have a certain procedure for themselves and others does not always
+establish law; for example, the efforts of the Bonapartists do not
+establish the empire in France. But it is not when this bare will exists
+that law is established, but only when a norm is based on this will;
+that is, when it has in its service so great a power that it is
+competent to affect the behavior of the men to whom it relates. As soon
+as Bonapartism spreads so widely and in such circles that this takes
+place, the republic will fall and the empire will indeed become law in
+France.
+
+One might further appeal to the fact that in unlimited monarchies (in
+Russia, for instance) the law is based solely on the will of one man,
+who is not himself subject to it. But Russian law is not based on the
+czar's will at all; the czar is a weak individual man, and his will in
+itself is totally unqualified to affect many millions of Russians in
+their procedure. Russian law is based rather on the will of all those
+Russians--peasants, soldiers, officials--who, for the most various
+reasons--patriotism, self-interest, superstition--will that what the
+czar wills shall be law in Russia. Their will is qualified to affect the
+procedure of the Russians; and, if they should ever grow so few that it
+would no longer have this qualification, then the czar's will would no
+longer be law in Russia, as the history of revolutions proves.
+
+4. It has been asserted that legal norms have still other qualities.
+
+It has been said, first, that it belongs to the essence of a legal norm
+to be enforceable, or even to be enforceable in a particular way, by
+judicial procedure, governmental force.
+
+If by this we are to understand that conformity can always be enforced,
+we are met at once by the great number of cases in which this cannot be
+done. When a debtor is insolvent, or a murder has been committed,
+conformity to the violated legal norms cannot now be enforced after the
+fact, but their validity is not impaired by this.
+
+If by enforceability we mean that conformity to a legal norm must be
+insured by other legal norms providing for the case of its violation, we
+need only go on from the insured to the insuring norms for a while, to
+come to norms for which conformity is not insured by any further legal
+norms. If one refuses to recognize these norms as legal norms, then
+neither can the norms which are insured by them rank as legal norms, and
+so, going back along the series, one has at last no legal norms left.
+
+Only if one would understand by the enforceability of the legal norm
+that a will must have at its disposal a certain power in order that a
+legal norm may be based on it, one might certainly say in this sense
+that enforceability belongs to the essence of a legal norm. But this
+quality of the legal norm would be only such a quality as would be
+derivable from its quality of being a norm, and would therefore have no
+claim to be added as a further quality.
+
+Again, it has been named an essential quality of a legal norm that it
+should be based on the will of a State. But even where we cannot speak
+of a State at all, among nomads for instance, there are yet legal norms.
+Besides, every State is itself a legal relation, established by legal
+norms, which consequently cannot be based on its will. And lastly, the
+norms of international law, which are intended to bind the will of
+States, cannot be based on the will of a State.
+
+Finally, it has been asserted that it was essential to a legal norm that
+it should correspond to the moral law. If this were so, then among the
+different legal norms which to-day are in force one directly after the
+other in the same territory, or at the same time in different
+territories under the same circumstances, only one could in each case be
+regarded as a legal norm; for under the same circumstances there is only
+one moral right. Nor could one speak then of unrighteous legal norms,
+for if they were unrighteous they would not be legal norms. But in
+reality, even when legal norms determine conduct quite differently under
+the same circumstances, they are all nevertheless recognized as legal
+norms; nor is it doubted that there are bad legal norms as well as good.
+
+5. As a norm based on the fact that men have the will to see a certain
+procedure generally observed within a circle which includes themselves,
+the legal norm is distinguished from all other objects, even from those
+that most resemble it.
+
+By being based on the will of men it is distinguished from the moral law
+(the commandment of morality); this is not based on men's willing a
+certain procedure, but on the fact that this procedure corresponds to
+the final purpose of all human procedure. The maxim, "Love your enemies,
+bless those who curse you, do good to those who hate you, pray for those
+who abuse and persecute you," is a moral law; so is the maxim, "Act so
+that the maxims of your will might at all times serve as the principles
+of a general legislation." For the correctness of such a procedure is
+not founded on the fact that other men will have it, but on the fact
+that it corresponds to the final purpose of all human procedure.
+
+By being based on the will of men the legal norm is distinguished also
+from good manners; these are not based on the fact that men will a
+certain procedure, but on the fact that they themselves proceed in a
+certain way. It is manners that one goes to a ball in a dress coat and
+white gloves, uses his knife at table only for cutting, begs the
+daughter of the house for a dance or at least one round, takes leave of
+the master and mistress of the house, and lastly presses a tip into the
+servant's hand; for the correctness of such a behavior is not based on
+the fact that other men ask this of us,--to those who start a new
+fashion it is often actually unpleasant to find that the fashion is
+spreading to more extensive circles,--but solely on the fact that other
+men themselves behave so, and that we want "not to be peculiar," "not to
+make ourselves conspicuous," "to do like the rest," etc.
+
+By being based on a will which relates at once to those whose will it is
+and to others whose will it is not, it is distinguished on the one hand
+from an arbitrary command, in which one's will applies only to others,
+and on the other from a resolution, in which it applies only to himself.
+It is an arbitrary command when Cortes with his Spaniards commands the
+Mexicans to bring out their gold, or when a band of robbers forbids a
+frightened peasantry to betray their hiding-place; here a human will
+decides, indeed, but a will that relates only to other men, and not at
+the same time to those whose will it is. A resolution is presented when
+I have decided to get up at six every morning, or to leave off smoking,
+or to finish a piece of work within a specified time--here a human will
+is indeed the standard, but it relates only to him whose will it is, not
+at all to others.
+
+6. What is briefly summed up in the definition of the legal norm may, if
+one takes into account the explanations which have been given with this
+definition, be expanded as follows:
+
+Men will that a given procedure be generally observed within a circle
+which includes themselves, and their power is so great that their will
+is competent to affect the men of this circle in their procedure. When
+such is the condition of things, a legal norm exists.
+
+
+3.--THE STATE
+
+_The State is a legal relation by virtue of which a supreme authority
+exists in a certain territory._
+
+1. The State is a legal relation.
+
+A legal relation is the relation, determined by legal norms, of an
+obligated party, one to whom a procedure is prescribed, to an entitled
+party, one for whose sake it is prescribed. Thus, for instance, the
+legal relation of a loan is a relation of the borrower, who is bound by
+the legal norms concerning loans, to the lender, for whose sake he is
+bound.
+
+The State is the legal relation of all the men who by legal norms are
+subjected to a supreme territorial authority, to all those for whose
+sake they are subjected to it. Here the circle of the entitled and the
+obligated is one and the same; the State is a bond upon all in favor of
+all.
+
+To this it might perhaps be objected that the State is not a legal
+relation but a person. But the two propositions, that an association of
+men is a person in the legal sense and that it is a legal relation, are
+quite compatible; nay, its attribute of personality is based mainly on
+its attribute of being a legal relation of a particular kind; law, in
+viewing the association in its outward relationships as a person, starts
+from the fact that men are bound together by a particular legal
+relation. A joint-stock corporation is a person not although, but
+because, it is a legal relation of a peculiar kind. And similarly, the
+fact that the State is a person is not only reconcilable with its being
+a legal relation, but is founded on its being a peculiar legal relation.
+
+2. As to the conditions of its existence, this legal relation is
+involuntary.
+
+A voluntary legal relation exists when legal norms make entrance into
+the relation conditional on actions of the obligated party, of which
+actions the purpose is to bring about the legal relation; for instance,
+entrance into the relation of tenancy is conditioned on agreeing to a
+lease. _Per contra_, an involuntary legal relation exists when legal
+norms do not make entrance into the relation conditional on any such
+actions of the obligated party, as, for instance, a patent is not
+conditioned on any action of those who are bound by it, and the sentence
+of a criminal is at least not conditioned on any action whereby he
+intended to bring it about.
+
+If the State were a voluntary legal relation, a supreme authority could
+exist only for those inhabitants of a territory who had acknowledged it.
+But the supreme authority exists for all inhabitants of the territory,
+whether they have acknowledged it or not; the legal relation is
+therefore involuntary.
+
+3. The substance of this legal relation is, that a supreme authority
+exists in a territory.
+
+An authority exists in a territory by virtue of a legal relation when,
+according to the legal norms which found the relation, the will of some
+men--or even merely of a man--is regulative for the inhabitants of this
+territory. A supreme authority exists in a territory by virtue of a
+legal relation when according to those norms the will of some men is
+finally regulative for the inhabitants of the territory,--that is, is
+decisive when authorities disagree. What we here designate as a supreme
+authority, therefore, is not the men on whose will the legal norms in
+force in a territory are based, but rather their highest agents, whose
+will they would have finally regulative within the territory.
+
+What men it is whose will is finally regulative for the inhabitants of a
+territory by virtue of a legal relation--for instance, members of a
+royal family according to a certain order of inheritance, or persons
+elected according to a certain election law--depends on the legal norms
+by which the legal relation is determined. On these legal norms, too,
+depends the question within what limits the will of these men is
+regulative. But this limited nature of the authority does not stand in
+the way of its being a supreme authority; the highest agent need not be
+an agent with unrestricted powers.
+
+Here one might perhaps object that in federal States, in the German
+empire for instance, the individual States have not supreme authority.
+But in reality they have it. For, even if there are a multitude of
+subjects in reference to which the highest authority of the individual
+States of the German empire has to bow to the imperial authority, yet
+there are also subjects enough about which the highest authority of the
+individual States gives a final decision. As long as there are such
+subjects, a supreme authority exists in the individual States; if some
+day there should no longer be such, one could no longer speak of
+individual States.
+
+4. As a legal relation, by virtue of which a supreme authority exists in
+a territory, the State is distinguished from all other objects, even
+from those that most resemble it.
+
+By being a legal relation it is distinguished on the one hand from
+institutions such as would exist in a conceivable kingdom of God or of
+reason, on the basis of the moral law, and on the other hand from the
+dominion of a conqueror in the conquered country, which can never be
+anything but an arbitrary dominion.
+
+Being an involuntary legal relation, the State is distinguished from a
+conceivable association of men who should set up a supreme authority
+among themselves by an agreement, as well as from leagues under
+international law, in which a supreme authority exists on the basis of
+an agreement.
+
+The fact that by virtue of a legal relation an authority over a
+territory is given distinguishes the State from the tribal community of
+nomads and from the Church; for in the former there is given an
+authority over people of a certain descent, in the latter over people of
+a certain faith, but in neither over people of a certain territory. And
+finally, in the fact that this territorial authority is a supreme
+authority lies the difference between the State and towns, counties, or
+provinces; in the latter there is indeed a territorial authority
+instituted, but one that by the very intent of its institution must bow
+to a higher authority.
+
+5. What is briefly summed up in the definition of the State may be
+expanded as follows, if one takes into consideration on the one hand the
+previous definition of a legal norm and on the other hand the above
+explanations of the definition of the State:
+
+Some inhabitants of a territory are so powerful that their will is
+competent to affect the inhabitants of this territory in their
+procedure, and these men will have it that for all the inhabitants of
+the territory, for themselves as well as for the rest, the will of men
+picked out in a certain way shall within certain limits be finally
+regulative. When such is the condition of things, a State exists.
+
+
+4.--PROPERTY
+
+_Property is a legal relation, by virtue of which some one has, within a
+certain group of men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately disposing of
+a thing._
+
+1. Property is a legal relation.
+
+As has already been stated, a legal relation is the relation of an
+obligated party, one to whom a procedure is prescribed by legal norms,
+to an entitled party, one for whose sake it is prescribed.
+
+Property is the legal relation of all the members of a group of men who
+by legal norms are excluded from ultimately disposing of a thing, to
+him--or to those--for whose sake they are excluded from it. Here the
+circle of the obligated is much broader than that of the entitled; the
+former embraces, say, all the inhabitants of a territory or all who
+belong to a tribe, the latter only those among them in whom certain
+further conditions (for instance, transfer, prescription, appropriation)
+are fulfilled.
+
+2. As to the conditions of its existence, this legal relation is
+involuntary.
+
+As discussion has already shown, a voluntary legal relation exists when
+legal norms make entrance into the relation conditional on actions of
+the obligated party, of which actions the purpose is to bring about the
+legal relation; _per contra_, an involuntary legal relation exists when
+legal norms do not make entrance into the relation conditional on any
+such actions of the obligated party.
+
+If property were a voluntary legal relation, then there could be
+excluded from ultimately disposing of a thing only those members of a
+group of men who had consented to this exclusion. But all members of the
+group--for instance, all the inhabitants of a territory, all who belong
+to a tribe--are excluded, whether they have consented or not.
+
+3. The substance of this legal relation consists in some one's having,
+within a certain group of men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately
+disposing of a thing.
+
+Some one's having, within a certain group of men, the exclusive
+privilege of ultimately disposing of a thing means that this group is
+excluded from the thing in his favor; that is, they must not hinder him
+from dealing with the thing according to his will, nor may they
+themselves deal with it against his will. Now, the exclusive disposition
+of a thing within a certain group of men may by virtue of a legal
+relation belong to several, part by part, in this way: that some--or
+one--of them have it in this or that particular respect (for instance,
+as to the usufruct), and one--or some--in all other respects which are
+not individually alienated. Whoever thus has, within a group of men, the
+exclusive disposition of a thing in all those respects which are not
+individually alienated, to him belongs, within that group, the exclusive
+privilege of ultimately disposing of the thing.
+
+To whom this belongs by virtue of the legal relation--whether, for
+instance, it belongs among others to him who by labor has made a thing
+into some new thing--depends on the legal norms by which the legal
+relation is determined. On them also depends the question, within what
+limits this belongs to him: the dispository authority of him to whom the
+exclusive disposition of a thing within a group of men ultimately
+belongs is limited not only by the dispository authority of those to
+whom the exclusive disposition within the group proximately belongs, but
+also by the limits within which such dispository authority is at all
+allowed to anybody in the group. Especially, it depends on these legal
+norms whether a privilege of exclusive ultimate disposition belongs to
+individuals as well as to corporations, or only to corporations, and
+whether it applies to every kind of things or only to one kind or
+another.
+
+4. As a legal relation by virtue of which some one has, within a certain
+group of men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately disposing of a
+thing, property is distinguished from all other objects, even from those
+which most resemble it.
+
+By being a legal relation it is distinguished from all the relations in
+which one has the exclusive ultimate disposition of a thing guaranteed
+to him solely by the reasonableness of the men who surround him, or
+solely by his own might, as might be the case in a conceivable kingdom
+of God or of reason, and as is often the case in a conquered country.
+
+Being an involuntary legal relation, it is distinguished from those
+legal relations by virtue of which the exclusive privilege of ultimately
+disposing of a thing belongs to some one solely on the ground of a
+contract, and solely as against the other contracting parties.
+
+That by virtue of this legal relation some one has, within a group of
+men, the exclusive privilege of ultimately disposing of a thing,
+distinguishes property from copyright, by virtue of which some one has
+exclusively, within a group of men, not the disposition of a thing, but
+somewhat else; and furthermore from rights in the property of others, by
+virtue of which some one has, within a group of men, the exclusive
+privilege of disposing of a thing, but not of ultimately disposing of
+it.
+
+5. What is briefly summed up in the definition of property may be
+expanded as follows, if one takes into consideration on the one hand the
+previously given definition of a legal norm, and on the other the above
+explanations of the definition of property.
+
+Some men are so powerful that their will is able to affect in its
+procedure a group of men which embraces them, and these men will have it
+that no member of this group shall, within certain limits, hinder a
+member picked out in a certain way from dealing with a thing according
+to his will, nor, within these limits, himself deal with the thing
+against the will of that member, so far as the will of another member is
+not already in particular respects regulative with respect to that thing
+equally with the will of that member. When such is the condition of
+things, property exists.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+     [Distinguishing the State from arbitrary dominion as he here does
+     (p. 34), and then saying that Anarchism consists solely in the
+     negation of the State, Eltzbacher implies the unsound conclusion
+     that Anarchism does not involve the negation of arbitrary dominion.
+     This is because he incautiously takes the word of the learned
+     public that the only cardinal points of Anarchism are law, the
+     State, and property, without making sure that those who say this
+     are using the term "State" in the precise sense defined by him. But
+     are not many of his "arbitrary commands" law and State by his
+     definitions? Every robber in his band (p. 31) is as much required
+     to keep the secret as are the peasantry, and under the same
+     penalties. In restraining a subject population I restrict my
+     liberty of emigration or investment, and forbid myself to be an
+     accomplice in certain things.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+GODWIN'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+1. William Godwin was born in 1756 at Wisbeach, Cambridgeshire. He
+studied theology at Hoxton, beginning in 1773. In 1778 he became
+preacher at Ware, Hertfordshire; in 1780, preacher at Stowmarket,
+Suffolk. In 1782 he gave up this position. From this time on he lived in
+London as an author. He died there in 1836.
+
+Godwin published numerous works in the departments of philosophy,
+economics, and history; also stories, tragedies, and juvenile books.
+
+2. Godwin's teaching about law, the State, and property is contained
+mainly in the two-volume work "An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice
+and its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness" (1793).
+
+"The printing of this treatise," says Godwin himself, "was commenced
+long before the composition was finished. The ideas of the author became
+more perspicuous and digested as his inquiries advanced. This
+circumstance has led him into some inaccuracies of language and
+reasoning, particularly in the earlier part of the work. He did not
+enter upon the subject without being aware that government by its very
+nature counteracts the improvement of individual intellect; but he
+understood the proposition more completely as he proceeded, and saw more
+distinctly into the nature of the remedy."[25] Godwin's teaching is
+here presented exclusively in the developed form which it shows in the
+second part of the work.
+
+3. Godwin does not call his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." Yet this word causes him no terror. "Anarchy is a horrible
+calamity, but it is less horrible than despotism. Where anarchy has
+slain its hundreds, despotism has sacrificed millions upon millions,
+with this only effect, to perpetuate the ignorance, the vices, and the
+misery of mankind. Anarchy is a short-lived mischief, while despotism is
+all but immortal. It is unquestionably a dreadful remedy, for the people
+to yield to all their furious passions, till the spectacle of their
+effects gives strength to recovering reason: but, though it be a
+dreadful remedy, it is a sure one."[26]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_According to Godwin, our supreme law is the general welfare._
+
+What is the general welfare? "Its nature is defined by the nature of
+mind."[27] It is unchangeable; as long as men are men it remains the
+same.[28] "That will most contribute to it which expands the
+understanding, supplies incitements to virtue, fills us with a generous
+consciousness of our independence, and carefully removes whatever can
+impede our exertions."[29]
+
+The general welfare is our supreme law. "Duty is that mode of action on
+the part of the individual, which constitutes the best possible
+application of his capacity to the general benefit."[30] "Justice is the
+sum of all moral duty;"[31] "if there be such a thing, I am bound to do
+for the general weal everything in my power."[32] "Virtue is a desire to
+promote the benefit of intelligent beings in general, the quantity of
+virtue being as the quantity of desire;"[33] "the last perfection of
+this feeling consists in that state of mind which bids us rejoice as
+fully in the good that is done by others, as if it were done by
+ourselves."[34]
+
+"The truly wise man"[35] strives only for the welfare of the whole. He
+is "actuated neither by interest nor ambition, the love of honor nor the
+love of fame. [He knows no jealousy. He is not disquieted by the
+comparison of what he has attained with what others have attained, but
+by the comparison with what ought to be attained.] He has a duty indeed
+obliging him to seek the good of the whole; but that good is his only
+object. If that good be effected by another hand, he feels no
+disappointment. All men are his fellow laborers, but he is the rival of
+no man."[36]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _Looking to the general good, Godwin rejects law, not only for
+particular local and temporary conditions, but altogether._
+
+"Law is an institution of the most pernicious tendency."[37] "The
+institution once begun, can never be brought to a close. No action of
+any man was ever the same as any other action, had ever the same degree
+of utility or injury. As new cases occur, the law is perpetually found
+deficient. It is therefore perpetually necessary to make new laws. The
+volume in which justice records her prescriptions is for ever
+increasing, and the world would not contain the books that might be
+written."[38] "The consequence of the infinitude of law is its
+uncertainty. Law was made that a plain man might know what he had to
+expect, and yet the most skilful practitioners differ about the event of
+my suit."[39] "A farther consideration is that it is of the nature of
+prophecy. Its task is to describe what will be the actions of mankind,
+and to dictate decisions respecting them."[40]
+
+"Law we sometimes call the wisdom of our ancestors. But this is a
+strange imposition. It was as frequently the dictate of their passion,
+of timidity, jealousy, a monopolizing spirit, and a lust of power that
+knew no bounds. Are we not obliged perpetually to revise and remodel
+this misnamed wisdom of our ancestors? to correct it by a detection of
+their ignorance, and a censure of their intolerance?"[41] "Legislation,
+as it has been usually understood, is not an affair of human competence.
+Reason is [our sole legislator, and her decrees are unchangeable and
+everywhere the same.]"[42] "Men cannot do more than declare and
+interpret law; nor can there be an authority so paramount, as to have
+the prerogative of making that to be law, which abstract and immutable
+justice had not made to be law previously to that interposition."[43]
+
+To be sure, "it must be admitted that we are imperfect, ignorant, and
+slaves of appearances."[44] But "whatever inconveniences may arise from
+the passions of men, the introduction of fixed laws cannot be the
+genuine remedy."[45] "As long as a man is held in the trammels of
+obedience, and habituated to look to some foreign guidance for the
+direction of his conduct, his understanding and the vigor of his mind
+will sleep. Do I desire to raise him to the energy of which he is
+capable? I must teach him to feel himself, to bow to no authority, to
+examine the principles he entertains, and render to his mind the reason
+of his conduct."[46]
+
+II. _The general welfare requires that in future it itself should be
+men's rule of action in place of the law._
+
+"If every shilling of our property, [every hour of our time,] and every
+faculty of our mind, have received their destination from the principles
+of unalterable justice,"[47] that is, of the general good,[48] then no
+other decree can any longer control it. "The true principle which ought
+to be substituted in the room of law, is that of reason exercising an
+uncontrolled jurisdiction upon the circumstances of the case."[49]
+
+"To this principle no objection can arise on the score of wisdom. It is
+not to be supposed that there are not men now existing, whose
+intellectual accomplishments rise to the level of law. But, if men can
+be found among us whose wisdom is equal to the wisdom of law, it will
+scarcely be maintained, that the truths they have to communicate will
+be the worse for having no authority, but that which they derive from
+the reasons that support them."[50]
+
+"The juridical decisions that were made immediately after the abolition
+of law, would differ little from those during its empire. They would be
+the decisions of prejudice and habit. But habit, having lost the centre
+about which it revolved, would diminish in the regularity of its
+operations. Those to whom the arbitration of any question was entrusted
+would frequently recollect that the whole case was committed to their
+deliberation, and they could not fail occasionally to examine
+themselves, respecting the reason of those principles which had hitherto
+passed uncontroverted. Their understandings would grow enlarged, in
+proportion as they felt the importance of their trust, and the unbounded
+freedom of their investigation. Here then would commence an auspicious
+order of things, of which no understanding man at present in existence
+can foretell the result, the dethronement of implicit faith, and the
+inauguration of unclouded justice."[51]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. _Since Godwin unconditionally rejects law, he necessarily has to
+reject the State as unconditionally. Nay, he regards it as a legal
+institution peculiarly repugnant to the general welfare._
+
+Some base the State on force, others on divine right, others on
+contract.[52] But "the hypothesis of force appears to proceed upon the
+total negation of abstract and immutable justice, affirming every
+government to be right, that is possessed of power sufficient to enforce
+its decrees. It puts a violent termination upon all political science,
+and is calculated for nothing farther than to persuade men, to sit down
+quietly under their present disadvantages, whatever they may be, and not
+exert themselves to discover a remedy for the evils they suffer. The
+second hypothesis is of an equivocal nature. It either coincides with
+the first, and affirms all existing power to be alike of divine
+derivation; or it must remain totally useless, till a criterion can be
+found, to distinguish those governments which are approved by God, from
+those which cannot lay claim to that sanction."[53] The third hypothesis
+would mean that one "should make over to another the control of his
+conscience and the judging of his duties."[54] "But we cannot renounce
+our moral independence; it is a property that we can neither sell nor
+give away; and consequently no government can derive its authority from
+an original contract."[55]
+
+"All government corresponds in a certain degree to what the Greeks
+denominated a tyranny. The difference is, that in despotic countries
+mind is depressed by a uniform usurpation; while in republics it
+preserves a greater portion of its activity, and the usurpation more
+easily conforms itself to the fluctuations of opinion."[56] "By its very
+nature positive institution has a tendency to suspend the elasticity and
+progress of mind."[57] "We should not forget that government is,
+abstractedly taken, an evil, a usurpation upon the private judgment and
+individual conscience of mankind."[58]
+
+II. _The general welfare demands that a social human life based solely
+on its precepts should take the place of the State._
+
+1. Men are to live together in society even after the abolition of the
+State. "A fundamental distinction exists between society and government.
+Men associated at first for the sake of mutual assistance."[59] It was
+not till later that restraint appeared in these associations, in
+consequence of the errors and perverseness of a few. "Society and
+government are different in themselves, and have different origins.
+Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness.
+Society is in every state a blessing; government even in its best state
+but a necessary evil."[60]
+
+But what is to hold men together in "society without government"?[61]
+Not a promise,[62] at any rate. No promise can bind me; for either what
+I have promised is good, then I must do it even if there had been no
+promise; or it is bad, then not even the promise can make it my
+duty.[63] "The fact that I have committed an error does not oblige me to
+make myself guilty of a second also."[64] "Suppose I had promised a sum
+of money for a good and worthy object. In the interval between the
+promise and its fulfilment a greater and nobler object presents itself
+to me, and imperiously demands my co-operation. To which shall I give
+the preference? To the one that deserves it. My promise can make no
+difference. I must be guided by the value of things, not by an external
+and alien point of view. But the value of things is not affected by my
+having taken upon me an obligation."[65]
+
+"Common deliberation regarding the general good"[66] is to hold men
+together in societies hereafter. This is highly in harmony with the
+general welfare. "That a nation should exercise undiminished its
+function of common deliberation, is a step gained, and a step that
+inevitably leads to an improvement of the character of individuals. That
+men should agree in the assertion of truth, is no unpleasing evidence of
+their virtue. Lastly, that an individual, however great may be his
+imaginary elevation, should be obliged to yield his personal pretensions
+to the sense of the community, at least bears the appearance of a
+practical confirmation of the great principle, that all private
+considerations must yield to the general good."[67]
+
+2. The societies are to be small, and to have as little intercourse with
+each other as possible.
+
+Small territories are everywhere to administer their affairs
+independently.[68] "No association of men, so long as they adhered to
+the principles of reason, could possibly have any interest in extending
+their territory."[69] "Whatever evils are included in the abstract idea
+of government, are all of them extremely aggravated by the
+extensiveness of its jurisdiction, and softened under circumstances of
+an opposite species. Ambition, which may be no less formidable than a
+pestilence in the former, has no room to unfold itself in the latter.
+Popular commotion is like the waves of the sea, capable where the
+surface is large of producing the most tragical effects, but mild and
+innocuous when confined within the circuit of a humble lake. Sobriety
+and equity are the obvious characteristics of a limited
+circle."[70]--"The desire to gain a more extensive territory, to conquer
+or to hold in awe our neighboring States, to surpass them in arts or
+arms, is a desire founded in prejudice and error. Power is not
+happiness. Security and peace are more to be desired than a name at
+which nations tremble. Mankind are brethren. We associate in a
+particular district or under a particular climate, because association
+is necessary to our internal tranquillity, or to defend us against the
+wanton attacks of a common enemy. But the rivalship of nations is a
+creature of the imagination."[71]
+
+The little independently-administered territories are to have as little
+to do with each other as possible. "Individuals cannot have too frequent
+or unlimited intercourse with each other; but societies of men have no
+interests to explain and adjust, except so far as error and violence may
+render explanation necessary. This consideration annihilates at once the
+principal objects of that mysterious and crooked policy which has
+hitherto occupied the attention of governments. Before this principle
+officers of the army and the navy, ambassadors and negotiators, and all
+the train of artifices that has been invented to hold other nations at
+bay, to penetrate their secrets, to traverse their machinations, to form
+alliances and counter-alliances, sink into nothing."[72]
+
+3. But how are the functions that the State performs at present to be
+performed in the future societies? "Government can have no more than two
+legitimate purposes, the suppression of injustice against individuals
+within the community" (which includes the settling of controversies
+between different districts[73]), "and the common defence against
+external invasion."[74]
+
+"The first of these purposes, which alone can have an uninterrupted
+claim upon us, is sufficiently answered by an association of such an
+extent as to afford room for the institution of a jury, to decide upon
+the offences of individuals within the community, and upon the questions
+and controversies respecting property which may chance to arise."[75]
+This jury would decide not according to any system of law, but according
+to reason.[76]--"It might be easy indeed for an offender to escape from
+the limits of so petty a jurisdiction; and it might seem necessary at
+first that the neighboring parishes or jurisdictions should be governed
+in a similar manner, or at least should be willing, whatever was their
+form of government, to co-operate with us in the removal or reformation
+of an offender whose present habits were alike injurious to us and to
+them. But there will be no need of any express compact, and still less
+of any common centre of authority, for this purpose. General justice and
+mutual interest are found more capable of binding men than signatures
+and seals."[77]
+
+The second function would present itself to us only from time to time.
+"However irrational might be the controversy of parish with parish in
+such a state of society, it would not be the less possible. Such
+emergencies can only be provided against by the concert of several
+districts, declaring and, if needful, enforcing the dictates of
+justice."[78] Foreign invasions too would make such a concert necessary,
+and would to this extent resemble those controversies.[79] Therefore it
+would be "necessary upon certain occasions to have recourse to national
+assemblies, or in other words assemblies instituted for the joint
+purpose of adjusting the differences between district and district, and
+of consulting respecting the best mode of repelling foreign
+invasion."[80]--But they "ought to be employed as sparingly as the
+nature of the case will admit."[81] For, in the first place, the
+decision is given by the number of votes, and "is determined, at best,
+by the weakest heads in the assembly, but, as it not less frequently
+happens, by the most corrupt and dishonorable intentions."[82] In the
+second place, as a rule the members are guided in their decisions by
+all sorts of external reasons, and not solely by the results of their
+free reflection.[83] In the third place, they are forced to waste their
+strength on petty matters, while they cannot possibly let themselves be
+quietly influenced by argument.[84] Therefore national assemblies should
+"either never be elected but upon extraordinary emergencies, like the
+dictator of the ancient Romans, or else sit periodically, one day for
+example in a year, with a power of continuing their sessions within a
+certain limit. The former is greatly to be preferred."[85]
+
+But what would be the authority of these national assemblies and those
+juries? Mankind is so corrupted by present institutions that at first
+the issuing of commands, and some degree of coercion, would be
+necessary; but later it would be sufficient for juries to recommend a
+certain mode of adjusting controversies, and for national assemblies to
+invite their constituencies to co-operate for the common advantage.[86]
+"If juries might at length cease to decide and be contented to invite,
+if force might gradually be withdrawn and reason trusted alone, shall we
+not one day find that juries themselves, and every other species of
+public institution, may be laid aside as unnecessary? Will not the
+reasonings of one wise man be as effectual as those of twelve? Will not
+the competence of one individual to instruct his neighbors be a matter
+of sufficient notoriety, without the formality of an election? Will
+there be many vices to correct and much obstinacy to conquer? This is
+one of the most memorable stages of human improvement. With what
+delight must every well-informed friend of mankind look forward to the
+auspicious period, the dissolution of political government, of that
+brute engine, which has been the only perennial cause of the vices of
+mankind, and which has mischiefs of various sorts incorporated with its
+substance, and no otherwise to be removed than by its utter
+annihilation!"[87]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _In consequence of his unconditional rejection of law, Godwin
+necessarily has to reject property also without any limitation. Nay,
+property, or, as he expresses himself, "the present system of
+property,"_[88]--_that is, the distribution of wealth at present
+established by law,--appears to him to be a legal institution that is
+peculiarly injurious to the general welfare._ "The wisdom of law-makers
+and parliaments has been applied to creating the most wretched and
+senseless distribution of property, which mocks alike at human nature
+and at the principles of justice."[89]
+
+The present system of property distributes commodities in the most
+unequal and most arbitrary way. "On account of the accident of birth, it
+piles upon a single man enormous wealth. If one who has been a beggar
+becomes a well-to-do man, we usually know that he has not precisely his
+honesty or usefulness to thank for this change. It is often hard enough
+for the most diligent and industrious member of society to preserve his
+family from starvation."[90] "And if I receive the reward of my work,
+they give me a hundred times more food than I can eat, and a hundred
+times more clothes than I can wear. Where is the justice in this? If I
+am the greatest benefactor of the human race, is that a reason for
+giving me what I do not need, especially when my superfluity might be of
+the greatest use to thousands?"[91]
+
+This unequal distribution of commodities is altogether opposed to the
+general welfare. It hampers intellectual progress. "Accumulated property
+treads the powers of thought in the dust, extinguishes the sparks of
+genius, and reduces the great mass of mankind to be immersed in sordid
+cares, beside depriving the rich of the most salubrious and effectual
+motives to activity."[92] And the rich man can buy with his superfluity
+"nothing but glitter and envy, nothing but the dismal pleasure of
+restoring to the poor man as alms that to which reason gives him an
+undeniable right."[93]
+
+But the unequal distribution of commodities is also a hindrance to moral
+perfection. In the rich it produces ambition, vanity, and ostentation;
+in the poor, oppression, servility, and fraud, and, in consequence of
+these, envy, malice, and revenge.[94] "The rich man stands forward as
+the principal object of general esteem and deference. In vain are
+sobriety, integrity, and industry, in vain the sublimest powers of mind
+and the most ardent benevolence, if their possessor be narrowed in his
+circumstances. To acquire wealth and to display it, is therefore the
+universal passion."[95] "Force would have died away as reason and
+civilization advanced, but accumulated property has fixed its
+empire."[96] "The fruitful source of crimes consists in this
+circumstance, one man's possessing in abundance that of which another
+man is destitute."[97]
+
+II. _The general welfare demands that a distribution of commodities
+based solely on its precepts should take the place of property._ When
+Godwin uses the expression "property" for that portion of commodities
+which is assigned to an individual by these precepts, he does so only in
+a transferred sense; only a portion assigned by law can be designated as
+property in the strict sense.
+
+Now, according to the decrees of the general welfare, every man should
+have the means for a good life.
+
+1. "How is it to be decided whether an object that may be used for the
+benefit of man shall be my property or yours? There is only one answer;
+according to justice."[98] "The laws of different countries dispose of
+property in a thousand different ways; but only one of them can be most
+consonant with justice."[99]
+
+Justice demands in the first place that every man have the means for
+life. "Our animal needs, it is well known, consist in food, clothing,
+and shelter. If justice means anything, nothing can be more unjust than
+that any man lacks these and at the same time another has too much of
+them. But justice does not stop here. So far as the general stock of
+commodities holds out, every one has a claim not only to the means for
+life, but to the means for a good life. It is unjust that a man works to
+the point of destroying his health or his life, while another riots in
+superfluity. It is unjust that a man has not leisure to cultivate his
+mind, while another does not move a finger for the general
+welfare."[100]
+
+2. Such a "state of equality"[101] would advance the general welfare in
+the highest degree. In it labor would become "so light, as rather to
+assume the appearance of agreeable relaxation, and gentle
+exercise."[102] "Every man would have a frugal, yet wholesome diet;
+every man would go forth to that moderate exercise of his corporal
+functions that would give hilarity to the spirits; none would be made
+torpid with fatigue, but all would have leisure to cultivate the kindly
+and philanthropical affections, and to let loose his faculties in the
+search of intellectual improvement."[103]
+
+"How rapid would be the advances of intellect, if all men were admitted
+into the field of knowledge! It is to be presumed that the inequality of
+mind would in a certain degree be permanent; but it is reasonable to
+believe that the geniuses of such an age would far surpass the greatest
+exertions of intellect that are at present known."[104]
+
+And the moral progress would be as great as the intellectual. The vices
+which are inseparably joined to the present system of property "would
+inevitably expire in a state of society where men lived in the midst of
+plenty, and where all shared alike the bounties of nature. The narrow
+principle of selfishness would vanish. No man being obliged to guard his
+little store, or provide with anxiety and pain for his restless wants,
+each would lose his individual existence in the thought of the general
+good. No man would be an enemy to his neighbor, for they would have no
+subject of contention; and of consequence philanthropy would resume the
+empire which reason assigns her."[105]
+
+3. But how could such a distribution of commodities be effected in a
+particular case?
+
+"As soon as law was abolished, men would begin to inquire after equity.
+In this situation let us suppose a litigated succession brought before
+them, to which there were five heirs, and that the sentence of their old
+legislation had directed the division of this property into five equal
+shares. They would begin to inquire into the wants and situation of the
+claimants. The first we will suppose to have a fair character and be
+prosperous in the world: he is a respectable member of society, but
+farther wealth would add little either to his usefulness or his
+enjoyments. The second is a miserable object, perishing with want, and
+overwhelmed with calamity. The third, though poor, is yet tranquil; but
+there is a situation to which his virtue leads him to aspire and in
+which he may be of uncommon service, but which he cannot with propriety
+accept, without a capital equal to two-fifths of the whole succession.
+One of the claimants is an unmarried woman past the age of
+child-bearing. Another is a widow, unprovided, and with a numerous
+family depending on her succor. The first question that would suggest
+itself to unprejudiced persons having the allotment of this succession
+referred to their unlimited decision, would be, what justice is there in
+the indiscriminate partition which has hitherto prevailed?"[106] And
+their answer could not be doubtful.
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION.
+
+_The change which is called for by the general welfare should, according
+to Godwin, be effected by those who have recognized the truth persuading
+others how necessary the change is for the general welfare, so that law,
+the State, and property would spontaneously disappear and the new
+condition would take their place._
+
+I. The sole requirement is to convince men that the general welfare
+demands the change.
+
+1. Every other way is to be rejected. "Our judgment will always suspect
+those weapons that can be used with equal prospect of success on both
+sides. Therefore we should regard all force with aversion. When we enter
+the lists of battle, we quit the sure domain of truth and leave the
+decision to the caprice of chance. The phalanx of reason is
+invulnerable; it moves forward with calm, sure step, and nothing can
+withstand it. But, when we lay aside arguments, and have recourse to the
+sword, the case is altered. Amidst the clamorous din of civil war, who
+shall tell whether the event will be prosperous or adverse? We must
+therefore distinguish carefully between instructing the people and
+exciting them. We must refuse indignation, rage, and passion, and desire
+only sober reflection, clear judgment, and fearless discussion."[107]
+
+2. The point is to convince men as generally as possible. Only when this
+is accomplished can acts of violence be avoided. "Why did the revolution
+in France and America find all sorts and conditions of men almost
+unanimous, while the resistance to Charles the First divided our nation
+into two equal parties? Because the latter occurred in the seventeenth
+century, the former at the end of the eighteenth. Because at the time of
+the revolutions in France and America philosophy had already developed
+some of the great truths of political science, and under the influence
+of Sydney and Locke, of Montesquieu and Rousseau, a number of strong and
+thoughtful minds had perceived what an evil force is. If these
+revolutions had taken place still later, not a drop of civic blood would
+have been shed by civic hands, not in a single case would force have
+been used against persons or things."[108]
+
+3. The means to convince men as generally as possible of the necessity
+of a change consist in "proof and persuasion. The best warrant of a
+happy outcome lies in free, unrestricted discussion. In this arena truth
+must always be victor. If, therefore, we would improve the social
+institutions of mankind, we must seek to convince by spoken and written
+words. This activity has no limits; this endeavor admits of no
+interruption. Every means must be used, not so much to draw men's
+attention and bring them over to our opinion by persuasion, as rather to
+remove every barrier to thought and to open to everybody the temple of
+science and the field of study."[109]
+
+"Therefore the man who has at heart the regeneration of his species
+should always bear in mind two principles, to regard hourly progress in
+the discovery and dissemination of truth as essential, and calmly to let
+years pass before he urges the carrying into effect of his teaching.
+With all his prudence, it may be that the boisterous multitude will
+hurry ahead of the calm, quiet progress of reason; then he will not
+condemn the revolution that takes place some years before the time set
+by wisdom. But if he is ruled by strict prudence he can without doubt
+frustrate many over-hasty attempts, and considerably prolong the general
+quietness."[110]
+
+"This does not mean, as one might think, that the changing of our
+conditions lies at an immeasurable distance. It is the nature of human
+affairs that great alterations take place suddenly, and great
+discoveries are made unexpectedly, as it were accidentally. When I
+cultivate a young person's mind, when I exert myself to influence that
+of an older person, it will long seem as if I had accomplished little,
+and the fruits will show themselves when I least expect them. The
+kingdom of truth comes quietly. The seed of virtue may spring up when it
+was fancied to be lost."[111] "If the true philanthropist but tirelessly
+proclaims the truth and vigilantly opposes all that hinders its
+progress, he may look forward, with heart at rest, to a speedy and
+favorable outcome."[112]
+
+II. As soon as the conviction that the general welfare demands a change
+in our condition has made itself generally felt, law, the State, and
+property will disappear spontaneously and give way to the new condition.
+"Reform, under this meaning of the term, can scarcely be considered as
+of the nature of action. [It is a general enlightenment.] Men feel their
+situation; and the restraints that shackled them before, vanish like a
+deception. When such a crisis has arrived, not a sword will need to be
+drawn, not a finger to be lifted up in purposes of violence. The
+adversaries will be too few and too feeble, to be able to entertain a
+serious thought of resistance against the universal sense of
+mankind."[113]
+
+In what way may the change of our conditions take place?
+
+1. "The opinion most popular in France at the time that the national
+convention entered upon its functions, was that the business of the
+convention extended only to the presenting a draft of a constitution, to
+be submitted in the sequel to the approbation of the districts, and then
+only to be considered as law."[114]
+
+"The first idea that suggests itself respecting this opinion is, that,
+if constitutional laws ought to be subjected to the revision of the
+districts, then all laws ought to undergo the same process. [But if the
+approbation of the districts to any declarations is not to be delusive,
+the discussion of these declarations in the districts must be unlimited.
+Then] a transaction will be begun to which it is not easy to foresee a
+termination. Some districts will object to certain articles; and, if
+these articles be modeled to obtain their approbation, it is possible
+that the very alteration introduced to please one part of the community
+may render the code less acceptable to another."[115]
+
+"This principle of a consent of districts has an immediate tendency, by
+a salutary gradation perhaps, to lead to the dissolution of all
+government."[116] It is indeed "desirable that the most important acts
+of the national representatives should be subject to the approbation or
+rejection of the districts whose representatives they are, for exactly
+the same reason as it is desirable that the acts of the districts
+themselves should, as speedily as practicability will admit, be in force
+only so far as relates to the individuals by whom those acts are
+approved."[117]
+
+2. This system would have the effect, first, that the constitution would
+be very short. The impracticability of obtaining the free approbation of
+a great number of districts to an extensive code would speedily manifest
+itself; and the whole constitution might consist of a scheme for the
+division of the country into parts equal in their population, and the
+fixing of stated periods for the election of a national assembly, not to
+say that the latter of these articles may very probably be dispensed
+with.[118]
+
+A second effect would be, that it would soon be found a proceeding
+unnecessarily circuitous to send laws to the districts for their
+revision, unless in cases essential to the general safety, and that in
+as many instances as possible the districts would be suffered to make
+laws for themselves. "Thus, that which was at first a great empire with
+legislative unity would speedily be transformed into a confederacy of
+lesser republics, with a general congress or Amphictyonic council,
+answering the purpose of a point of co-operation upon extraordinary
+occasions."[119]
+
+A third effect would consist in the gradual cessation of legislation. "A
+great assembly collected from the different provinces of an extensive
+territory, and constituted the sole legislator of those by whom the
+territory is inhabited, immediately conjures up to itself an idea of the
+vast multitude of laws that are necessary. A large city, impelled by the
+principles of commercial jealousy, is not slow to digest the volume of
+its by-laws and exclusive privileges. But the inhabitants of a small
+parish, living with some degree of that simplicity which best
+corresponds with nature, would soon be led to suspect that general laws
+were unnecessary, and would adjudge the causes that came before them,
+not according to certain axioms previously written, but according to the
+circumstances and demands of each particular cause."[120]
+
+A fourth effect would be that the abrogation of property would be
+favored. "All equalization of rank and station strongly tends toward an
+equalization of possessions."[121] So not only the lower orders, but
+also the higher, would see the injustice of the present distribution of
+property.[122] "The rich and great are far from callous to views of
+general felicity, when such views are brought before them with that
+evidence and attraction of which they are susceptible."[123] But even so
+far as they might think only of their own emolument and ease, it would
+not be difficult to show them that it is in vain to fight against truth,
+and dangerous to bring upon themselves the hatred of the people, and
+that it might be to their own interest to make up their minds to
+concessions at least.[124]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[25] Godwin pp. IX-X [1. VI-VII].
+
+[26] _Ib._ pp. 548-9 [2. 132-3].
+
+[27] _Ib._ p. 90 [1, 120].
+
+[28] _Ib._ p. 150 [1, 164].
+
+[29] _Ib._ p. 90 [1, 120-21].
+
+[30] Godwin p. 101 [1. 134].
+
+[31] _Ib._ pp. 150, 80 [1. 120, 112].
+
+[32] _Ib._ p. 81 [1. 117-18?].
+
+[33] _Ib._ p. 254 [1. 253].
+
+[34] _Ib._ pp. 360-61 [1. ?42].
+
+[35] _Ib._ p. 361. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[36] _Ib._ p. 361 [1. 342; bracketed words omitted in ed. 2]
+
+[37] _Ib._ p. 771 [2. 294].
+
+[38] Godwin pp. 766-7 [2. 290-91].
+
+[39] _Ib._ p. 768 [2. 291].
+
+[40] _Ib._ p. 769 [2. 292].
+
+[41] _Ib._ p. 773 [2. 295].
+
+[42] _Ib._ p. 166 [1. 182, except bracketed words].
+
+[43] _Ib._ p. 381 [2. 3]
+
+[44] Godwin p. 774 [2. 296].
+
+[45] _Ib._ p. 775 [2. 296].
+
+[46] _Ib._ p. 776 [2. 297].
+
+[47] _Ib._ p. 151 [1. 165, except bracketed words].
+
+[48] _Ib._ pp. 121, 81 [1. 145, 118].
+
+[49] _Ib._ p. 773 [2. 295].
+
+[50] Godwin pp. 773-4 [2. 295].
+
+[51] _Ib._ p. 778 [2. 298-9].
+
+[52] _Ib._ p. 140-1 [1. 156].
+
+[53] Godwin p. 141 [2. 156]
+
+[54] _Ib._ p. 148. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[55] _Ib._ p. 149. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[56] _Ib._ p. 572 [2. 149-50].
+
+[57] _Ib._ p. 185 [1. 200].
+
+[58] Godwin p. 380 [2. 2].
+
+[59] _Ib._ p. 79 [1. 111].
+
+[60] _Ib._ p. 79 [1. 111; credited to Paine's "Common Sense," p. 1].
+
+[61] _Ib._ p. 788 [2. 305].
+
+[62] _Ib._ p. 163 [1. 174-6? 180?].
+
+[63] _Ib._ p. 151 [1. 164-5; but see _per contra_ p. 170].
+
+[64] _Ib._ p. 156. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[65] Godwin p. 151. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[66] _Ib._ pp. 161-2 [1. 179].
+
+[67] _Ib._ 164-5 [1. 181].
+
+[68] _Ib._ p. 561 [2. 142].
+
+[69] _Ib._ 566 [2. 145].
+
+[70] Godwin p. 562 [2. 142].
+
+[71] _Ib._ 559 [2. 140].
+
+[72] Godwin p. 561 [2. 141. Obviously Eltzbacher has misunderstood this
+passage. His German translation shows that he mistook "interests" for
+"interest" in the sense of "incentive." Note also that Godwin expressly
+restricts the application of this paragraph, even in its right sense, on
+pp. 111, 145].
+
+[73] _Ib._ p. 566 [2. 145].
+
+[74] _Ib._ p. 564 [2. 144].
+
+[75] _Ib._ p. 564-5 [2. 144].
+
+[76] _Ib._ pp. 773, 778, 779-80 [2. 295, 298-300]
+
+[77] Godwin p. 565 [2. 144].
+
+[78] _Ib._ p. 566 [2. 145].
+
+[79] _Ib._ p. 566 [2. 145].
+
+[80] _Ib._ pp. 573-4 [2. 150-51].
+
+[81] _Ib._ pp. 573-4 [2. 150-51].
+
+[82] _Ib._ pp. 568-9, 571-2 [2. 146, 149].
+
+[83] Godwin pp. 569-70 [2. 148].
+
+[84] _Ib._ pp. 570-71 [2. 148-49].
+
+[85] _Ib._ p. 574 [2. 151]
+
+[86] _Ib._ pp. 576-8 [2. 152-3].
+
+[87] Godwin pp. 578-9 [2. 154]
+
+[88] _Ib._ p. 794 [2. 326].
+
+[89] _Ib._ p. 803. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[90] _Ib._ p. 794. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[91] Godwin p. 795. [Not in ed. 2; cf. 2. 312].
+
+[92] _Ib._ p. 806 [2. 335].
+
+[93] _Ib._ p. 795. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[94] _Ib._ pp. 811, 810 [2. 339, 338--but the words "in the poor" seem
+to be added out of Eltzbacher's head].
+
+[95] Godwin p. 802 [2. 332].
+
+[96] _Ib._ p. 809 [2. 338]
+
+[97] _Ib._ p. 809 [2. 337]
+
+[98] _Ib._ p. 789. [Not in ed. 2; cf. 2. 306-7.]
+
+[99] _Ib._ p. 790. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[100] Godwin pp. 790-91. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[101] _Ib._ p. 821 [2. 351].
+
+[102] _Ib._ p. 821 [2. 352]
+
+[103] _Ib._ p. 806 [2. 335].
+
+[104] _Ib._ p. 807 [2. 336].
+
+[105] Godwin p. 810 [2. 338].
+
+[106] Godwin pp. 779-80 [2. 299-300].
+
+[107] Godwin p. 203 [1, 223, only the two sentences beginning at "But"].
+
+[108] _Ib._ pp. 203-4. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[109] Godwin pp. 202-3. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[110] _Ib._ p. 204. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[111] _Ib._ p. 223. [Not in ed. 2; cf. 1. 226.]
+
+[112] Godwin p. 225. [Not in ed. 2.]
+
+[113] _Ib._ pp. 222-3 [1. 222, except bracketed words].
+
+[114] _Ib._ pp. 657-8 [2. 210].
+
+[115] Godwin pp. 658-9 [2. 211-12; bracketed words a paraphrase].
+
+[116] _Ib._ pp. 659-60 [2. 212].
+
+[117] _Ib._ p. 660 [2. 212].
+
+[118] _Ib._ pp. 660-61 [2. 212-13].
+
+[119] Godwin pp. 661-2 [2. 213-14].
+
+[120] _Ib._ p. 662 [2. 214].
+
+[121] Godwin p. 888 [cf. 2. 396].
+
+[122] _Ib._ pp. 888-9 [2. 396].
+
+[123] _Ib._ pp. 882-3 [2. 392].
+
+[124] _Ib._ pp. 883-84 [2. 393].
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+PROUDHON'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+1. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was born at Besancon in 1809. At first he
+followed the occupation of a printer there and in other cities. In 1838
+a stipend of the Academy of Besancon enabled him to go to Paris for
+scientific studies. In 1843 he took a mercantile position at Lyons. In
+1847 he gave it up and moved to Paris.
+
+Here, in the years from 1848 to 1850, Proudhon published several
+periodicals, one after the other. In 1848 he became a member of the
+National Assembly. In 1849 he founded a People's Bank. Soon after this
+he was condemned to three years' imprisonment for an offence against the
+press laws, and served his time without having to interrupt his activity
+as an author.
+
+In 1852 Proudhon was released from prison. He remained in Paris till, in
+1858, he was again condemned to three years' imprisonment for an offence
+against the press laws. He fled and settled in Brussels. In 1860 he was
+pardoned, and returned to France. Thenceforth he lived at Passy. He died
+there in 1865.
+
+Proudhon published many books and other writings, especially in the
+fields of jurisprudence, political economy, and politics.
+
+2. Of special importance for Proudhon's teaching about law, the State,
+and property are, among the writings before 1848, the book "_Qu'est-ce
+que la propriete? ou recherches sur le principe du droit et du
+gouvernement_" (1840) and the two-volume work "_Systeme des
+contradictions economiques, ou philosophie de la misere_" (1846); among
+the writings from 1848 to 1851 the "_Confessions d'un revolutionnaire_"
+(1849) and the "_Idee generale de la revolution au XIXe siecle_" (1851);
+and lastly, among the writings after 1851, the three-volume work "_De la
+justice dans la revolution et dans l'Eglise, nouveaux principes de
+philosophie pratique_" (1858) and the book "_Du principe federatif et de
+la necessite de reconstituer le parti de la revolution_" (1863).[125]
+
+Proudhon's teaching regarding law, the State, and property underwent
+changes in minor points, but remained the same in its essentials; the
+opinion that it changed also in essentials is caused by Proudhon's
+arbitrary and varying use of language. Since no history of the evolution
+of Proudhon's teaching can be given here, I shall present, so far as
+concerns such minor points, only the teaching of 1848-51, in which years
+Proudhon developed his views with especial clearness and did especially
+forcible work for them.
+
+3. Proudhon calls his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." "'What form of government shall we prefer?' 'Can you ask?'
+replies one of my younger readers without doubt; 'you are a Republican.'
+'Republican, yes; but this word makes nothing definite. _Res publica_ is
+"the public thing"; now, whoever wants the public thing, under whatever
+form of government, may call himself a Republican. Even kings are
+Republicans.' 'Well, you are a Democrat.' 'No.' 'What? can you be a
+Monarchist?' 'No.' 'A Constitutionalist?' 'I should hope not.' 'You are
+an Aristocrat then?' 'Not a bit.' 'You want a mixed government, then?'
+'Still less.' 'What are you then?' 'I am an Anarchist.'"[126]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_According to Proudhon the supreme law for us is justice._
+
+What is justice? "Justice is respect, spontaneously felt and mutually
+guaranteed, for human dignity, in whatever person and under whatever
+circumstances we find it compromised, and to whatever risk its defence
+may expose us."[127]
+
+"I ought to respect my neighbor, and make others respect him, as myself;
+such is the law of my conscience. In consideration of what do I owe him
+this respect? In consideration of his strength, his talent, his wealth?
+No, what chance gives is not what makes the human person worthy of
+respect. In consideration of the respect which he in turn pays to me?
+No, justice assumes reciprocity of respect, but does not wait for it. It
+asserts and wills respect for human dignity even in an enemy, which
+causes the existence of _laws of war_; even in the murderer whom we kill
+as having fallen from his manhood, which causes the existence of _penal
+laws_. It is not the gifts of nature or the advantages of fortune that
+make me respect my neighbor; it is not his ox, his ass, or his
+maid-servant, as the decalogue says; it is not even the welfare that he
+owes to me as I owe mine to him; it is his manhood."[128]
+
+"Justice is at once a reality and an idea."[129] "Justice is a faculty
+of the soul, the foremost of all, that which constitutes a social being.
+But it is more than a faculty; it is an idea, it indicates a relation,
+an equation. As a faculty it may be developed; this development is what
+constitutes the education of humanity. As an equation it presents
+nothing antinomic; it is absolute and immutable like every law, and,
+like every law, very intelligible."[130]
+
+Justice is for us the supreme law. "Justice is the inviolable yardstick
+of all human actions."[131] "By it the facts of social life, by nature
+indeterminate and contradictory, become susceptible of definition and
+arrangement."[132]
+
+"Justice is the central star which governs societies, the pole about
+which the political world revolves, the principle and rule of all
+transactions. Nothing is done among men that is not in the name of
+_right_; nothing without invoking justice. Justice is not the work of
+the law; on the contrary, the law is never anything but a declaration
+and application of what is _just_."[132] "Suppose a society where
+justice is outranked, however little, by another principle, say
+religion; or in which certain individuals are regarded more highly, by
+however little, than others; I say that, justice being virtually
+annulled, it is inevitable that the society will perish sooner or
+later.[133]
+
+"It is the privilege of justice that the faith which it inspires is
+unshakable, and that it cannot be dogmatically denied or rejected. All
+peoples invoke it; reasons of State, even while they violate it, profess
+to be based on it; religion exists only for it; skepticism dissembles
+before it; irony has power only in its name; crime and hypocrisy do it
+homage. [If liberty is not an empty phrase, it acts only in the service
+of right; even when it rebels against right, at bottom it does not curse
+it.]"[134] "All the most rational teachings of human wisdom about
+justice are summed up in this famous adage: _Do to others what you would
+have done to you; Do not to others what you would not have done to
+you._"[135]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _In the name of justice Proudhon rejects, not law indeed, but almost
+all individual legal norms, and the State laws in particular._
+
+The State makes laws, and "as many laws as the interests which it meets
+with; and, since interests are innumerable, the legislation-machine must
+work uninterruptedly. Laws and ordinances fall like hail on the poor
+populace. After a while the political soil will be covered with a layer
+of paper, and all the geologists will have to do will be to list it,
+under the name of _papyraceous formation_, among the epochs of the
+earth's history. The Convention, in three years one month and four days,
+issued eleven thousand six hundred laws and decrees; the Constituent and
+Legislative Assemblies had produced hardly less; the empire and the
+later governments have wrought as industriously. At present the
+'_Bulletin des Lois_' contains, they say, more than fifty thousand; if
+our representatives did their duty this enormous figure would soon be
+doubled. Do you believe that the populace, or the government itself, can
+keep its sanity in this labyrinth?"[136]
+
+"But what am I saying? Laws for him who thinks for himself, and is
+responsible only for his own acts! laws for him who would be free, and
+feels himself destined to become free! I am ready to make terms, but I
+will have no laws; I acknowledge none; I protest against every order
+which an ostensibly necessary authority shall please to impose on my
+free will. Laws! we know what they are and what they are worth. Cobwebs
+for the powerful and the rich, chains which no steel can break for the
+little and the poor, fishers' nets in the hands of the government."[137]
+
+"You say they shall make _few_ laws, make them _simple_, make them
+_good_. But it is impossible. Must not government adjust all interests,
+decide all disputes? Now interests are by the nature of society
+innumerable, relationships infinitely variable and mobile; how is it
+possible that only a few laws should be made? how can they be simple?
+how can the best law escape soon being detestable?"[138]
+
+II. _Justice requires that only one legal norm be in force: to wit, the
+norm that contracts must be lived up to._
+
+"What do we mean by a _contract_? A contract, says the civil code, art.
+1101, is an agreement whereby one or more persons bind themselves to one
+or more others to do or not to do something."[139] "That I may remain
+free, that I may be subjected to no law but my own, and that I may
+govern myself, the edifice of society must be rebuilt upon the idea of
+CONTRACT."[140] "We must start with the idea of contract as the dominant
+idea of politics."[141] This norm, that contracts must be lived up to,
+is to be based not only on its justice, but at the same time on the fact
+that among men who live together there prevails a will to enforce the
+keeping of contracts, if necessary, with violence;[142] so it is to be
+not only a commandment of morality, but also a legal norm.
+
+"Several of your fellow-men have agreed to treat each other with good
+faith and fair play,--that is, to respect those rules of action which
+the nature of things points out to them as being alone capable of
+assuring to them, in the fullest measure, prosperity, safety, and peace.
+Are you willing to join their league? to form a part of their society?
+Do you promise to respect the honor, the liberty, the goods, of your
+brothers? Do you promise never to appropriate to yourself, neither by
+violence, by fraud, by usury, nor by speculation, another's product or
+possession? Do you promise never to lie and deceive, neither in court,
+in trade, nor in any of your dealings? You are free to accept or to
+refuse.
+
+"If you refuse, you form a part of the society of savages. Having left
+the fellowship of the human race, you come under suspicion. Nothing
+protects you. At the least insult anybody you meet may knock you down,
+without incurring any other charge than that of cruelty to animals.
+
+"If you swear to the league, on the contrary, you form a part of the
+society of free men. All your brothers enter into an engagement with
+you, promising you fidelity, friendship, help, service, commerce. In
+case of infraction on their part or on yours, through negligence, hot
+blood, or evil intent, you are responsible to one another, for the
+damage and also for the scandal and insecurity which you have caused;
+this responsibility may extend, according to the seriousness of the
+perjury or the repetition of the crime, as far as to excommunication and
+death."[143]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. Since Proudhon approves only the single legal norm that contracts
+must be lived up to, he can sanction only a single legal relation, that
+of parties to a contract. Hence he must necessarily reject the State;
+for it is established by particular legal norms, and, as an involuntary
+legal relation, it binds even those who have not entered into any
+contract at all. _Proudhon does accordingly reject the State
+absolutely, without any spatial or temporal limitation; he even regards
+it as a legal relation which offends against justice to an unusual
+degree._
+
+"The government of man by man is slavery."[144] "Whoever lays his hand
+on me to govern me is a usurper and a tyrant; I declare him my
+enemy."[145] "In a given society the authority of man over man is in
+inverse ratio to the intellectual development which this society has
+attained, and the probable duration of this authority may be calculated
+from the more or less general desire for a true--that is, a
+scientific--government."[146]
+
+"Royalty is never legitimate. Neither heredity, election, universal
+suffrage, the excellence of the sovereign, nor the consecration of
+religion and time, makes royalty legitimate. In whatever form it may
+appear, monarchical, oligarchic, democratic,--royalty, or the government
+of man by man, is illegal and absurd."[147] Democracy in particular "is
+nothing but a constitutional arbitrary power succeeding another
+constitutional arbitrary power; it has no scientific value, and we must
+see in it only a preparation for the REPUBLIC, one and
+indivisible."[148]
+
+"Authority was no sooner begun on earth than it became the object of
+universal competition. Authority, Government, Power, State,--these words
+all denote the same thing,--each man sees in it the means of oppressing
+and exploiting his fellows. Absolutists, doctrinaires, demagogues, and
+socialists, turned their eyes incessantly to authority as their sole
+cynosure."[149] "All parties without exception, in so far as they seek
+for power, are varieties of absolutism; and there will be no liberty for
+citizens, no order for societies, no union among workingmen, till in the
+political catechism the renunciation of authority shall have replaced
+faith in authority. _No more parties, no more authority, absolute
+liberty of man and citizen_,--there, in three words, is my political and
+social confession of faith."[150]
+
+II. _Justice demands, in place of the State, a social human life on the
+basis of the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to._ Proudhon
+calls this social life "anarchy"[151] and later "federation"[152] also.
+
+1. After the abrogation of the State, men are still to live together in
+society. As early as 1841 Proudhon says that the point is "to discover a
+system of absolute equality, in which all present institutions, minus
+property or the sum of the abuses of property, might not only find a
+place, but be themselves means to equality; individual liberty, the
+division of powers, the cabinet, the jury, the administrative and
+judiciary organization."[153]
+
+But men are not to be kept together in society by any supreme authority,
+but only by the legally binding force of contract. "When I bargain for
+any object with one or more of my fellow-citizens, it is clear that
+then my will alone is my law; it is I myself who, in fulfilling my
+obligation, am my government. If then I could make that contract with
+all, which I do make with some; if all could renew it with each other;
+if every group of citizens, commune, canton, department, corporation,
+company, etc., formed by such a contract and considered as a moral
+person, could then, always on the same terms, treat with each of the
+other groups and with all, it would be exactly as if my will was
+repeated _ad infinitum_. I should be sure that the law thus made on all
+points that concern the republic, on the various motions of millions of
+persons, would never be anything but my law; and, if this new order of
+things was called government, that this government would be mine. The
+_regime of contracts_, substituted for the _regime of laws_, would
+constitute the true government of man and of the citizen, the true
+sovereignty of the people, the REPUBLIC."[154]
+
+"The Republic is the organization by which, all opinions and all
+activities remaining free, the People, by the very divergence of
+opinions and of wills, thinks and acts as a single man. In the Republic
+every citizen, in doing what he wishes and nothing but what he wishes,
+participates directly in legislation and government, just as he
+participates in the production and circulation of wealth. There every
+citizen is king; for he has plenary power, he reigns and governs. The
+Republic is a positive anarchy. It is neither liberty subjected TO
+order, as in the constitutional monarchy, nor liberty imprisoned IN
+order, as the provisional government would have it. It is liberty
+delivered from all its hobbles, superstition, prejudice, sophism,
+speculation, authority; it is mutual liberty, not self-limiting liberty;
+liberty, not the daughter but the MOTHER of order."[155]
+
+2. Anarchy may easily seem to us "the acme of disorder and the
+expression of chaos. They say that when a Parisian burgher of the
+seventeenth century once heard that in Venice there was no king, the
+good man could not get over his astonishment, and thought he should die
+of laughing. Such is our prejudice."[156] As against this, Proudhon
+draws a picture of how men's life in society under anarchy might perhaps
+shape itself in detail, to execute the functions now belonging to the
+State.
+
+He begins with an example. "For many centuries the spiritual power has
+been separated, within traditional limits, from the temporal power. [But
+there has never been a complete separation, and therefore, to the great
+detriment of the church's authority and of believers, centralization has
+never been sufficient.] There would be a complete separation if the
+temporal power not only did not concern itself with the celebration of
+mysteries, the administration of sacraments, the government of parishes,
+etc., but did not intervene in the nomination of bishops either. There
+would ensue a greater centralization, and consequently a more regular
+government, if in each parish the people had the right to choose for
+themselves their vicars and curates, or to have none at all; if in each
+diocese the priests elected their bishop; if the assembly of bishops,
+or a primate of the Gauls, had sole charge of the regulation of
+religious affairs, theological instruction, and worship. By this
+separation the clergy would cease to be, in the hands of political
+power, an instrument of tyranny over the people; and by this application
+of universal suffrage the ecclesiastical government, centralized in
+itself, receiving its inspirations from the people and not from the
+government or the pope, would be in constant harmony with the needs of
+society and with the moral and intellectual condition of the citizens.
+We must, then, in order to return to truth, organic, political,
+economic, or social (for here all these are one), first, abolish the
+constitutional cumulation by taking from the State the nomination of the
+bishops, and definitively separating the spiritual from the temporal;
+second, centralize the church in itself by a system of graded elections;
+third, give to the ecclesiastical power, as we do to all the other
+powers in the State, the vote of the citizens as a basis. By this system
+what to-day is GOVERNMENT will no longer be anything but
+_administration_; all France is centralized, so far as concerns
+ecclesiastical functions; the country, by the mere fact of its electoral
+initiative, governs itself in matters of eternal life as well as in
+those of this world. And one may already see that if it were possible to
+organize the entire country in temporal matters on the same bases, the
+most perfect order and the most vigorous centralization would exist
+without there being anything of what we to-day call constituted
+authority or government."[157]
+
+Proudhon gives a second example in judicial authority. "The judicial
+functions, by their different specialties, their hierarchy, [their
+permanent tenure of office,] their convergence under a single
+departmental head, show an unequivocal tendency to separation and
+centralization. But they are in no way dependent on those who are under
+their jurisdiction; they are all at the disposal of the executive power,
+which is appointed by the people once in four years with authority that
+cannot be diminished; they are subordinated not to the country by
+election, but to the government, president or prince, by appointment. It
+follows that those who are under the jurisdiction of a court are given
+over to their 'natural' judges just as are parishioners to their vicars;
+that the people belong to the magistrate like an inheritance; that the
+litigant is the judge's, not the judge the litigant's. Apply universal
+suffrage and graded election to the judicial as well as the
+ecclesiastical functions; suppress the permanent tenure of office, which
+is an alienation of the electoral right; take away from the State all
+action, all influence, on the judicial body; let this body, separately
+centralized in itself, no longer depend on any but the people,--and, in
+the first place, you will have deprived power of its mightiest
+instrument of tyranny; you will have made justice a principle of liberty
+as well as of order. And, unless you suppose that the people, from whom
+all powers should spring by universal suffrage, is in contradiction with
+itself,--that what it wants in religion it does not want in
+justice,--you are assured that the separation of powers can beget no
+conflict; you may boldly lay it down as a principle that _separation_
+and _equilibrium_ are henceforth synonymous."[158]
+
+Then Proudhon goes on to the army, the customhouses, the public
+departments of agriculture and commerce, public works, public education,
+and finance; for each of these administrations he demands independence
+and centralization on the basis of general suffrage.[159]
+
+"That a nation may manifest itself in its unity, it must be centralized
+in its religion, centralized in its justice, centralized in its army,
+centralized in its agriculture, industry, and commerce, centralized in
+its finances,--in a word, centralized in all its functions and
+faculties; the centralization must work from the bottom to the top, from
+the circumference to the centre; all the functions must be independent
+and severally self-governing.
+
+"Would you then make this invisible unity perceptible by a special
+organ, preserve the image of the old government? Group these different
+administrations by their heads; you have your cabinet, your _executive_,
+which can then very well do without a Council of State.
+
+"Set up above all this a grand jury, legislature, or national assembly,
+appointed directly by the whole country, and charged not with appointing
+the cabinet officers,--they have their investiture from their particular
+constituents,--but with auditing the accounts, making the laws, settling
+the budget, deciding controversies between the administrations, all
+after having heard the reports of the Public Department, or Department
+of the Interior, to which the whole government will thenceforth be
+reduced; and you will have a centralization the stronger the more you
+multiply its foci, a responsibility the more real the more clear-cut is
+the separation between the powers; you have a constitution at once
+political and social."[160]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. Since Proudhon sanctions only the one legal norm that contracts must
+be kept, he can approve only one legal relation, that between
+contracting parties. Hence he must necessarily reject property as well
+as the State, since it is established by particular legal norms, and, as
+an involuntary legal relation, binds even such as have in no way entered
+into a contract. _And he does reject property[161] absolutely, without
+any spatial or temporal limitation; nay, it even appears to him to be a
+legal relation which is particularly repugnant to justice._
+
+"According to its definition, property is the right of using and
+abusing; that is to say, it is the absolute, irresponsible domain of man
+over his person and his goods. If property ceased to be the right to
+abuse, it would cease to be property. Has not the proprietor the right
+to give his goods to whomever he will, to let his neighbor burn without
+crying fire, to oppose the public good, to squander his patrimony, to
+exploit the laborer and hold him to ransom, to produce bad goods and
+sell them badly? Can he be judicially constrained to use his property
+well? can he be disturbed in the abuse of it? What am I saying? Is not
+property, precisely because it is full of abuse, the most sacred thing
+in the world for the legislator? Can one conceive of a property whose
+use the police power should determine, whose abuse it should repress? Is
+it not clear, in fine, that if one undertook to introduce justice into
+property, one would destroy property, just as the law, by introducing
+propriety into concubinage, destroyed concubinage?"[162]
+
+"Men steal: first, by violence on the highway; second, alone or in a
+band; third, by burglary; fourth, by embezzlement; fifth, by fraudulent
+bankruptcy; sixth, by forgery; seventh, by counterfeiting. Eighth, by
+pocket-picking; ninth, by swindling; tenth, by breach of trust;
+eleventh, by gambling and lotteries.--Twelfth, by usury. Thirteenth, by
+rent-taking.--Fourteenth, by commerce, when the profits are more than
+fair wages for the trader's work.--Fifteenth, by selling one's own
+product at a profit, and by accepting a sinecure or a fat salary."[163]
+"In theft such as the laws forbid, force and fraud are employed alone
+and openly; in authorized theft they are disguised under a produced
+utility, which they use as a device for plundering their victim. The
+direct use of violence and force was early and unanimously rejected; no
+nation has yet reached the point of delivering itself from theft when
+united with talent, labor, and possession."[164] In this sense property
+is "theft,"[165] "the exploitation of the weak by the strong,"[166]
+"contrary to right,"[167] "the suicide of society."[168]
+
+II. _Justice demands, in place of property, a distribution of goods
+based on the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to._
+
+Proudhon calls that portion of goods which is assigned to the individual
+by contract, "property." In 1840 he had demanded that individual
+possession be substituted for property; with this one change evil would
+disappear from the earth.[169] But in 1841 he is already explaining that
+by property he means only its abuses;[170] nay, he even then describes
+as necessary the creation of an immediately applicable social system in
+which the rights of barter and sale, of direct and collateral
+inheritance, of primogeniture and bequest, should find their place.[171]
+In 1846 he says, "Some day transformed property will be an idea
+positive, complete, social, and true; a property which will abolish the
+old property and will become equally effective and beneficent for
+all."[172] In 1848 he is declaring that "property, as to its principle
+or substance, which is human personality, must never perish; it must
+remain in man's heart as a perpetual stimulus to labor, as the
+antagonist whose absence would cause labor to fall into idleness and
+death."[173]
+
+And in 1850 he announces: "What I sought for as far back as 1840, in
+defining property, what I am wanting now, is not a destruction; I have
+said it till I am tired. That would have been to fall with Rousseau,
+Plato, Louis Blanc himself, and all the adversaries of property, into
+_Communism_, against which I protest with all my might; what I ask for
+property is a BALANCE,"[174]--that is, "justice."[175]
+
+In all these pronouncements property means nothing else than that
+portion of goods which falls to the individual on the basis of
+contracts, on which society is to be built up.[176] The property which
+Proudhon sanctions cannot be a special legal relation, but only a
+possible part of the substance of the one legal relation which he
+approves, the relation of contract. It can afford no protection against
+a group of men whose extent is determined by legal norms, but only
+against a group of men who have mutually secured a certain portion of
+goods to each other by contract. Proudhon, therefore, is here using the
+word "property" in an inexact sense; in the strict sense it can denote
+only a portion of goods set apart in an involuntary legal relation by
+particular legal norms.
+
+Accordingly, when in the name of justice Proudhon demands a certain
+distribution of property, this means nothing more than that the
+contracts on which society is to be built should make a certain sort of
+provision with respect to the distribution of goods. And the way in
+which they should determine it is this: that every man is to have the
+product of his labor.
+
+"Let us conceive of wealth as a mass whose elements are held together
+permanently by a chemical force, and into which new elements incessantly
+enter and combine in different proportions, but according to a definite
+law: value is the proportion (the measure) in which each of these
+elements forms a part of the whole."[177] "I suppose, therefore, a force
+which combines the elements of wealth in definite proportions and makes
+of them a homogeneous whole."[178] "This force is LABOR. It is labor,
+labor alone, that produces all the elements of wealth and combines them,
+to the last molecule, according to a variable but definite law of
+proportionality."[179] "Every product is a representative sign of
+labor."[180]
+
+"Every product can consequently be exchanged for another."[181] "If then
+the tailor, in return for furnishing the value of one day of his work,
+consumes ten times the weaver's day, it is as if the weaver gave ten
+days of his life for one day of the tailor's. This is precisely what
+occurs when a peasant pays a lawyer twelve francs for a document that it
+costs one hour to draw up; and this inequality, this iniquity in
+exchange, is the mightiest cause of poverty. Every error in commutative
+justice is an immolation of the laborer, a transfusion of a man's blood
+into another man's body."[182]
+
+"What I demand with respect to property is a BALANCE. It is not for
+nothing that the genius of nations has equipped Justice with this
+instrument of precision. Justice applied to economy is in fact nothing
+but a perpetual balance; or, to express myself still more precisely,
+justice as regards the distribution of goods is nothing but the
+obligation which rests upon every citizen and every State, in their
+business relations, to conform to that law of equilibrium which
+manifests itself everywhere in economy, and whose violation, accidental
+or voluntary, is the fundamental principle of poverty."[183]
+
+2. That every man should enjoy the product of his labor is possible only
+through reciprocity, according to Proudhon; therefore he calls his
+doctrine "the theory of _mutuality_ or of the _mutuum_."[184]
+"RECIPROCITY is expressed in the precept, 'Do to others what you would
+have done to you,' a precept which political economy has translated into
+its celebrated formula, 'Products exchange for products.' Now the evil
+which is devouring us results from the fact that the law of reciprocity
+is unrecognized, violated. The remedy consists altogether in the
+promulgation of this law. The organization of our mutual and reciprocal
+relations is the whole of social science."[185]
+
+And so Proudhon, in the solemn declaration which he prefixed to the
+constitution of the People's Bank when he first published it, gives the
+following assurance: "I protest that in criticising property, or rather
+the whole body of institutions of which property is the pivot, I never
+meant either to attack the individual rights recognized by previous
+laws, or to dispute the legitimacy of acquired possessions, or to
+instigate an arbitrary distribution of goods, or to put an obstacle in
+the way of the free and regular acquisition of properties by bargain and
+sale; or even to prohibit or suppress by sovereign decree land-rent and
+interest on capital. I think that all these manifestations of human
+activity should remain free and optional for all; I would admit no other
+modifications, restrictions, or suppressions of them than naturally and
+necessarily result from the universalization of the principle of
+reciprocity and of the law of synthesis which I propound. This is my
+last will and testament. I allow only him to suspect its sincerity, who
+could tell a lie in the moment of death."[186]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_The change which justice calls for is to come about in this way, that
+those men who have recognized the truth are to convince others how
+necessary the change is for the sake of justice, and that hereby,
+spontaneously, law is to transform itself, the State and property to
+drop away, and the new condition to appear._ The new condition will
+appear "as soon as the idea is popularized";[187] that it may appear, we
+must "popularize the idea."[188]
+
+I. Nothing is requisite but to convince men that justice commands the
+change.
+
+1. Proudhon rejects all other methods. His doctrine is "in accord with
+the constitution and the laws."[189] "Accomplish the Revolution, they
+say, and after this everything will be cleared up. As if the Revolution
+itself could be accomplished without a leading idea!"[190] "To secure
+justice to one's self by bloodshed is an extremity to which the
+Californians, gathered since yesterday to seek for gold, may be reduced;
+but may the luck of France preserve us from it!"[191]
+
+"Despite the violence which we witness, I do not believe that hereafter
+liberty will need to use force to claim its rights and avenge its
+wrongs. Reason will serve us better; and patience, like the Revolution,
+is invincible."[192]
+
+2. But how shall we convince men, "how popularize the idea, if the
+_bourgeoisie_ remains hostile; if the populace, brutalized by servitude,
+full of prejudices and bad instincts, remains plunged in indifference;
+if the professors, the academicians, the press, are calumniating you; if
+the courts are truculent; if the powers that be muffle your voice? Don't
+worry. Just as the lack of ideas makes one lose the most promising
+games, war against ideas can only push forward the Revolution. Do you
+not see already that the _regime_ of authority, of inequality, of
+predestination, of eternal salvation, and of reasons of State, is daily
+becoming still more intolerable for the well-to-do classes, whose
+conscience and reason it tortures, than for the mass, whose stomach
+cries out against it?"[193]
+
+3. The most effective means for convincing men, according to Proudhon,
+is to present to the people, within the State and without violating its
+law, "an example of centralization spontaneous, independent, and
+social," thus applying even now the principles of the future
+constitution of society.[194] "Rouse that collective action without
+which the condition of the people will forever be unhappy and its
+efforts powerless. Teach it to produce wealth and order with its own
+hands, without the help of the authorities."[195]
+
+Proudhon sought to give such an example by the founding of the People's
+Bank.[196]
+
+The People's Bank was to "insure work and prosperity to all producers by
+organizing them as beginning and end of production with regard to one
+another,--that is, as capitalists and as consumers."[197]
+
+"The People's Bank was to be the property of all the citizens who
+accepted its services, who for this purpose furnished money to it if
+they thought that it could not yet for some time do without a metallic
+basis, and who, in every case, promised it their preference in
+discounting paper, and received its notes as cash. Accordingly the
+People's Bank, working for the profit of its customers themselves, had
+no occasion to take interest for its loans nor to charge a discount on
+commercial paper; it had only to take a very slight allowance to cover
+salaries and expenses. So credit was GRATUITOUS!--The principle being
+realized, the consequences unfolded themselves ad _infinitum_."[198]
+
+"So the People's Bank, giving an example of popular initiative alike in
+government and in public economy, which thenceforth were to be
+identified in a single synthesis, was becoming for the _proletariat_ at
+once the principle and the instrument of their emancipation; it was
+creating political and industrial liberty. And, as every philosophy and
+every religion is the metaphysical or symbolic expression of social
+economy, the People's Bank, changing the material basis of society, was
+ushering in the revolution of philosophy and religion; it was thus, at
+least, that its founders had conceived of it."[199]
+
+All this can best be made clear by reproducing some provisions from the
+constitution of the People's Bank.
+
+
+     Art. 1. By these presents a commercial company is founded under the
+     name of _Societe de la Banque du Peuple_, consisting of Citizen
+     Proudhon, here present, and the persons who shall give their assent
+     to this constitution by becoming stockholders.
+
+     Art. 3.... For the present the company will exist as a partnership
+     in which Citizen Proudhon shall be general partner, and the other
+     parties concerned shall be limited partners who shall in no case be
+     responsible for more than the value of their shares.
+
+     Art. 5.... The firm name shall be P. J. Proudhon & Co.
+
+     Art. 6. Besides the members of the company proper, every citizen is
+     invited to form a part of the People's Bank as a co-operator. For
+     this it suffices to assent to the bank's constitution and to accept
+     its paper.
+
+     Art. 7. The People's Bank Company being capable of indefinite
+     extension, its virtual duration is endless. However, to conform to
+     the requirements of the law, it fixes its duration at ninety-nine
+     years, which shall commence on the day of its definitive
+     organization.
+
+     Art. 9.... The People's Bank, having as its _basis_ the essential
+     gratuitousness of credit and exchange, as its _object_ the
+     circulation, not the production, of values, and as its _means_ the
+     mutual consent of producers and consumers, can and should work
+     without capital.
+
+     This end will be reached when the entire mass of producers and
+     consumers shall have assented to the constitution of the company.
+
+     Till then the People's Bank Company, having to conform to
+     established custom and the requirements of law, and especially in
+     order more effectively to invite citizens to join it, will provide
+     itself with capital.
+
+     Art. 10. The capital of the People's Bank shall be five million
+     francs, divided into shares of five francs each.
+
+     ... The company shall be definitively organized, and its business
+     shall begin, when ten thousand shares are taken.
+
+     Art. 12. Stock shall be issued only at par. It shall bear no
+     interest.
+
+     Art. 15. The principal businesses of the People's Bank are, 1, to
+     increase its cash on hand by issuing notes; 2, discounting endorsed
+     commercial paper; 3, discounting accepted orders (_commandes_) and
+     bills (_factures_); 4, loans on personal property; 5, loans on
+     personal security; 6, advances on annuities and collateral
+     security; 7, payments and collections; 8, advances to productive
+     and industrial enterprises (_la commande_).
+
+     To these departments the People's Bank will add: 9, the functions
+     of a savings bank and endowment insurance; 10, insurance; 11, safe
+     deposit vaults; 12, the service of the budget.[200]
+
+     Art. 18. In distinction from ordinary bank notes, payable in
+     _specie_ to some one's _order_, the paper of the People's Bank is
+     an order for goods, vested with a social character, rendered
+     perpetual, and is payable at sight by every stockholder and
+     co-operator in the _products_ or _services_ of his industry or
+     profession.
+
+     Art. 21. Every co-operator agrees to trade by preference, for all
+     goods which the company can offer him, with the co-operators of the
+     bank, and to reserve his orders exclusively for his fellow
+     stockholders and fellow co-operators.
+
+     In return, every producer or tradesman co-operating with the bank
+     agrees to furnish his goods to the other co-operators at a reduced
+     price.
+
+     Art. 62. The People's Bank has its headquarters in Paris.
+
+     Its aim is, in the course of time, to establish a branch in every
+     _arrondissement_ and a correspondent in every commune.
+
+     Art. 63. As soon as circumstances permit, the present company shall
+     be converted into a corporation, since this form allows us to
+     realize, according to the wish of the founders, the threefold
+     principle, first, of election; second, of the separation and the
+     independence of the branches of work; third, of the personal
+     responsibility of every employee.[201]
+
+
+II. If once men are convinced that justice commands the change, then
+will "despotism fall of itself by its very uselessness."[202] The State
+and property disappear, law is transformed, and the new condition of
+things begins.
+
+"The Revolution does not act after the fashion of the old governmental,
+aristocratic, or dynastic principle. It is Right, the balance of forces,
+equality. It has no conquests to pursue, no nations to reduce to
+servitude, no frontiers to defend, no fortresses to build, no armies to
+feed, no laurels to pluck, no preponderance to maintain. The might of
+its economic institutions, the gratuitousness of its credit, the
+brilliancy of its thought, are its sufficient means for converting the
+universe."[203] "The Revolution has for allies all who suffer oppression
+and exploitation; let it appear, and the universe stretches its arms to
+it."[204]
+
+"I want the peaceable revolution. I want you to make the very
+institutions which I charge you to abolish, and the principles of law
+which you will have to complete, serve toward the realization of my
+wishes, so that the new society shall appear as the spontaneous,
+natural, and necessary development of the old, and that the Revolution,
+while abrogating the old order of things, shall nevertheless be the
+progress of that order."[205] "When the people, once enlightened
+regarding its true interests, declares its will not to reform the
+government but to revolutionize society,"[206] then "the dissolution of
+government in the economic organism"[207] will follow in a way about
+which one can at present only make guesses.[208]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[125] Not (as stated by Diehl vol. 2 p. 116, Zenker p. 61) 1852.
+
+[126] Proudhon "_Propriete_" p. 295 [212. Bracketed references under
+Proudhon are to the collected edition of his "_OEuvres completes_,"
+Paris, 1866-83.--The passage quoted above is probably the first case in
+history where anybody called himself an Anarchist, though the word had
+long been in use as a term of reproach for enemies].
+
+[127] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 182-3 [1. 224-5].
+
+[128] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 184-5 [1. 227].
+
+[129] _Ib._ 1. 73 [132? but there he says _must be_, not _is_].
+
+[130] _Ib._ 1. 185 [1. 228].
+
+[131] _Ib._ 1. 195 [1. 235].
+
+[132] _Ib._ 1. 185 [1. 228].
+
+[133] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 195 [1. 235].
+
+[134] _Ib._ 3. 45 [3. 276, but with the bracketed sentence much
+abridged. For the phrase "rebel against right," remember that in French
+_right_ and _common law_ are one and the same word].
+
+[135] Pr. "_Propriete_" p. 18 [24-5].
+
+[136] Pr. "_Idee_" 147-8 [136-7]
+
+[137] _Ib._ 149 [138].
+
+[138] Pr. "_Idee_" pp. 149-50 [138].
+
+[139] Pr. "_Principe_" p. 64 [44].
+
+[140] Pr. "_Idee_" p. 235 [215].
+
+[141] Pr. "_Principe_" p. 64 [44].
+
+[142] Pr. "_Idee_" p. 343 [312].
+
+[143] Pr. "_Idee_" pp. 342-3 [311-12].
+
+[144] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 8 [29].
+
+[145] _Ib._ p. 6 [23].
+
+[146] Pr. "_Propriete_" p. 301 [216].
+
+[147] _Ib._ pp. 298-9 [214].
+
+[148] Pr. "_Solution_" p. 54 [39].
+
+[149] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 7 [24].
+
+[150] _Ib._ p. 7 [25-6].
+
+[151] Pr. "_Propriete_" p. 301 [216], "_Confessions_" p. 68 [192],
+"_Solution_" p. 119 [87].
+
+[152] Pr. "_Principe_" p. 67 [46].--Proudhon's teaching was not, as
+asserted by Diehl vol. 2 p. 116, vol. 3 pp. 166-7, and Zenker p. 61,
+Anarchism till 1852 and Federalism thenceforward; his Anarchism was
+Federalism from the start, only he later gave it the additional name of
+Federalism.
+
+[153] Pr. "_Propriete_" pp. XIX-XX [10-11].
+
+[154] Pr. "_Idee_" pp. 235-6 [215-16].
+
+[155] Pr. "_Solution_" p. 119 [87].
+
+[156] Pr. "_Propriete_" pp. 301-2 [216].
+
+[157] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 65 [180-3; bracketed words a paraphrase.]
+
+[158] Pr. "_Confessions_" pp. 65-6 [183-4, except bracketed words].
+
+[159] _Ib._ pp. 66-8 [185-9].
+
+[160] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 68 [191-2].
+
+[161] Pfau pp. 227-31, Adler p. 372, Zenker pp. 26, 41, fail to see
+this, being influenced by the improper sense in which Proudhon uses the
+word "property" for a contractually guaranteed share of goods.
+[Eltzbacher's statement, on the other hand, is not so much drawn from
+Proudhon himself as deduced from a comparison of Eltzbacher's definition
+of property with the statement that Proudhon admits no law but the law
+of contract. I do not think this last statement is correct; I think
+Proudhon would have his voluntary contractual associations protect their
+members in certain definable respects--among others, in the possession
+of goods--against those who stood outside the contract as well as
+against those within. Then this would be, by Eltzbacher's definitions,
+both law and property.]
+
+[162] Pr. "_Contradictions_" 2. 303-4 [2. 237-8].
+
+[163] Pr. "_Propriete_" pp. 285-90 [205-9].
+
+[164] Pr. "_Propriete_" p. 293 [211].
+
+[165] _Ib._ pp. 1-2 [13].
+
+[166] _Ib._ p. 283 [204].
+
+[167] _Ib._ p. 311 [223].
+
+[168] _Ib._ p. 311 [223].
+
+[169] _Ib._ p. 311 [223].
+
+[170] _Ib._ pp. XVIII-XIX [10; consult the passage].
+
+[171] _Ib._ pp. XIX-XX [11].
+
+[172] Pr. "_Contradictions_" 2. 234-5 [2. 184].
+
+[173] Pr. "_Droit_" p. 50 [230].
+
+[174] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 302-3 [1. 324-5].
+
+[175] _Ib._ 303 [1. 325].
+
+[176] Pr. "_Idee_" p. 235 [215]; "_Principe_" p. 64 [44].
+
+[177] Pr. "_Contradictions_" 1. 51 [1. 74].
+
+[178] _Ib._ 1. 53 [1. 75].
+
+[179] _Ib._ 1. 55. [1. 76-7].
+
+[180] _Ib._ 1. 68 [1. 87].
+
+[181] _Ib._ 1. 68 [1. 87].
+
+[182] _Ib._ 1. 83 [1. 98-9].
+
+[183] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 302-3 [1. 325].
+
+[184] Pr. "_Contradictions_" 2. 528 [2. 414].
+
+[185] Pr. "_Organisation_" p. 5 [93].
+
+[186] Pr. "_Banque_" pp. 3-4 [260].
+
+[187] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 515 [2. 133].
+
+[188] _Ib._ 1. 515 [2. 133].
+
+[189] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 71 [201].
+
+[190] Pr. "_Justice_" 1, 515 [2, 133. Eltzbacher finds the sense "all
+will be enlightened" where I translate "everything will be cleared up."
+Eltzbacher's view of the sense--that to those who say "Enlightenment
+must come by the Revolution" Proudhon replies, "No, the Revolution must
+come by enlightenment"--correctly gives the thought brought out in the
+context].
+
+[191] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 466 [2. 90].
+
+[192] _Ib._ 1. 470-71 [2. 94].
+
+[193] _Ib._ 1. 515 [2. 133-4].
+
+[194] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 69 [196].
+
+[195] _Ib._ p. 72 [203].
+
+[196] _Ib._ p. 69 [196].
+
+[197] _Ib._ p. 69 [196].
+
+[198] _Ib._ pp. 69-70 [197].
+
+[199] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 70 [197-8].
+
+[200] [French dictionaries leave us somewhat in the lurch as to
+commercial usages which differ from the English. Eltzbacher translates
+8, "investment as silent partner"; 12, "balancing accounts."]
+
+[201] Pr. "_Banque_" pp. 5-20 [261-77].
+
+[202] Pr. "_Confessions_" p. 72 [202-3].
+
+[203] Pr. "_Justice_" 1. 509 [2. 128-9].
+
+[204] _Ib._ 1. 510 [2. 129].
+
+[205] Pr. "_Idee_" pp. 196-7 [181].
+
+[206] _Ib._ p. 197 [181].
+
+[207] _Ib._ p. 277 [253].
+
+[208] _Ib._ pp. 195, 197 [180-81].
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+STIRNER'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+1. Johann Kaspar Schmidt was born in 1806, at Bayreuth in Bavaria. He
+studied philosophy and theology at Berlin from 1826 to 1828, at Erlangen
+from 1828 to 1829. In 1829 he interrupted his studies, made a prolonged
+tour through Germany, and then lived alternately at Koenigsberg and Kulm
+till 1832. From 1832 to 1834 he studied at Berlin again; in 1835 he
+passed his tests there as _Gymnasiallehrer_. He received no government
+appointment, however, and in 1839 became teacher in a young ladies'
+seminary in Berlin. He gave up this place in 1844, but continued to live
+in Berlin, and died there in 1856.
+
+In part under the pseudonym Max Stirner, in part anonymously, Schmidt
+published a small number of works, mostly of a philosophical nature.
+
+2. Stirner's teaching about law, the State, and property is contained
+chiefly in his book "_Der Einzige und sein Eigentum_" (1845).
+
+--But here arises the question, Can we speak of such a thing as a
+"teaching" of Stirner's?
+
+Stirner recognizes no _ought_. "Men are such as they should be--can be.
+What should they be? Surely not more than they can be! And what can they
+be? Not more, again, than they--can, _i. e._ than they have the
+ability, the strength, to be."[209] "A man is 'called' to nothing, and
+has no 'proper business,' no 'function,' as little as a plant or beast
+has a 'vocation.' He has not a vocation; but he has powers, which
+express themselves where they are, because their being consists only in
+their expression, and which can remain idle as little as life, which
+would no longer be life if it 'stood still' but for a second. Now one
+might cry to man, 'Use your power.' But this imperative would be given
+the meaning that it was man's proper business to use his power. It is
+not so. Rather, every one really does use his power, without first
+regarding this as his vocation; every one uses in every moment as much
+power as he possesses."[210]
+
+Nay, Stirner acknowledges no such thing as truth. "Truths are phrases,
+ways of speaking, words (_logos_); brought into connection, or arranged
+by ranks and files, they form logic, science, philosophy."[211] "Nor is
+there a truth,--not right, not liberty, humanity, etc.,--which could
+subsist before me, and to which I would submit."[212] "If there is a
+single truth to which man must consecrate his life and his powers
+because he is man, then he is subjected to a rule, dominion, law, etc.;
+he is a man in service."[213] "As long as you believe in truth, you do
+not believe in yourself; you are a--servant, a--religious man. You
+alone are truth; or rather, you are more than truth, which is nothing
+at all before you."[214]
+
+If one chose to draw the extreme inference from this, Stirner's book
+would be only a self-avowal, an expression of thoughts without any claim
+to general validity; in it Stirner would not be informing us what he
+thinks to be true, or what in his opinion we ought to do, but only
+giving us an opportunity to observe the play of his ideas. Stirner did
+not draw this inference,[215] and one should not let the style of the
+book, which speaks mostly of Stirner's "I," lead him to think that
+Stirner did draw it. He calls that man "blinded, who wants to be only
+'Man'."[216] He takes the floor against "the erroneous consciousness of
+not being able to entitle myself to as much as I want."[217] He mocks at
+our grandmothers' belief in ghosts.[218] He declares that "penalty must
+make room for satisfaction,"[219] that man "should defend himself
+against man."[220] And he asserts that "over the door of our time stands
+not Apollo's 'Know thyself,' but a 'Turn yourself to account!'"[221] So
+Stirner intends not only to give us information about his inward
+condition at the time he composed his book, but to tell us what he
+thinks to be true and what we ought to do; his book is not a mere
+self-avowal, but a scientific teaching.
+
+3. Stirner does not call his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." He prefers to use the epithet "anarchic" to designate
+political liberalism, which he combats.[222]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_According to Stirner the supreme law for each one of us is his own
+welfare._
+
+What does one's own welfare mean? "Let us seek out the enjoyment of
+life!"[223] "Henceforth the question is not how one can acquire life,
+but how he can expend it, enjoy it; not how one is to produce in himself
+the true ego, but how he is to dissolve himself, to live himself
+out."[224] "If the enjoyment of life is to triumph over the longing or
+hope for life, it must overcome it in its double significance which
+Schiller brings out in 'The Ideal and Life'; it must crush spiritual and
+temporal poverty, abolish the ideal and--the want of daily bread. He who
+must lay out his life in prolonging life cannot enjoy it, and he who is
+still seeking his life does not have it, and can as little enjoy it;
+both are poor."[225]
+
+Our own welfare is our supreme law. Stirner recognizes no duty.[226]
+"Whether what I think and do is Christian, what do I care? Whether it is
+human, humane, liberal, or unhuman, inhumane, illiberal, what do I ask
+about that? If only it aims at what I would have, if only I satisfy
+myself in it, then fit it with predicates as you like; it is all one to
+me."[227] "So then my relation to the world is this: I no longer do
+anything for it 'for God's sake', I do nothing 'for man's sake', but
+what I do I do 'for my sake'."[228] "Where the world comes in my
+way--and it comes in my way everywhere--I devour it to appease the
+hunger of my egoism. You are to me nothing but--my food, just as I also
+am fed upon and used up by you. We have only one relation to each other,
+that of utility, of usableness, of use."[229] "I too love men, not
+merely individuals, but every one. But I love them with the
+consciousness of egoism; I love them because love makes me happy, I love
+because love is natural to me, because it pleases me. I know no
+'commandment of love'."[230]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _Looking to each one's own welfare, Stirner rejects law, and that
+without any limitation to particular spatial or temporal conditions._
+
+Law[231] exists not by the individual's recognizing it as favorable to
+his interests, but by his holding it sacred. "Who can ask about 'right'
+if he is not occupying the religious standpoint just like other people?
+Is not 'right' a religious concept, _i. e._ something sacred?"[232]
+"When the Revolution stamped liberty as a 'right' it took refuge in the
+religious sphere, in the region of the sacred, the ideal."[233] "I am to
+revere the sultanic law in a sultanate, the popular law in republics,
+the canon law in Catholic communities, etc. I am to subordinate myself
+to these laws, I am to count them sacred."[234] "The law is sacred, and
+he who outrages it is a criminal."[235] "There are no criminals except
+against something sacred";[236] crime falls when the sacred
+disappears.[237] Punishment has a meaning only in relation to something
+sacred.[238] "What does the priest who admonishes the criminal do? He
+sets forth to him the great wrong of having by his act desecrated that
+which was hallowed by the State, its property (in which, you will see,
+the lives of those who belong to the State must be included)."[239]
+
+But law is no more sacred than it is favorable to the individual's
+welfare. "Right--is a delusion, bestowed by a ghost."[240] Men have "not
+recovered the mastery over the thought of 'right,' which they themselves
+created; their creature is running away with them."[241] "Let the
+individual man claim ever so many rights; what do I care for his right
+and his claim?"[242] I do not respect them.--"What you have the might to
+be you have the right to be. I deduce all right and all entitlement from
+myself; I am entitled to everything that I have might over. I am
+entitled to overthrow Zeus, Jehovah, God, etc., if I can; if I cannot,
+then these gods will always remain in the right and in the might as
+against me."[243]
+
+"Right crumbles into its nothingness when it is swallowed up by
+force,"[244] "but with the concept the word too loses its meaning."[245]
+"The people will perhaps be against the blasphemer; hence a law against
+blasphemy. Shall I therefore not blaspheme? Is this law to be more to me
+than an order?"[246] "He who has might 'stands above the law'."[247]
+"The earth belongs to him who knows how to take it, or who does not let
+it be taken from him, does not let himself be deprived of it. If he
+appropriates it, then not merely the earth, but also the right to it,
+belongs to him. This is egoistic right; _i. e._, it suits me, therefore
+it is right."[248]
+
+II. _Self-welfare commands that in future it itself should be men's rule
+of action in place of the law._
+
+Each of us is "unique,"[249] "a world's history for himself,"[250] and,
+when he "knows himself as unique,"[251] he is a "self-owner."[252] "God
+and mankind have made nothing their object, nothing but themselves. Let
+me then likewise make myself my object, who am, as well as God, the
+nothing of all else, who am my all, who am the Unique."[253] "Away then
+with every business that is not altogether my business! You think at
+least the 'good cause' must be my business? What good, what bad? Why, I
+myself am my business, and I am neither good nor bad. Neither has
+meaning for me. What is divine is God's business, what is human 'Man's.'
+My business is neither what is divine nor what is human, it is not what
+is true, good, right, free, etc., but only what is mine; and it is no
+general business, but is--unique, as I am unique. Nothing is more to me
+than myself!"[254]
+
+"What a difference between freedom and self-ownership! I am free from
+what I am rid of; I am owner of what I have in my power."[255] "My
+freedom becomes complete only when it is my--might; but by this I cease
+to be a mere freeman and become a self-owner."[256] "Each must say to
+himself, I am all to myself and I do all for my sake. If it ever became
+clear to you that God, the commandments, etc., do you only harm, that
+they encroach on you and ruin you, you would certainly cast them from
+you just as the Christians once condemned Apollo or Minerva or heathen
+morality."[257] "How one acts only from himself, and asks no questions
+about anything further, the Christians have made concrete in the idea of
+'God.' He acts 'as pleases him'."[258]
+
+"Might is a fine thing and useful for many things; for 'one gets farther
+with a handful of might than with a bagful of right.' You long for
+freedom? You fools! If you took might, freedom would come of itself.
+See, he who has might 'stands above the law.' How does this prospect
+taste to you, you 'law-abiding' people? But you have no taste!"[259]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. _Together with law Stirner necessarily has to reject also, just as
+unconditionally, the legal institution which is called State._ Without
+law the State is not possible. "'Respect for the statutes!' By this
+cement the whole fabric of the State is held together."[260]
+
+The State as well as the law, then, exists, not by the individual's
+recognizing it as favorable to his welfare, but rather by his counting
+it sacred, by "our being entangled in the error that it is an I, as
+which it applies to itself the name of a 'moral, mystical, or political
+person.' I, who really am I, must pull off this lion's skin of the I
+from the parading thistle-eater."[261] The same holds good of the State
+as of the family. "If each one who belongs to the family is to recognize
+and maintain that family in its permanent existence, then to each the
+tie of blood must be sacred, and his feeling for it must be that of
+family piety, of respect for the ties of blood, whereby every
+blood-relative becomes hallowed to him. So, also, to every member of the
+State-community this community must be sacred, and the concept which is
+supreme to the State must be supreme to him too."[262] The State is "not
+only entitled, but compelled, to demand" this.[263]
+
+But the State is not sacred. "The State's behavior is violence, and it
+calls its violence 'law', but that of the individual 'crime'."[264] If I
+do not do what it wishes, "then the State turns against me with all the
+force of its lion-paws and eagle-talons; for it is the king of beasts,
+it is lion and eagle."[265] "Even if you do overpower your opponent as a
+power, it does not follow that you are to him a hallowed authority,
+unless he is a degenerate. He does not owe you respect, and reverence,
+even if he will be wary of your might."[266]
+
+Nor is the State favorable to the individual's welfare. "I am the mortal
+enemy of the State."[267] "The general welfare as such is not my
+welfare, but only the extremity of self-denial. The general welfare may
+exult aloud while I must lie like a hushed dog; the State may be in
+splendor while I starve."[268] "Every State is a despotism, whether the
+despot be one or many, or whether, as people usually conceive to be the
+case in a republic, all are masters, _i. e._ each tyrannizes over the
+others."[269] "Doubtless the State leaves the individuals as free play
+as possible, only they must not turn the play to earnest, must not
+forget it. The State has never any object but to limit the individual,
+to tame him, to subordinate him, to subject him to something general; it
+lasts only so long as the individual is not all in all, and is only the
+clear-cut limitation of me, my limitedness, my slavery."[270]
+
+"A State never aims to bring about the free activity of individuals, but
+only that activity which is bound to the State's purpose."[271] "The
+State seeks to hinder every free activity by its censorship, its
+oversight, its police, and counts this hindering as its duty, because it
+is in truth a duty of self-preservation."[272] "I am not allowed to do
+all the work I can, but only so much as the State permits; I must not
+turn my thoughts to account, nor my work, nor, in general, anything
+that is mine."[273] "Pauperism is the valuelessness of Me, the
+phenomenon of my being unable to turn myself to account. Therefore State
+and pauperism are one and the same. The State does not let me attain my
+value, and exists only by my valuelessness; its goal is always to get
+some benefit out of me, _i. e._ to exploit me, to use me up, even if
+this using consisted only in my providing a _proles_ (_proletariat_); it
+wants me to be 'its creature'."[274]
+
+"The State cannot brook man's standing in a direct relation to man; it
+must come between as a--mediator, it must--intervene. It tears man from
+man, to put itself as 'spirit' in the middle. The laborers who demand a
+higher wage are treated as criminals so soon as they want to get it by
+compulsion. What are they to do? Without compulsion they don't get it,
+and in compulsion the State sees a self-help, a price fixed by the ego,
+a real, free turning to account of one's property, which it cannot
+permit."[275]
+
+II. _Every man's own welfare demands that a social human life solely on
+the basis of its precepts should take the place of the State._ Stirner
+calls this sort of social life "the union of egoists."[276]
+
+1. Even after the State is abolished men are to live together in
+society. "Self-owners will fight for the unity which is their own will,
+for union."[277] But what is to keep men together in the union?
+
+Not a promise, at any rate, "If I were bound to-day and hereafter to my
+will of yesterday," my will would "be benumbed. My creature, _viz._, a
+particular expression of will, would have become my dominator. Because I
+was a fool yesterday I must remain such all my life."[278] "The union is
+my own creation, my creature, not sacred, not a spiritual power above my
+spirit, as little as any association of whatever sort. As I am not
+willing to be a slave to my maxims, but lay them bare to my constant
+criticism without any warrant, and admit no bail whatever for their
+continuance, so still less do I pledge myself to the union for my future
+and swear away my soul to it as men are said to do with the devil, and
+as is really the case with the State and all intellectual authority; but
+I am and remain more to myself than State, Church, God, and the like,
+and, consequently, also infinitely more than the union."[279]
+
+Rather, men are to be held together in the union by the advantage which
+each individual has from the union at every moment. If I can "use" my
+fellow-men, "then I am likely to come to an understanding and unite
+myself with them, in order to strengthen my power by the agreement, and
+to do more by joint force than individual force could accomplish. In
+this joinder I see nothing at all else than a multiplication of my
+strength, and only so long as it is my multiplied strength do I retain
+it."[280]
+
+Hence the union is something quite different from "that society which
+Communism means to found."[281] "You bring into the union your whole
+power, your ability, and assert yourself; in society you with your
+labor-strength are spent. In the former you live egoistically, in the
+latter humanly, _i. e._ religiously, as a 'member in the body of this
+Lord'. You owe to society what you have, and are in duty bound to it,
+are--possessed by 'social duties'; you utilize the union, and, undutiful
+and unfaithful, give it up when you are no longer able to get any use
+out of it. If society is more than you, then it is of more consequence
+to you than yourself; the union is only your tool, or the sword with
+which you sharpen and enlarge your natural strength; the union exists
+for you and by you, society contrariwise claims you for itself and
+exists even without you; in short, society is sacred, the union is your
+own; society uses you up, you use up the union."[282]
+
+2. But what form may such a social life take in detail? In reply to his
+critic, Moses Hess, Stirner gives some examples of unions that already
+exist.
+
+"Perhaps at this moment children are running together under his window
+for a comradeship of play; let him look at them, and he will espy merry
+egoistic unions. Perhaps Hess has a friend or a sweetheart; then he may
+know how heart joins itself to heart, how two of them unite egoistically
+in order to have the enjoyment of each other, and how neither 'gets the
+worst of the bargain.' Perhaps he meets a few pleasant acquaintances on
+the street and is invited to accompany them into a wine-shop; does he go
+with them in order to do an act of kindness to them, or does he 'unite'
+with them because he promises himself enjoyment from it? Do they have to
+give him their best thanks for his 'self-sacrifice' or do they know
+that for an hour they formed an 'egoistic union' together?"[283] Stirner
+even thinks of a "German Union."[284]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _Together with law Stirner necessarily has to reject also, and just
+as unconditionally, the legal institution of property._ This "lives by
+grace of the law. It has its guarantee only in the law; it is not a
+fact, but a fiction, a thought. This is law-property, legal property,
+warranted property. It is mine not by me, but by--law."[285]
+
+Property in this sense, as well as the law and the State, is based not
+on the individual's recognizing it as favorable to his welfare, but on
+his counting it sacred. "Property in the civil sense means sacred
+property, in such a way that I must respect your property. 'Have respect
+for property!' Therefore the political liberals would like every one to
+have his bit of property, and have in part brought about an incredible
+parcellation by their efforts in this direction. Every one must have his
+bone, on which he may find something to bite."[286]
+
+But property is not sacred. "I do not step timidly back from your
+property, be you one or many, but look upon it always as my property, in
+which I have no need to 'respect' anything. Now do the like with what
+you call my property!"[287]
+
+Nor is property favorable to the individual's welfare. "Property, as the
+civic liberals understand it, is untenable, because the civic
+proprietor is really nothing but a propertyless man, a man everywhere
+excluded. Instead of the world's belonging to him, as it might, there
+belongs to him not even the paltry point on which he turns around."[288]
+
+II. _Every one's own welfare commands that a distribution of commodities
+based solely on its precepts should take the place of property._ When
+Stirner designates as "property" the share of commodities assigned to
+the individual by these precepts, it is in the improper sense in which
+he constantly uses the word property: in the proper sense only a share
+of commodities assigned by law can be called property.[289]
+
+Now, according to the decrees of his own welfare, every man should have
+all that he is powerful enough to obtain.
+
+"What they are not competent to tear from me the power over, that
+remains my property: all right, then let power decide about property,
+and I will expect everything from my power! Alien power, power that I
+leave to another, makes me a slave; then let own power make me an
+owner."[290] "To what property am I entitled? To any to which I--empower
+myself. I give myself the right of property in taking property to
+myself, or giving myself the proprietor's power, plenary power,
+empowerment."[291] "What I am competent to have is my
+'competence.'"[292] "The sick, children, the aged, are still competent
+for a great deal; _e. g._ to receive their living instead of taking it.
+If they are competent to control you to the extent of having you desire
+their continued existence, then they have a power over you."[293] "What
+competence the child possesses in its smile, its play, its crying,--in
+short, in its mere existence! Are you capable of resisting its demand?
+or do you not hold out to it, as a mother, your breast,--as a father, so
+much of your belongings as it needs? It puts you under constraint, and
+therefore possesses what you call yours."[294]
+
+"Property, therefore, should not and cannot be done away with; rather,
+it must be torn from ghostly hands and become my property; then will the
+erroneous consciousness that I cannot entitle myself to as much as I
+want vanish.--'But what cannot a man want?' Well, he who wants much, and
+knows how to get it, has in all times taken it to him, as Napoleon did
+the continent, and the French Algeria. Therefore the only point is just
+that the respectful 'lower classes' should at length learn to take to
+themselves what they want. If they reach their hands too far for you,
+why, defend yourselves."[295] "What 'man' wants does not by any means
+furnish a scale for me and my needs; for I may have a use for more, or
+for less. Rather, I must have as much as I am competent to appropriate
+to myself."[296]
+
+2. "In this matter, as well as in others, unions will multiply the
+individual's means and make secure his assailed property."[297] "When it
+is our will no longer to leave the land to the land-owners, but to
+appropriate it to ourselves, we unite ourselves for this purpose; we
+form a union, a _societe_, which makes itself owner; if we are
+successful, they cease to be land-owners. And, as we chase them out from
+land and soil, so we can also from many another property, to make it our
+own, the property of the--conquerors. The conquerors form a society,
+which one may conceive of as so great that by degrees it embraces all
+mankind; but so-called mankind is also, as such, only a thought (ghost);
+its reality is the individuals. And these individuals as a collective
+mass will deal not less arbitrarily with land and soil than does an
+isolated individual."[298]
+
+"What all want to have a share in will be withdrawn from that individual
+who wants to have it for himself alone; it is made a common possession.
+As a common possession every one has a share in it, and this share is
+his property. Just so, even in our old relations, a house which belongs
+to five heirs is their common possession; but the fifth part of the
+proceeds is each one's property. The property which for the present is
+still withheld from us can be better made use of when it is in the hands
+of us all. Let us therefore associate ourselves for the purpose of this
+robbery."[299]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_According to Stirner the change which every one's own welfare requires
+is to come about in this way,--that men in sufficient number first
+undergo an inward change and recognize their own welfare as their
+highest law, and that these men then bring to pass by force the outward
+change also: to wit, the abrogation of law, State, and property, and
+the introduction of the new condition._
+
+I. The first and most important thing is the inward change of men.
+
+"Revolution and insurrection must not be regarded as synonymous. The
+former consists in an overturning of conditions, of the existing
+condition or state, the State or society, and so is a political or
+social act; the latter has indeed a transformation of conditions as its
+inevitable consequence, but starts not from this but from men's
+discontent with themselves, is not a lifting of shields but a lifting of
+individuals, a coming up, without regard to the arrangements that spring
+from it. The Revolution aimed at new arrangements: the Insurrection
+leads to no longer having ourselves arranged but arranging ourselves,
+and sets no brilliant hope on 'institutions.' It is not a fight against
+the existing order, since, if it prospers, the existing order collapses
+of itself; it is only a working my way out of the existing order. If I
+leave the existing order, it is dead and passes into decay. Now, since
+my purpose is not the upsetting of an existing order but the lifting of
+myself above it, my aim and act are not political or social, but, as
+directed upon myself and my ownness alone, egoistic."[300]
+
+Why was the founder of Christianity "not a revolutionist, not a
+demagogue as the Jews would have liked to see him; why was he not a
+Liberal? Because he expected no salvation from a change of _conditions_,
+and this whole business was indifferent to him. He was not a
+revolutionist, like Caesar for instance, but an insurgent; not an
+overturner of the State, but one who straightened _himself_ up. He waged
+no Liberal or political war against the existing authorities, but wanted
+to go his own way regardless of these authorities and undisturbed by
+them."[301]
+
+"Everything sacred is a bond, a fetter. Everything sacred will be, must
+be, perverted by perverters of law; therefore our present time has such
+perverters by the quantity in all spheres. They are preparing for the
+break of the law, for lawlessness."[302] "Regard yourself as more
+powerful than they allege you to be, and you have more power; regard
+yourself as more, and you are more."[303] "The poor become free and
+proprietors only when they--'rise'."[304] "Only from egoism can the
+lower classes get help, and this help they must give to themselves
+and--will give to themselves. If they do not let themselves be
+constrained into fear, they are a power."[305]
+
+II. Furthermore, in order to bring about the "transformation of
+conditions"[306] and put the new condition in the place of law, State,
+and property, violent insurrection against the condition that has
+hitherto existed is requisite.
+
+1. "The State can be overcome only by a violent arbitrariness."[307]
+"The individual's violence [_Gewalt_] is called crime [_Verbrechen_],
+and only by crime does he break [_brechen_] the State's authority
+[_Gewalt_] when he opines that the State is not above him, but he above
+the State."[308] "Here too the result is that the thinkers' combat
+against the government is wrong, _viz._ in impotence, so far as it
+cannot bring into the field anything but thoughts against a personal
+power (the egoistic power stops the mouths of the thinkers). The
+theoretical combat cannot complete the victory, and the sacred power of
+thought succumbs to the might of egoism. It is only the egoistic combat,
+the combat of egoists on both sides, that clears up everything."[309]
+
+"The property question cannot be solved so gently as the Socialists,
+even the Communists, dream. It is solved only by the war of all against
+all."[310] "Let me then retract the might which I have conceded to
+others out of ignorance regarding the strength of my own might! Let me
+say to myself, 'Whatever my might reaches to is my property,' and then
+claim as property all that I feel myself strong enough to attain; and
+let me make my real property extend as far as I entitle (_i. e._
+empower) myself to take."[311] "In order to extirpate the unpossessing
+rabble, egoism does not say, 'Wait and see what the Board of Equity
+will--donate to you in the name of the collectivity', but 'Put your hand
+to it and take what you need!'"[312]
+
+In this combat Stirner agrees to all methods. "I will not draw back with
+a shudder from any act because there dwells in it a spirit of
+godlessness, immorality, wrongfulness, as little as St. Boniface was
+disposed to abstain from chopping down the heathens' sacred oak on
+account of religious scruples."[313] "The power over life and death,
+which Church and State reserved to themselves, this too I
+call--mine."[314] "The life of the individual man I rate only at what it
+is worth. His goods, the material and the spiritual alike, are mine, and
+I dispose of them as proprietor to the extent of my--might."[315]
+
+2. Stirner depicts for us a single event in this violent transformation
+of conditions. He assumes that certain men come to realize that they
+occupy a disproportionately unfavorable position in the State as
+compared with others who receive the preference.
+
+"Those who are in the unfavorable position take courage to ask the
+question, 'By what, then, is your property secure, you favored ones?'
+and give themselves the answer, 'By our refraining from interference! By
+our protection, therefore! And what do you give us for it? Kicks and
+contempt you give the "common people"; police oversight, and a catechism
+with the chief sentence "Respect what is not yours, what belongs to
+others! respect others, and especially superiors!" But we reply, "If you
+want our respect, buy it for a price that shall be acceptable to us." We
+will leave you your property, if you pay duly for this leaving. With
+what, indeed, does the general in time of peace pay for the many
+thousands of his yearly income? or Another for the sheer
+hundred-thousands and millions? With what do you pay us for chewing
+potatoes and looking quietly on while you swallow oysters? Only buy the
+oysters from us as dear as we have to buy the potatoes from you, and
+you may go on eating them. Or do you suppose the oysters do not belong
+to us as much as to you? You will make an outcry about violence if we
+take hold and help eat them, and you are right. Without violence we do
+not get them, as you no less have them by doing violence to us.
+
+"'But take the oysters and done with it, and let us come to what is in a
+closer way our property (for this other is only possession)--to labor.
+We toil twelve hours in the sweat of our foreheads, and you offer us a
+few groschen for it. Then take the like for your labor too. We will come
+to terms all right if only we have first agreed on the point that
+neither any longer needs to--donate anything to the other. For centuries
+we have offered you alms in our kindly--stupidity, have given the mite
+of the poor and rendered to the masters what is--not the masters'; now
+just open your bags, for henceforth there is a tremendous rise in the
+price of our ware. We will take nothing away from you, nothing at all,
+only you shall pay better for what you want to have. What have you then?
+"I have an estate of a thousand acres." And I am your plowman, and will
+hereafter do your plowing only for a thaler a day wages. "Then I'll get
+another." You will not find one, for we plowmen are no longer doing
+anything different, and if one presents himself who takes less, let him
+beware of us.'"[316]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[209] Stirner p. 439. [The page-numbers of Stirner's first edition, here
+cited, agree almost exactly with those of the English translation under
+the title "The Ego and His Own." Any passage quoted here will in general
+be found in the English translation either on the page whose number is
+given or on the preceding page; for the early pages, subtract two or
+three from the number.]
+
+[210] _Ib._ pp. 435-6.
+
+[211] _Ib._ p. 465.
+
+[212] _Ib._ p. 464.
+
+[213] _Ib._ p. 466.
+
+[214] Stirner p. 473.
+
+[215] No more do his adherents, _e. g._ Mackay, "Stirner" pp. 164-5.
+
+[216] Stirner p. 322.
+
+[217] _Ib._ p. 343.
+
+[218] _Ib._ p. 45.
+
+[219] _Ib._ p. 318.
+
+[220] _Ib._ p. 318.
+
+[221] _Ib._ p. 420.
+
+[222] _Ib._ pp. 189-90.
+
+[223] Stirner p. 427.
+
+[224] _Ib._ p. 428.
+
+[225] _Ib._ p. 429.
+
+[226] _Ib._ p. 258.
+
+[227] _Ib._ p. 478.
+
+[228] _Ib._ p. 426.
+
+[229] Stirner p. 395.
+
+[230] _Ib._ p. 387.
+
+[231] [To understand some of the following citations it is necessary to
+remember that in German "law" (in the sense of common law, or including
+this) and "right" are one and the same word.--While it is probably not
+fair to say that these assaults of Stirner are directed only against
+some laws, it does seem fair to say that they deny to the laws only some
+sorts of validity. We have very little material for compiling the
+constructive side of Stirner's teaching, for he avoided specifying what
+things the Egoists or their unions were to do in his future social
+order; he said explicitly that the only way to know what a slave will do
+when he breaks his fetters is to wait and see. But, while he may nowhere
+have stated a law which is to obtain in the good time coming, neither
+has he said anything which authorizes us to declare that none of his
+unions will ever make laws on such a basis as (for instance) the rules
+of the Stock Exchange. On page 114 below is quoted a passage where he
+distinctly and approvingly contemplates the possibility that a union of
+his followers may fix a minimum wage, and may threaten violence to any
+person who consents to work below the scale. This would be law, and
+might easily be the germ of a State. On pages 108 and 109 are quoted
+passages which strongly suggest that the Egoistic union would undertake
+to defend its member against all interference with his possession of
+certain goods; this would be both law and property.]
+
+[232] Stirner p. 247.
+
+[233] Stirner p. 248.
+
+[234] _Ib._ p. 246.
+
+[235] _Ib._ p. 314.
+
+[236] _Ib._ p. 268.
+
+[237] _Ib._ p. 317.
+
+[238] _Ib._ pp. 317, 316.
+
+[239] _Ib._ pp. 265-6.
+
+[240] _Ib._ p. 276.
+
+[241] _Ib._ p. 270.
+
+[242] _Ib._ pp. 326-7.
+
+[243] _Ib._ pp. 248-9.
+
+[244] Stirner p. 275.
+
+[245] _Ib._ p. 275.
+
+[246] _Ib._ pp. 259, 256.
+
+[247] _Ib._ p. 220.
+
+[248] _Ib._ p. 251. [The German idiom for "it suits me" is "it is right
+to me"].
+
+[249] _Ib._ p. 8.
+
+[250] _Ib._ p. 490.
+
+[251] _Ib._ p. 491.
+
+[252] _Ib._ p. 491.
+
+[253] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[254] Stirner p. 8.
+
+[255] _Ib._ p. 207.
+
+[256] _Ib._ p. 219.
+
+[257] _Ib._ p. 214.
+
+[258] _Ib._ p. 212.
+
+[259] _Ib._ p. 220.
+
+[260] Stirner p. 314.
+
+[261] _Ib._ p. 295.
+
+[262] _Ib._ pp. 231-2.
+
+[263] _Ib._ p. 231.
+
+[264] _Ib._ p. 259.
+
+[265] _Ib._ p. 337.
+
+[266] Stirner p. 258.
+
+[267] _Ib._ p. 339.
+
+[268] _Ib._ p. 280.
+
+[269] _Ib._ p. 257.
+
+[270] _Ib._ p. 298.
+
+[271] _Ib._ p. 298.
+
+[272] _Ib._ p. 299.
+
+[273] Stirner p. 298.
+
+[274] _Ib._ p. 336.
+
+[275] _Ib._ pp. 337-8.
+
+[276] _Ib._ p. 235; Stirner "_Vierteljahrsschrift_" p. 192.
+
+[277] Stirner p. 304.
+
+[278] Stirner p. 258.
+
+[279] _Ib._ p 411.
+
+[280] _Ib._ p. 416.
+
+[281] _Ib._ p. 411.
+
+[282] Stirner pp. 417-18.
+
+[283] Stirner "_Vierteljahrsschrift_" pp. 193-4.
+
+[284] Stirner p. 305.
+
+[285] _Ib._ p. 332.
+
+[286] _Ib._ pp. 327-8.
+
+[287] _Ib._ pp. 328, 326.
+
+[288] Stirner pp. 328-9.
+
+[289] Zenker fails to recognize this when he asserts (p. 80) that
+Stirner demands property based on the right of occupation
+
+[290] Stirner p. 340.
+
+[291] _Ib._ p. 339.
+
+[292] _Ib._ p. 351.
+
+[293] Stirner p. 351.
+
+[294] _Ib._ pp. 351-2.
+
+[295] _Ib._ pp. 343-4.
+
+[296] _Ib._ p. 349.
+
+[297] _Ib._ p. 342.
+
+[298] Stirner pp. 329-30. [See footnote on page 97.]
+
+[299] _Ib._ p. 330.
+
+[300] Stirner pp. 421-2.
+
+[301] Stirner p. 423.
+
+[302] _Ib._ p. 284.
+
+[303] _Ib._ p. 483.
+
+[304] _Ib._ p. 344.
+
+[305] _Ib._ p. 343.
+
+[306] _Ib._ p. 422.
+
+[307] _Ib._ p. 199.
+
+[308] _Ib._ 259.
+
+[309] Stirner pp. 198-9.
+
+[310] _Ib._ p. 344. [But Stirner does not mean that all are to fight
+against all; they are merely to declare themselves no longer bound by
+the obligations of peace, and then those who are able to agree with each
+other can at once make terms to suit themselves.]
+
+[311] _Ib._ p. 340.
+
+[312] _Ib._ p. 341.
+
+[313] Stirner p. 479.
+
+[314] _Ib._ p. 424.
+
+[315] _Ib._ pp. 326-7.
+
+[316] Stirner pp. 359-60.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+BAKUNIN'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+1. Mikhail Alexandrovitch Bakunin was born in 1814 at Pryamukhino,
+district of Torshok, government of Tver. In 1834 he entered the
+Artillery School at St. Petersburg; in 1835 he became an officer, but
+resigned his commission in the same year. He then lived alternately in
+Pryamukhino and in Moscow.
+
+In 1840 Bakunin left Russia. In the following years revolutionary plans
+took him now to this part of Europe, now to that; in Paris he associated
+much with Proudhon. In 1849 he was condemned to death in Saxony, but was
+pardoned; in 1850 he was handed over to Austria and was condemned to
+death there also; in 1851 he was handed over to Russia and was there
+kept a prisoner first at St. Petersburg, then at Schluesselburg; in 1857
+he was sent to Siberia.
+
+From Siberia Bakunin escaped to London in 1865, by way of Japan and
+California. He took up his revolutionary activities again at once, and
+thereafter lived by turns in the most various parts of Europe. In 1868
+he became a member of the _Association internationale des travailleurs_,
+and soon afterward he founded the _Alliance internationale de la
+democratie socialiste_. In 1869 he came into intimate relations with the
+fanatic Nechayeff, but broke away from him in the next year. In 1872 he
+was expelled from the _Association internationale des travailleurs_ on
+the ground that his aims were different from those of the Association.
+He died at Berne in 1876.
+
+Bakunin wrote a number of works of a philosophical and political nature.
+
+2. Bakunin's teaching about law, the State, and property finds its
+expression especially in the "_Proposition motivee au comite central de
+la Ligue de la paix et de la liberte_"[317] offered by him in 1868; in
+the principles[318] of the _Alliance internationale de la democratie
+socialiste_, drawn up by him in 1868; and in his work "_Dieu et
+l'Etat_"[319] (1871).
+
+Writings which cannot with certainty be assigned to Bakunin are here
+disregarded. Among such we may name especially the two works "The
+Principles of the Revolution"[320] and "Catechism of the
+Revolution,"[321] in which Nechayeff's views are set forth. They are
+indeed ascribed to Bakunin by some,[322] but their matter is in
+contradiction to his other utterances as well as to his deeds; he even
+used vehement language on several occasions against Nechayeff's
+"Machiavellianism and Jesuitism."[323] Even on the assumption that they
+are by Bakunin, they would at any rate express only a very insignificant
+chapter in his development.
+
+3. Bakunin designates his teaching about law, the State, and property as
+"Anarchism." "In a word, we reject all legislation, all authority, all
+privileged, chartered, official, and legal influence,--even if it were
+created by universal suffrage,--in the conviction that such things can
+but redound always to the advantage of a ruling minority of exploiters
+and to the disadvantage of the vast enslaved majority. In this sense we
+are in truth Anarchists."[324]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_Bakunin regards the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a
+less perfect existence to the most perfect possible existence as the law
+which has supreme validity for man._
+
+"Science has no other task than the careful intellectual reproduction,
+in the most systematic form possible, of the natural laws of corporeal,
+mental, and moral life, alike in the physical and in the social world,
+which two worlds constitute in fact only a single natural world."[325]
+
+Now "science--that is, true, unselfish science"[326]--teaches us the
+following: "Every evolution signifies the negation of its
+starting-point. Since according to the materialists the basis or
+starting-point is material, the negation must necessarily be
+ideal."[327] That is, "everything that lives makes the effort to
+perfect itself as fully as possible."[328]
+
+Thus, "according to the conception of materialists, man's historical
+evolution also moves in a constantly ascending line."[329] "It is an
+altogether natural movement from the simple to the compound, from down
+to up, from the lower to the higher."[330] "History consists in the
+progressive negation of man's original bestiality by the evolution of
+his humanity."[331]
+
+"Man is originally a wild beast, a cousin of the gorilla. But he has
+already come out of the deep night of bestial impulses to make his way
+to the light of the mind. This explains all his former missteps in the
+most natural way, and comforts us somewhat with regard to his present
+aberrations. He has turned his back on bestial slavery, and is now
+moving toward freedom through the realm of slavery to God, which lies
+between his bestial and his human existence. Behind us, therefore, lies
+our bestial existence, before us our human; the light of humanity, which
+alone can light us and warm us, deliver us and exalt us, make us free,
+happy, and brothers, stands never at the beginning of history, but
+always only at its end."[332]
+
+This "historical negation of the past takes place now slowly,
+sluggishly, sleepily, but now again passionately and violently."[333] It
+always takes place with the inevitable certainty of natural law: "we
+believe in the final triumph of humanity on earth."[G] "We yearn for the
+coming of this triumph, and seek to hasten it with united effort";[334]
+"we must never look back, always forward alone; before us is our sun,
+before us our bliss."[335]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _In the progress of mankind from its bestial existence to a human
+existence, one of the next steps, according to Bakunin, will be the
+disappearance--not indeed of law, but--of enacted law._
+
+Enacted law belongs to a low stage of evolution. "A political
+legislation, whether it is based on a ruler's will or on the votes of
+representatives chosen by universal suffrage, can never correspond to
+the laws of nature, and is always baleful, hostile to the liberty of the
+masses, if only because it forces upon them a system of external and
+consequently despotic laws."[336] No legislation has ever "had another
+aim than that of confirming, and exalting into a system, the
+exploitation of the laboring populace by the ruling classes."[337] Thus
+every legislation "has for its consequence at once the enslavement of
+society and the depravation of the legislators."[338]
+
+But mankind will soon leave behind it the stage of evolution to which
+law belongs. Enacted law is indissolubly connected with the State: "the
+State is a historically necessary evil,"[339] "a transitory form of
+society";[340] "with the State, law in the jurists' sense, the so-called
+legal regulation of popular life from above downward by legislation,
+must necessarily fall."[341] Everybody feels already that this moment is
+approaching,[342] the transformation is at hand,[343] it is to be
+expected within the nineteenth century.[344]
+
+II. _In the next stage of evolution, which mankind must speedily reach,
+there will be no enacted law to be sure, but there will be law even
+there._ What Bakunin predicts with regard to this next stage of
+evolution enables us to perceive that according to his expectation norms
+will then prevail which "are based on a general will,"[345] and which
+even secure obedience by forcible compulsion if necessary,[346] so that
+they are legal norms.
+
+Among such legal norms of our next stage of evolution Bakunin mentions
+that by virtue of which there exists a "right to independence."[347] For
+me as an individual this means "that I as a man am entitled to obey no
+other man, and to act only in accordance with my own judgment."[348]
+But, furthermore, "every nation, every province, and every commune has
+the unlimited right to complete independence, provided that its internal
+constitution does not threaten the independence and liberty of the
+adjoining territories."[349]
+
+Likewise Bakunin regards it as a legal norm of the next stage of
+evolution that contracts must be lived up to. To be sure, the obligation
+of contracts has its limits. "Human justice cannot recognize anything as
+creating an obligation in perpetuity. All rights and duties are founded
+on liberty. The right of freely uniting and separating is the first and
+most important of all political rights."[350]
+
+Another legal norm mentioned by Bakunin as belonging to the next stage
+of evolution is that by virtue of which "the land, the instruments of
+labor, and all other capital, as the collective property of the whole of
+society, will exclusively serve for the use of the agricultural and
+industrial associations."[351]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. _In the progress of mankind from its bestial existence to a human
+existence the State will shortly, according to Bakunin, disappear._ "The
+State is a historically temporary arrangement, a transitory form of
+society."[352]
+
+1. The State belongs to a low stage of evolution.
+
+"Man takes the first step from his bestial existence to a human
+existence by religion; but so long as he remains religious he will never
+reach his goal; for every religion condemns him to absurdity, guides him
+into a wrong course, and makes him seek the divine in place of the
+human."[353] "All religions, with their gods, demigods, and prophets,
+their Messiahs and saints, are products of the credulous fancy of men
+who had not yet come to the full development and entire possession of
+their intellectual powers."[354] This holds good also, and particularly,
+of Christianity: it is "the complete inversion of common-sense and
+reason."[355]
+
+The State is a product of religion. "In all lands it is born of a
+marriage of violence, robbery, spoliation,--in short, of war and
+conquest,--with the gods whom the religious enthusiasm of the nations
+had gradually created."[356] "He who speaks of revelation speaks thereby
+of revealers enlightened by God, of Messiahs, prophets, priests, and
+lawgivers; and, if once these are recognized on earth as representatives
+of the Deity, as sacred teachers of mankind chosen by God himself, then
+of course they have unlimited authority. All men owe them blind
+obedience; for no human reason, no human justice, is valid against the
+divine reason and justice. As slaves of God, men must be also slaves of
+the Church, and of the State so far as the Church hallows the
+State."[357]
+
+"No State is without religion, and none can be without religion. Take
+the freest States in the world,--for instance, the United States of
+America or the Swiss Confederacy,--and see what an important part divine
+providence plays in all public utterances there."[358] "It is not
+without good reason that governments hold the belief in God to be an
+essential condition of their power."[359] "There is a class of people
+who, even if they do not believe, must necessarily act as if they
+believed. This class embraces all mankind's tormentors, oppressors, and
+exploiters. Priests, monarchs, statesmen, soldiers, financiers,
+office-holders of all sorts; policemen, _gendarmes_, jailers, and
+executioners; capitalists, usurers, heads of business, and house-owners;
+lawyers, economists, politicians of all shades,--all of them, down to
+the smallest grocer, will always repeat in chorus the words of Voltaire,
+that, if there were no God, it would be necessary to invent him; 'for
+must not the populace have its religion?' It is the very
+safety-valve."[360]
+
+2. The characteristics of the State correspond to the low stage of
+evolution to which it belongs.
+
+The State enslaves the governed. "The State is force; nay, it is the
+silly parading of force. It does not propose to win love or to make
+converts; if it puts its finger into anything, it does so only in an
+unfriendly way; for its essence consists not in persuasion, but in
+command and compulsion. However much pains it may take, it cannot
+conceal the fact that it is the legal maimer of our will, the constant
+negation of our liberty. Even when it commands the good, it makes this
+valueless by commanding it; for every command slaps liberty in the face;
+as soon as the good is commanded, it is transformed into the evil in the
+eyes of true (that is, human, by no means divine) morality, of the
+dignity of man, of liberty; for man's liberty, morality, and dignity
+consist precisely in doing the good not because he is commanded to but
+because he recognizes it, wills it, and loves it."[361]
+
+At the same time the State depraves those who govern. "It is
+characteristic of privilege, and of every privileged position, that they
+poison the minds and hearts of men. He who is politically or
+economically privileged has his mind and heart depraved. This is a law
+of social life, which admits of no exceptions and is applicable to
+entire nations as well as to classes, corporations, and individuals. It
+is the law of equality, the foremost of the conditions of liberty and
+humanity."[362]
+
+"Powerful States can maintain themselves only by crime, little States
+are virtuous only from weakness."[363] "We abhor monarchy with all our
+hearts; but at the same time we are convinced that a great republic too,
+with army, bureaucracy, and political centralization, will make a
+business of conquest without and oppression within, and will be
+incapable of guaranteeing happiness and liberty to its subjects even if
+it calls them citizens."[364] "Even in the purest democracies, such as
+the United States and Switzerland, a privileged minority faces the vast
+enslaved majority."[365]
+
+3. But the stage of mankind's evolution to which the State belongs will
+soon be left behind.
+
+"From the beginning of historic society to this day, there has always
+been oppression of the nations by the State. Is it to be inferred that
+this oppression is inseparably connected with the existence of human
+society?"[366] Certainly not! "The great, true goal of history, the only
+one for which there is justification, is our humanization and
+deliverance, the genuine liberty and prosperity of all socially-living
+men."[367] "In the triumph of humanity is at the same time the goal and
+the essential meaning of history, and this triumph can be brought about
+only by liberty."[368] "As in the past the State was historically
+necessary evil, it must just as necessarily, sooner or later, disappear
+altogether."[369] Everybody feels already that this moment is
+approaching,[370] the transformation is at hand,[371] it is to be
+expected within the nineteenth century.[372]
+
+II. _In the next stage of evolution, which mankind must speedily reach,
+the place of the State will be taken by a social human life on the basis
+of the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to._
+
+1. Even after the State is done away, men will live together socially.
+The goal of human evolution, "complete humanity,"[373] can be attained
+only in a society. "Man becomes man, and his humanity becomes conscious
+and real, only in society and by the joint activity of society. He frees
+himself from the yoke of external nature only by joint--that is,
+societary--labor: it alone is capable of making the surface of the earth
+fit for the evolution of mankind; but without such external liberation
+neither intellectual nor moral liberation is possible. Furthermore, man
+gets free from the yoke of his own nature only by education and
+instruction: they alone make it possible for him to subordinate the
+impulses and motions of his body to the guidance of his more and more
+developed mind; but education and instruction are of an exclusively
+societary nature. Outside of society man would have remained forever a
+wild beast, or, what comes to about the same thing, a saint. Finally, in
+his isolation man cannot have the consciousness of liberty. What liberty
+means for man is that he is recognized as free, and treated as free, by
+those who surround him; liberty is not a matter of isolation, therefore,
+but of mutuality--not of separateness, but of combination; for every man
+it is only the mirroring of his humanity (that is, of his human rights)
+in the consciousness of his brothers."[374]
+
+But men will be held together in society no longer by a supreme
+authority, but by the legally binding force of contract. Complete
+humanity can be attained only in a free society. "My liberty, or, what
+means the same, my human dignity, consists in my being entitled, as man,
+to obey no other man and to act only on my own judgment."[375] "I myself
+am a free man only so far as I recognize the humanity and liberty of all
+the men who surround me. In respecting their humanity I respect my own.
+A cannibal, who treats his prisoner as a wild beast and eats him, is
+himself not a man, but a beast. A slaveholder is not a man, but a
+master."[376] "The more free men surround me, and the deeper and broader
+their freedom is, so much deeper, broader, and more powerful is my
+freedom too. On the other hand, every enslavement of men is at the same
+time a limitation of my freedom, or, what is the same thing, a negation
+of my human existence by its bestial existence."[377] But a free society
+cannot be held together by authority,[378] but only by contract.[379]
+
+2. How will the future society shape itself in detail?
+
+"Unity is the goal toward which mankind ceaselessly moves."[380]
+Therefore men will unite with the utmost amplitude. But "the place of
+the old organization, built from above downward upon force and
+authority, will be taken by a new one which has no other basis than the
+natural needs, inclinations, and endeavors of men."[381] Thus we come to
+a "free union of individuals into communes, of communes into provinces,
+of provinces into nations, and finally of nations into the United States
+of Europe and later of the whole world."[382]
+
+"Every nation,--be it great or small, strong or weak,--every province,
+and every commune has the unlimited right to complete independence,
+provided that its internal constitution does not threaten the
+independence and liberty of the adjoining territories."[383]
+
+"All of what are known as the historic rights of nations are totally
+done away; all questions regarding natural, political, strategic, and
+economic boundaries are henceforth to be classed as ancient history and
+resolutely disallowed."[384]
+
+"By the fact that a territory has once belonged to a State, even by a
+voluntary adhesion, it is in no wise bound to remain always united with
+this State. Human justice, the only justice that means anything to us,
+cannot recognize anything as creating an obligation in perpetuity. All
+rights and duties are founded on liberty. The right of freely uniting
+and separating is the first and most important of all political rights.
+Without this right the League would be merely a concealed centralization
+still."[385]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _In the progress of mankind from its bestial existence to a human
+existence, according to Bakunin, we must shortly come to the
+disappearance--not indeed of property, but--of property's present form,
+unlimited private property._
+
+1. Private property, so far as it fastens upon all things without
+distinction, belongs to the same low stage of evolution as the State.
+
+"Private property is at once the consequence and the basis of the
+State."[386] "Every government is necessarily based on exploitation on
+the one hand, and on the other hand has exploitation for its goal and
+bestows upon exploitation protection and legality."[387] In every State
+there exist "two kinds of relationship,--to wit, government and
+exploitation. If really governing means sacrificing one's self for the
+good of the governed, then indeed the second relationship is in direct
+contradiction to the first. But let us only understand our point
+rightly! From the ideal standpoint, be it theological or metaphysical,
+the good of the masses can of course not mean their temporal welfare:
+what are a few decades of earthly life in comparison to eternity? Hence
+one must govern the masses with regard not to this coarse earthly
+happiness, but to their eternal good. Outward sufferings and privations
+may even be welcomed from the educator's standpoint, since an excess of
+sensual enjoyment kills the immortal soul. But now the contradiction
+disappears. Exploiting and governing mean the same; the one completes
+the other, and serves as its means and its end."[388]
+
+2. Private property, when it exists in all things without distinction,
+has such characteristics as correspond to the low stage of evolution to
+which it belongs.
+
+"On the privileged representatives of head-work (who at present are
+called to be the representatives of society, not because they have more
+sense, but only because they were born in the privileged class) such
+property bestows all the blessings and also all the debasement of our
+civilization: wealth, luxury, profuse expenditure, comfort, the
+pleasures of family life, the exclusive enjoyment of political liberty,
+and hence the possibility of exploiting millions of laborers and
+governing them at discretion in one's own interest. What is there left
+for the representatives of handwork, these numberless millions of
+proletarians or of small farmers? Hopeless misery, not even the joys of
+the family (for the family soon becomes a burden to the poor man),
+ignorance, barbarism, an almost bestial existence, and this for
+consolation with it all, that they are serving as pedestal for the
+culture, liberty, and depravity of a minority."[389]
+
+The freer and more highly developed trade and industry are in any place,
+"the more complete is the demoralization of the privileged few on the
+one hand, and the greater are the misery, the complaints, and the just
+indignation of the laboring masses on the other. England, Belgium,
+France, Germany, are certainly the countries of Europe in which trade
+and industry enjoy greatest freedom and have made most progress. In
+these very countries the most cruel pauperism prevails, the gulf between
+capitalists and landlords on the one hand and the laboring class on the
+other is greater than in any other country. In Russia, in the
+Scandinavian countries, in Italy, in Spain, where trade and industry are
+still embryonic, people but seldom die of hunger except on extraordinary
+occasions. In England starvation is an every-day thing. And not only
+individuals starve, but thousands, tens of thousands, hundreds of
+thousands."[390]
+
+3. But mankind will soon have passed the low stage of evolution to which
+private property belongs.
+
+As there has at all times been oppression of the nations by the State,
+so has there also always been "exploitation of the masses of slaves,
+serfs, wage-workers, by a ruling minority."[391] But this exploitation
+is no more "inseparably united with the existence of human society"[392]
+than is that oppression. "By the force of things themselves"[393]
+unlimited private property will be done away. Everybody feels already
+that this moment is approaching,[394] the transformation is already at
+hand,[395] it is to be expected within the nineteenth century.[396]
+
+II. _In the next stage of evolution, which mankind must speedily reach,
+property will be so constituted that there will indeed be private
+property in the objects of consumption, but in land, instruments of
+labor, and all other capital, there will be only social property. The
+future society will be collectivist._
+
+In this way every laborer has the product of his labor guaranteed to
+him.
+
+1. "Justice must serve as basis for the new world: without it, no
+liberty, no living together, no prosperity, no peace."[397] "Justice,
+not that of jurists, nor yet that of theologians, nor yet that of
+metaphysicians, but simple human justice, commands"[398] that "in future
+every man's enjoyment corresponds to the quantity of goods produced by
+him."[399] The thing is, then, to find a means "which makes it
+impossible for any one, whoever he may be, to exploit the labor of
+another, and permits each to share in the enjoyment of society's stock
+of goods (which is solely a product of labor) only so far as he has, by
+his labor, directly contributed to the production of this stock of
+goods."[400]
+
+This means consists in the principle "that the land, the instruments of
+labor, and all other capital, as the collective property of the whole of
+society, shall exclusively serve for the use of the laborers,--that is,
+of their agricultural and industrial associations."[401] "I am not a
+Communist, but a Collectivist."[402]
+
+2. The collectivism of the future society "by no means demands the
+setting up of any supreme authority. In the name of liberty, on which
+alone an economic or a political organization can be founded, we shall
+always protest against everything that looks even remotely similar to
+Communism or State Socialism."[403] "I would have the organization of
+society, and of the collective or social property, from below upward by
+the voice of free union, not from above downward by means of any
+authority."[404]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_The change that is promptly to be expected in the course of mankind's
+progress from its bestial existence to a human existence,--the
+disappearance of the State, the transformation of law and property, and
+the appearance of the new condition,--will come to pass, according to
+Bakunin, by a social revolution; that is, by a violent subversion of the
+old order, which will be automatically brought about by the power of
+things, but which those who foresee the course of evolution have the
+task of hastening and facilitating._
+
+I. "To escape its wretched lot the populace has three ways, two
+imaginary and one real. The two first are the rum-shop and the church,
+the third is the social revolution."[405] "A cure is possible only
+through the social revolution,"[406]--that is, through "the destruction
+of all institutions of inequality, and the establishment of economic and
+social equality."[407] The revolution will not be made by anybody.
+"Revolutions are never made, neither by individuals nor yet by secret
+societies. They come about automatically, in a measure; the power of
+things, the current of events and facts, produces them. They are long
+preparing in the depth of the obscure consciousness of the masses--then
+they break out suddenly, not seldom on apparently slight occasion."[408]
+The revolution is already at hand to-day;[409] everybody feels its
+approach;[410] we are to expect it within the nineteenth century.[411]
+
+1. "By the revolution we understand the unchaining of everything that
+is to-day called 'evil passions,' and the destruction of everything that
+in the same language is called 'public order'."[412]
+
+The revolution will rage not against men, but against relations and
+things.[413] "Bloody revolutions are often necessary, thanks to human
+stupidity; yet they are always an evil, a monstrous evil and a great
+disaster, not only with regard to the victims, but also for the sake of
+the purity and perfection of the purpose in whose name they take
+place."[414] "One must not wonder if in the first moment of their
+uprising the people kill many oppressors and exploiters--this
+misfortune, which is of no more importance anyhow than the damage done
+by a thunderstorm, can perhaps not be avoided. But this natural fact
+will be neither moral nor even useful. Political massacres have never
+killed parties; particularly have they always shown themselves impotent
+against the privileged classes; for authority is vested far less in men
+than in the position which the privileged acquire by any institutions,
+particularly by the State and private property. If one would make a
+thorough revolution, therefore, one must attack things and
+relationships, destroy property and the State: then there is no need of
+destroying men and exposing one's self to the inevitable reaction which
+the slaughtering of men always has provoked and always will provoke in
+every society. But, in order to have the right to deal humanely with men
+without danger to the revolution, one must be inexorable toward things
+and relationships, destroy everything, and first and foremost property
+and its inevitable consequence the State. This is the whole secret of
+the revolution."[415]
+
+"The revolution, as the power of things to-day necessarily presents it
+before us, will not be national, but international,--that is, universal.
+In view of the threatened league of all privileged interests and all
+reactionary powers in Europe, in view of the terrible instrumentalities
+that a shrewd organization puts at their disposal, in view of the deep
+chasm that to-day yawns between the _bourgeoisie_ and the laborers
+everywhere, no revolution can count on success if it does not speedily
+extend itself beyond the individual nation to all other nations. But the
+revolution can never cross the frontiers and become general unless it
+has in it the foundations for this generality; that is, unless it is
+pronouncedly socialistic, and, by equality and justice, destroys the
+State and establishes liberty. For nothing can better inspire and uplift
+the sole true power of the century, the laborers, than the complete
+liberation of labor and the shattering of all institutions for the
+protection of hereditary property and of capital."[416] "A political and
+national revolution cannot win, therefore, unless the political
+revolution becomes social, and the national revolution, by the very fact
+of its fundamentally socialistic and State-destroying character, becomes
+a universal revolution."[417]
+
+2. "The revolution, as we understand it, must on its very first day
+completely and fundamentally destroy the State and all State
+institutions. This destruction will have the following natural and
+necessary effects. (a) The bankruptcy of the State. (b) The cessation
+of State collection of private debts, whose payment is thenceforth left
+to the debtor's pleasure. (c) The cessation of the payment of taxes, and
+of the levying of direct or indirect imposts. (d) The dissolution of the
+army, the courts, the corps of office-holders, the police, and the
+clergy. (e) The stoppage of the official administration of justice, the
+abolition of all that is called juristic law and of its exercise. Hence,
+the valuelessness, and the consignment to an _auto-da-fe_, of all titles
+to property, testamentary dispositions, bills of sale, deeds of gift,
+judgments of courts--in short, of the whole mass of papers relating to
+private law. Everywhere, and in regard to everything, the revolutionary
+fact in place of the law created and guaranteed by the State. (f) The
+confiscation of all productive capital and instruments of labor in favor
+of the associations of laborers, which will use them for collective
+production. (g) The confiscation of all Church and State property, as
+well as of the bullion in private hands, for the benefit of the commune
+formed by the league of the associations of laborers. In return for the
+confiscated goods, those who are affected by the confiscation receive
+from the commune their absolute necessities; they are free to acquire
+more afterward by their labor."[418]
+
+The destruction will be followed by the reshaping. Hence, (h) "The
+organization of the commune by the permanent association of the
+barricades and by its organ, the council of the revolutionary commune,
+to which every barricade, every street, every quarter, sends one or two
+responsible and revocable representatives with binding instructions. The
+council of the commune can appoint executive committees out of its
+membership for the various branches of the revolutionary administration.
+(i) The declaration of the capital, insurgent and organized as a
+commune, that, after the righteous destruction of the State of authority
+and guardianship, it renounces the right (or rather the usurpation) of
+governing the provinces and setting a standard for them. (k) The summons
+to all provinces, communities, and associations, to follow the example
+given by the capital, first to organize themselves in revolutionary
+form, then to send to a specified meeting-place responsible and
+revocable representatives with binding instructions, and so to
+constitute the league of the insurgent associations, communities, and
+provinces, and to organize a revolutionary power capable of defeating
+the reaction. The sending, not of official commissioners of the
+revolution with some sort of badges, but of agitators for the
+revolution, to all the provinces and communities--especially to the
+peasants, who cannot be revolutionized by scientific principles nor yet
+by the edicts of any dictatorship, but only by the revolutionary fact
+itself: that is, by the inevitable effects of the complete cessation of
+official State activity in all the communities. The abolition of the
+national State, not only in other senses, but in this,--that all foreign
+countries, provinces, communities, associations, nay, all individuals
+who have risen in the name of the same principles, without regard to the
+present State boundaries, are accepted as part of the new political
+system and nationality; and that, on the other hand, it shall exclude
+from membership those provinces, communities, associations, or
+personages, of the same country, who take the side of the reaction. Thus
+must the universal revolution, by the very fact of its binding the
+insurgent countries together for joint defence, march on unchecked over
+the abolished boundaries and the ruins of the formerly existing States
+to its triumph."[419]
+
+II. "To serve, to organize, and to hasten"[420] "the revolution, which
+must everywhere be the work of the people"[421]--this alone is the task
+of those who foresee the course of evolution. We have to perform
+"midwife's services"[422] for the new time, "to help on the birth of the
+revolution."[423]
+
+To this end we must, "first, spread among the masses thoughts that
+correspond to the instincts of the masses."[424] "What keeps the
+salvation-bringing thought from going through the laboring masses with a
+rush? Their ignorance; and particularly the political and religious
+prejudices which, thanks to the exertions of the ruling classes, to this
+day obscure the laborer's natural thought and healthy feelings."[425]
+"Hence the aim must consist in making him completely conscious of what
+he wants, evoking in him the thought that corresponds to his impulses.
+If once the thoughts of the laboring masses have mounted to the level
+of their impulses, then will their will be soon determined and their
+power irresistible."[426]
+
+Furthermore, we must "form, not indeed the army of the revolution,--the
+army can never be anything but the people,--but yet a sort of staff for
+the revolutionary army. These must be devoted, energetic, talented men,
+who, above all, love the people without ambition and vanity, and who
+have the faculty of mediating between the revolutionary thought and the
+instincts of the people. No very great number of such men is requisite.
+A hundred revolutionists firmly and seriously bound together are enough
+for the international organization of all Europe. Two or three hundred
+revolutionists are enough for the organization of the largest
+country."[427]
+
+Here, especially, is the field for the activity of secret
+societies.[428] "In order to serve, organize, and hasten the general
+revolution"[429] Bakunin founded the _Alliance internationale de la
+democratie socialiste_. It was to pursue a double purpose: "(a) The
+spreading of correct views about politics, economics, and philosophical
+questions of every kind, among the masses in all countries; an active
+propaganda by newspapers, pamphlets, and books, as well as by the
+founding of public associations. (b) The winning of all wise, energetic,
+silent, well-disposed men who are sincerely devoted to the idea; the
+covering of Europe, and America too so far as possible, with a network
+of self-sacrificing revolutionists, strong by unity."[430]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[317] Printed in "_OEuvres de Michel Bakounine_" (1895) pp. 1-205, under
+the title "_Federalisme, socialisme et antitheologisme_."
+
+[318] Printed in "_L'Alliance de la democratie socialiste et
+l'Association internationale des travailleurs_" (1873) pp. 118-35.
+
+[319] Only fragments have been printed: one under the title "_L'Empire
+knoutogermanique et la Revolution sociale_" (1871), a second under the
+title "_Dieu et l'Etat_" (1882), a third under the same title in
+"_OEuvres de Michel Bakounine_" (1895) pp. 261-326.
+
+[320] Printed in Dragomanoff, "_Michail Bakunins sozial-politischer
+Briefwechsel mit Alexander Iw. Herzen und Ogarjow_," German translation
+by Minzes (1895) pp. 358-64.
+
+[321] A part is printed in French translation, in "_L'Alliance de la
+democratie socialiste et l'Association internationale des travailleurs_"
+(1873) pp. 90-95, the rest in Dragomanoff pp. 371-83.
+
+[322] "_L'Alliance de la democratie socialiste et l'Association
+internationale des travailleurs_" p. 89; Dragomanoff p. IX.
+
+[323] Ba. "_Briefe_" pp. 223, 233, 266, 272.
+
+[324] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 34.
+
+[325] _Ib._ p. 33.
+
+[326] _Ib._ p. 3.
+
+[327] _Ib._ p. 52.
+
+[328] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 104.
+
+[329] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 52.
+
+[330] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[331] _Ib._ p. 16.
+
+[332] _Ib._ p. 16.
+
+[333] _Ib._ p. 16.
+
+[334] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 155.
+
+[335] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 16.
+
+[336] _Ib._ pp. 27-8.
+
+[337] Ba. "_Programme_" p. 382.
+
+[338] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 30.
+
+[339] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 287.
+
+[340] _Ib._ p. 285.
+
+[341] Ba. "_Programme_" p. 382.
+
+[342] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 113.
+
+[343] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 125.
+
+[344] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[345] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 281.
+
+[346] Ba. "_Statuts_" pp. 129-31.
+
+[347] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 17-18.
+
+[348] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 281.
+
+[349] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 17-18.
+
+[350] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 18.
+
+[351] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 133.
+
+[352] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 285.
+
+[353] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 134.
+
+[354] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 19.
+
+[355] _Ib._ p. 87.
+
+[356] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 287.
+
+[357] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 20.
+
+[358] _Ib._ p. 97.
+
+[359] _Ib._ p. 9.
+
+[360] _Ib._ p. 11.
+
+[361] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 288.
+
+[362] Ba. "_Dieu_" pp. 29-30.
+
+[363] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 154
+
+[364] _Ib._ p. 10.
+
+[365] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ pp. 287-8.
+
+[366] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 14.
+
+[367] _Ib._ p. 65.
+
+[368] _Ib._ p. 53
+
+[369] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 287.
+
+[370] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 113.
+
+[371] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 125.
+
+[372] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 125.
+
+[373] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 11.
+
+[374] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ pp. 277-8.
+
+[375] _Ib._ p. 281.
+
+[376] _Ib._ p. 279.
+
+[377] _Ib._ p. 281.
+
+[378] _Ib._ p. 283.
+
+[379] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 16-18.
+
+[380] _Ib._ p. 20.
+
+[381] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 16.
+
+[382] _Ib._ pp. 16-17.
+
+[383] _Ib._ pp. 17-18.
+
+[384] _Ib._ p. 17.
+
+[385] _Ib._ p. 18.
+
+[386] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 128.
+
+[387] Ba. "_Dieu_" _OEuvres_ p. 324.
+
+[388] _Ib._ pp. 323-4.
+
+[389] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 32-3.
+
+[390] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 26-7.
+
+[391] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 14.
+
+[392] _Ib._ p. 14.
+
+[393] Ba. "_Programme_" p. 382.
+
+[394] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 113.
+
+[395] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 125.
+
+[396] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[397] Ba. "_Proposition_" pp. 54-5.
+
+[398] _Ib._ p. 59.
+
+[399] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 133.
+
+[400] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 55.
+
+[401] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 133.
+
+[402] Ba. "_Discours_" p. 27.
+
+[403] Ba. "_Proposition_" p. 56.
+
+[404] Ba. "_Discours_" p. 28.
+
+[405] Ba. "_Dieu_" p. 10.
+
+[406] _Ib._ p. 18.
+
+[407] _Ib._ p. 45.
+
+[408] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 132.
+
+[409] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[410] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 113.
+
+[411] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 125.
+
+[412] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 129.
+
+[413] _Ib._ p. 126.
+
+[414] Ba. "_Volkssache_" p. 309.
+
+[415] Ba. "_Statuts_" pp. 127-8.
+
+[416] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[417] _Ib._ p. 131.
+
+[418] Ba. "_Statuts_" pp. 129-30. [Bakunin is writing in a world where
+the Church is everywhere part of the State machine. Would his words
+about Church property apply equally, according to him, in the United
+States, where the Church property is in general made up of the free
+gifts of individual believers? Perhaps; for he would have no love for
+the Church even here, and he is obviously hostile to anything in the
+nature of mortmain. If so, how about college property?]
+
+[419] Ba. "_Statuts_" pp. 130-31.
+
+[420] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[421] _Ib._ p. 131.
+
+[422] Ba. "_Volkssache_" p. 309.
+
+[423] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 132.
+
+[424] _Ib._ p. 132.
+
+[425] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 103.
+
+[426] Ba. "_Articles_" p. 103.
+
+[427] Ba. "_Statuts_" p. 132.
+
+[428] _Ib._ p. 132.
+
+[429] _Ib._ p. 125.
+
+[430] _Ib._ pp. 125-6.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+KROPOTKIN'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+1. Prince Peter Alexeyevitch Kropotkin was born at Moscow in 1842. From
+1862 to 1867 he was an officer of the Cossacks of the Amur; during this
+time he traveled over a great part of Siberia and Manchuria. From 1867
+to 1871 he studied mathematics at St. Petersburg; at this time he was
+also secretary of the Geographical Society; under its commission he
+explored the glaciers of Finland and Sweden in 1871.
+
+In 1872 Kropotkin visited Belgium and Switzerland, where he joined the
+_Association internationale des travailleurs_. In the same year he
+returned to St. Petersburg and became a prominent member of the
+Tchaikoffski secret society. This was found out in 1874. He was arrested
+and kept in prison until in 1876 he succeeded in escaping to England.
+
+From England Kropotkin went to Switzerland in 1877, but was expelled
+from that country in 1881. Thenceforth he resided alternately in England
+and France. In France, in 1883, he was condemned to five years'
+imprisonment for membership in a prohibited association; he was kept in
+prison till 1886, and then pardoned. Since then he has lived in England.
+
+Kropotkin has published geographical works and accounts of travel, and
+also writings in the spheres of economics, politics, and the philosophy
+of law.
+
+2. For Kropotkin's teaching about law, the State, and property, the most
+important sources are his many short works, newspaper articles, and
+lectures. The articles that he published from 1879 to 1882 in "_Le
+Revolte_" of Geneva, appeared in 1885 as a book under the title
+"_Paroles d'un revolte_." The only large work in which he develops his
+teaching is "_La conquete du pain_" (1892).
+
+3. Kropotkin calls his teaching "Anarchism." "When in the bosom of the
+International there was formed a party which no more acknowledged an
+authority inside that association than any other authority, this party
+called itself at first federalist, then anti-authoritarian or hostile to
+the State. At that time it avoided describing itself as Anarchistic. The
+word _an-archie_ (it was so written at that time) seemed to identify the
+party too much with the adherents of Proudhon, whose reform ideas the
+International was opposing. But for this very reason its opponents
+delighted in using this designation in order to produce confusion;
+besides, the name made the assertion possible that from the very name of
+the Anarchists it was evident that they aimed merely at disorder and
+chaos, without thinking any farther. The Anarchistic party was not slow
+to adopt the designation that was given to it. At first it still
+insisted on the hyphen between _an_ and _archie_, with the explanation
+that in this form the word _an-archie_, being of Greek origin, denoted
+absence of dominion and not 'disorder'; but it soon decided to spare the
+proof-reader his useless trouble and the reader his lesson in Greek, and
+used the name as it stood."[431] And in fact "the word _anarchie_,
+which negates the whole of this so-called order and reminds us of the
+fairest moments in the lives of the nations, is well chosen for a party
+that looks forward to conquering a better future."[432]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_According to Kropotkin, the law which has supreme validity for man is
+the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible; from this law he derives
+the commandment of justice and the commandment of energy._
+
+1. The supreme law for man is the evolutionary law of the progress of
+mankind from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as
+possible.
+
+There is "only one scientific method, the method of the natural
+sciences,"[433] and we apply this method also "in the sciences that
+relate to man,"[434] particularly in the "science of society."[435] Now,
+a mighty revolution is at present taking place[436] in the entire realm
+of science; it is the result of the "philosophy of evolution."[437] "The
+idea hitherto prevalent, that everything in nature stands fast, is
+fallen, destroyed, annihilated. Everything in nature changes; nothing
+remains: neither the rock which appears to us to be immovable and the
+continent which we call _terra firma_, nor the inhabitants, their
+customs, habits, and thoughts. All that we see about us is a transitory
+phenomenon, and must change, because motionlessness would be
+death."[438] In the case of organisms this evolution is progress, in
+consequence of "their admirable adaptivity to their conditions of life.
+They develop such faculties as render more complete both the adaptations
+of the aggregates to their surroundings and those of each of the
+constituent parts of the aggregate to the needs of free
+co-operation."[439] "This is the 'struggle for existence,' which,
+therefore, must not be conceived merely in its restricted sense of a
+struggle between individuals for the means of subsistence."[440]
+
+"Evolution never advances so slowly and evenly as has been asserted.
+Evolution and revolution alternate, and the revolutions--that is, the
+times of accelerated evolution--belong to the unity of nature just as
+much as do the times in which evolution takes place more slowly."[441]
+"Order is the free equilibrium of all forces that operate upon the same
+point; if any of these forces are interfered with in their operation by
+a human will, they operate none the less, but their effects accumulate
+till some day they break the artificial dam and provoke a
+revolution."[442]
+
+Kropotkin applies these general propositions to the social life of
+men.[443] "A society is an aggregation of organisms trying to combine
+the wants of the individual with those of co-operation for the welfare
+of the species";[444] it is "a whole which serves toward the purpose of
+attaining the largest possible amount of happiness at the least possible
+expense of human force."[445] Now human societies evolve,[446] and one
+may try to determine the direction of this evolution.[447] Societies
+advance from lower to higher forms of organization;[448] but the goal of
+this evolution--that is, the point towards which it directs
+itself--consists in "establishing the best conditions for realizing the
+greatest happiness of humanity."[449] What we call progress is the right
+path to this goal;[450] humanity may for the time err from this path,
+but will always be brought back to it at last.[451]
+
+But not even here does evolution take place without revolutions. What is
+true of a man's views, of the climate of a country, of the
+characteristics of a species, is true also of societies: "they evolve
+slowly, but there are also times of the quickest transformation."[452]
+For circumstances of many kinds may oppose themselves to the effort of
+human associations to attain to the greatest possible measure of
+happiness.[453] "New thoughts germinate everywhere, try to get to the
+light, try to get themselves applied in life; but they are kept back by
+the inertia of those who have an interest in keeping up the old
+conditions, they are stifled under long-established prejudices and
+traditions."[454] "Political, economic, and social institutions fall in
+ruins, and the building which has become uninhabitable hinders the
+development of what is sprouting in its crevices and around it."[455]
+Then there is need of "great events which rudely break the thread of
+history and hurl mankind out of its ruts into new roads";[456] "the
+Revolution becomes a peremptory necessity."[457]--"Man has recognized
+his place in nature; he has recognized that his institutions are his
+work and can be refashioned by him alone."[458] "What has not the
+engineer's art dared, and what do not literature, painting, music, the
+drama dare to-day?"[459] Thus must we also, where any institutions
+hinder the progress of society, "dare the fight, to make a rich and
+overflowing life possible to all."[460]
+
+2. From the evolutionary law of the progress of mankind from a less
+happy existence to the happiest existence possible Kropotkin derives the
+commandment of justice and the commandment of energy.
+
+In the struggle for existence human societies evolve toward a condition
+in which there are given the best conditions for the attainment of the
+greatest happiness of mankind.[461] When we describe anything as "good,"
+we mean by this that it favors the attainment of the goal; that is, it
+is beneficial to the society in which we live; and we call that "evil"
+which in our opinion hinders the attainment of the goal, that is, is
+harmful to the society we live in.[462]
+
+Now, men's views as to what favors and what hinders the establishment of
+the best conditions for the attainment of mankind's greatest happiness,
+and hence as to what is beneficial or harmful to society, may certainly
+change.[463] But one fundamental requisite for the attainment of the
+goal will always have to be recognized as such, whatever the diversity
+of opinions. It "may be summed up in the sentence 'Do to others as you
+would have it done to you in the like case'."[464] But this sentence "is
+nothing else than the principle of equality";[465] and equality, in
+turn, "means the same as equity,"[466] "solidarity,"[467]
+"justice."[468]
+
+But there is indisputably yet another fundamental requisite for the
+attainment of the goal. This is "something greater, finer, and mightier
+than mere equality";[469] it may be expressed in the sentence "Be
+strong; overflow with the passion of thought and action: so shall your
+understanding, your love, your energy, pour itself into others."[470]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _In mankind's progress from a less happy existence to an existence as
+happy as possible, one of the next steps, according to Kropotkin, will
+be the disappearance--not indeed of law, but--of enacted law._
+
+1. Enacted law has become a hindrance to mankind's progress toward an
+existence as happy as possible.
+
+"For thousands of years those who govern have been repeating again and
+again, 'Respect the law!'";[471] "in the States of to-day a new law is
+regarded as the cure for all evils."[472] But "the law has no claim to
+men's respect."[473] "It is an adroit mixture of such customs as are
+beneficial to society, and would be observed even without a law, with
+others which are to the advantage only of a ruling minority, but are
+harmful to the masses and can be upheld only by terror."[474] "The law,
+which first made its appearance as a collection of customs which serve
+for the maintenance of society, is now merely an instrument to keep up
+the exploitation and domination of the industrious masses by wealthy
+idlers. It has now no longer any civilizing mission; its only mission is
+to protect exploitation."[475] "It puts rigid immobility in the place of
+progressive development,"[476] "it seeks to confirm permanently the
+customs that are advantageous to the ruling minority."[477]
+
+"If one looks over the millions of laws which mankind obeys, one can
+distinguish three great classes: protection of property, protection of
+government, protection of persons. But in examining these three classes
+one comes in every case to the necessary conclusion that the law is
+valueless and harmful. What the protection of property is worth, the
+Socialists know only too well. The laws about property do not exist to
+secure to individuals or to society the product of their labor. On the
+contrary, they exist to rob the producer of a part of his product, and
+to protect a few in the enjoyment of what they have stolen from the
+producer or from the whole of society."[478] And as regards the laws for
+the protection of government, "we know well that all governments,
+without exception, have it for their mission to uphold by force the
+privileges of the propertied classes--the nobility, the clergy, and the
+_bourgeoisie_. A man has only to examine all these laws, only to observe
+their every-day working, and he will be convinced that not one is worth
+keeping."[479] Equally "superfluous and harmful, finally, are the laws
+for the protection of persons, for the punishment and prevention of
+'crimes'. The fear of punishment never yet restrained a murderer. He who
+would kill his neighbor, for revenge or for necessity, does not beat his
+brains about the consequences; and every murderer hitherto has had the
+firm conviction that he would escape prosecution. If murder were
+declared not punishable, the number of murders would not increase even
+by one; rather it would decrease to the extent that murders are at
+present committed by habitual criminals who have been corrupted in
+prison."[480]
+
+2. The stage of evolution to which enacted law belongs will soon be left
+behind by man.
+
+"The law is a comparatively young formation. Mankind lived for ages
+without any written law. At that time the relations of men to each other
+were regulated by mere habits, by customs and usages, which age made
+venerable, and which every one learned from his childhood in the same
+way as he learned hunting, cattle-raising, or agriculture."[481] "But
+when society came to be more and more split into two hostile classes, of
+which the one wanted to rule and the other to escape from rule, the
+victor of the moment sought to give permanence to the accomplished fact
+and to hallow it by all that was venerable to the defeated. Consecrated
+by the priest and protected by the strong hand of the warrior, law
+appeared."[482]
+
+But its days are already numbered. "Everywhere we find insurgents who
+will no longer obey the law till they know where it comes from, what it
+is good for, by what right it demands obedience, and for what reason it
+is held in honor. They bring under their criticism everything that has
+until now been respected as the foundation of society, but first and
+foremost the fetish, law."[483] The moment of its disappearance, for the
+hastening of which we must fight,[484] is close at hand,[485] perhaps
+even at the end of the nineteenth century.[486]
+
+II. _In the next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown, mankind
+must soon reach, there will indeed be no enacted law, but there will be
+law even there._ "The laws will be totally abrogated;"[487] "unwritten
+customs,"[488] "'customary law,' as jurists say,"[489] will "suffice to
+maintain a good understanding."[490] These norms of the next stage of
+evolution will be based on a general will;[491] and conformity to them
+will be adequately assured "by the necessity, which every one feels, of
+finding co-operation, support, and sympathy"[492] and by the fear of
+expulsion from the fellowship,[493] but also, if necessary, by the
+intervention of the individual citizen[494] or of the masses;[495] they
+will therefore be legal norms.
+
+Of legal norms of the next stage of evolution Kropotkin mentions in the
+first place this,--that contracts must be lived up to.[496]
+
+Furthermore, according to Kropotkin there will obtain in the next stage
+of evolution a legal norm by virtue of which not only the means of
+production, but all things, are common property.[497]
+
+An additional legal norm in the next stage of evolution will, according
+to Kropotkin, be that by virtue of which "every one who co-operates in
+production to a certain extent has, for one thing, the right to live;
+for another, the right to live comfortably."[498]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. _According to Kropotkin, in mankind's progress from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible the State will shortly
+disappear._
+
+1. The State has become a hindrance to mankind's evolution toward a
+happiness as great as possible.
+
+"What does this monstrous engine serve for, that we call 'State'? For
+preventing the exploitation of the laborer by the capitalist, of the
+peasant by the landlord? or for assuring us of work? for providing us
+food when the mother has nothing but water left for her child? No, a
+thousand times no."[499] But instead of this the State "meddles in all
+our affairs, pinions us from cradle to grave. It prescribes all our
+actions, it piles up mountains of laws and ordinances that bewilder the
+shrewdest lawyer. It creates an army of office-holders who sit like
+spiders in their webs and have never seen the world except through the
+dingy panes of their office-window. The immense and ever-increasing sums
+that the State collects from the people are never sufficient: it lives
+at the expense of future generations, and steers with all its might
+toward bankruptcy. 'State' is tantamount to 'war'; one State seeks to
+weaken and ruin another in order to force upon the latter its law, its
+policy, its commercial treaties, and to enrich itself at its expense;
+war is to-day the usual condition in Europe, there is a thirty years'
+supply of causes of war on hand. And civil war rages at the same time
+with foreign war; the State, which was originally to be a protection for
+all and especially for the weak, has to-day become a weapon of the rich
+against the exploited, of the propertied against the propertyless."[500]
+
+In these respects there is no distinction to be made between the
+different forms of the State. "Toward the end of the last century the
+French people overthrew the monarchy, and the last absolute king
+expiated on the scaffold his own crimes and those of his
+predecessors."[501] "Later all the countries of the Continent went
+through the same evolution: they overthrew their absolute monarchies and
+flung themselves into the arms of parliamentarism."[502] "Now it is
+being perceived that parliamentarism, which was entered upon with such
+great hopes, has everywhere become a tool for intrigue and personal
+enrichment, for efforts hostile to the people and to evolution."[503]
+"Precisely like any despot, the body of representatives of the
+people--be it called Parliament, Convention, or anything else; be it
+appointed by the prefects of a Bonaparte or elected with all conceivable
+freedom by an insurgent city--will always try to enlarge its competence,
+to strengthen its power by all sorts of meddling, and to displace the
+activity of the individual and the group by the law."[504] "It was only
+a forty years' movement, which occasionally even set fire to
+grain-fields, that could bring the English Parliament to secure to the
+tenant the value of the improvements made by him. But if it is a
+question of protecting the capitalist's interest, threatened by a
+disturbance or even by agitation,--ah, then every representative of the
+people is on hand, then it acts with more recklessness and cowardice
+than any despot. The six-hundred-headed beast without a name has outdone
+Louis IX and Ivan IV."[505] "Parliamentarism is nauseating to any one
+who has seen it near at hand."[506]
+
+"The dominion of men, which calls itself 'government,' is incompatible
+with a morality founded on solidarity."[507] This is best shown by "the
+so-called civil rights, whose value and importance the _bourgeois_ press
+is daily praising to us in every key."[508] "Are they made for those who
+alone need them? Certainly not. Universal suffrage may under some
+circumstances afford to the _bourgeoisie_ a certain protection against
+encroachments by the central authority, it may establish a balance
+between two authorities without its being necessary for the rivals to
+draw the knife on each other as formerly; but it is valueless when the
+object is to overthrow authority or even to set bounds to it. For the
+rulers it is an excellent means of deciding their disputes; but of what
+use is it to the ruled? Just so with the freedom of the press. To the
+mind of the _bourgeoisie_, what is the best thing that has been alleged
+in its favor? Its impotence. 'Look at England, Switzerland, the United
+States,' they say. 'There the press is free and yet the dominion of
+capital is more assured than in any other country.' Just so they think
+about the right of association. 'Why should we not grant full right of
+association?' says the _bourgeoisie_. 'It will not impair our
+privileges. What we have to fear is secret societies; public unions are
+the best means to cripple them.' 'The inviolability of the home? Yes,
+this we must proclaim aloud, this we must inscribe in the
+statute-books,' say the sly _bourgeois_, 'the police certainly must not
+be looking into our pots and kettles. If things go wrong some day, we
+will snap our fingers at a man's right to his own house, rummage
+everything, and, if necessary, arrest people in their beds.' 'The
+secrecy of letters? Yes, just proclaim its inviolability aloud
+everywhere, our little privacies certainly must not come to the light.
+If we scent a plot against our privileges, we shall not stand much on
+ceremony. And if anybody objects, we shall say what an English minister
+lately said among the applause of Parliament: "Yes, gentlemen, it is
+with a heavy heart and with the deepest reluctance that we are having
+letters opened, but the country (that is, the aristocracy and
+_bourgeoisie_) is in danger!"' That is what political rights are.
+Freedom of the press and freedom of association, the inviolability of
+the home, and all the rest, are respected only so long as the people
+make no use of them against the privileged classes. But on the day when
+the people begin to use them for the undermining of privileges all these
+'rights' are thrown overboard."[509]
+
+2. The stage of evolution to which the State belongs will soon be left
+behind by man. The State is doomed.[510]
+
+It is "of a relatively modern origin."[511] "The State is a historic
+formation which, in the life of all nations, has at a certain time
+gradually taken the place of free associations. Church, law, military
+power, and wealth acquired by plunder, have for centuries made common
+cause, have in slow labor piled stone on stone, encroachment on
+encroachment, and thus created the monstrous institution which has
+finally fixed itself in every corner of social life--nay, in the brains
+and hearts of men--and which we call the State."[512]
+
+It has now begun to decompose. "The peoples--especially those of the
+Latin races--are bent on destroying its authority, which merely hampers
+their free development; they want the independence of provinces,
+communes, and groups of laborers; they want not to submit to any
+dominion, but to league themselves together freely."[513] "The
+dissolution of the States is advancing at frightful speed. They have
+become decrepit graybeards, with wrinkled skins and tottering feet,
+gnawed by internal diseases and without understanding for the new
+thoughts; they are squandering the little strength that they still had
+left, living at the expense of their numbered years, and hastening their
+end by falling foul of each other like old women."[514] The moment of
+the State's disappearance is therefore close at hand.[515] Kropotkin
+says now that it will come in a few years,[516] now that it will come at
+the end of the nineteenth century.[517]
+
+II. _In the next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown, mankind
+must soon reach, the place of the State will be taken by a social human
+life on the basis of the legal norm that contracts must be lived up to._
+Anarchism is the "inevitable"[518] "next phase,"[519] "higher
+form,"[520] of society.
+
+1. Even after the State is done away men will live together socially;
+but they will no longer be held together in society by a governmental
+authority, but by the legally binding force of contract. "Free expansion
+of individuals into groups and of groups into associations, free
+organization from the simple to the complex as need and inclination are
+felt,"[521] will be the future form of society.
+
+We can at present perceive a growing Anarchistic movement; that is, "a
+movement towards limiting more and more the sphere of action of
+government. After having tried all kinds of government, humanity is
+trying now to free itself from the bonds of any government whatever, and
+to respond to its needs of organization by the free understanding
+between individuals prosecuting the same common aims."[522] "Free
+associations are beginning to take to themselves the entire field of
+human activity."[523] "The large organizations resulting merely and
+simply from free agreement have grown recently. The railway net of
+Europe--a confederation of so many scores of separate societies--is an
+instance; the Dutch _Beurden_, or associations of ship and boat owners,
+are extending now their organizations over the rivers of Germany, and
+even to the shipping trade of the Baltic; the numberless amalgamated
+manufacturers' associations, and the _syndicats_ of France, are so many
+instances in point. But there also is no lack of free organizations for
+nobler pursuits: the Lifeboat Association, the Hospitals Association,
+and hundreds of like organizations. One of the most remarkable societies
+which has[524] recently arisen is the Red Cross Society. To slaughter
+men on the battle-fields, that remains the duty of the State; but these
+very States recognize their inability to take care of their own wounded;
+they abandon the task, to a great extent, to private initiative."[525]
+"These endeavors will attain to free play, will find a new and vast
+field for their application, and will form the foundation of the future
+society."[526]
+
+"The agreement between the hundreds of companies to which the European
+railroads belong has been entered into directly, without the meddling of
+any central authority that prescribed laws to the several companies. It
+has been kept up by conventions at which delegates met to consult
+together and then to lay before their principals plans, not laws. This
+is a new procedure, utterly different from any government whether
+monarchical or republican, absolute or constitutional. It is an
+innovation which at first makes its way into European manners only by
+hesitating steps, but to which the future belongs."[527]
+
+2. "To rack our brains to-day about the details of the form which public
+life shall take in the future society, would be silly. Yet we must come
+to an agreement now about the main outlines."[528] "We must not forget
+that perhaps in a year or two we shall be called on to decide all
+questions of the organization of society."[529]
+
+Communes will continue to exist; but "these communes are not
+agglomerations of men in a territory, and know neither walls nor
+boundaries; the commune is a clustering of like-minded persons, not a
+closed integer. The various groups in one commune will feel themselves
+drawn to similar groups in other communes; they will unite themselves
+with these as firmly as with their fellow-citizens; and thus there will
+come about communities of interest whose members are scattered over a
+thousand cities and villages."[530]
+
+Men will join themselves together by "contracts"[531] to form such
+communes. They will "take upon themselves duties to society,"[532] which
+on its part engages to do certain things for them.[533] It will not be
+necessary to compel the fulfilment of these contracts,[534] there will
+be no need of penalties and judges.[535] Fulfilment will be sufficiently
+assured by "the necessity, which every one feels, of finding
+co-operation, support, and sympathy among his neighbors;"[536] he who
+does not live up to his obligations can of course be expelled from
+fellowship.[537]
+
+In the commune every one will "do what is necessary himself, without
+waiting for a government's orders."[538] "The commune will not first
+destroy the State and then set it up again."[539] "People will see that
+they are freest and happiest when they have no plenipotentiary agents
+and depend as little on the wisdom of representatives as on that of
+Providence."[540] Nor will there be prisons or other penal
+institutions;[541] "for the few anti-social acts that may still take
+place the best remedy will consist in loving treatment, moral influence,
+and liberty."[542]
+
+The communes on their part will join themselves together by
+contracts[543] quite in the same way as do the members of the individual
+communes. "The commune will recognize nothing above it except the
+interests of the league that it has of its own accord made with other
+communes."[544] "Owing to the multiplicity of our needs, a single league
+will soon not be enough; the commune will feel the necessity of entering
+into other connections also, joining this or that other league. For the
+purpose of obtaining food it is already a member of one group; now it
+must join a second in order to obtain other objects that it
+needs,--metal, for instance,--and then a third and fourth too, that will
+supply it with cloth and works of art. If one takes up an economic atlas
+of any country, one sees that there are no economic boundaries: the
+areas of production and exchange for the different objects are blended,
+interlaced, superimposed. Thus the combinations of the communes also, if
+they followed their natural development, would soon intertwine in the
+same way and form an infinitely denser network and a far more consummate
+'unity' than the States, whose individual parts, after all, only lie
+side by side like the rods around the lictor's axe."[545]
+
+3. The future society will be able easily to accomplish the tasks that
+the State accomplishes at present.
+
+"Suppose there is need of a street. Well, then let the inhabitants of
+the neighboring communes come to an understanding about it, and they
+will do their business better than the Minister of Public Works would do
+it. Or a railroad is needed. Here too the communes that are concerned
+will produce something very different from the work of the promoters who
+only build bad pieces of track and make millions by it. Or schools are
+required. People can fit them up for themselves at least as well as the
+gentlemen at Paris. Or the enemy invades the country. Then we defend
+ourselves instead of relying on generals who would merely betray us. Or
+the farmer must have tools and machines. Then he comes to an
+understanding with the city workingmen, these supply him with them at
+cost in return for his products, and the middleman, who now robs both
+the farmer and the workingman, is superfluous."[546] "Or there comes up
+a little dispute, or a stronger man tries to push down a weaker. In the
+first case the people will know enough to create a court of arbitration,
+and in the second every citizen will regard it as his duty to interfere
+himself and not wait for the police; there will be as little need of
+constables as of judges and turnkeys."[547]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _According to Kropotkin, the progress of mankind from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible will shortly bring us to
+the disappearance not indeed of property, but of its present form,
+private property._
+
+1. Private property has become a hindrance to the evolution of mankind
+toward a happiness as great as possible.
+
+What are the effects of private property to-day? "The crisis, which was
+formerly acute, has become chronic; the crisis in the cotton trade, the
+crisis in the production of metals, the crisis in watchmaking, all the
+crises, rage concurrently now and do not come to an end. The unemployed
+in Europe to-day are estimated at several million; those who beg their
+way from city to city, or gather in mobs to demand 'work or bread' with
+threats, are estimated at tens of thousands. Great branches of industry
+are destroyed; great cities, like Sheffield, forsaken. Everything is at
+a standstill, want and misery prevail everywhere: the children are pale,
+the wife has grown five years older in one winter, disease and death are
+rife among the workingmen--and people talk of over-production!"[548] One
+might reply that in peasant ownership of land, at least, private
+property has good effects.[549] "But the golden age is over for the
+small farmer. To-day he hardly knows how to make both ends meet. He gets
+into debt, becomes a victim of the cattle-dealer, the real-estate
+jobber, the usurer; notes and mortgages ruin whole villages, even more
+than the frightful taxes imposed by State and commune. Small
+proprietorship is in a desperate condition; and even if the small farmer
+is still owner in name, he is in fact nothing more than a tenant paying
+rent to money-dealers and usurers."[550]
+
+But private property has still more sweeping indirect effects. "So long
+as we have a caste of idlers who have us feed them under the pretext
+that they must lead us, so long these idlers will always be a focus of
+pestilence to general morality. He who lives his life in dull laziness,
+who is always bent merely on getting new pleasures, who by the very
+basis of his existence can know no solidarity, and who by his course of
+life cultivates the vilest self-seeking,--he will always pursue the
+coarsest sensual pleasures and debase everything around him. With his
+bag full of dollars and his bestial impulses he will go and dishonor
+women and children, degrade art, the drama, the press, sell his country
+and its defenders, and, because he is too cowardly to murder with his
+own hands, will have his proxies murder the choicest of his nation when,
+some day, he is afraid for his darling money-bag."[551] "Year by year
+thousands of children grow up in the physical and moral filth of our
+great cities, among a population corrupted by the struggle for daily
+bread, and at the same time they daily see the immorality, idleness,
+prodigality, and ostentation of which these same cities are full."[552]
+"Thus society is incessantly bringing forth beings who are incapable of
+an honorable and industrious life, and who are full of anti-social
+feelings. It does homage to them when success crowns their crimes, and
+sends them to the penitentiary when they are unlucky."[553]
+
+Private property offends against justice. "The labor of all has produced
+the entire accumulated mass of wealth, that of the present generation as
+well as that of all that went before. The house in which we happen to be
+together has value only by its being in Paris, this glorious city in
+which the labor of twenty generations is piled layer upon layer. If it
+were removed to the snow-fields of Siberia, it would be worth
+substantially nothing. This machine, invented and patented by you, has
+in it the labor of five or six generations; it has a value only as a
+part of the vast whole that we call nineteenth-century industry. Take
+your lace-making machine to the Papuans in New Guinea, and it is
+valueless."[554] "Science and industry; theory and practice; the
+invention and the putting the invention in operation, which leads to new
+inventions again; head work and hand work,--all is connected. Every
+discovery, every progress, every increase in our wealth, has its origin
+in the total bodily and mental activity of the past and present. Then by
+what right can any one appropriate to himself the smallest fraction of
+this vast total and say 'this belongs to me and not to you'?"[555]--But
+this unjust appropriation of what belongs to all has nevertheless taken
+place. "Among the changes of time a few have taken possession of all
+that is made possible to man by the production of goods and the increase
+of his productive power. To-day the land, though it owes its value to
+the needs of a ceaselessly increasing population, belongs to a minority
+which can hinder the people from cultivating it, and which does so--or
+at least does not permit the people to cultivate it in a manner
+accordant with modern needs. The mines, which represent the toil of
+centuries, and whose value is based solely on the needs of industry and
+the necessities of population, belong likewise to a few, and these few
+limit the mining of coal, or entirely forbid it when they find a better
+investment for their money. The machines, too, are the property of a
+handful of men; and, even if a machine has indubitably been brought to
+its present perfection by three generations of workers, it nevertheless
+belongs to a few givers of work. The roads, which would be scrap-iron
+but for Europe's dense population, industry, trade, and travel, are in
+the possession of a few shareholders who perhaps do not even know the
+location of the lines from which they draw princely incomes."[556]
+
+2. Mankind will soon have passed the stage of evolution to which private
+property belongs. Private property is doomed.[557]
+
+Private property is a historic formation: it "has developed
+parasitically amidst the free institutions of our earliest
+ancestors,"[558] and this in the closest connection with the State. "The
+political constitution of a society is always the expression, and at the
+same time the consecration, of its economic constitution."[559] "The
+origin of the State, and its reason for existence, lie in the fact that
+it interferes in favor of the propertied and to the disadvantage of the
+propertyless."[560] "The omnipotence of the State constitutes the
+foundation of the strength of the _bourgeoisie_."[561]
+
+But private property is already on the way to dissolution. "The economic
+chaos can last no longer. The people are tired of the crises which the
+greed of the ruling classes provokes. They want to work and live, not
+first drudge a few years for scanty wages and then become for many years
+victims of want and objects of charity. The workingman sees the
+incapacity of the ruling classes: he sees how unable they are either to
+understand his efforts or to manage the production and exchange of
+goods."[562] Hence "one of the leading features of our century is the
+growth of Socialism and the rapid spreading of Socialist views among the
+working classes."[563] The moment when private property is to disappear
+is near, therefore: be it in a few years,[564] be it at the end of the
+nineteenth century,[565] in any case it will come soon.[566]
+
+II. _In mankind's next stage of evolution, which, as has been shown,
+must soon be attained, property will take such form that only property
+of society shall exist._ The "next phase of evolution,"[567] "higher
+form of social organization,"[568] will "inevitably"[569] be not only
+Anarchism, but "Anarchistic Communism."[570] "The tendencies towards
+economical and political freedom are two different manifestations of the
+very same need of equality which constitutes the very essence of all
+struggles mentioned by history";[571] "these two powerful currents of
+thought characterize our century."[572]
+
+In this way a comfortable life will be guaranteed to every person who
+co-operates in production to a certain extent.
+
+1. Mankind's next stage of evolution will no longer know any but the
+property of society.
+
+"In our century the Communist tendency is continually reasserting
+itself. The penny bridge disappears before the public bridge; and the
+turnpike road before the free road. The same spirit pervades thousands
+of other institutions. Museums, free libraries, and free public schools;
+parks and pleasure grounds; paved and lighted streets, free for
+everybody's use; water supplied to private dwellings, with a growing
+tendency towards disregarding the exact amount of it used by the
+individual; tramways and railways which have already begun to introduce
+the season ticket or the uniform tax, and will surely go much further on
+this line when they are no longer private property: all these are tokens
+showing in what direction further progress is to be expected."[573]
+
+So will the future society be Communistic. "The first act of the
+nineteenth-century commune will consist in laying hands on the entire
+capital accumulated in its bosom."[574] This applies "to the materials
+for consumption as well as to those for production."[575] "People have
+tried to make a distinction between the capital that serves for the
+production of goods and that which satisfies the wants of life, and have
+said that machines, factories, raw materials, the means of
+transportation, and the land are destined to become the property of the
+community; while dwellings, finished products, clothing, and provisions
+will remain private property. This distinction is erroneous and
+impracticable. The house that shelters us, the coal and gas that we
+burn, the nutriment that our body burns up, the clothing that covers us,
+and the book from which we draw instruction, are all essential to our
+existence and are just as necessary for successful production and for
+the further development of mankind as are machines, factories, raw
+materials, and other factors of production. With private property in the
+former goods, there would still remain inequality, oppression, and
+exploitation; a half-way abolition of private property would have its
+effectiveness crippled in advance."[576]
+
+There is no fear that the Communistic communes will isolate
+themselves.[577] "If to-day a great city transforms itself into a
+Communistic commune, and introduces community of the materials for both
+work and enjoyment, then in a very few days, if it is not shut in by
+hostile armies, trains of wagons will appear in its markets, and raw
+materials will arrive from distant ports; and the city's industrial
+products, when once the wants of the population are satisfied, will go
+to the ends of the earth seeking purchasers; throngs of strangers will
+stream in from near and far, and will afterward tell at home of the
+marvelous life of the free city where everybody works, where there are
+neither poor nor oppressed, where every one enjoys the fruit of his
+toil, and no one interferes with another's doing so."[578]
+
+2. The Communism of the future society will "not be the Communism of the
+convent or the barrack, such as was formerly preached, but a free
+Communism which puts the joint products at the disposal of all while
+leaving to every one the liberty of using them at home."[579] To get an
+entirely clear idea of every detail of it, indeed, is not as yet
+possible; "nevertheless we must come to an agreement about the
+fundamental features at least."[580]
+
+What form will production take?
+
+That must first be produced which is requisite "for the satisfaction of
+man's most urgent wants."[581] For this it suffices "that all adults,
+with the exception of those women who are occupied with the education of
+children, engage to do five hours a day, from the age of twenty or
+twenty-two to the age of forty-five or fifty, of any one (at their
+option) of the labors that are regarded as necessary."[582] "For
+instance, a society would enter into the following contract with each of
+its members: 'We will guarantee to you the enjoyment of our houses,
+stores of goods, streets, conveyances, schools, museums, etc., on
+condition that from your twentieth year to your forty-fifth or fiftieth
+you apply five hours every day to one of the labors necessary to life.
+Every moment you will have your choice of the groups you will join, or
+you may found a new one provided that it proposes to do necessary
+service. For the rest of your time you may associate yourself with whom
+you like for the purpose of scientific or artistic recreation at your
+pleasure. We ask of you, therefore, nothing but twelve or fifteen
+hundred hours' work annually in one of the groups which produce food,
+clothing, and shelter, or which care for health, transportation, etc.;
+and in return we insure to you all that these groups produce or have
+produced'."[583]
+
+There will be time enough, therefore, to produce what is requisite for
+the satisfaction of less urgent wants. "When one has done in the field
+or the factory the work that he is under obligation to do for society,
+he can devote the other half of his day, his week, or his year, to the
+satisfaction of artistic or scientific wants."[584] "The lover of music
+who wishes a piano will enter the association of instrument-makers; he
+will devote part of his half-days, and will soon possess the longed-for
+piano. Or the enthusiast in astronomy will join the astronomers'
+association with its philosophers, observers, calculators, and
+opticians, its scholars and amateurs; and he will obtain the telescope
+he wishes, if only he dedicates some work to the common cause--for there
+is a deal of rough work necessary for an observatory, masons' work,
+carpenters' work, founders' work, machinists' work--the final polish, to
+be sure, can be given to the instrument of precision by none but the
+artist. In a word, the five to seven hours that every one has left,
+after he has first devoted some hours to the production of the
+necessary, are quite sufficient to render possible for him every kind of
+luxury."[585]
+
+"The separation of agriculture from manufactures will pass away. The
+factory workmen will be at the same time field workmen."[586] "As an
+eminently periodic industry, which at certain times (and even more in
+the making of improvements than in harvest) needs a large additional
+force, agriculture will form the link between village and city."[587]
+And "the separation of mental from bodily labor will come to an
+end"[588] too. "Poets and scientists will no longer find poor devils
+who will sell their energies to them for a plate of soup; they will have
+to get together and print their writings themselves. Then the authors,
+and their admirers of both sexes, will soon acquire the art of handling
+the type-case and composing-stick; they will learn the pleasure of
+producing jointly, with their own hands, a work that they value."[589]
+"Every labor will be agreeable."[590] "If there is still work which is
+really disagreeable in itself, it is only because our scientific men
+have never cared to consider the means of rendering it less so: they
+have always known that there were plenty of starving men who would do it
+for a few pence a day."[591] "Factories, smelters, mines, can be as
+sanitary and as splendid as the best laboratories of our universities;
+and the more perfectly they are fitted up the more they will
+produce."[592] And the product of such labor will be "infinitely better,
+and considerably greater, than the mass of goods hitherto produced under
+the goad of slavery, serfdom, and wage-slavery."[593]
+
+How will distribution take place?
+
+Every one who contributes his part to production will also have his
+share in the product. But it must not be assumed that this share in the
+product will correspond to that share in the production. "Each according
+to his powers; to each according to his wants."[594] "Need will be put
+above service; it will be recognized that every one who co-operates in
+production to a certain extent has in the first place the right to
+live, and in the second place the right to live comfortably."[595]
+"Every one, no matter how strong or weak, how competent or incompetent
+he may be, will have the right to live,"[596] and "to have a comfortable
+life; he will furthermore have the right to decide for himself what
+belongs to a comfortable life."[597]
+
+Society's stock of goods will quite permit this. "If one considers on
+the one hand the rapidity with which the productive power of civilized
+nations is increasing, and on the other hand the limits that are
+directly or indirectly set to its production by present conditions, one
+comes to the conclusion that even a moderately sensible economic
+constitution would permit the civilized nations to heap up in a few
+years so many useful things that we should have to cry out 'Enough!
+enough coal! enough bread! enough clothes! Let us rest, take recreation,
+put our strength to a better use, spend our time in a better way!'"[598]
+
+However, what if the stock should in fact not suffice for all wants?
+"The solution is--free taking of everything that exists in superfluity,
+and rations of that in which there is a possibility of dearth: rations
+according to needs, with preference to children, the aged, and the weak
+in general. That is what is done even now in the country. What commune
+thinks of limiting the use of the meadows so long as there are enough of
+them? what commune, so long as there are chestnuts and brushwood enough,
+hinders those who belong to it from taking as much as they please? And
+what does the peasant introduce when there is a prospect that firewood
+will give out? Rationing."[599]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_The change that is promptly to be expected in the course of mankind's
+progress from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as
+possible,--the disappearance of the State, the transformation of law and
+property, and the appearance of the new condition,--will be
+accomplished, according to Kropotkin, by a social revolution; that is,
+by a violent subversion of the old order, which will come to pass of
+itself, but for which it is the function of those who foresee the course
+of evolution to prepare men's minds._
+
+I. We know that we shall not reach the future condition "without intense
+perturbations."[600] "That justice may be victorious, and the new
+thoughts become reality, there is need of a frightful storm to sweep
+away all this rottenness, to vivify torpid souls with its breath, and to
+restore self-sacrifice, self-denial, and heroism to our senile,
+decrepit, crumbling society."[601] There is need of "social revolution:
+that is, the people's taking possession of society's total stock of
+goods, and the abolition of all authorities."[602] "The social
+revolution is at the door,"[603] "it stands before us at the end of this
+century,"[604] "it will be here in a few years."[605] It is "the task
+which history sets for us,"[606] but "whether we will or not, it will
+be accomplished independently of our will."[607]
+
+1. "The social revolution will be no uprising of a few days: we shall
+have to go through a period of three, four, or five years of revolution,
+till the transformation of the social and economic situation is
+completed."[608] "During this time what we have sown to-day will be
+coming up and bearing fruit; and he who now is yet indifferent will
+become a convinced adherent of the new doctrine."[609] Nor will the
+social revolution be limited to a narrow area. "We must not assume, to
+be sure, that it will break out in all Europe at once."[610] "Germany is
+nearer the revolution than people think";[611] "but whether it start
+from France, Germany, Spain, or Russia, it will anyhow be a European
+revolution in the end. It will spread as rapidly as that of our
+predecessors the heroes of 1848, and set Europe afire."[612]
+
+2. The first act of the social revolution will be a work of
+destruction.[613] "The impulse to destruction, which is so natural and
+justifiable because it is at the same time an impulse to renovation,
+will find its full satisfaction. How much old trash there is to clear
+away! Does not everything have to be transformed, the houses, the
+cities, the businesses of manufacturing and farming,--in short, all the
+arrangements of society?"[614] "Everything that it is necessary to
+abolish should be destroyed without delay: the penitentiaries and
+prisons, the forts that threaten cities, the slums whose disease-laden
+air people have breathed so long."[615]
+
+Yet the social revolution will not be a reign of terror. "Naturally the
+fight will demand victims. One can understand how it was that the people
+of Paris, before they hurried to the frontiers, killed the aristocrats
+in the prisons, who had planned with the enemy for the annihilation of
+the revolution. He who would blame the people for this should be asked,
+'Have you suffered with them and like them? if not, blush and be
+still.'"[616] But yet the people will never, like the kings and czars,
+exalt terror into a system. "They have sympathy for the victims; they
+are too good-hearted not to feel a speedy repugnance at cruelty. The
+public prosecutor, the corpse-cart, the guillotine, speedily become
+repulsive. After a little while it is recognized that such a reign of
+terror is merely preparing the way for a dictatorship, and the
+guillotine is abolished."[617]
+
+The government will be overthrown first. "There is no need of fearing
+its strength. Governments only seem terrible; the first collision with
+the insurgent people lays them prostrate; many have collapsed in a few
+hours before now."[618] "The people rise, and the State machine is
+already at a standstill; the officials are in confusion and know not
+what to do; the army has lost confidence in its leaders."[619]
+
+But it cannot stop with this. "On the day when the people has swept away
+the governments, it will also, without waiting for any directions from
+above, abolish private property by forcible expropriation."[620] "The
+peasants will drive out the great landlords and declare their estates
+common property; they will annul the mortgages and proclaim general
+release from debt";[621] and in the cities "the people will seize on the
+entire wealth accumulated there, turn out the factory-owners, and
+undertake the management themselves."[622] "The expropriation will be
+general; nothing but an expropriation of the broadest kind can initiate
+the re-shaping of society--expropriation on a small scale would appear
+like ordinary plunder."[623] It will extend not only to the materials of
+production, but also to those of consumption: "the first thing that the
+people do after the overthrow of the governments will be to provide
+itself with sanitary dwellings and with sufficient food and
+clothing."[624]--Yet expropriation will "have its limits."[625] "Suppose
+by pinching, a poor devil has got himself a house that will hold him and
+his family. Will he be thrown on the street? Certainly not! If the house
+is just big enough for him and his family, he shall keep it, and he
+shall also continue to work the garden under his window. Our young men
+will even lend him a hand in case of need. But, if he has rented a room
+to somebody else, the people will say to this one, 'You know, friend,
+don't you, that you no longer owe the old fellow anything? Keep your
+room gratis; you need no longer fear the officer of the court, we have
+the new society!"[626] "Expropriation will extend just to that which
+makes it possible for any one to exploit another's labor."[627]
+
+3. "The work of destruction will be followed by a work of
+re-shaping."[628]
+
+Most people conceive of revolution as with "a 'revolutionary
+government'"[629]--this in two ways. Some understand by this an elective
+government. "It is proposed to summon the people to elections, to elect
+a government as quickly as possible, and entrust to it the work which
+each of us ought to be doing of his own accord."[630] "But any
+government which an insurgent people attains by elections must
+necessarily be a leaden weight on its feet, especially in so immense an
+economic, political, and moral reorganization as the social
+revolution."[631] This is perceived by others; "therefore they give up
+the thought of a 'legal' government, at least for the time of
+insurrection against all laws, and preach the 'revolutionary
+dictatorship.' 'The party which has overthrown the government,' say
+they, 'will forcibly put itself in the government's place. It will seize
+the authority and adopt a revolutionary procedure. For every one who
+does not recognize it--the guillotine; for every one who refuses
+obedience to it--the guillotine likewise.' So talk the little
+Robespierres. But we Anarchists know that this thought is nothing but an
+unwholesome fruit of government fetishism, and that any dictatorship,
+even the best disposed, is the death of the revolution."[632]
+
+"We will do what is needful ourselves, without waiting for the orders
+of a government."[633] "If the dissolution of the State is once started,
+if once the oppression-machine begins to give out, free associations
+will be formed quite automatically. Just remember the voluntary
+combinations of the armed _bourgeoisie_ during the great Revolution.
+Remember the societies which were voluntarily formed in Spain, and which
+defended the independence of the country, when the State was shaken to
+its foundations by Napoleon's armies. As soon as the State no longer
+compels any co-operation, natural wants bring about a voluntary
+co-operation quite automatically. If the State be but overthrown, free
+society will rise up at once on its ruins."[634]
+
+"The reorganization of production will not be possible in a few
+days,"[635] especially as the revolution will presumably not break out
+in all Europe at a time.[636] The people will consequently have to take
+temporary measures to assure themselves, first of all, of food,
+clothing, and shelter. First the populace of the insurgent cities will
+take possession of the dealers' stocks of food, and of the grain
+warehouses and the slaughter-houses. Volunteers make an inventory of the
+provisions found, and distribute printed tabular statements by the
+million. Henceforth free taking of all that is present in abundance;
+rations of what has to be measured out, with preference to the sick and
+the weak; a supply for deficiencies by importation from the country
+(which will come in plenty if we produce things that the farmer needs
+and put them at his disposal) and also by the inhabitants of the city
+entering upon the cultivation of the royal parks and meadows in the
+vicinity.[637] The people will take possession of the dwelling-houses in
+like manner. Again volunteers make lists of the available dwellings and
+distribute them. People come together by streets, quarters, districts,
+and agree about the allotment of the dwellings. But the evils that will
+at first still have to be borne are soon to be done away: the artisans
+of the building trades need only work a few hours a day, and soon the
+over-spacious dwellings that were on hand will be sensibly altered, and
+model houses, entirely new, will be built.[638] The same procedure will
+be followed with regard to clothing. The people take possession of the
+great clothiers' establishments, and volunteers list the stocks. People
+take freely what is on hand in abundance, in rations what is limited in
+quantity. What is lacking is supplied in the shortest of time by the
+factories with their perfected machines.[639]
+
+II. "To prepare men's minds"[640] for the approaching revolution is the
+task of those who foresee the course of evolution. This is especially
+"the task of the secret societies and revolutionary organizations."[641]
+It is the task of "the Anarchist party."[642] The Anarchists "are to-day
+as yet a minority, but their number is daily growing, will grow more and
+more, and will on the eve of the revolution become a majority."[643]
+"What a dismal sight France presented a few years before the great
+Revolution, and how weak was the minority of those who thought of the
+abolition of royalty and feudalism; but what a change three or four
+years later! the minority had begun the revolution and had carried the
+masses with it."[644]--But how are men's minds to be prepared for the
+revolution?
+
+1. First and foremost, the aim of the revolution is to be made generally
+known. "It is to be proclaimed by word and deed till it is thoroughly
+popularized, so that on the day of the rising it is in everybody's
+mouth. This task is greater and more serious than is generally assumed;
+for, if some few do have the aim clearly before their eyes, it is quite
+otherwise with the masses, constantly worked upon as they are by the
+_bourgeois_ press."[645]
+
+But this does not suffice. "The spirit of insurrection must be aroused;
+the sense of independence and the wild boldness without which no
+revolution comes about must awake."[646] "Between the peaceable
+discussion of evils and tumult, insurrection, lies a chasm--the same
+chasm that in the greater part of mankind separates reflection from act,
+thought from will."[647]
+
+2. The way to obtain these two results is "action--constant, incessant
+action by minorities. Courage, devotion, self-sacrifice are as
+contagious as cowardice, servility, and apprehension."[648]
+
+"What forms is the propaganda to take? Every form that is prescribed by
+the situation, by opportunity, and propensity. It may be now serious,
+now jocular; but it must always be bold. It must never leave a means
+unused, never leave a fact of public life unobserved, to keep minds
+alert, to give aliment and expression to discontent, to stir hate
+against exploiters, to make the government ridiculous, and to
+demonstrate its impotence. But above all, to arouse boldness and the
+spirit of insurrection, it must continually preach by example."[649]
+
+"Men of courage, willing not only to speak but to act; pure characters
+who prefer prison, exile, and death to a life that contradicts their
+principles; bold natures who know that in order to win one must
+dare,--these are the advance-guard who open the fight long before the
+masses are ripe to lift the banner of insurrection openly and to seek
+their rights arms in hand. In the midst of the complaining, talking,
+discussing, comes a mutinous deed by one or more persons, which
+incarnates the longings of all."[650]
+
+"Perhaps at first the masses remain indifferent and believe the wise
+ones who regard the act as 'crazy', but soon they are privately
+applauding the crazy and imitating them. While the first of them are
+filling the penitentiaries, others are already continuing their work.
+The declarations of war against present-day society, the mutinous deeds,
+the acts of revenge, multiply. General attention is aroused; the new
+thought makes its way into men's heads and wins their hearts. A single
+deed makes more propaganda in a few days than a thousand pamphlets. The
+government defends itself, it rages pitilessly; but by this it only
+causes further deeds to be committed by one or more persons, and drives
+the insurgents to heroism. One deed brings forth another; opponents
+join the mutiny; the government splits into factions; harshness
+intensifies the conflict; concessions come too late; the revolution
+breaks out."[651]
+
+3. To make still clearer the means by which the aim of the revolution is
+to be made generally known and the spirit of insurrection is to be
+aroused, Kropotkin tells some of the history of what preceded the
+Revolution of 1789.
+
+He tells how at that time thousands of lampoons acquainted the people
+with the vices of the court, and how a multitude of satirical songs
+flagellated crowned heads and stirred hatred against the nobility and
+clergy. He sets before us how in placards the king, the queen, the
+farmers-general, were threatened, reviled, and jeered at; how enemies of
+the people were hanged or burned or quartered in effigy. He describes to
+us the way in which the insurrectionists got the people used to the
+streets and taught them to defy the police, the military, the cavalry.
+We learn how in the villages secret organizations, the jacques, set fire
+to the barns of the lord of the manor, destroyed his crops or his game,
+murdered him himself, threatened the collection or payment of rent with
+death. He sets forth to us how then, one day, the storehouses were
+broken into, the trains of wagons were stopped on the highway, the
+toll-gates were burned and the officials killed, the tax-lists and the
+account-books and the city archives went up in flames, and the
+revolution broke out on all sides.[652]
+
+"What conclusions are to be drawn from this"[653] Kropotkin does not
+think it necessary to explain. He contents himself with characterizing
+as "a precious instruction for us"[654] the facts which he reports.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[431] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 99.
+
+[432] _Ib._ p. 104.
+
+[433] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 39.
+
+[434] _Ib._ p. 39.
+
+[435] _Ib._ pp. 8, 39.
+
+[436] _Ib._ p. 5.
+
+[437] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[438] Kr. "Studies" p. 9.
+
+[439] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 8-9.
+
+[440] _Ib._ p. 9.
+
+[441] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 13.
+
+[442] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[443] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[444] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[445] Kr. "Studies" p. 24.
+
+[446] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 7.
+
+[447] _Ib._ p. 4.
+
+[448] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[449] _Ib._ p. 4.
+
+[450] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 28.
+
+[451] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 17.
+
+[452] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 59.
+
+[453] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[454] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 275-6.
+
+[455] _Ib._ pp. 277-8.
+
+[456] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 17.
+
+[457] _Ib._ p. 275.
+
+[458] Kr. "Studies" p. 9.
+
+[459] _Ib._ p. 10.
+
+[460] Kr. "_Morale_" p. 74.
+
+[461] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[462] Kr. "_Morale_" pp. 24, 31.
+
+[463] _Ib._ p. 30.
+
+[464] Kr. "_Morale_" pp. 30-31.
+
+[465] _Ib._ p. 41.
+
+[466] _Ib._ p. 42.
+
+[467] _Ib._ p. 38; Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 296.
+
+[468] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 342, 129.
+
+[469] Kr. "_Morale_" p. 57.
+
+[470] _Ib._ pp. 61-2.
+
+[471] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 215. [In Eltzbacher's general discussions, and
+his summaries of the different writers' views on law, the word
+translated "law" is everywhere _Recht_, French _droit_, Latin _jus_, law
+as a body of rights and duties. But in the quotations from Kropotkin
+under the heading "Law" the word is everywhere (with the single
+exception of the phrase "customary law") _Gesetz_, French _loi_, Latin
+_lex_, a law as an enacted formula to describe men's actions; and the
+same is the word translated "law" in Eltzbacher's summaries under the
+heading "Basis" in the different chapters.]
+
+[472] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 214.
+
+[473] _Ib._ p. 227.
+
+[474] _Ib._ p. 227.
+
+[475] _Ib._ p. 235.
+
+[476] _Ib._ p. 219.
+
+[477] _Ib._ p. 226.
+
+[478] _Ib._ p. 236.
+
+[479] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 239.
+
+[480] _Ib._ pp. 240-42.
+
+[481] _Ib._ p. 221.
+
+[482] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 226.
+
+[483] _Ib._ pp. 218-19.
+
+[484] Kr. "_Morale_" p. 74.
+
+[485] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 264-5.
+
+[486] _Ib._ p. 235; Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" pp.
+28-9.
+
+[487] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 227, 235.
+
+[488] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 29.
+
+[489] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 221.
+
+[490] _Ib._ p. 221.
+
+[491] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 229, 109.
+
+[492] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 24.
+
+[493] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 202.
+
+[494] Kr. "Studies" p. 30.
+
+[495] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 110, 134-5, "_Conquete_" p. 109.
+
+[496] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 169, 128-9, 203-5.
+
+[497] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 136-7.
+
+[498] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 229.
+
+[499] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 14.
+
+[500] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 11-14.
+
+[501] _Ib._ p. 172.
+
+[502] _Ib._ p. 173.
+
+[503] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 175.
+
+[504] _Ib._ pp. 181-2.
+
+[505] _Ib._ pp. 183-4.
+
+[506] _Ib._ p. 190.
+
+[507] _Ib._ p. 19.
+
+[508] _Ib._ p. 33.
+
+[509] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 35-9.
+
+[510] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 30.
+
+[511] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 7.
+
+[512] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" pp. 49-50.
+
+[513] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 10.
+
+[514] _Ib._ pp 9-10.
+
+[515] _Ib._ pp. 264-5.
+
+[516] _Ib._ p. 139.
+
+[517] _Ib._ p. 235; Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" pp.
+28-9.
+
+[518] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 30.
+
+[519] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[520] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[521] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 26.
+
+[522] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 23.
+
+[523] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 117-18.
+
+[524] [_Sic_, edition of 1891].
+
+[525] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 25-7.
+
+[526] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 118.
+
+[527] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 174.
+
+[528] Kr. "Studies" p. 25.
+
+[529] _Ib._ p. 26.
+
+[530] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 117.
+
+[531] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 169, 203.
+
+[532] _Ib._ pp. 145, 136, 128-9.
+
+[533] _Ib._ pp. 203-5.
+
+[534] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" pp. 29-30, "_Conquete_" p. 188.
+
+[535] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 49.
+
+[536] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 24. [Kropotkin prefixes "his own
+social habits and."]
+
+[537] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 202.
+
+[538] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139.
+
+[539] _Ib._ p. 111.
+
+[540] _Ib._ p. 175.
+
+[541] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 49.
+
+[542] _Ib._ pp. 58-9.
+
+[543] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 44-5.
+
+[544] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 108.
+
+[545] _Ib._ pp. 115-16.
+
+[546] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 166.
+
+[547] Kr. "_Studies_" p. 30.
+
+[548] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 5-6.
+
+[549] _Ib._ pp. 322-3.
+
+[550] _Ib._ p. 326.
+
+[551] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 24.
+
+[552] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 47.
+
+[553] _Ib._ p. 49.
+
+[554] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 10.
+
+[555] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 8-9.
+
+[556] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 9-10.
+
+[557] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 30.
+
+[558] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 11.
+
+[559] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 169.
+
+[560] Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 45.
+
+[561] Kr. "Studies" p. 17.
+
+[562] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 7-8.
+
+[563] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[564] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139, "_L'Anarchie--sa philosophie son ideal_"
+p. 25.
+
+[565] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 235, "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_"
+pp. 28-9.
+
+[566] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 264-5.
+
+[567] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 4.
+
+[568] _Ib._ p. 7.
+
+[569] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 30.
+
+[570] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 88, "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_"
+p. 30.
+
+[571] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 8.
+
+[572] _Ib._ p. 8.
+
+[573] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 21.
+
+[574] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 110.
+
+[575] _Ib._ p. 137.
+
+[576] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 136.
+
+[577] _Ib._ p. 114.
+
+[578] _Ib._ pp. 113-14.
+
+[579] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 12.
+
+[580] Kr. "Studies" p. 25.
+
+[581] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 239.
+
+[582] _Ib._ pp. 128-9.
+
+[583] _Ib._ pp. 203-4.
+
+[584] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 136.
+
+[585] _Ib._ pp. 150-51.
+
+[586] _Ib._ p. 96.
+
+[587] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 330-1.
+
+[588] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 195-6.
+
+[589] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 137.
+
+[590] _Ib._ p. 153.
+
+[591] Kr. "Anarchist Communism" p. 31.
+
+[592] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 156.
+
+[593] _Ib._ p. 193.
+
+[594] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 12.
+
+[595] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 229.
+
+[596] _Ib._ p. 26.
+
+[597] _Ib._ p. 28.
+
+[598] _Ib._ p. 20.
+
+[599] Kr. "L'_Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 13.
+
+[600] _Ib._ p. 28.
+
+[601] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 280.
+
+[602] _Ib._ p. 261.
+
+[603] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 22.
+
+[604] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 28. [The
+nineteenth century, of course, is meant.]
+
+[605] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139.
+
+[606] Kr. "_Siecle_" p. 32.
+
+[607] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" p. 29.
+
+[608] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 90, "Studies" p. 23.
+
+[609] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 90-91.
+
+[610] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 85.
+
+[611] Kr. "_L'Anarchie. Sa philosophie--son ideal_" p. 26.
+
+[612] Kr. "_L'Anarchie dans l'evolution socialiste_" pp. 28-9.
+
+[613] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 263.
+
+[614] _Ib._ p. 342.
+
+[615] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 342.
+
+[616] Kr. "_Prisons_" p. 57.
+
+[617] Kr. "_Studies_" p. 16.
+
+[618] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 166.
+
+[619] _Ib._ p. 246.
+
+[620] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 134-5.
+
+[621] _Ib._ p. 167.
+
+[622] _Ib._ p. 135.
+
+[623] _Ib._ p. 337.
+
+[624] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 63.
+
+[625] _Ib._ p. 56.
+
+[626] _Ib._ p. 109.
+
+[627] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 56.
+
+[628] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 263.
+
+[629] _Ib._ p. 246.
+
+[630] _Ib._ pp. 248-9.
+
+[631] _Ib._ p. 253.
+
+[632] _Ib._ pp. 253-5.
+
+[633] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 139.
+
+[634] _Ib._ pp. 116-17.
+
+[635] Kr. "_Conquete_" p. 75.
+
+[636] _Ib._ p. 85.
+
+[637] Kr. "_Conquete_" pp. 76-96.
+
+[638] _Ib._ pp. 104-7.
+
+[639] _Ib._ pp. 114-16.
+
+[640] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 260.
+
+[641] _Ib._ p. 260.
+
+[642] _Ib._ pp. 99, 254; Kr. "_Temps nouveaux_" p. 54.
+
+[643] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 90.
+
+[644] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 92-5.
+
+[645] _Ib._ p. 312.
+
+[646] _Ib._ p. 285.
+
+[647] _Ib._ p. 283.
+
+[648] _Ib._ p. 284.
+
+[649] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 284.
+
+[650] _Ib._ p. 285.
+
+[651] Kr. "_Paroles_" pp. 285-8.
+
+[652] _Ib._ pp. 293-304.
+
+[653] _Ib._ p. 292.
+
+[654] Kr. "_Paroles_" p. 304.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+TUCKER'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+Benjamin R. Tucker was born in 1854 at South Dartmouth, near New
+Bedford, Massachusetts. From 1870 to 1872 he studied technology in
+Boston; there he made the acquaintance of Josiah Warren[655] in 1872. In
+1874 he traveled in England, France, and Italy.
+
+In 1877 Tucker took the temporary editorship of the "Word," published at
+Princeton, Massachusetts. In 1878 he published the quarterly "The
+Radical Review" in New Bedford; but only four numbers appeared. In 1881,
+in Boston, he founded the semi-monthly paper "Liberty," of which there
+also appeared for a short time a German edition under the title
+"Libertas"; in Boston, also, he was for ten years one of the editorial
+staff of the "Globe." Since 1892 he has lived in New York, and "Liberty"
+has appeared there as a weekly.[656]
+
+2. Tucker's teaching about law, the State, and property is contained
+mainly in his articles in "Liberty." He has published a collection[657]
+of these articles under the title "Instead of a Book. By a Man Too Busy
+to Write One. A fragmentary exposition of philosophical Anarchism"
+(1893).
+
+[Illustration]
+
+3. Tucker calls his teaching "Anarchism." "Circumstances have combined
+to make me somewhat conspicuous as an exponent of the theory of Modern
+Anarchism."[658] "Anarchy does not mean simply opposed to the _archos_,
+or political leader. It means opposed to _arch[=e]_. Now, _arch[=e]_, in
+the first instance, means _beginning_, _origin_. From this it comes to
+mean _a first principle_, _an element_; then _first place_, _supreme
+power_, _sovereignty_, _dominion_, _command_, _authority_; and finally
+_a sovereignty_, _an empire_, _a realm_, _a magistracy_, _a governmental
+office_. Etymologically, then, the word anarchy may have several
+meanings. But the word Anarchy as a philosophical term and the word
+Anarchist as the name of a philosophical sect were first appropriated in
+the sense of opposition to dominion, to authority, and are so held by
+right of occupancy, which fact makes any other philosophical use of them
+improper and confusing."[659]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_Tucker considers that the law which has supreme validity for every one
+of us is self-interest; and from this he derives the law of equal
+liberty._
+
+1. For every man self-interest is the supreme law. "The Anarchists are
+not only utilitarians, but egoists in the farthest and fullest
+sense."[660]
+
+What does self-interest mean? My interest is everything that serves my
+purposes.[661] It takes in not only the lowest but also "the higher
+forms of selfishness."[662] Thus, in particular, the interest of society
+is at the same time that of every individual: "its life is inseparable
+from the lives of individuals; it is impossible to destroy one without
+destroying the other."[663]
+
+Self-interest is the supreme law for man. "The Anarchists totally
+discard the idea of moral obligation, of inherent rights and
+duties."[664] "So far as inherent right is concerned, might is its only
+measure. Any man, be his name Bill Sykes or Alexander Romanoff, and any
+set of men, whether the Chinese highbinders or the Congress of the
+United States, have the right, if they have the power, to kill or coerce
+other men and to make the entire world subservient to their ends."[665]
+"The Anarchism of to-day affirms the right of society to coerce the
+individual and of the individual to coerce society so far as either has
+the requisite power."[666]
+
+2. From this supreme law Tucker derives "the law of equal liberty."[667]
+The law of equal liberty is based on every individual's self-interest.
+For "liberty is the chief essential to man's happiness, and therefore
+the most important thing in the world, and I want as much of it as I can
+get."[668] On the other hand, "human equality is a necessity of stable
+society,"[669] and the life of society "is inseparable from the lives
+of individuals."[670] Consequently every individual's self-interest
+demands the equal liberty of all.
+
+"Equal liberty means the largest amount of liberty compatible with
+equality and mutuality of respect, on the part of individuals living in
+society, for their respective spheres of action."[671] "'Mind your own
+business' is the only moral law of the Anarchistic scheme."[672] "It is
+our duty to respect others' rights, assuming the word 'right' to be used
+in the sense of the limit which the principle of equal liberty logically
+places upon might."[673]--On the law of equal liberty is founded "the
+distinction between invasion and resistance, between government and
+defence. This distinction is vital: without it there can be no valid
+philosophy of politics."[674]
+
+"By 'invasion' I mean the invasion of the individual sphere, which is
+bounded by the line inside of which liberty of action does not conflict
+with others' liberty of action."[675] This boundary-line is in part
+unmistakable; for instance, a threat is not an invasion if the
+threatened act is not an invasion, "a man has a right to threaten what
+he has a right to execute."[676] But the boundary-line may also be
+dubious; for instance, "we cannot clearly identify the maltreatment of
+child by parent as either invasive or non-invasive of the liberty of
+third parties."[677] "Additional experience is continually sharpening
+our sense of what constitutes invasion. Though we still draw the line by
+rule of thumb, we are drawing it more clearly every day."[678] "The
+nature of such invasion is not changed, whether it is made by one man
+upon another man, after the manner of the ordinary criminal, or by one
+man upon all other men, after the manner of an absolute monarch, or by
+all other men upon one man, after the manner of a modern
+democracy."[679]
+
+"On the other hand, he who resists another's attempt to control is not
+an aggressor, an invader, a governor, but simply a defender, a
+protector."[680] "The individual has the right to repel invasion of his
+sphere of action."[681] "Anarchism justifies the application of force to
+invasive men,"[682] "violence is advisable when it will accomplish the
+desired end and inadvisable when it will not."[683] And "defensive
+associations acting on the Anarchistic principle would not only demand
+redress for, but would prohibit, all clearly invasive acts. They would
+not, however, prohibit non-invasive acts, even though these acts create
+additional opportunity for invasive persons to act invasively: for
+instance, the selling of liquor."[684] "And the nature of such
+resistance is not changed whether it be offered by one man to another
+man, as when one repels a criminal's onslaught, or by one man to all
+other men, as when one declines to obey an oppressive law, or by all
+other men to one man, as when a subject people rises against a despot,
+or as when the members of a community voluntarily unite to restrain a
+criminal."[685]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+_According to Tucker, from the standpoint of every one's self-interest
+and the equal liberty of all there is no objection to law._ Legal norms
+are to obtain: that is, norms that are based on a general will[686] and
+to which obedience is enforced, if necessary, by every means,[687] even
+by prison, torture, and capital punishment.[688] But the law is to be
+"so flexible that it will shape itself to every emergency and need no
+alteration. And it will then be regarded as _just_ in proportion to its
+flexibility, instead of as now in proportion to its rigidity."[689] The
+means to this end is that "juries will judge not only the facts, but the
+law";[690] machinery for altering the law is then unnecessary.[691]--In
+particular, there are to be recognized the following legal norms, whose
+correctness Tucker tries to deduce from the law of equal liberty:
+
+First, a legal norm by which the person is secured against hurt. "We are
+the sternest enemies of invasion of the person, and, although chiefly
+busy in destroying the causes thereof, have no scruples against such
+heroic treatment of its immediate manifestations as circumstances and
+wisdom may dictate."[692] Capital punishment is quite compatible with
+the protection of the person against hurt, for its essence is not that
+of an act of hurting, but of an act of defence.[693]
+
+Next, there is to be recognized a legal norm by virtue of which
+"ownership on a basis of labor"[694] exists. "This form of property
+secures each in the possession of his own products, or of such products
+of others as he may have obtained unconditionally without the use of
+fraud or force."[695] "It will be seen from this definition that
+Anarchistic property concerns only products. But anything is a product
+upon which human labor has been expended. It should be stated, however,
+that in the case of land, or of any other material the supply of which
+is so limited that all cannot hold it in unlimited quantities, Anarchism
+undertakes to protect no titles except such as are based on actual
+occupancy and use."[696] Against injury to property, as well as against
+injury to the person, Anarchism has no scruples against "such heroic
+treatment as circumstances and wisdom may dictate."[697]
+
+Furthermore, there is to be recognized the legal norm that contracts
+must be lived up to. Obligation comes into existence when obligations
+are "consciously and voluntarily assumed";[698] and the other party thus
+acquires "a right."[699] To be sure, the obligatory force of contract is
+not without bounds. "Contract is a very serviceable and most important
+tool, but its usefulness has its limits; no man can employ it for the
+abdication of his manhood";[700] therefore "the constituting of an
+association in which each member waives the right of secession would be
+a mere _form_."[701] Furthermore, no one can employ it for the invasion
+of third parties; therefore a promise "whose fulfilment would invade
+third parties"[702] would be invalid.--"I deem the keeping of promises
+such an important matter that only in the extremest cases would I
+approve their violation. It is of such vital consequence that associates
+should be able to rely upon each other that it is better never to do
+anything to weaken this confidence except when it can be maintained only
+at the expense of some consideration of even greater importance."[703]
+"The man who has received a promise is defrauded by its non-fulfilment,
+invaded, deprived of a portion of his liberty against his will."[704] "I
+have no doubt of the right of any man to whom, for a consideration, a
+promise has been made, to insist, even by force, upon the fulfilment of
+that promise, provided the promise be not one whose fulfilment would
+invade third parties. And, if the promisee has a right to use force
+himself for such a purpose, he has a right to secure such co-operative
+force from others as they are willing to extend. These others, in turn,
+have a right to decide what sort of promises, if any, they will help him
+to enforce. When it comes to the determination of this point, the
+question is one of policy solely; and very likely it will be found that
+the best way to secure the fulfilment of promises is to have it
+understood in advance that the fulfilment is not to be enforced."[705]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. _With regard to every man's self-interest, especially on the basis of
+the law of equal liberty, Tucker rejects the State; and that
+universally, not merely for special circumstances determined by place
+and time._ For the State is "the embodiment of the principle of
+invasion."[706]
+
+1. "Two elements are common to all the institutions to which the name
+'State' has been applied: first, aggression."[707] "Aggression,
+invasion, government, are interconvertible terms."[708] "This is the
+Anarchistic definition of government: the subjection of the non-invasive
+individual to an external will."[709] And "second, the assumption of
+authority over a given area and all within it, exercised generally for
+the double purpose of more complete oppression of its subjects and
+extension of its boundaries."[710] Therefore "this is the Anarchistic
+definition of the State: the embodiment of the principle of invasion in
+an individual, or a band of individuals, assuming to act as
+representatives or masters of the entire people within a given
+area."[711]
+
+"Rule is evil, and it is none the better for being majority rule."[712]
+"The theocratic despotism of kings or the democratic despotism of
+majorities"[713] are alike condemnable. "What is the ballot? It is
+neither more nor less than a paper representative of the bayonet, the
+billy, and the bullet. It is a labor-saving device for ascertaining on
+which side force lies and bowing to the inevitable. The voice of the
+majority saves bloodshed, but it is no less the arbitrament of force
+than is the decree of the most absolute of despots backed by the most
+powerful of armies."[714]
+
+2. "In the first place, all the acts of governments are indirectly
+invasive, because dependent upon the primary invasion called
+taxation."[715] "The very first act of the State, the compulsory
+assessment and collection of taxes, is itself an aggression, a violation
+of equal liberty, and, as such, vitiates every subsequent act, even
+those acts which would be purely defensive if paid for out of a treasury
+filled by voluntary contributions. How is it possible to sanction, under
+the law of equal liberty, the confiscation of a man's earnings to pay
+for protection which he has not sought and does not desire?"[716]
+
+"And, if this is an outrage, what name shall we give to such
+confiscation when the victim is given, instead of bread, a stone,
+instead of protection, oppression? To force a man to pay for the
+violation of his own liberty is indeed an addition of insult to injury.
+But that is exactly what the State is doing."[717] For "in the second
+place, by far the greater number of their acts are directly invasive,
+because directed, not to the restraint of invaders, but to the denial of
+freedom to the people in their industrial, commercial, social, domestic,
+and individual lives."[718]
+
+"How thoughtless, then, to assert that the existing political order is
+of a purely defensive character!"[719] "Defence is a service, like any
+other service. It is labor both useful and desired, and therefore an
+economic commodity subject to the law of supply and demand. In a free
+market this commodity would be furnished at the cost of production. The
+production and sale of this commodity are now monopolized by the State.
+The State, like almost all monopolists, charges exorbitant prices. Like
+almost all monopolists, it supplies a worthless, or nearly worthless,
+article. Just as the monopolist of a food product often furnishes poison
+instead of nutriment, so the State takes advantage of its monopoly of
+defence to furnish invasion instead of protection. Just as the patrons
+of the one pay to be poisoned, so the patrons of the other pay to be
+enslaved. And the State exceeds all its fellow-monopolists in the extent
+of its villany because it enjoys the unique privilege of compelling all
+people to buy its product whether they want it or not."[720]
+
+3. It cannot be alleged in favor of the State that it is necessary as a
+means for combating crime.[721] "The State is itself the most gigantic
+criminal extant. It manufactures criminals much faster than it punishes
+them."[722] "Our prisons are filled with criminals which our virtuous
+State has made what they are by its iniquitous laws, its grinding
+monopolies, and the horrible social conditions that result from them. We
+enact many laws that manufacture criminals, and then a few that punish
+them."[723]
+
+No more can the State be defended on the ground that it is wanted for
+the relief of suffering. "The State is rendering assistance to the
+suffering and starving victims of the Mississippi inundation. Well, such
+work is better than forging new chains to keep the people in subjection,
+we allow; but is not worth the price that is paid for it. The people
+cannot afford to be enslaved for the sake of being insured. If there
+were no other alternative, they would do better, on the whole, to take
+Nature's risks and pay her penalties as best they might. But Liberty
+supplies another alternative, and furnishes better insurance at cheaper
+rates. Mutual insurance, by the organization of risk, will do the utmost
+that can be done to mitigate and equalize the suffering arising from the
+accidental destruction of wealth."[724]
+
+II. _Every man's self-interest, and equal liberty particularly, demands,
+in place of the State, a social human life on the basis of the legal
+norm that contracts must be lived up to._ The "voluntary association of
+contracting individuals"[725] is to take the place of the State.
+
+1. "The Anarchists have no intention or desire to abolish society. They
+know that its life is inseparable from the lives of individuals; that it
+is impossible to destroy one without destroying the other."[726]
+"Society has come to be man's dearest possession. Pure air is good, but
+no one wants to breathe it long alone. Independence is good, but
+isolation is too heavy a price to pay for it."[727]
+
+But men are not to be held together in society by a concrete supreme
+authority, but solely by the legally binding force of contract.[728] The
+form of society is to be "voluntary association,"[729] whose
+"constitution"[730] is nothing but a contract.
+
+2. But what is to be the nature of the voluntary association in detail?
+
+In the first place, it cannot bind its members for life. "The
+constituting of an association in which each member waives the right of
+secession would be a mere _form_, which every decent man who was a party
+to it would hasten to violate and tread under foot as soon as he
+appreciated the enormity of his folly. To indefinitely waive one's right
+of secession is to make one's self a slave. Now, no man can make himself
+so much a slave as to forfeit the right to issue his own emancipation
+proclamation."[731]
+
+In the next place, the voluntary association, as such, can have no
+dominion over a territory. "Certainly such voluntary association would
+be entitled to enforce whatever regulations the contracting parties
+might agree upon within the limits of whatever territory, or divisions
+of territory, had been brought into the association by these parties as
+individual occupiers thereof, and no non-contracting party would have a
+right to enter or remain in this domain except upon such terms as the
+association might impose. But if, somewhere between these divisions of
+territory, had lived, prior to the formation of the association, some
+individual on his homestead, who for any reason, wise or foolish, had
+declined to join in forming the association, the contracting parties
+would have had no right to evict him, compel him to join, make him pay
+for any incidental benefits that he might derive from proximity to their
+association, or restrict him in the exercise of any previously-enjoyed
+right to prevent him from reaping these benefits. Now, voluntary
+association necessarily involving the right of secession, any seceding
+member would naturally fall back into the position and upon the rights
+of the individual above described, who refused to join at all. So much,
+then, for the attitude of the individual toward any voluntary
+association surrounding him, his support thereof evidently depending
+upon his approval or disapproval of its objects, his view of its
+efficiency in attaining them, and his estimate of the advantages and
+disadvantages involved in joining, seceding, or abstaining."[732]
+
+For the members of the voluntary association numerous obligations arise
+from their membership. The association may require, as a condition of
+membership, the agreement to perform certain services,--for instance,
+"jury service."[733] And "inasmuch as Anarchistic associations recognize
+the right of secession, they may utilize the ballot, if they see fit to
+do so. If the question decided by ballot is so vital that the minority
+thinks it more important to carry out its own views than to preserve
+common action, the minority can withdraw. In no case can a minority,
+however small, be governed without its consent."[734] The voluntary
+association is entitled to compel its members to live up to their
+obligations. "If a man makes an agreement with men, the latter may
+combine to hold him to his agreement";[735] therefore a voluntary
+association is "entitled to enforce whatever regulations the contracting
+parties may agree upon."[736] To be sure, one must bear in mind that
+"very likely the best way to secure the fulfilment of promises is to
+have it understood in advance that the fulfilment is not to be
+enforced."[737]
+
+Of especial importance among the obligations of the members of a
+voluntary association is the duty of paying taxes; but the tax is
+voluntary by virtue of the fact that it is based on contract.[738]
+"Voluntary taxation, far from impairing the association's credit, would
+strengthen it";[739] for, in the first place, because of the simplicity
+of its functions, the association seldom or never has to borrow; in the
+second place, it cannot, like the present State upon its basis of
+compulsory taxation, repudiate its debts and still continue business;
+and, in the third place, it will necessarily be more intent on
+maintaining its credit by paying its debts than is the State which
+enforces taxation.[740] And furthermore, the voluntariness of the tax
+has this advantage, that "the defensive institution will be steadily
+deterred from becoming an invasive institution through fear that the
+voluntary contributions will fall off; it will have this constant motive
+to keep itself trimmed down to the popular demand."[741]
+
+"Ireland's true order: the wonderful Land League, the nearest approach,
+on a large scale, to perfect Anarchistic organization that the world has
+yet seen. An immense number of local groups, scattered over large
+sections of two continents separated by three thousand miles of ocean;
+each group autonomous, each free; each composed of varying numbers of
+individuals of all ages, sexes, races, equally autonomous and free; each
+inspired by a common, central purpose; each supported entirely by
+voluntary contributions; each obeying its own judgment; each guided in
+the formation of its judgment and the choice of its conduct by the
+advice of a central council of picked men, having no power to enforce
+its orders except that inherent in the convincing logic of the reasons
+on which the orders are based; all co-ordinated and federated, with a
+minimum of machinery and without sacrifice of spontaneity, into a vast
+working unit, whose unparalleled power makes tyrants tremble and armies
+of no avail."[742]
+
+3. Among the prominent associations of the new society are mutual
+insurance societies and mutual banks,[743] and, especially, defensive
+associations.
+
+"The abolition of the State will leave in existence a defensive
+association"[744] which will give protection against those "who violate
+the social law by invading their neighbors."[745] To be sure, this need
+will be only transitory. "We look forward to the ultimate disappearance
+of the necessity of force even for the purpose of repressing
+crime."[746] "The necessity for defence against individual invaders is
+largely and perhaps, in the end, wholly due to the oppressions of the
+invasive State. When the State falls, criminals will begin to
+disappear."[747]
+
+A number of defensive associations may exist side by side. "There are
+many more than five or six insurance companies in England, and it is by
+no means uncommon for members of the same family to insure their lives
+and goods against accident or fire in different companies. Why should
+there not be a considerable number of defensive associations in England,
+in which people, even members of the same family, might insure their
+lives and goods against murderers or thieves? Defence is a service, like
+any other service."[748] "Under the influence of competition the best
+and cheapest protector, like the best and cheapest tailor, would
+doubtless get the greater part of the business. It is conceivable even
+that he might get the whole of it. But, if he should, it would be by his
+virtue as a protector, not by his power as a tyrant. He would be kept at
+his best by the possibility of competition and the fear of it; and the
+source of power would always remain, not with him, but with his patrons,
+who would exercise it, not by voting him down or by forcibly putting
+another in his place, but by withdrawing their patronage."[749] But, if
+invader and invaded belong to different defensive associations, will not
+a conflict of associations result? "Anticipations of such conflicts
+would probably result in treaties, and even in the establishment of
+federal tribunals, as courts of last resort, by the co-operation of the
+various associations, on the same voluntary principle in accordance with
+which the associations themselves were organized."[750]
+
+"Voluntary defensive associations acting on the Anarchistic principle
+would not only demand redress for, but would prohibit, all clearly
+invasive acts."[751] To fulfil this function they may choose any
+appropriate means, without thereby exercising a government. "Government
+is the subjection of the _non-invasive_ individual to a will not his
+own. The subjection of the _invasive_ individual is not government, but
+resistance to and protection from government."[752]--"Anarchism
+recognizes the right to arrest, try, convict, and punish for wrong
+doing."[753] "Anarchism will take enough of the invader's property from
+him to repair the damage done by his invasion."[754] "If it can find no
+better instrument of resistance to invasion, Anarchism will use
+prisons."[755] It admits even capital punishment. "The society which
+inflicts capital punishment does not commit murder. Murder is an
+offensive act. The term cannot be applied legitimately to any defensive
+act. There is nothing sacred in the life of an invader, and there is no
+valid principle of human society that forbids the invaded to protect
+themselves in whatever way they can."[756] "It is allowable to punish
+invaders by torture. But, if the 'good' people are not fiends, they are
+not likely to defend themselves by torture until the penalties of death
+and tolerable confinement have shown themselves destitute of
+efficacy."[757]--"All disputes will be submitted to juries."[758]
+"Speaking for myself, I think the jury should be selected by drawing
+twelve names by lot from a wheel containing the names of all the
+citizens in the community."[759] "The juries will judge not only the
+facts, but the law, the justice of the law, its applicability to the
+given circumstances, and the penalty or damage to be inflicted because
+of its infraction."[760]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _According to Tucker, from the standpoint of every one's
+self-interest and the equal liberty of all there is no objection to
+property._ Tucker rejects only the distribution of property on the basis
+of monopoly, as it everywhere and always exists in the State. That the
+State is essentially invasion appears in the laws which "not only
+prescribe personal habits, but, worse still, create and sustain
+monopolies"[761] and thereby make usury possible.[762]
+
+1. Usury is the taking of surplus value.[763] "A laborer's product is
+such portion of the value of that which he delivers to the consumer as
+his own labor has contributed."[764] The laborer does not get this
+product, "at least not as laborer; he gains a bare subsistence by his
+work."[765] But, "somebody gets the surplus wealth. Who is the
+somebody?"[766] "The usurer."[767]
+
+"There are three forms of usury: interest on money, rent of land and
+houses, and profit in exchange. Whoever is in receipt of any of these is
+a usurer. And who is not? Scarcely any one. The banker is a usurer; the
+manufacturer is a usurer; the merchant is a usurer; the landlord is a
+usurer; and the workingman who puts his savings, if he has any, out at
+interest, or takes rent for his house or lot, if he owns one, or
+exchanges his labor for more than an equivalent,--he too is a usurer.
+The sin of usury is one under which all are concluded, and for which all
+are responsible. But all do not benefit by it. The vast majority suffer.
+Only the chief usurers accumulate: in agricultural and thickly settled
+countries, the landlords; in industrial and commercial countries, the
+bankers. Those are the Somebodies who swallow up the surplus
+wealth."[768]
+
+2. "And where do they get their power? From monopoly maintained by the
+State. Usury rests on this."[769] And "of the various monopolies that
+now prevail, four are of principal importance."[770]
+
+"First in the importance of its evil influence they [the founders of
+Anarchism] considered the money monopoly, which consists of the
+privilege given by the government to certain individuals, or to
+individuals holding certain kinds of property, of issuing the
+circulating medium, a privilege which is now enforced in this country by
+a national tax of ten per cent. upon all other persons who attempt to
+furnish a circulating medium, and by State laws making it a criminal
+offence to issue notes as currency. It is claimed that holders of this
+privilege control the rate of interest, the rate of rent of houses and
+buildings, and the prices of goods,--the first directly, and the second
+and third indirectly. For, if the business of banking were made free to
+all, more and more persons would enter into it until the competition
+should become sharp enough to reduce the price of lending money to the
+labor cost, which statistics show to be less than three-fourths of one
+per cent."[771] "Then down will go house-rent. For no one who can borrow
+capital at one per cent. with which to build a house of his own will
+consent to pay rent to a landlord at a higher rate than that."[772]
+Finally, "down will go profits also. For merchants, instead of buying at
+high prices on credit, will borrow money of the banks at less than one
+per cent., buy at low prices for cash, and correspondingly reduce the
+prices of their goods to their customers."[773]
+
+"Second in importance comes the land monopoly, the evil effects of which
+are seen principally in exclusively agricultural countries, like
+Ireland. This monopoly consists in the enforcement by government of
+land-titles which do not rest upon personal occupancy and
+cultivation."[774] "Ground-rent exists only because the State stands by
+to collect it and to protect land-titles rooted in force or fraud."[775]
+"As soon as individuals should no longer be protected in anything but
+personal occupancy and cultivation of land, ground-rent would disappear,
+and so usury have one less leg to stand on."[776]
+
+The third and fourth places are occupied by the tariff and patent
+monopolies.[777] "The tariff monopoly consists in fostering production
+at high prices and under unfavorable conditions by visiting with the
+penalty of taxation those who patronize production at low prices and
+under favorable conditions. The evil to which this monopoly gives rise
+might more properly be called _mis_usury than usury, because it compels
+labor to pay, not exactly for the use of capital, but rather for the
+misuse of capital."[778] "The patent monopoly protects inventors and
+authors against competition for a period long enough to enable them to
+extort from the people a reward enormously in excess of the labor
+measure of their services,--in other words, it gives certain people a
+right of property for a term of years in laws and facts of nature, and
+the power to exact tribute from others for the use of this natural
+wealth, which should be open to all."[779] It is on the tariff and
+patent monopolies, next to the money monopoly, that profit in exchange
+is based. If they were done away along with the money monopoly, it would
+disappear.[780]
+
+II. _Every one's self-interest, and particularly the equal liberty of
+all, demands a distribution of property in which every one is guaranteed
+the product of his labor._[781]
+
+1. "Equal liberty, in the property sphere, is such a balance between the
+liberty to take and the liberty to keep that the two liberties may
+coexist without conflict or invasion."[782] "Nearly all Anarchists
+consider labor to be the only basis of the right of ownership in harmony
+with that law";[783] "the laborers, instead of having only a small
+fraction of the wealth in the world, should have all the wealth."[784]
+This form of property "secures each in the possession of his own
+products, or of such products of others as he may have obtained
+unconditionally without the use of fraud or force, and in the
+realization of all titles to such products which he may hold by virtue
+of free contract with others."[785]
+
+"It will be seen from this definition that Anarchistic property concerns
+only products. But anything is a product upon which human labor has been
+expended, whether it be a piece of iron or a piece of land. (It should
+be stated, however, that in the case of land, or of any other material
+the supply of which is so limited that all cannot hold it in unlimited
+quantities, Anarchism undertakes to protect no titles except such as are
+based on actual occupancy and use.)"[786]
+
+2. A distribution of property in which every one is guaranteed the
+product of his labor presupposes merely that equal liberty be applied in
+those spheres which are as yet dominated by State monopoly.[787]
+
+"Free money first."[788] "I mean by free money the utter absence of
+restriction upon the issue of all money not fraudulent";[789] "making
+the issue of money as free as the manufacture of shoes."[790]
+
+Money is here understood in the broadest sense, it means both
+"commodity money and credit money,"[791] by no means coin alone; "if the
+idea of the royalty of gold and silver could once be knocked out of the
+people's heads, and they could once understand that no particular kind
+of merchandise is created by nature for monetary purposes, they would
+settle this question in a trice."[792] "If they only had the liberty to
+do so, there are enough large and small property-holders willing and
+anxious to issue money, to provide a far greater amount than is
+needed."[793] "Does the law of England allow citizens to form a bank for
+the issue of paper money against any property that they may see fit to
+accept as security; said bank perhaps owning no specie whatever; the
+paper money not redeemable in specie except at the option of the bank;
+the customers of the bank mutually pledging themselves to accept the
+bank's paper in lieu of gold or silver coin of the same face value; the
+paper being redeemable only at the maturity of the mortgage notes, and
+then simply by a return of said notes and a release of the mortgaged
+property,--is such an institution, I ask, allowed by the law of England?
+If it is, then I have only to say that the working people of England are
+very great fools not to take advantage of this inestimable
+liberty."[794] Then "competition would reduce the rate of interest on
+capital to the mere cost of banking, which is much less than one per
+cent.,"[795] for "capitalists will not be able to lend their capital at
+interest when people can get money at the bank without interest with
+which to buy capital outright."[796] Likewise the charge of rent on
+buildings "would be almost entirely and directly abolished,"[797] and
+"profits fall to the level of the manufacturer's or merchant's proper
+wage,"[798] "except in business protected by tariff or patent
+laws."[799] "This facility of acquiring capital will give an unheard-of
+impetus to business";[800] "if free banking were only a picayunish
+attempt to distribute more equitably the small amount of wealth now
+produced, I would not waste a moment's energy on it."[801]
+
+Free land is needed in the second place.[802] "'The land for the
+people,' according to 'Liberty', means the protection of all people who
+desire to cultivate land in the possession of whatever land they
+personally cultivate, without distinction between the existing classes
+of landlords, tenants, and laborers, and the positive refusal of the
+protecting power to lend its aid to the collection of any rent
+whatsoever."[803] This "system of occupying ownership, accompanied by no
+legal power to collect rent, but coupled with the abolition of the
+State-guaranteed monopoly of money, thus making capital readily
+available,"[804] would "abolish ground-rent"[805] and "distribute the
+increment naturally and quietly among its rightful owners."[806]
+
+In the third and fourth place, free trade and freedom of intellectual
+products are necessary.[807] If they were added to freedom in money,
+"profit on merchandise would become merely the wages of mercantile
+labor."[808] Free trade "would result in a great reduction in the prices
+of all articles taxed."[809] And "the abolition of the patent monopoly
+would fill its beneficiaries with a wholesome fear of competition which
+would cause them to be satisfied with pay for their services equal to
+that which other laborers get for theirs."[810]
+
+If equal liberty is realized in these four spheres, its realization in
+the sphere of property follows of itself: that is, a distribution of
+property in which every one is guaranteed the product of his labor.[811]
+"Economic privilege must disappear as a result of the abolition of
+political tyranny."[812] In a society in which there is no more
+government of man by man, there can be no such things as interest, rent,
+and profits;[813] every one is guaranteed the ownership of the product
+of his labor. "Socialism does not say: 'Thou shalt not steal!' It says:
+'When all men have Liberty, thou wilt not steal.'"[814]
+
+3. "Liberty will abolish all means whereby any laborer can be deprived
+of any of his product; but it will not abolish the limited inequality
+between one laborer's product and another's."[815] "There will remain
+the slight disparity of products due to superiority of soil and skill.
+But even this disparity will soon develop a tendency to decrease. Under
+the new economic conditions and enlarged opportunities resulting from
+freedom of credit and land classes will tend to disappear; great
+capacities will not be developed in a few at the expense of stunting
+those of the many; freedom of locomotion will be vastly increased; the
+toilers will no longer be anchored in such large numbers in the present
+commercial centres, and thus made subservient to the city landlords;
+territories and resources never before utilized will become easy of
+access and development; and under all these influences the disparity
+above mentioned will decrease to a minimum."[816]
+
+"Probably it will never disappear entirely."[817] "Now, because liberty
+has not the power to bring this about, there are people who say: We will
+have no liberty, for we must have absolute equality. I am not of them.
+If I can go through life free and rich, I shall not cry because my
+neighbor, equally free, is richer. Liberty will ultimately make all men
+rich; it will not make all men equally rich. Authority may (and may not)
+make all men equally rich in purse; it certainly will make them equally
+poor in all that makes life best worth living."[818]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_According to Tucker, the manner in which the change called for by every
+one's self-interest takes place is to be that those who have recognized
+the truth shall first convince a sufficient number of people how
+necessary the change is to their own interests, and that then they all
+of them, by refusing obedience, abolish the State, transform law and
+property, and thus bring about the new condition._
+
+I. First a sufficient number of men are to be convinced that their own
+interests demand the change.
+
+1. "A system of Anarchy in actual operation implies a previous education
+of the people in the principles of Anarchy."[819] "The individual must
+be penetrated with the Anarchistic idea and taught to rebel."[820]
+"Persistent inculcation of the doctrine of equality of liberty, whereby
+finally the majority will be made to see in regard to existing forms of
+invasion what they have already been made to see in regard to its
+obsolete forms,--namely, that they are not seeking equality of liberty
+at all, but simply the subjection of all others to themselves."[821]
+"The Irish Land League failed because the peasants were acting, not
+intelligently in obedience to their wisdom, but blindly in obedience to
+leaders who betrayed them at the critical moment. Had the people
+realized the power they were exercising and understood the economic
+situation, they would not have resumed the payment of rent at Parnell's
+bidding, and to-day they might have been free. The Anarchists do not
+propose to repeat their mistake. That is why they are devoting
+themselves entirely to the inculcation of principles, especially of
+economic principles. In steadfastly pursuing this course regardless of
+clamor, they alone are laying a sure foundation for the success of the
+revolution."[822]
+
+2. In particular, according to Tucker, appropriate means for the
+inculcation of the Anarchistic idea are "speech and the
+press."[823]--But what if the freedom of speech and of the press be
+suppressed? Then force is justifiable.[824]
+
+But force is to be used only as a "last resort."[825] "When a physician
+sees that his patient's strength is being exhausted so rapidly by the
+intensity of his agony that he will die of exhaustion before the medical
+processes inaugurated have a chance to do their curative work, he
+administers an opiate. But a good physician is always loth to do so,
+knowing that one of the influences of the opiate is to interfere with
+and defeat the medical processes themselves. It is the same with the use
+of force, whether of the mob or of the State, upon diseased society; and
+not only those who prescribe its indiscriminate use as a sovereign
+remedy and a permanent tonic, but all who ever propose it as a cure, and
+even all who would lightly and unnecessarily resort to it, not as a
+cure, but as an expedient, _are social quacks_."[826]
+
+Therefore violence "should be used against the oppressors of mankind
+only when they have succeeded in hopelessly repressing all peaceful
+methods of agitation."[827] "Bloodshed in itself is pure loss. When we
+must have freedom of agitation, and when nothing but bloodshed will
+secure it, then bloodshed is wise."[828] "As long as freedom of speech
+and of the press is not struck down, there should be no resort to
+physical force in the struggle against oppression. It must not be
+inferred that, because 'Libertas' thinks it may become advisable to use
+force to secure free speech, it would therefore sanction a bloody deluge
+as soon as free speech had been struck down in one, a dozen, or a
+hundred instances. Not until the gag had become completely efficacious
+would 'Libertas' advise that last resort, the use of force."[829]
+"Terrorism is expedient in Russia and inexpedient in Germany and
+England."[830]--In what form is violence to be used? "The days of armed
+revolution have gone by. It is too easily put down."[831] "Terrorism and
+assassination"[832] are necessary, but they "will have to consist of a
+series of acts of individual dynamiters."[833]
+
+3. But, besides speech and the press, there are yet other methods of
+"propagandism."[834]
+
+Such a method is "isolated individual resistance to taxation."[835]
+"Some year, when an Anarchist feels exceptionally strong and
+independent, when his conduct can impair no serious personal
+obligations, when on the whole he would a little rather go to jail than
+not, and when his property is in such shape that he can successfully
+conceal it, let him declare to the assessor property of a certain value,
+and then defy the collector to collect. Or, if he have no property, let
+him decline to pay his poll tax. The State will then be put to its
+trumps. Of two things one,--either it will let him alone, and then he
+will tell his neighbors all about it, resulting the next year in an
+alarming disposition on their part to keep their own money in their own
+pockets; or else it will imprison him, and then by the requisite legal
+processes he will demand and secure all the rights of a civil prisoner
+and live thus a decently comfortable life until the State shall get
+tired of supporting him and the increasing number of persons who will
+follow his example. Unless, indeed, the State, in desperation, shall see
+fit to make its laws regarding imprisonment for taxes more rigorous, and
+then, if our Anarchist be a determined man, we shall find out how far a
+republican government, 'deriving its just powers from the consent of the
+governed,' is ready to go to procure that 'consent,'--whether it will
+stop at solitary confinement in a dark cell or join with the czar of
+Russia in administering torture by electricity. The farther it shall go
+the better it will be for Anarchy, as every student of the history of
+reform well knows. Who shall estimate the power for propagandism of a
+few cases of this kind, backed by a well-organized force of agitators
+outside the prison walls?"[836]
+
+Another method of propaganda consists in "a practical test of
+Anarchistic principles."[837] But this cannot take place in isolated
+communities, but only "in the very heart of existing industrial and
+social life."[838] "In some large city fairly representative of the
+varied interests and characteristics of our heterogeneous civilization
+let a sufficiently large number of earnest and intelligent Anarchists,
+engaged in nearly all the different trades and professions, combine to
+carry on their production and distribution on the cost principle,
+and,"[839] "setting at defiance the national and State banking
+prohibitions,"[840] "to start a bank through which they can obtain a
+non-interest-bearing currency for the conduct of their commerce and
+dispose their steadily accumulating capital in new enterprises, the
+advantages of this system of affairs being open to all who should choose
+to offer their patronage,--what would be the result? Why, soon the whole
+composite population, wise and unwise, good, bad, and indifferent, would
+become interested in what was going on under their very eyes, more and
+more of them would actually take part in it, and in a few years, each
+man reaping the fruit of his labor and no man able to live in idleness
+on an income from capital, the whole city would become a great hive of
+Anarchistic workers, prosperous and free individuals."[841]
+
+II. If a sufficient number of persons are convinced that their
+self-interest demands the change, then the time is come to abolish the
+State, transform law and property, and bring about the new condition, by
+"the Social Revolution,"[842] _i. e._ by as general a refusal of
+obedience as possible. The State "is sheer tyranny, and has no rights
+which any individual is bound to respect; on the contrary, every
+individual who understands his rights and values his liberties will do
+his best to overthrow it."[843]
+
+1. Many believe "that the State cannot disappear until the individual is
+perfected.
+
+"In saying which, Mr. Appleton joins hands with those wise persons who
+admit that Anarchy will be practicable when the millennium arrives. No
+doubt it is true that, if the individual could perfect himself while
+the barriers to his perfection are standing, the State would afterwards
+disappear. Perhaps, too, he could go to heaven, if he could lift himself
+by his boot-straps."[844] "'Bullion' thinks that 'civilization consists
+in teaching men to govern themselves and then letting them do it.' A
+very slight change suffices to make this stupid statement an entirely
+accurate one, after which it would read: 'Civilization consists in
+teaching men to govern themselves by letting them do it.'"[845]
+Therefore it is necessary to "abolish the State"[846] by "the impending
+social revolution."[847]
+
+2. Others have the "fallacious idea that Anarchy can be inaugurated by
+force."[848]
+
+In what way it is to be inaugurated is solely a question of
+"expediency."[849] "To brand the policy of terrorism and assassination
+as immoral is ridiculously weak. 'Liberty' does not assume to set any
+limit on the right of an invaded individual to choose his own methods of
+defence. The invader, whether an individual or a government, forfeits
+all claim to consideration from the invaded. This truth is independent
+of the character of the invasion. It makes no difference in what
+direction the individual finds his freedom arbitrarily limited; he has a
+right to vindicate it in any case, and he will be justified in
+vindicating it by whatever means are available."[850]
+
+"The right to resist oppression by violence is beyond doubt. But its
+exercise would be unwise unless the suppression of free thought, free
+speech, and a free press were enforced so stringently that all other
+means of throwing it off had become hopeless."[851] "If government
+should be abruptly and entirely abolished to-morrow, there would
+probably ensue a series of physical conflicts about land and many other
+things, ending in reaction and a revival of the old tyranny. But, if the
+abolition of government shall take place gradually, it will be
+accompanied by a constant acquisition and steady spreading of social
+truth."[852]
+
+3. The social revolution is to come about by passive resistance; that
+is, refusal of obedience.[853]
+
+"Passive resistance is the most potent weapon ever wielded by man
+against oppression."[854] "'Passive resistance,' said Ferdinand
+Lassalle, with an obtuseness thoroughly German, 'is the resistance which
+does not resist.' Never was there a greater mistake. It is the only
+resistance which in these days of military discipline meets with any
+result. There is not a tyrant in the civilized world to-day who would
+not do anything in his power to precipitate a bloody revolution rather
+than see himself confronted by any large fraction of his subjects
+determined not to obey. An insurrection is easily quelled, but no army
+is willing or able to train its guns on inoffensive people who do not
+even gather in the street but stay at home and stand back on their
+rights."[855]
+
+"Power feeds on its spoils, and dies when its victims refuse to be
+despoiled. They can't persuade it to death; they can't vote it to death;
+they can't shoot it to death; but they can always starve it to death.
+When a determined body of people, sufficiently strong in numbers and
+force of character to command respect and make it unsafe to imprison
+them, shall agree to quietly close their doors in the faces of the
+tax-collector and the rent-collector, and shall, by issuing their own
+money in defiance of legal prohibition, at the same time cease paying
+tribute to the money-lord, government, with all the privileges which it
+grants and the monopolies which it sustains, will go by the board."[856]
+
+Consider "the enormous and utterly irresistible power of a large and
+intelligent minority, comprising say one-fifth of the population in any
+given locality," refusing to pay taxes.[857] "I need do no more than
+call attention to the wonderfully instructive history of the Land League
+movement in Ireland, the most potent and instantly effective
+revolutionary force the world has ever known so long as it stood by its
+original policy of 'Pay No Rent,' and which lost nearly all its strength
+the day it abandoned that policy. But it was pursued far enough to show
+that the British government was utterly powerless before it; and it is
+scarcely too much to say, in my opinion, that, had it been persisted in,
+there would not to-day be a landlord in Ireland. It is easier to resist
+taxes in this country than it is to resist rent in Ireland; and such a
+policy would be as much more potent here than there as the intelligence
+of the people is greater, providing always that you can enlist in it a
+sufficient number of earnest and determined men and women. If one-fifth
+of the people were to resist taxation, it would cost more to collect
+their taxes, or try to collect them, than the other four-fifths would
+consent to pay into the treasury."[858]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[655] [Recognized by Tucker as the originator of Anarchism, so far as
+any man can claim this title. See Bailie's life of Warren.]
+
+[656] [At present (1908) a bi-monthly magazine.]
+
+[657] [Or rather a selection.]
+
+[658] Tucker p. 21.
+
+[659] _Ib._ p. 112.
+
+[660] _Ib._ p. 24.
+
+[661] _Ib._ pp. 24, 64.
+
+[662] _Ib._ p. 64.
+
+[663] Tucker p. 35. [This passage refers merely to what it mentions, the
+alleged intent utterly to destroy society. As to identity of interests,
+I believe Tucker's position is that the interest of society is that of
+_almost_ every individual.]
+
+[664] _Ib._ p. 24.
+
+[665] _Ib._ p. 24.
+
+[666] _Ib._ p. 132.
+
+[667] _Ib._ p. 42. [Eltzbacher does not seem to perceive that Tucker
+uses this as a ready-made phrase, coined by Herbert Spencer and
+designating Spencer's well-known formula that in justice "every man has
+freedom to do all that he wills, provided he infringes not the equal
+freedom of any other man."]
+
+[668] _Ib._ p. 41.
+
+[669] _Ib._ p. 64.
+
+[670] Tucker p. 35. [This citation is again irrelevant, but Eltzbacher's
+misapplication of it does not misrepresent Tucker's views.]
+
+[671] _Ib._ p. 65.
+
+[672] _Ib._ p. 15.
+
+[673] _Ib._ p. 59. [It should be understood that a great part of
+"Instead of a Book" is made up of the reprints of discussions with
+various opponents whose language is quoted and alluded to.]
+
+[674] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[675] _Ib._ p. 67.
+
+[676] _Ib._ p. 153.
+
+[677] _Ib._ p. 135. [Since the publication of "Instead of a Book" Tucker
+has had a notable discussion of the child question in "Liberty," which,
+while developing much disagreement on this point among Tucker's friends,
+has at least brought definiteness into the judgments passed upon it.]
+
+[678] Tucker p. 78.
+
+[679] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[680] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[681] _Ib._ p. 59. [The wording of this clause is so thoroughly
+Eltzbacher's own that his quotation-marks appear unjustifiable; but the
+doctrine is Tucker's.]
+
+[682] _Ib._ p. 81.
+
+[683] _Ib._ p. 80.
+
+[684] _Ib._ p. 167.
+
+[685] Tucker p. 23.
+
+[686] _Ib._ pp. 60, 52, 158, 104, 167.
+
+[687] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[688] _Ib._ p. 60. [But see below, page 200, where Tucker's page 60 is
+quoted _verbatim_.]
+
+[689] _Ib._ p. 312.
+
+[690] _Ib._ p. 312. [Tucker is not likely to think that he is fairly
+represented without a fuller quotation: "not only the facts, but the
+law, the justice of the law, its applicability to the given
+circumstances, and the penalty or damage to be inflicted because of its
+infraction." He would emphasize "the justice of the law"--a juryman will
+disregard a law that he disapproves. Tucker here prefixes "All rules and
+laws will be little more than suggestions for the guidance of juries."
+Nevertheless the juryman is to be guided by norm and not by caprice: see
+"Liberty" Sept. 7, 1895, where he says: "I am asked by a correspondent
+if I would 'passively see a woman throw her baby into the fire as a man
+throws his newspaper'. It is highly probable that I would interfere in
+such a case. But it is as probable, and perhaps more so, that I would
+personally interfere to prevent the owner of a masterpiece by Titian
+from applying the torch to the canvas. My interference in the former
+case no more invalidates the mother's property right in her child than
+my interference in the latter case would invalidate the property right
+of the owner of the painting. If I interfere in either case, I am an
+invader, acting in obedience to my injured feelings. As such I deserve
+to be punished. I consider that it would be the duty of a policeman in
+the service of the defence association to arrest me for assault. On my
+arraignment I should plead guilty, and it would be the duty of the jury
+to impose a penalty on me. I might ask for a light sentence on the
+strength of the extenuating circumstances, and I believe that my prayer
+would be heeded. But, if such invasions as mine were persisted in, it
+would become the duty of the jury to impose penalties sufficiently
+severe to put a stop to them."]
+
+[691] Tucker p. 312.
+
+[692] _Ib._ p. 52.
+
+[693] _Ib._ pp. 156-7. [Compare the exact words of this passage as
+quoted on page 200 below.]
+
+[694] _Ib._ p. 131. [Not _verbatim_.]
+
+[695] _Ib._ p. 60.
+
+[696] _Ib._ p. 61.
+
+[697] Tucker p. 52.
+
+[698] _Ib._ p. 24.
+
+[699] _Ib._ pp. 146, 350.
+
+[700] _Ib._ p. 48.
+
+[701] _Ib._ p. 48.
+
+[702] _Ib._ p. 158.
+
+[703] _Ib._ p. 51.
+
+[704] _Ib._ p. 158.
+
+[705] Tucker pp. 157-8.
+
+[706] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[707] _Ib._ p. 22.
+
+[708] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[709] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[710] Tucker p. 22.
+
+[711] _Ib._ p. 23.
+
+[712] _Ib._ p. 169.
+
+[713] _Ib._ p. 115. [The words are Lucien V. Pinney's, but Tucker quotes
+them approvingly.]
+
+[714] _Ib._ pp. 426-7.
+
+[715] _Ib._ p. 57.
+
+[716] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[717] Tucker pp. 25-6.
+
+[718] _Ib._ p. 57.
+
+[719] _Ib._ p. 26.
+
+[720] _Ib._ p. [32-]33.
+
+[721] Tucker p. 54.
+
+[722] _Ib._ p. 53.
+
+[723] _Ib._ pp. 26-7.
+
+[724] _Ib._ pp. 158-9.
+
+[725] Tucker p. 44. [See my note below, page 195.]
+
+[726] _Ib._ p. 35.
+
+[727] _Ib._ p. 321.
+
+[728] _Ib._ p. 32.
+
+[729] _Ib._ p. 44. [Or rather p. 167, and sundry other passages; on p.
+44 see my note below, page 195.]
+
+[730] _Ib._ p. 342.
+
+[731] _Ib._ p. 48.
+
+[732] Tucker pp. 44-5. [All this is a discussion of the characteristics
+which the State of to-day would have to possess if it were to deserve to
+be characterized as a voluntary association. The same conditions must of
+course be fulfilled by any future voluntary association; but it does not
+follow that all the points mentioned are such as Anarchistic
+associations would have most occasion to contemplate.]
+
+[733] Tucker p. 56.
+
+[734] _Ib._ pp. 56-7.
+
+[735] _Ib._ p. 24.
+
+[736] _Ib._ p. 44. [For context and limitations see page 195 of the
+present book.]
+
+[737] _Ib._ p. 158.
+
+[738] _Ib._ p. 32. [It is not necessary that taxation exist, though it
+may be altogether presumable that it will. Still less is it necessary
+that the taxation be considerable in amount.]
+
+[739] Tucker pp. 36-7.
+
+[740] _Ib._ p. 37.
+
+[741] _Ib._ p. 43.
+
+[742] Tucker p. 414.
+
+[743] _Ib._ p. 159. [Tucker himself would assuredly have given the
+emphasis of "especially" to the mutual banks. The defensive associations
+receive especially frequent mention because of the need of incessantly
+answering the objection "If we lose the State, who will protect us
+against ruffians?" but Tucker certainly expects that the defensive
+association will from the start fill a much smaller sphere in every
+respect than the present police. See _e. g._ "Instead of a Book" p. 40.]
+
+[744] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[745] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[746] _Ib._ p. 52.
+
+[747] _Ib._ p. 40.
+
+[748] Tucker p. 32.
+
+[749] _Ib._ pp. 326-7.
+
+[750] _Ib._ p. 36.
+
+[751] _Ib._ p. 167. [But the restraint of aggressions against those with
+whom the association has no contract, and also the possible refusal to
+pay any attention to some particular class of aggressions which it may
+be thought best to let alone, are optional; in these respects the
+association will do what seems best to serve the interests (including
+the pleasure, altruistic or other) of its members; those who do not
+approve the policy adopted may quit the association if they like.]
+
+[752] Tucker p. 39.
+
+[753] _Ib._ p. 55 [where Tucker explicitly refuses to approve this
+statement unless he is allowed to add the caveat "if by the words wrong
+doing is meant invasion"].
+
+[754] _Ib._ p. 56.
+
+[755] _Ib._ p. 56.
+
+[756] _Ib._ pp. 156-7. [But accompanied by a disapproval of the ordinary
+practice of capital punishment.]
+
+[757] _Ib._ p. 60 [where the particular torture under discussion is
+failure to "feed, clothe, and make comfortable" the prisoners].
+
+[758] _Ib._ p. 312. [But "Anarchism, as such, neither believes nor
+disbelieves in jury trial; it is a matter of expediency," pp. 55-6.]
+
+[759] Tucker p. 56.
+
+[760] _Ib._ p. 312.
+
+[761] _Ib._ p. 26.
+
+[762] _Ib._ p. 178.
+
+[763] _Ib._ pp. 178, 177.
+
+[764] _Ib._ p. 241.
+
+[765] _Ib._ p. 177. [This is given as an answer to the question here
+quoted next, about "surplus wealth."]
+
+[766] _Ib._ p. 177. [Quoted from N. Y. "Truth."]
+
+[767] _Ib._ p. 178.
+
+[768] Tucker p. 178.
+
+[769] _Ib._ p. 178. [Not _verbatim_.]
+
+[770] _Ib._ p. 11.
+
+[771] Tucker p. 11.
+
+[772] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[773] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[774] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[775] _Ib._ p. 178.
+
+[776] _Ib._ p. 12. [This is given as the view of Proudhon and Warren;
+the next sentence states Tucker's belief that for perfect correctness it
+should be modified by admitting that a small fraction of ground-rent,
+tending constantly to a minimum, would persist even then, but would be
+no cause for "serious alarm."]
+
+[777] Tucker pp. 12-13.
+
+[778] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[779] _Ib._ p. 13.
+
+[780] _Ib._ pp. 12-13, 178.
+
+[781] _Ib._ pp. 59-60.
+
+[782] Tucker p. 67.
+
+[783] _Ib._ p. 131.
+
+[784] _Ib._ p. 185. [Quoted, with express approval, from A. B. Brown.]
+
+[785] _Ib._ p. 60.
+
+[786] _Ib._ p. 61.
+
+[787] _Ib._ p. 178.
+
+[788] _Ib._ p. 273.
+
+[789] _Ib._ p. 274.
+
+[790] _Ib._ p. 374.
+
+[791] Tucker p. 272.
+
+[792] _Ib._ p. 198.
+
+[793] _Ib._ p. 248.
+
+[794] _Ib._ p. 226.
+
+[795] _Ib._ p. 474.
+
+[796] Tucker p. 287.
+
+[797] _Ib._ pp. 274-5.
+
+[798] _Ib._ p. 287.
+
+[799] _Ib._ p. 178.
+
+[800] _Ib._ p. 11.
+
+[801] _Ib._ p. 243.
+
+[802] _Ib._ p. 275.
+
+[803] _Ib._ p. 299.
+
+[804] _Ib._ p. 325.
+
+[805] _Ib._ p. 275.
+
+[806] _Ib._ p. 325. [Meaning, of course, John Stuart Mill's "unearned
+increment" in the value of land.]
+
+[807] _Ib._ pp. 12-13.
+
+[808] Tucker pp. 474, 178.
+
+[809] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[810] _Ib._ p. 13.
+
+[811] _Ib._ p. 403.
+
+[812] _Ib._ p. 403.
+
+[813] _Ib._ p. 470.
+
+[814] _Ib._ p. 362. ["Socialism" is here used as including Anarchism;
+and Tucker prefers so to use the word.]
+
+[815] _Ib._ p. [347-]348.
+
+[816] Tucker pp. 332-3.
+
+[817] _Ib._ p. 333.
+
+[818] _Ib._ p. 348.
+
+[819] Tucker p. 104.
+
+[820] _Ib._ p. 114.
+
+[821] _Ib._ pp. 77-8.
+
+[822] _Ib._ p. 416.
+
+[823] Tucker pp. 397, 413.
+
+[824] _Ib._ p. 413.
+
+[825] _Ib._ p. 397.
+
+[826] _Ib._ p. 428.
+
+[827] _Ib._ p. 428 [where the subject is not "violence" of all sorts
+great and small, but "terrorism and assassination"].
+
+[828] _Ib._ p. 439.
+
+[829] Tucker p. 397.
+
+[830] _Ib._ p. 428.
+
+[831] _Ib._ p. 440.
+
+[832] _Ib._ p. 428 [with limiting context quoted above, page 211].
+
+[833] _Ib._ p. 440.
+
+[834] _Ib._ p. 45.
+
+[835] _Ib._ p. 45 [where nothing is said as to whether the work is the
+better or the worse for being "isolated"].
+
+[836] Tucker p. 412.
+
+[837] _Ib._ p. 423.
+
+[838] _Ib._ p. 423.
+
+[839] _Ib._ p. 423.
+
+[840] Tucker p. 27.
+
+[841] _Ib._ pp. 423-4.
+
+[842] _Ib._ pp. 416, 439.
+
+[843] _Ib._ p. 45.
+
+[844] Tucker p. 114.
+
+[845] _Ib._ p. 158.
+
+[846] _Ib._ p. 114.
+
+[847] _Ib._ p. 487.
+
+[848] _Ib._ p. 427.
+
+[849] _Ib._ p. 429.
+
+[850] _Ib._ pp. 428-9.
+
+[851] Tucker p. 439.
+
+[852] _Ib._ p. 329 [where the course it must take is somewhat more
+precisely described].
+
+[853] _Ib._ p. 413.
+
+[854] _Ib._ p. 415.
+
+[855] _Ib._ p. 413.
+
+[856] Tucker pp. 415-16.
+
+[857] _Ib._ p. 412.
+
+[858] Tucker pp. 412-13. [This chapter should be completed by a mention
+of Tucker's doctrine that we must expect Anarchy to be established by
+gradually getting rid of one oppression after another till at last all
+the domination of violence shall have disappeared. See, for instance,
+"Liberty" for December, 1900: "The fact is that Anarchist society was
+started thousands of years ago, when the first glimmer of the idea of
+liberty dawned upon the human mind, and has been advancing ever
+since,--not steadily advancing, to be sure, but fitfully, with an
+occasional reversal of the current. Mr. Byington looks upon the time
+when a jury of Anarchists shall sit, as a point not far from the
+beginning of the history of Anarchy's growth, whereas I look upon that
+time as a point very near the end of that history. The introduction of
+more Anarchy into our economic life will have made marriage a thing of
+the past long before the first drawing of a jury of Anarchists to pass
+upon any contract whatever." Also "Instead of a Book" p. 104:
+"Anarchists work for the abolition of the State, but by this they mean
+not its overthrow, but, as Proudhon put it, its dissolution in the
+economic organism. This being the case, the question before us is not,
+as Mr. Donisthorpe supposes, what measures and means of interference we
+are justified in instituting, but which ones of those already existing
+we should first lop off." Tucker has lately been laying more emphasis on
+this view than on the more programme-like propositions cited by
+Eltzbacher, which date from the first six years of the publication of
+"Liberty." Indeed, I am sure I remember that somewhere lately, being
+challenged as to the feasibility of some of the latter, he admitted that
+those precise forms of action might perhaps not be adequate to bring the
+State to its end, and added that the end of the State is at present too
+remote to allow us to specify the processes by which it must ultimately
+be brought about. All this, however, does not mean that Tucker's faith
+in passive resistance as the most potent instrument discoverable both
+for propaganda and for the practical winning of liberty has grown
+weaker; he has no more given up this principle than he has given up the
+plan of propaganda by discussion.]
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+TOLSTOI'S TEACHING
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+I. Lef Nikolayevitch Tolstoi was born in 1828 at Yasnaya Polyana,
+district of Krapivna, government of Tula. From 1843 to 1846 he studied
+in Kazan at first oriental languages, then jurisprudence; from 1847 to
+1848, in St. Petersburg, jurisprudence. After a lengthy stay at Yasnaya
+Polyana, he entered an artillery regiment in the Caucasus, in 1851; he
+became an officer, remained in the Caucasus till 1853, then served in
+the Crimean war, and left the army in 1855.
+
+Tolstoi now lived at first in St. Petersburg. In 1857 he took a lengthy
+tour in Germany, France, Italy, and Switzerland. After his return he
+lived mostly in Moscow till 1860. In 1860-1861 he traveled in Germany,
+France, Italy, England, and Belgium; in Brussels he made the
+acquaintance of Proudhon.
+
+Since 1861 Tolstoi has lived almost uninterruptedly at Yasnaya Polyana,
+as at once agriculturist and author.
+
+Tolstoi has published numerous works; his works up to 1878 are mostly
+stories, among which the two novels "War and Peace" and "Anna Karenina"
+are notable; his later works are mostly of a philosophical nature.
+
+2. Of special importance for Tolstoi's teaching about law, the State,
+and property are his works "My Confession" (1879), "The Gospel in Brief"
+(1880), "What I Believe" (1884) [also known in English as "My
+Religion"], "What Shall We Do Then?" (1885), "On Life" (1887), "The
+Kingdom of God is Within You; or, Christianity not a mystical doctrine,
+but a new life-conception" (1893).
+
+3. Tolstoi does not call his teaching about law, the State, and property
+"Anarchism." He designates as "Anarchism" the teaching which sets up as
+its goal a life without government and wishes to see this realized by
+the application of force.[859]
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+_According to Tolstoi our supreme law is love; from this he derives the
+commandment not to resist evil by force._
+
+1. Tolstoi designates "Christianity"[860] as his basis; but by
+Christianity he means not the doctrine of one of the Christian churches,
+neither the Orthodox nor the Catholic nor that of any of the Protestant
+bodies,[861] but the pure teaching of Christ.[862]
+
+"Strange as it may sound, the churches have always been not merely alien
+but downright hostile to the teaching of Christ, and they must needs be
+so. The churches are not, as many think, institutions that are based on
+a Christian origin and have only erred a little from the right way; the
+churches as such, as associations that assert their infallibility, are
+anti-Christian institutions. The Christian churches and Christianity
+have no fellowship except in name; nay, the two are utterly opposite and
+hostile elements. The churches are arrogance, violence, usurpation,
+rigidity, death; Christianity is humility, penitence, submissiveness,
+progress, life."[863] The church has "so transformed Christ's teaching
+to suit the world that there no longer resulted from it any demands, and
+that men could go on living as they had hitherto lived. The church
+yielded to the world, and, having yielded, followed it. The world did
+everything that it chose, and left the church to hobble after as well as
+it could with its teachings about the meaning of life. The world led its
+life, contrary to Christ's teaching in each and every point, and the
+church contrived subtleties to demonstrate that in living contrary to
+Christ's law men were living in harmony with it. And it ended in the
+world's beginning to lead a life worse than the life of the heathen, and
+the church's daring not only to justify such a life but even to assert
+that this was precisely what corresponded to Christ's teaching."[864]
+
+Particularly different from Christ's teaching is the church
+"creed,"[865]--that is, the totality of the utterly incomprehensible and
+therefore useless "dogmas."[866] "Of a God, external creator, origin of
+all origins, we know nothing";[867] "God is the spirit in man,"[868]
+"his conscience,"[869] "the knowledge of life";[870] "every man
+recognizes in himself a free rational spirit independent of the flesh:
+this spirit is what we call God."[871] Christ was a man,[872] "the son
+of an unknown father; as he did not know his father, in his childhood he
+called God his father";[873] and he was a son of God as to his spirit,
+as every man is a son of God,[874] he embodied "Man confessing his
+sonship of God."[875] Those who "assert that Christ professed to redeem
+with his blood mankind fallen by Adam, that God is a trinity, that the
+Holy Spirit descended upon the apostles and that it passes to the priest
+by the laying on of hands, that seven mysteries are necessary to
+salvation, and so forth,"[876] "preach doctrines utterly alien to
+Christ."[877] "Never did Christ with a single word attest the personal
+resurrection and the immortality of man beyond the grave,"[878] which
+indeed is "a very low and coarse idea";[879] the Ascension and the
+Resurrection are to be counted among "the most objectionable
+miracles."[880]
+
+Tolstoi accepts Christ's teaching as valid not on the ground of faith in
+a revelation, but solely for its rationality. Faith in a revelation "was
+the main reason why the teaching was at first misunderstood and later
+mutilated outright."[881] Faith in Christ is "not a trusting in
+something related to Christ, but the knowledge of the truth."[882]
+
+"'There is a law of evolution, and therefore one must live only his own
+personal life and leave the rest to the law of evolution,' is the last
+word of the refined culture of our day, and, at the same time, of that
+obscuration of consciousness to which the cultured classes are a
+prey."[883] But "human life, from getting up in the morning to going to
+bed at night, is an unbroken series of actions; man must daily choose
+out from hundreds of actions possible to him those actions which he will
+perform; therefore, man cannot live without something to guide the
+choice of his actions."[884] Now, reason alone can offer him this guide.
+"Reason is that law, recognized by man, according to which his life is
+to be accomplished."[885] "If there is no higher reason,--and such there
+is not, nor can anything prove its existence,--then my reason is the
+supreme judge of my life."[886] "The ever-increasing subjugation"[887]
+"of the bestial personality to the rational consciousness"[888] is "the
+true life,"[889] is "life"[890] as opposed to mere "existence."[891]
+
+"It used to be said, 'Do not argue, but believe in the duty that we have
+prescribed to you; reason will deceive you; faith alone will bring you
+the true happiness of life.' And the man exerted himself to believe, and
+he believed. But intercourse with other men showed him that in many
+cases these believed something quite different, and asserted that this
+other faith bestowed the highest happiness. It has become unavoidable to
+decide the question which of the many faiths is the right one; and only
+reason can decide this."[892] "If the Buddhist who has learned to know
+Islam remains a Buddhist, he is no longer a Buddhist in faith but in
+reason. As soon as another faith comes up before him, and with it the
+question whether to reject his faith or this other, reason alone can
+give him an answer. If he has learned to know Islam and has still
+remained a Buddhist, then rational conviction has taken the place of his
+former blind faith in Buddha."[893] "Man recognizes truth only by
+reason, not by faith."[894]
+
+"The law of reason reveals itself to men gradually."[895] "Eighteen
+hundred years ago there appeared in the midst of the pagan Roman world a
+remarkable new teaching, which was not comparable to any that had
+preceded it, and which was ascribed to a man called Christ."[896] This
+teaching contains "the very strictest, purest, and completest"[897]
+apprehension of the law of reason to which "the human mind has hitherto
+raised itself."[898] Christ's teaching is "reason itself";[899] it must
+be accepted by men because it alone gives those rules of life "without
+which no man ever has lived or can live, if he would live as a
+man,--that is, with reason."[900] Man has, "on the basis of reason, no
+right to refuse allegiance to it."[901]
+
+2. Christ's teaching sets up love as the supreme law for us.
+
+What is love? "What men who do not understand life call 'love' is only
+the giving to certain conditions of their personal comfort a preference
+over any others. When the man who does not understand life says that he
+loves his wife or child or friend, he means by this only that his
+wife's, child's, or friend's presence in his life heightens his personal
+comfort."[902]
+
+"True love is always renunciation of one's personal comfort"[903] for a
+neighbor's sake. True love "is a condition of wishing well to all men,
+such as commonly characterizes children but is produced in grown men
+only by self-abnegation."[904] "What living man does not know the happy
+feeling, even if he has felt it only once and in most cases only in
+earliest childhood, of that emotion in which one wishes to love
+everybody, neighbors and father and mother and brothers and bad men and
+enemies and dog and horse and grass; one wishes only one thing, that it
+were well with all, that all were happy; and still more does one wish
+that he were himself capable of making all happy, one wishes he might
+give himself, give his whole life, that all might be well off and enjoy
+themselves. Just this, this alone, is that love in which man's life
+consists."[905]
+
+True love is "an ideal of full, infinite, divine perfection."[906]
+"Divine perfection is the asymptote of human life, toward which it
+constantly strives, to which it draws nearer and nearer, but which can
+be attained only at infinity."[907] "True life, according to previous
+teachings, consists in the fulfilling of commandments, the fulfilling of
+the law; according to Christ's teaching it consists in the maximum
+approach to the divine perfection which has been exhibited, and which is
+felt in himself by every man."[908]
+
+According to the teaching of Christ, love is our highest law. "The
+commandment of love is the expression of the inmost heart of the
+teaching."[909] There are "three conceptions of life, and only three:
+first the personal or bestial, second the social or heathenish,"[910]
+"third the Christian or divine."[911] The man of the bestial conception
+of life, "the savage, acknowledges life only in himself; the mainspring
+of his life is personal enjoyment. The heathenish, social man recognizes
+life no longer in himself alone, but in a community of persons, in the
+tribe, the family, the race, the State; the mainspring of his life is
+reputation. The man of the divine conception of life acknowledges life
+no longer in his person, nor yet in a community of persons, but in the
+prime source of eternal, never-dying life--in God; the mainspring of his
+life is love."[912]
+
+That love is our supreme law according to Christ's teaching means
+nothing else than that it is such according to reason. As early as 1852
+Tolstoi gives utterance to the thought "That love and beneficence are
+truth is the only truth on earth,"[913] and much later, in 1887, he
+calls love "man's only rational activity,"[914] that which "resolves all
+the contradictions of human life."[915] Love abolishes the insensate
+activity directed to the filling of the bottomless tub of our bestial
+personality,[916] does away with the foolish fight between beings that
+strive after their own happiness,[917] gives a meaning independent of
+space and time to life, which without it would flow off without meaning
+in the face of death.[918]
+
+3. From the law of love Christ's teaching derives the commandment not to
+resist evil by force. "'Resist not evil' means 'never resist the evil
+man', that is, 'never do violence to another', that is, 'never commit an
+act that is contrary to love'."[919]
+
+Christ expressly derived this commandment from the law of love. He gave
+numerous commandments, among which five in the Sermon on the Mount are
+notable; "these commandments do not constitute the teaching, they only
+form one of the numberless stages of approach to perfection";[920] they
+"are all negative, and only show"[921] what "at mankind's present
+age"[922] we "have already the full possibility of not doing, along the
+road by which we are striving to reach perfection."[923] The first of
+the five commandments of the Sermon on the Mount reads "Keep the peace
+with all, and if the peace is broken use every effort to restore
+it";[924] the second says "Let the man take only one woman and the woman
+only one man, and let neither forsake the other under any pretext";[925]
+the third, "make no vows";[926] the fourth, "endure injury, return not
+evil for evil";[927] the fifth, "break not the peace to benefit thy
+people."[928] Among these commandments the fourth is the most important;
+it is enunciated in the fifth chapter of Matthew, verses 38-9: "Ye have
+heard that it was said, Eye for eye, and tooth for tooth. But I say to
+you, Resist not evil."[929] Tolstoi tells how to him this passage
+"became the key of the whole."[930] "I needed only to take these words
+simply and downrightly, as they were spoken, and at once everything in
+Christ's whole teaching that had seemed confused to me, not only in the
+Sermon on the Mount but in the Gospels altogether, was comprehensible to
+me, and everything that had been contradictory agreed, and the main gist
+appeared no longer useless but a necessity; everything formed a whole,
+and the one confirmed the other past a doubt, like the pieces of a
+shattered column that one has rightly put together."[931] The principle
+of non-resistance binds together "the entire teaching into a whole; but
+only when it is no mere dictum but a peremptory rule, a law."[932] "It
+is really the key that opens everything, but only when it goes into the
+inmost of the lock."[933]
+
+We must necessarily derive the commandment not to resist evil by force
+from the law of love. For this demands that either a sure, indisputable
+criterion of evil be found, or all violent resistance to evil be
+abandoned.[934] "Hitherto it has been the business now of the pope, now
+of an emperor or king, now of an assembly of elected representatives,
+now of the whole nation, to decide what was to be rated as an evil and
+combated by violent resistance. But there have always been men, both
+without and within the State, who have not acknowledged as binding upon
+them either the decisions that were given out as divine commandments or
+the decisions of the men who were clothed with sanctity or the
+institutions that were supposed to represent the will of the people; men
+who regarded as good what to the powers that be appeared evil, and who,
+in opposition to the force of these powers, likewise made use of force.
+The men who were clothed with sanctity regarded as an evil what appeared
+good to the men and institutions that were clothed with secular
+authority, and the combat grew ever sharper and sharper. Thus it came to
+what it has come to to-day, to the complete obviousness of the fact that
+there is not and cannot be a generally binding external definition of
+evil."[935] But from this follows the necessity of accepting the
+solution given by Christ.[936]
+
+According to Tolstoi, the precept of non-resistance must not be taken
+"as if it forbade every combat against evil."[937] It forbids only the
+combating of evil by force.[938] But this it forbids in the broadest
+sense. It refers, therefore, not only to evil practised against
+ourselves, but also to evil practised against our fellow-men;[939] when
+Peter cut off the ear of the high priest's servant, he was defending
+"not himself but his beloved divine Teacher, but Christ forbade him
+outright and said 'All who take the sword will perish by the
+sword.'"[940] Nor does the precept say that only a part of men are under
+obligation "to submit without a contest to what is prescribed to them
+by certain authorities,"[941] but it forbids "everybody, therefore even
+those in whom power is vested, and these especially, to use force in any
+case against anybody."[942]
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. _For love's sake, particularly on the ground of the commandment not
+to resist evil by force, Tolstoi rejects law; not unconditionally,
+indeed, but as an institution for the more highly developed peoples of
+our time._ To be sure, he speaks only of enacted laws; but he means all
+law,[943] for he rejects on principle every norm based on the will of
+men,[944] upheld by human force,[945] especially by courts,[946] capable
+of deviating from the moral law,[947] of being different in different
+territories,[948] and of being at any time arbitrarily changed.[949]
+
+Perhaps once upon a time law was better than its non-existence. Law is
+"upheld by violence";[950] on the other hand, it guards against violence
+of individuals to each other;[951] perhaps there was once a time when
+the former violence was less than the latter.[952] Now, at any rate,
+this time is past for us; manners have grown milder; the men of our time
+"acknowledge the commandments of philanthropy, of sympathy with one's
+neighbor, and ask only the possibility of quiet, peaceable life."[953]
+
+Law offends against the commandment not to resist evil by force.[954]
+Christ declared this. The words "Judge not, that ye be not judged"
+(Matt. 7.1), "Condemn not, and ye shall not be condemned" (Luke 6.37),
+"mean not only 'do not judge your neighbor in words,' but also 'do not
+condemn him by act; do not judge your neighbor according to your human
+laws by your courts.'"[955] Christ here speaks not merely "of every
+individual's personal relation to the court,"[956] but rejects "the
+administration of law itself."[957] "He says, 'You believe that your
+laws better the evil; they only make it greater; there is only one way
+to check evil, and this consists in returning good for evil, doing good
+to all without discrimination.'"[958] And "my heart and my reason"[959]
+say to me the same as Christ says.
+
+But this is not the only objection to be made against law. "Authority
+condemns in the rigid form of law only what public opinion has in most
+cases long since disallowed and condemned; withal, public opinion
+disallows and condemns all actions that are contrary to the moral law,
+but the law condemns and prosecutes only the actions included within
+certain quite definite and very narrow limits, and thereby, in a
+measure, justifies all similar actions that do not come within these
+limits. Ever since Moses's day public opinion has regarded selfishness,
+sensuality, and cruelty as evils and has condemned it; it has repudiated
+and condemned every form of selfishness, not only the appropriation of
+others' property by force, fraud, or guile, but exploitation
+altogether; it has condemned every sort of unchastity, be it with a
+concubine, a slave, a divorced woman, or even with one's own wife; it
+has condemned all cruelty, as it finds expression in the ill-treating,
+starving, and killing not only of men but of animals too. But the law
+prosecutes only particular forms of selfishness, like theft and fraud,
+and only particular forms of unchastity and cruelty, like marital
+infidelity, murder, and mayhem; therefore, in a measure, it permits all
+the forms of selfishness, unchastity, and cruelty that do not come under
+its narrow definitions inspired by a false conception."[960]
+
+"The Jew could easily submit to his laws, for he did not doubt that they
+were written by God's finger; likewise the Roman, as he thought they
+originated from the nymph Egeria; and man in general so long as he
+regarded the princes who gave him laws as God's anointed, or believed
+that the legislating assemblies had the wish and the capacity to make
+the best laws."[961] But "as early as the time when Christianity made
+its appearance men were beginning to comprehend that human laws were
+written by men; that men, whatever outward splendor may enshroud them,
+cannot be infallible, and that erring men do not become infallible even
+by getting together and calling themselves 'Senate' or something
+else."[962] "We know how laws are made; we have all been behind the
+scenes; we all know that the laws are products of selfishness,
+deception, partisanship, that true justice does not and cannot dwell in
+them."[963] Therefore "the recognition of any special laws is a sign of
+the crassest ignorance."[964]
+
+II. _Love requires that in place of law it itself be the law for men._
+From this it follows that instead of law Christ's commandments should be
+our rule of action.[965] But this is "the Kingdom of God on earth."[966]
+
+"When the day and the hour of the Kingdom of God appear, depends on men
+themselves alone."[967] "Each must only begin to do what we must do, and
+cease to do what we must not do, and the near future will bring the
+promised Kingdom of God."[968] "If only everybody would bear witness, in
+the measure of his strength, to the truth that he knows, or at least not
+defend as truth the untruth in which he lives, then in this very year
+1893 there would take place such changes toward the setting up of truth
+on earth as we dare not dream of for centuries to come."[969] "Only a
+little effort more, and the Galilean has won."[970]
+
+The Kingdom of God is "not outside in the world, but in man's
+soul."[971] "The Kingdom of God cometh not with outward show; neither
+will men say, 'Lo here!' or, 'There!' for, behold, the kingdom of God is
+within you (Luke 17.20)."[972] The Kingdom of God is nothing else than
+the following of Christ's commandments, especially the five commandments
+of the Sermon on the Mount,[973] which tell us how we must act in our
+present stage in order to correspond to the ideal of love as much as
+possible,[974] and which command us to keep the peace and do everything
+for its restoration when it is broken, to remain true to one another as
+man and wife, to make no vows, to forgive injury and not return evil for
+evil, and, finally, not to break the peace with anybody for our people's
+sake.[975]
+
+But what form will outward life take in the Kingdom of God? "The
+disciple of Christ will be poor; that is, he will not live in the city
+but in the country; he will not sit at home, but work in wood and field,
+see the sunshine, the earth, the sky, and the beasts; he will not worry
+over what he is to eat to tempt his appetite, and what he can do to help
+his digestion, but will be hungry three times a day; he will not roll on
+soft cushions and think upon deliverance from insomnia, but sleep; he
+will be sick, suffer, and die like all men--the poor who are sick and
+die seem to have an easier time of it than the rich--";[976] he "will
+live in free fellowship with all men";[977] "the Kingdom of God on earth
+is the peace of men with each other; thus it appeared to the prophets,
+and thus it appears to every human heart."[978]
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+II. _Together with law Tolstoi necessarily has to reject also, for the
+more highly developed nations of our time, the legal institution of the
+State._
+
+"Perhaps there was once a time when, in a low state of morality with a
+general inclination of men to mutual violence, the existence of a power
+limiting this violence was advantageous--that is, in which the State
+violence was less than that of individuals against each other. But such
+an advantage of State violence over its non-existence could not last;
+the more the individuals' inclination to violence decreased and manners
+grew milder, and the more the governments degenerated by having nothing
+to check them, the more worthless did State violence grow. In this
+change--in the moral evolution of the masses on the one hand and the
+degeneration of the governments on the other--lies the whole history of
+the last two thousand years."[979] "I cannot prove either the general
+necessity of the State or its general perniciousness,"[980] "I know only
+that on the one hand the State is no longer necessary for me, and that
+on the other hand I can no longer do the things that are necessary for
+the existence of the State."[981]
+
+"Christianity in its true significance abolishes the State,"[982]
+annihilates all government.[983] The State offends against love,
+particularly against the commandment not to resist evil by force.[984]
+And not only this; in founding a dominion[985] the State furthermore
+offends against the principle that for love "all men are God's sons and
+there is equality among them all";[986] it is therefore to be rejected
+even aside from the violence on which it is based as a legal
+institution. "That the Christian teaching has an eye only to the
+redemption of the individual, and does not relate to public questions
+and State affairs, is a bold and unfounded assertion."[987] "To every
+honest, earnest man in our time it must be clear that true
+Christianity--the doctrine of humility, forgiveness, love--is
+incompatible with the State and its haughtiness, its deeds of violence,
+its capital punishments and wars."[988] "The State is an idol";[989] its
+objectionableness is independent of its form, be this "absolute
+monarchy, the Convention, the Consulate, the empire of a first or third
+Napoleon or yet of a Boulanger, constitutional monarchy, the Commune, or
+the republic."[990]--Tolstoi carries this out into detail.
+
+1. The State is the rule of the bad, raised to the highest pitch.
+
+The State is rule. Government in the State is "an association of men who
+do violence to the rest."[991]
+
+"All governments, the despotic and the liberal alike, have in our time
+become what Herzen has so aptly called a Jenghis Khan with
+telegraphs."[992] The men in whom the power is vested "practise violence
+not in order to overcome evil, but solely for their advantage or from
+caprice; and the other men submit to the violence not because they
+believe that it is practised for their good,--that is, in order to
+liberate them from evil,--but only because they cannot free themselves
+from it."[993] "If Nice is united with France, Lorraine with Germany,
+Bohemia with Austria, if Poland is divided, if both Ireland and India
+are subjected to the English dominion, if people fight with China, kill
+the Africans, expel the Chinese from America, and persecute the Jews in
+Russia, it is not because this is good or necessary or useful for men
+and the opposite would be evil, but only because it so pleases those in
+whom the power is vested."[994]
+
+The State is the rule of the bad.[995] "'If the State power were to be
+annihilated, the wicked would rule over the less wicked,' say the
+defenders of State rule."[996] But has the power, when it has passed
+from some men to some others in the State, really always come to the
+better men? "When Louis the Sixteenth, Robespierre, Napoleon, came to
+power, who ruled then, the better or the worse? When did the better
+rule, when the power was vested in the Versaillese or in the Communards,
+when Charles the First or Cromwell stood at the head of the government?
+When Peter the Third was czar, and then when after his murder the
+authority of czar was exercised in one part of Russia by Catharine and
+in another by Pugatcheff, who was wicked then and who was good? All men
+who find themselves in power assert that their power is necessary in
+order that the wicked may not do violence to the good, and regard it as
+self-evident that they are the good and are giving the rest of the good
+protection against the bad."[997] But in reality those who grasp and
+hold the power cannot possibly be the better.[998] "In order to obtain
+and retain power, one must love it. But the effort after power is not
+apt to be coupled with goodness, but with the opposite qualities, pride,
+craft, and cruelty. Without exalting self and abasing others, without
+hypocrisy, lying, prisons, fortresses, penalties, killing, no power can
+arise or hold its own."[999] "It is downright ridiculous to speak of
+Christians in power."[1000] To this it is to be added "that the
+possession of power depraves men."[1001] "The men who have the power
+cannot but misuse it; they must infallibly be unsettled by such
+frightful authority."[1002] "However many means men have invented to
+hinder the possessors of power from subordinating the welfare of the
+whole to their own advantage, hitherto not one of these means has
+worked. Everybody knows that those in whose hands is the power--be they
+emperors, ministers, chiefs of police, or common policemen--are, just
+because the power is in their hands, more inclined to immorality, to the
+subordinating of the general welfare to their advantage, than those who
+have no power; nor can it be otherwise."[1003]
+
+The State is the rule of the bad, raised to the highest pitch. We shall
+always find "that the scheming of the possessors of authority--nay,
+their unconscious effort--is directed toward weakening the victims of
+their authority as much as possible; for, the weaker the victim is, the
+more easily can he be held down."[1004] "To-day there is only one sphere
+of human activity left that has not been conquered by the authority of
+government: the sphere of the family, of housekeeping, private life,
+labor. And even this sphere, thanks to the fighting of the Communists
+and Socialists, the governments are already beginning to invade, so that
+soon, if the reformers have their way, work and rest, housing,
+clothing, and food, will likewise be fixed and regulated by the
+governments."[1005] "The most fearful band of robbers is not so horrible
+as a State organization. Every robber chief is at any rate limited by
+the fact that the men who make up his band retain at least a part of
+human liberty, and can refuse to commit acts which are repugnant to
+their consciences."[1006] But in the State there is no such limit; "no
+crime is so horrible that it will not be committed by the officials and
+the army at the will of him--Boulanger, Pugatcheff, Napoleon--who
+accidentally stands at the head."[1007]
+
+2. The rule in the State is based on physical force.
+
+Every government has for its prop the fact that there are in the State
+armed men who are ready to execute the government's will by physical
+force, a class "educated to kill those whose killing the authorities
+command."[1008] Such men are the police[1009] and especially the
+army.[1010] The army is nothing else than a collectivity of "disciplined
+murderers",[1011] its training is "instruction in murdering",[1012] its
+victories are "deeds of murder."[1013] "The army has always formed the
+basis of power, and does to this day. The power is always in the hands
+of those who command the army, and, from the Roman Caesars to the Russian
+and German emperors, all possessors of power have always cared first and
+foremost for their armies."[1014]
+
+In the first place, the army upholds the government's rule against
+external assaults. It protects it against having the rule taken from it
+by another government.[1015] War is nothing but a contest of two or more
+governments for the rule over their subjects. It is "impossible to
+establish international peace in a rational way, by treaty or
+arbitration, so long as the insensate and pernicious subjection of
+nations to governments continues to exist."[1016] In consequence of this
+importance of armies "every State is compelled to increase its army to
+face the others, and this increase has the effect of a contagion, as
+Montesquieu observed a hundred and fifty years since."[1017]
+
+But, if one thinks armies are kept by governments only for external
+defence, he forgets "that governments need armies particularly to
+protect them against their oppressed and enslaved subjects."[1018] "In
+the German Reichstag lately, in reply to the question why money was
+needed in order to increase the pay of the petty officers, the
+chancellor made the direct statement that reliable petty officers were
+necessary for the combating of Socialism. Caprivi merely said out loud
+what everybody knows, carefully as it is concealed from the
+peoples,--the reason why the French kings and the popes kept Swiss and
+Scots, why in Russia the recruits are so introduced that the interior
+regiments get their contingents from the frontiers and the frontier
+regiments theirs from the interior. Caprivi told, by accident, what
+everybody knows or at least feels,--to wit, that the existing order
+exists not because it must exist or because the people wills its
+existence, but because the government's force, the army with its bribed
+petty-officers and officers and generals, keeps it up."[1019]
+
+3. The rule in the State is based on the physical force of the ruled.
+
+It is peculiar to government that it demands from the citizens the very
+force on which it is based, and that consequently in the State "all the
+citizens are their own oppressors."[1020] The government demands from
+the citizens both force and the supporting of force. Here belongs the
+obligation, general in Russia, to take an oath at the czar's accession
+to the throne, for by this oath one vows obedience to the
+authorities,--that is, to men who are devoted to violence; likewise the
+obligation to pay taxes, for the taxes are used for works of violence,
+and the compulsory use of passports, for by taking out a passport one
+acknowledges his dependence on the State's institution of violence;
+withal the obligation to testify in court and to take part in the court
+as juryman, for every court is the fulfilment of the commandment of
+revenge; furthermore, the obligation to police service which in Russia
+rests upon all the country people, for this service demands that we do
+violence to our brother and torment him; and above all the general
+obligation to military service,--that is, the obligation to be
+executioners and to prepare ourselves for service as executioners.[1021]
+The unchristianness of the State comes to light most plainly in the
+general obligation to military service: "every man has to take in hand
+deadly weapons, a gun, a knife; and, if he does not have to kill, at
+least he does have to load the gun and sharpen the knife,--that is, be
+ready for killing."[1022]
+
+But how comes it that the citizens fulfil these demands of the
+government, though the government is based on this very fulfilment, and
+so mutually oppress each other? This is possible only by "a highly
+artificial organization, created with the help of scientific progress,
+in which all men are bewitched into a circle of violence from which they
+cannot free themselves. At present this circle consists of four means of
+influence; they are all connected and hold each other, like the links of
+a chain."[1023] The first means is "what is best described as the
+hypnotization of the people."[1024] This hypnotization leads men to "the
+erroneous opinion that the existing order is unchangeable and must be
+upheld, while in reality it is unchangeable only by its being
+upheld."[1025] The hypnotization is accomplished "by fomenting the two
+forms of superstition called religion and patriotism";[1026] it "begins
+its influence even in childhood, and continues it till death."[1027]
+With reference to this hypnotization one may say that State authority is
+based on the fraudulent misleading of public opinion.[1028] The second
+means consists in "bribery; that is, in taking from the laboring
+populace its wealth, by money taxes, and dividing this among the
+officials, who, for this pay, must maintain and strengthen the
+enslavement of the people."[1029] The officials "more or less believe in
+the unchangeability of the existing order, mainly because it benefits
+them."[1030] With reference to this bribery one may say that State
+authority is based on the selfishness of those to whom it guarantees
+profitable positions.[1031] The third means is "intimidation. It
+consists in setting down the present State order--of whatever sort, be
+it a free republican order or be it the most grossly despotic--as
+something sacred and unchangeable, and imposing the most frightful
+penalties upon every attempt to change it."[1032] Finally, the fourth
+means is to "separate a certain part of all the men whom they have
+stupefied and bewitched by the three first means, and subject these men
+to special stronger forms of stupefaction and bestialization, so that
+they become will-less tools of every brutality and cruelty that the
+government sees fit to resolve upon."[1033] This is done in the army, to
+which, at present, all young men belong by virtue of the general
+obligation to military service.[1034] "With this the circle of violence
+is made complete. Intimidation, bribery, hypnosis, bring men to enlist
+as soldiers. The soldiers, in turn, afford the possibility of punishing
+men, plundering them in order to bribe officials with the money,
+hypnotizing them, and thus bringing them into the ranks of the very
+soldiers on whom the power for all this is based."[1035]
+
+II. _Love requires that a social life based solely on its commandments
+take the place of the State._ "To-day every man who thinks, however
+little, sees the impossibility of keeping on with the life hitherto
+lived, and the necessity of determining new forms of life."[1036] "The
+Christian humanity of our time must unconditionally renounce the heathen
+forms of life that it condemns, and set up a new life on the Christian
+bases that it recognizes."[1037]
+
+1. Even after the State is done away, men are to live in societies. But
+what is to hold them together in these societies?
+
+Not a promise, at any rate. Christ commands us to make "no vows,"[1038]
+to "promise men nothing."[1039] "The Christian cannot promise that he
+will do or not do a particular thing at a particular hour, because he
+cannot know what the law of love, which it is the meaning of his life to
+obey, will demand of him at that hour."[1040] And still less can he
+"give his word to fulfil somebody's will, without knowing what the
+substance of this will is to be";[1041] by the mere fact of such a
+promise he would "make it manifest that the inward divine law is no
+longer the sole law of his life";[1042] "one cannot serve two
+masters."[1043]
+
+Men are to be held together in societies in future by the mental
+influence which the men who have made progress in knowledge exert upon
+the less advanced. "Mental influence is such a way of working upon a man
+that by it his wishes change and coincide with what is wanted of him;
+the man who yields to a mental influence acts according to his own
+wishes."[1044] Now, the force "by which men can live in societies"[1045]
+is found in the mental influence which the men who have made progress
+in knowledge exert upon the less advanced, in the "characteristic of
+little-thinking men, that they subordinate themselves to the directions
+of those who stand on a higher level of knowledge."[1046] In consequence
+of this characteristic "a body of men put themselves under the same
+rational principles, the minority consciously, because the principles
+agree with the demands of their reason, and the majority unconsciously,
+because the principles have become public opinion."[1047] "In this
+subordination there is nothing irrational or self-contradictory."[1048]
+
+2. But in the future societary condition how shall the functions which
+the State at present performs be performed? Here people usually have
+three things in mind.[1049]
+
+First, protection against the bad men in our midst.[1050] "But who are
+the bad men among us? If there once were such men three or four
+centuries ago, when people still paraded warlike arts and equipments and
+looked upon killing as a brilliant deed, they are gone to-day anyhow;
+nobody any longer carries weapons, everybody acknowledges the commands
+of philanthropy. But, if by the men from whom the State must protect us
+we mean the criminals, then we know that they are not special creatures
+like the wolf among the sheep, but just such men as all of us, who like
+committing crimes as little as we do; we know that the activity of
+governments with their cruel forms of punishment, which do not
+correspond to the present stage of morality, their prisons, tortures,
+gallows, guillotines, contributes more to the barbarizing of the people
+than to their culture, and hence rather to the multiplication than to
+the diminution of such criminals."[1051] If we are Christians and start
+from the principle that "what our life exists for is the serving of
+others, then no one will be foolish enough to rob men that serve him of
+their means of support or to kill them. Miklucho-Maclay settled among
+the wildest so-called 'savages', and they not only left him alive but
+loved him and submitted to his authority, solely because he did not fear
+them, asked nothing of them, and did them good."[1052]
+
+Secondly, the question is asked how in the future societary condition we
+can find protection against external enemies.[1053] But we do know "that
+the nations of Europe profess the principles of liberty and fraternity,
+and therefore need no protection against each other; but, if it were a
+protection against the barbarians that was meant, a thousandth part of
+the armies that are now kept up would suffice. State authority not
+merely leaves in existence the danger of hostile attacks, but even
+itself provokes this danger."[1054] But, "if there existed a community
+of Christians who did evil to nobody and gave to others all the
+superfluous products of their labor, then no enemy, neither the German
+nor the Turk nor the savage, would kill or vex such men; all one could
+do would be to take from them what they were ready to give voluntarily
+without distinguishing between Russians, Germans, Turks, and
+savages."[1055]
+
+Thirdly, the question is asked how in the future societary condition
+institutions for education, popular culture, religion, commerce, etc.
+are to be possible.[1056] "Perhaps there was once a time when men lived
+so far apart, when the means for coming together and exchanging thoughts
+were so undeveloped, that people could not, without a State centre,
+discuss and agree on any matter either of trade and economy or of
+culture. But to-day this separation no longer exists; the means of
+intercourse have developed extraordinarily; for the forming of
+societies, associations, corporations, for the gathering of congresses
+and the creation of economic and political institutions, governments are
+not needed; nay, in most cases they are rather a hindrance than a help
+toward the attainment of such ends."[1057]
+
+3. But what form will men's life together in the future societary
+condition take in detail? "The future will be as circumstances and men
+shall make it."[1058] We are not at this moment able to get perfectly
+clear ideas of it.[1059]
+
+"Men say, 'What will the new orders be like, that are to take the place
+of the present ones? So long as we do not know what form our life will
+take in future, we will not go forward, we will not stir from this
+spot.'"[1060] "If Columbus had gone to making such observations, he
+would never have weighed anchor. It was insanity to steer across an
+ocean that no man had ever yet sailed upon toward a land whose
+existence was a question. With this insanity, he discovered the New
+World. It would certainly be more convenient if nations had nothing to
+do but move out of one ready-furnished mansion into another and a
+better; only, by bad luck, there is nobody there to furnish the new
+quarters."[1061]
+
+But what disquiets men in their imagining of the future is "less the
+question 'What will be?' They are tormented by the question 'How are we
+to live without all the familiar conditions of our existence, that are
+called science, art, civilization, culture?'"[1062] "But all these, bear
+in mind, are only forms in which truth appears. The change that lies
+before us will be an approach to the truth and its realization. How can
+the forms in which truth appears be brought to naught by an approach to
+the truth? They will be made different, better, higher, but by no means
+will they be brought to naught. Only that which was false in the forms
+of its appearance hitherto will be brought to naught; what was genuine
+will but unfold itself the more splendidly."[1063]
+
+"If the individual man's life were completely known to him when he
+passes from one stage of maturity to another, he would have no reason
+for living. So it is with the life of mankind too; if at its entrance
+upon a new stage of growth a programme lay before it already drawn up,
+this would be the surest sign that it was not alive, not progressing,
+but that it was sticking at one point. The details of a new order of
+life cannot be known to us, they have to be worked out by us ourselves.
+Life consists only in learning to know the unknown, and putting our
+action in harmony with the new knowledge. In this consists the life of
+the individual, in this the life of human societies and of
+humanity."[1064]
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. _Together with law Tolstoi necessarily has to reject also, for the
+more highly developed nations of our time, the legal institution of
+property._
+
+Perhaps there was once a time when the violence necessary to secure the
+individual in the possession of a piece of goods against all others was
+less than the violence which would have been practised in a general
+fight for the possession of the goods, so that the existence of property
+was better than its non-existence. But at any rate this time is past,
+the existing order has "lived out its time";[1065] among the men of
+to-day no wild fight for the possession of goods would break out even if
+there were no property; they all "profess allegiance to the commands of
+philanthropy,"[1066] each of them "knows that all men have equal rights
+in the goods of the world,"[1067] and already we see "many a rich man
+renounce his inheritance from a specially delicate sense of germinant
+public opinion."[1068]
+
+Property offends against love, especially against the commandment not to
+resist evil by force.[1069] But not only this; in founding a dominion of
+possessors over non-possessors it also offends against the principle
+that for love "all men are God's sons and there is equality among them
+all";[1070] and it is therefore to be rejected, even aside from the
+violence on which it is based as a legal institution. The rich are under
+"guilt by the very fact that they are rich."[1071] It is "a crime"[1072]
+that tens of thousands of "hungry, cold, deeply degraded human beings
+are living in Moscow, while I with a few thousand others have tenderloin
+and sturgeon for dinner and cover horses and floors with blankets and
+carpets."[1073] I shall be "an accomplice in this unending and
+uninterrupted crime so long as I still have a superfluous bit of bread
+while another has no bread at all, or still possess two garments while
+another does not possess even one."[1074]--Tolstoi carries this out into
+detail.
+
+1. Property means the dominion of the possessors over the
+non-possessors.
+
+Property is the exclusive right to use some things, whether one actually
+uses them or not.[1075] "Many of the men who called me their horse,"
+Tolstoi makes the horse Linen-Measurer say, "did not ride me; quite
+different men rode me. Nor did they feed me; quite different men fed me.
+Nor was it those who called me their horse that did me kindnesses, but
+coachmen, veterinary surgeons, strangers altogether. Later, when the
+circle of my observations grew wider, I convinced myself that the idea
+'mine,' which has no other basis than men's low and bestial propensity
+which they call 'sense of ownership' or 'right of property,' finds
+application not only with respect to us horses. A man says 'this house
+is mine' and never lives in it, he only attends to the building and
+repair of the house. A merchant says 'my store, my dry-goods store,' and
+his clothing is not of the best fabrics he has in his store. There are
+men who call a piece of land 'mine' and have never seen this piece of
+land nor set foot on it. What men aim at in life is not to do what they
+think good, but to call as many things as possible 'mine.'"[1076]
+
+But the significance of property consists in the fact that the poor man
+who has no property is dependent on the rich man who has property; in
+order to come by the things which he needs for his living, but which
+belong to another, he must do what this other wills--in particular, he
+must work for him. Thus property divides men into "two castes, an
+oppressed laboring caste that famishes and suffers and an idle
+oppressing caste that enjoys and lives in superfluity."[1077] "We are
+all brothers, and yet every morning my brother or my sister carries out
+my dishes. We are all brothers, but every morning I have to have my
+cigar, my sugar, my mirror, and other such things, in whose production
+healthy brothers and sisters, people like me, have sacrificed and are
+sacrificing their health."[1078] "I spend my whole life in the following
+way: I eat, talk, and listen; eat, write, and read--that is, talk and
+listen again; eat and play; eat, talk, and listen again; eat and go to
+bed; and so it goes on, one day like another. I cannot do, do not know
+how to do, anything beyond this. And, that I may be able to do this,
+the porter, the farmer, the cook, the cook's maid, the lackey, the
+coachman, the laundress, must work from morning till night, not to speak
+of the work of other men which is necessary in order that those
+coachmen, cooks, lackeys, and so on may have all that they need when
+they work for me--the axes, barrels, brushes, dishes, furniture,
+likewise the wax, the blacking, the kerosene, the hay, the wood, the
+beef. All of them have to work day by day, early and late, that I may be
+able to talk, eat, and sleep."[1079]
+
+This significance of property makes itself especially felt in the case
+of the things that are necessary for the producing of other things, and
+so most notably in the case of land and tools.[1080] "There can be no
+farmer without land that he tills, without scythes, wagons, and horses;
+no shoemaker is possible without a house built on the earth, without
+water, air, and tools";[1081] but property means that in many cases "the
+farmer possesses no land, no horses, no scythe, the shoemaker no house,
+no water, no awl: that somebody is keeping these things back from
+them."[1082] This leads to the consequence "that for a large fraction of
+the workers the natural conditions of production are deranged, that this
+fraction is necessitated to use other people's stock,"[1083] and may by
+the owner of the stock be compelled "to work not on their own account,
+but for an employer."[1084] Consequently the workman works "not for
+himself, to suit his own wish, but under compulsion, to suit the whim of
+some idle persons who live in superfluity, for the benefit of some rich
+man, the proprietor of a factory or other industrial plant."[1085] Thus
+property means the exploitation of the laborer by those to whom the land
+and tools belong; it means "that the products of human labor pass more
+and more out of the hands of the laboring masses into the hands of the
+unlaboring."[1086]
+
+Furthermore, the significance of property as making the poor dependent
+on the rich becomes especially prominent in the case of money. "Money is
+a value that remains always equal, that always ranks as correct and
+legal."[1087] Consequently, as the saying is, "he who has money has in
+his pocket those who have none."[1088] "Money is a new form of slavery,
+distinguished from the old solely by its impersonality, by the lack of
+any human relation between the master and the slave";[1089] for "the
+essence of all slavery consists in drawing the benefit of another's
+labor-force by compulsion, and it is quite immaterial whether the
+drawing of this benefit is founded upon property in the slave or upon
+property in money which is indispensable to the other man."[1090] "Now,
+honestly, of what sort is my money, and how have I come by it? I got
+part for the land that I inherited from my father. The peasant sold his
+last sheep, his last cow, to pay me this money. Another part of my
+assets consists of the sums which I have received for my literary
+productions, my books. If my books are harmful, then by them I have
+seduced the purchasers to evil and have acquired the money by bad
+means. If, on the contrary, my books are useful to people, the case is
+still worse; I have not given them without ceremony to those who had a
+use for them, but have said 'Give me seventeen rubles and you shall have
+them,' and, as in the other case the peasant sold his last sheep, so
+here the poor student or teacher, and many another poor person, have
+denied themselves the plainest necessities to give me the money. And
+thus I have piled up a quantity of such money, and what do I do with it?
+I bring it to the city and give it to the poor here on condition that
+they satisfy all my whims, that they come after me into the city to
+clean the sidewalks for me, and to make me lamps, shoes, and so forth,
+in the factories. With my money I take all their products to myself, and
+I take pains to give them as little as possible and get from them as
+much as possible for it. And then all at once, quite unexpectedly, I
+begin to distribute to the poor this same money gratis--not to all, but
+arbitrarily to any whom I happen to take up at random";[1091] that is, I
+take from the poor thousands of rubles with one hand, and with the other
+I distribute to some of them a few kopeks.[1092]
+
+2. The dominion which property involves, of possessors over
+non-possessors, is based on physical force.
+
+"If the vast wealth that the laborers have piled up ranks not as the
+property of all, but only as that of an elect few,--if the power of
+raising taxes from labor and using them at pleasure is reserved to some
+men,--this is not based on the fact that the people want to have it so
+or that by nature it must be so, but on the fact that the ruling
+classes see their advantage in it and determine it so by virtue of their
+power over men's bodies";[1093] it is based on "violence and slaying and
+the threat thereof."[1094] "If men hand over the greatest part of the
+product of their labor to the capitalist or landlord, though they, as do
+all laborers now, hold this to be unjust,"[1095] they do it "only
+because they know they will be beaten and killed if they do not."[1096]
+"One may even say outright that in our society, in which to every
+well-to-do man living an aristocratic life there are ten weary,
+ravenous, envious laborers, probably pining away with wife and children
+too, all the privileges of the rich, all their luxury and their
+abundance, are acquired and secured only by chastisement, imprisonment,
+and capital punishment."[1097]
+
+Property is upheld by the police[1098] and the army.[1099] "We may act
+as if we did not see the policeman walking up and down before the window
+with loaded revolver to protect us while we eat a savory meal or look at
+a new play, and as if we had no inkling of the soldiers who are every
+moment ready to go with rifle and cartridges where any one tries to
+infringe on our property. Yet we well know, if we can finish our meal
+and see the new play in peace, if we can drive out or hunt or attend a
+festival or a race undisturbed, we have to thank for this only the
+policeman's bullet and the soldier's weapon, which are ready to pierce
+the poor victim of hunger who looks upon our enjoyments from his corner
+with grumbling stomach, and who would at once disturb them if the
+policeman with his revolver went away, or if in the barracks there were
+no longer any soldiers standing ready to appear at our first
+call."[1100]
+
+3. The dominion which property involves, of the possessors over the
+non-possessors, is based on the physical force of the ruled.
+
+Those very men of the non-possessing classes who through property are
+dependent on the possessing classes must do police duty, serve in the
+army, pay the taxes out of which police and army are kept up, and in
+these and other ways either themselves exercise or at least support the
+physical force by which property is upheld.[1101] "If there did not
+exist these men who are ready to discipline or kill any one whatever at
+the word of command, no one would dare assert what the non-laboring
+landlords now do all of them so confidently assert,--that the soil which
+surrounds the peasants who die off for lack of land is the property of a
+man who does not work on it";[1102] it would "not come into the head of
+the lord of the manor to take from the peasants a forest that has grown
+up under their eyes";[1103] nor would any one say "that the stores of
+grain accumulated by fraud in the midst of a starving population must
+remain unscathed that the merchant may have his profit."[1104]
+
+II. _Love requires that a distribution based solely on its commandments
+take the place of property._ "The impossibility of continuing the life
+that has hitherto been led, and the necessity of determining new forms
+of life,"[1105] relate to the distribution of goods as well as to other
+things. "The abolition of property,"[1106] and its replacement by a new
+kind of distribution of goods, is one of the "questions now in
+order."[1107]
+
+According to the law of love, every man who works as he has strength
+should have so much--but only so much--as he needs.
+
+1. That every man who works as he has strength should have so much as he
+needs and no more is a corollary from two precepts which follow from the
+law of love.
+
+The first of these precepts says, Man shall "ask no work from others,
+but himself devote his whole life to work for others. 'Man lives not to
+be served but to serve.'"[1108] Therefore, in particular, he is not to
+keep accounts with others about his work, or think that he "has the more
+of a living to claim, the greater or more useful his quantum of work
+done is."[1109] Following this precept provides every man with what he
+needs. This is true primarily of the healthy adult. "If a man works, his
+work feeds him. If another makes use of this man's work for himself, he
+will feed him for the very reason that he is making use of his
+work."[1110] Man assures himself of a living "not by taking it away from
+others, but by making himself useful and necessary to others. The more
+necessary he is to others, the more assured is his existence."[1111] But
+the following of the precept to serve others also provides the sick, the
+aged, and children with their living. Men "do not stop feeding an
+animal when it falls sick; they do not even kill an old horse, but give
+it work appropriate to its strength; they bring up whole families of
+little lambs, pigs, and puppies, because they expect benefit from them.
+How, then, should they not support the sick man who is necessary to
+them? How should they not find appropriate work for old and young, and
+bring up human beings who will in turn work for them?"[1112]
+
+The second precept that follows from the law of love, and of which a
+corollary is that every man who works as he has strength should have as
+much as he needs and no more, bids us "Share what you have with the
+poor; gather no riches."[1113] "To the question of his hearers, what
+they were to do, John the Baptist gave the short, clear, simple answer,
+'He who hath two coats, let him share with him who hath none; and he who
+hath food let him do likewise' (Luke 3.10-11). And Christ too made the
+same declaration several times, only still more unambiguously and
+clearly. He said, 'Blessed are the poor, woe to the rich.' He said that
+one could not serve God and Mammon at once. He not only forbade his
+disciples to take money, but also to have two garments. He told the rich
+young man that because he was rich he could not enter into the Kingdom
+of God, and that a camel should sooner go through a needle's eye than a
+rich man come into heaven. He said that he who did not forsake
+everything--house, children, lands--to follow him could not be his
+disciple. He told his hearers the parable of the rich man who did
+nothing bad except that he--like our rich men--clothed himself in costly
+apparel and fed himself on savory food and drink, and who plunged his
+soul into perdition by this alone, and of the poor Lazarus who did
+nothing good and who entered into the Kingdom of Heaven only because he
+was a beggar."[1114]
+
+2. But what form can such a distribution of goods take in detail?
+
+This is best shown us by "the Russian colonists. These colonists arrive
+on the soil, settle, and begin to work, and no one of them takes it into
+his head that any one who does not begin to make use of the land can
+have any right to it; on the contrary, the colonists regard the ground
+_a priori_ as common property, and consider it altogether justifiable
+that everybody plows and reaps where he chooses. For working the fields,
+for starting gardens, and for building houses, they procure implements;
+and here too it does not suggest itself to them that these could of
+themselves produce any income--on the contrary, the colonists look upon
+any profit from the means of labor, any interest for grain lent, etc.,
+as an injustice. They work on masterless land with their own means or
+with means borrowed free of interest, either each for himself or all
+together on joint account."[1115]
+
+"In talking of such fellowship I am not setting forth fancies, but only
+describing what has gone on at all times, what is even at present taking
+place not only among the Russian colonists but everywhere where man's
+natural condition is not yet deranged by some circumstances or other. I
+am describing what seems to everybody natural and rational. The men
+settle on the soil and go each one to work, make their implements, and
+do their labor. If they think it advantageous to work jointly, they form
+a labor company."[1116] But, in individual business as well as in
+collective industry, "neither the water nor the ground nor the garments
+nor the plow can belong to anybody save him who drinks the water, wears
+the garments, and uses the plow; for all these things are necessary only
+to him who puts them to use."[1117] One can call "only his labor his
+own";[1118] by it one has as much as one needs.[1119]
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+_The way in which the change required by love is to take place,
+according to Tolstoi, is that those men who have learned to know the
+truth are to convince as many others as possible how necessary the
+change is for love's sake, and that they, with the help of the refusal
+of obedience, are to abolish law, the State, and property, and bring
+about the new condition._
+
+I. The prime necessity is that the men who have learned to know the
+truth should convince as many others as possible that love demands the
+change.
+
+1. "That an order of life corresponding to our knowledge may take the
+place of the order contrary to it, the present antiquated public opinion
+must first be replaced by a new and living one."[1120]
+
+It is not deeds of all sorts that bring to pass the grandest and most
+significant changes in the life of humanity, "neither the fitting out
+of armies a million strong nor the construction of roads and engines,
+neither the organization of expositions nor the formation of
+trade-unions, neither revolutions, barricades, and explosions nor
+inventions in aerial navigation--but the changes of public opinion, and
+these alone."[1121] Liberation is possible only "by a change in our
+conception of life";[1122] "everything depends on the force with which
+each individual man becomes conscious of Christian truth";[1123] "know
+the truth and the truth shall make you free."[1124] Our liberation must
+necessarily take place by "the Christian's recognizing the law of love,
+which his Master has revealed to him, as entirely sufficient for all
+human relations, and his perceiving the superfluousness and
+illegitimateness of all violence."[1125]
+
+The bringing about of this revolution in public opinion is in the hands
+of the men who have learned to know the truth.[1126] "A public opinion
+does not need hundreds and thousands of years to arise and spread; it
+has the quality of working by contagion and swiftly seizing a great
+number of men."[1127] "As a jarring touch is enough to change a fluid
+saturated with salts to crystals in a moment, so now the slightest
+effort may perhaps suffice to cause the unveiled truth to seize upon
+hundreds, thousands, millions of men so that a public opinion
+corresponding to knowledge shall be established and that hereby the
+whole order of life shall become other than it is. It is in our hands
+to make this effort."[1128]
+
+2. The best means for bringing about the necessary revolution in public
+opinion is that the men who have learned to know the truth should
+testify to it by deed.
+
+"The Christian knows the truth only in order to testify to it before
+those who do not know it,"[1129] and that "by deed."[1130] "The truth is
+imparted to men by deeds of truth, deeds of truth illuminate every man's
+conscience, and thus destroy the force of deceit."[1131] Hence you ought
+properly, "if you are a landlord, to give your land at once to the poor,
+and, if you are a capitalist, to give your money or your factory to the
+workingmen; if you are a prince, a cabinet minister, an official, a
+judge, or a general, you ought at once to resign your position, and, if
+you are a soldier, you ought to refuse obedience without regard to any
+danger."[1132] But, to be sure, "it is very probable that you are not
+strong enough to do this; you have connections, dependents,
+subordinates, superiors, the temptations are powerful, and your force
+gives out."[1133]
+
+3. But there is still another means, though a less effective one, for
+bringing about the necessary revolution in public opinion, and this "you
+can always"[1134] employ. It is that the men who have learned to know
+the truth should "speak it out frankly."[1135]
+
+"If men--yes, if even a few men--would do this, the antiquated public
+opinion would at once fall of itself, and a new, living, present-day one
+would arise."[1136] "Not billions of rubles, not millions of soldiers,
+no institutions, wars, or revolutions, have so much power as the simple
+declaration of a free man that he considers something to be right or
+wrong. If a free man speaks out honestly what he thinks and feels, in
+the midst of thousands who in word and act stand for the very contrary,
+one might think he must remain isolated. But usually it is otherwise;
+all, or most, have long been privately thinking and feeling in the same
+way; and then what to-day is still an individual's new opinion will
+perhaps to-morrow be already the general opinion of the majority."[1137]
+"If we would only stop lying and acting as if we did not see the truth,
+if we would only testify to the truth that summons us and boldly confess
+it, it would at once turn out that there are hundreds, thousands,
+millions, of men in the same situation as ourselves, that they see the
+truth like us, are afraid like us of remaining isolated if they confess
+it, and are only waiting, like us, for the rest to testify to it."[1138]
+
+II. To bring about the change and put the new condition in the place of
+law, the State, and property, it is further requisite that the men who
+have learned to know the truth should conform their lives to their
+knowledge, and, in particular, that they should refuse obedience to the
+State.
+
+1. Men are to bring about the change themselves. They are "no longer to
+wait for somebody to come and help them, be it Christ in the clouds with
+the sound of the trumpet, be it a historic law or a differential or
+integral law of forces. Nobody will help us if we do not help
+ourselves."[1139]
+
+"I have been told a story that happened to a courageous commissary of
+police. He came into a village where they had applied for soldiers on
+account of an outbreak among the peasants. In the spirit of Nicholas the
+First he proposed to make an end of the rising by his personal presence
+alone. He had a few cart-loads of sticks brought, gathered all the
+peasants in a barn, and shut himself in with them. By his shouts he
+succeeded in so cowing the peasants that they obeyed him and began to
+beat each other at his command. So they beat each other till there was
+found a simple-minded peasant who did not obey, and who called out to
+his fellows that they should not beat each other either. Only then did
+the beating cease, and the official made haste to get away. The advice
+of this simple-minded peasant" should be followed by the men of our
+time.[1140]
+
+2. But it is not by violence that men are to bring about the change.
+"Revolutionary enemies fight the government from outside; Christianity
+does not fight at all, but wrecks its foundations from within."[1141]
+
+"Some assert that liberation from force, or at least its diminution, can
+be effected by the oppressed men's forcibly shaking off the oppressing
+government; and many do in fact undertake to act on this doctrine. But
+they deceive themselves and others: their activity only enhances the
+despotism of governments, and the attempts at liberation are welcomed by
+the governments as pretexts for strengthening their power."[1142]
+
+However, suppose that by the favor of circumstances (as, for instance,
+in France in 1870) they succeed in overthrowing a government, the party
+which had won by force would be compelled, "in order to remain at the
+helm and introduce its order into life, not only to employ all existing
+violent methods, but to invent new ones in addition. It would be other
+men that would be enslaved, and they would be coerced into other things,
+but there would exist not merely the same but a still more cruel
+condition of violence and enslavement; for the combat would have fanned
+the flames of hatred, strengthened the means of enslavement, and evolved
+new ones. Thus it has been after all revolutions, insurrections, and
+conspiracies, after all violent changes of government. Every fight only
+puts stronger means of enslavement in the hands of the men who at a
+given time are in power."[1143]
+
+3. Men are to bring about the change by conforming their lives to their
+knowledge. "The Christian frees himself from all human authority by
+recognizing as sole plumb-line for his life and the lives of others the
+divine law of love that is implanted in man's soul and has been brought
+into consciousness by Christ."[1144]
+
+This means that one is to return good for evil,[1145] give to one's
+neighbor all that one has that is superfluous and take away from him
+nothing that one does not need,[1146] especially acquire no money and
+get rid of the money one has,[1147] not buy nor rent,[1148] and, without
+shrinking from any form of work, satisfy one's needs with one's own
+hands;[1149] and particularly does it mean that one is to refuse
+obedience to the unchristian demands of State authority.[1150]
+
+That obedience to these demands is refused we see in many cases in
+Russia at present. Men are refusing the payment of taxes, the general
+oath, the oath in court, the exercise of police functions, action as
+jurymen, and military service.[1151] "The governments find themselves in
+a desperate situation as they face the Christians' refusals."[1152] They
+"can chastise, put to death, imprison for life, and torture, any one who
+tries to overthrow them by force; they can bribe and smother with gold
+the half of mankind; they can bring into their service millions of armed
+men who are ready to annihilate all their foes. But what can they do
+against men who do not destroy anything, do not set up anything either,
+but only, each for himself, are unwilling to act contrary to the law of
+Christ, and therefore refuse to do what is most necessary for the
+governments?"[1153] "Let the State do as it will by such men, inevitably
+it will contribute only to its own annihilation,"[1154] and therewith to
+the annihilation of law and property and to the bringing in of the new
+order of life. "For, if it does not persecute people like the Dukhobors,
+the Stundists, etc., the advantages of their peaceable Christian way of
+living will induce others to join them--and not only convinced
+Christians, but also such as want to get clear of their obligations to
+the State under the cloak of Christianity. If, on the other hand, it
+deals cruelly with men against whom there is nothing except that they
+have endeavored to live morally, this cruelty will only make it still
+more enemies, and the moment must at last come when there can no longer
+be found any one who is ready to back up the State with
+instrumentalities of force."[1155]
+
+4. In the conforming of life to knowledge the individual must make the
+beginning. He must not wait for all or many to do it at the same time
+with him.
+
+The individual must not think it will be useless if he alone conforms
+his life to Christ's teaching.[1156] "Men in their present situation are
+like bees that have left their hive and are hanging on a twig in a great
+mass. The situation of the bees on the twig is a temporary one, and
+absolutely must be changed. They must take flight and seek a new abode.
+Every bee knows that, and wishes to make an end of its own suffering
+condition and that of the others; but this cannot be done by one so long
+as the others do not help. But all cannot rise at once, for one hangs
+over another and hinders it from letting go; therefore all remain
+hanging. One might think that there was no way out of this situation for
+the bees";[1157] if and really there would be none, were it not that
+each bee is an independent living being. But it is only needful "that
+one bee spread its wings, rise and fly, and after it the second, the
+third, the tenth, the hundredth, for the immobile hanging mass to become
+a freely flying swarm of bees. Thus it is only needful that one man
+comprehend life as Christianity teaches it, and take hold of it as
+Christianity teaches him to, and then that a second, a third, a
+hundredth follow him, and the magic circle from which no escape seemed
+possible is destroyed."[1158]
+
+Neither may the individual let himself be deterred by the fear of
+suffering. "'If I alone,' it is commonly said, 'fulfil Christ's teaching
+in the midst of a world that does not follow it, give away my
+belongings, turn my cheek without resistance, yes, and refuse the oath
+and military service, then I shall have the last bit taken from me, and,
+if I do not die of hunger, they will beat me to death, and, if they do
+not beat me to death, they will jail me or shoot me; and I shall have
+given all the happiness of my life, nay, my life itself, for
+nothing.'"[1159] Be it so. "I do not ask whether I shall have more
+trouble, or die sooner, if I follow Christ's teaching. That question can
+be asked only by one who does not see how meaningless and miserable is
+his life as an individual life, and who imagines that he shall 'not
+die'. But I know that a life for the sake of one's own happiness is the
+greatest folly, and that such an aimless life can be followed only by an
+aimless death. And therefore I fear nothing. I shall die like everybody,
+like even those who do not fulfil Christ's teaching, but my life and my
+death will have a meaning for me and for others. My life and my death
+will contribute to the rescue and life of others--and that is just what
+Christ taught."[1160]
+
+If once enough individuals have conformed their lives to their
+knowledge, the multitude will soon follow. "The passage of men from one
+order of life to another does not take place steadily, as the sand in
+the hour-glass runs out, one grain after another from the first to the
+last, but rather as a vessel that has been sunk into water fills itself.
+At first the water gets in only on one side, slowly and uniformly; but
+then its weight makes the vessel sink, and now the thing takes in, all
+at once, all the water that it can hold."[1161] Thus the impulse given
+by individuals will provoke a movement that goes on faster and faster,
+wider and wider, avalanche-like, suddenly sweeps along the masses, and
+brings about the new order of life.[1162] Then the time is come "when
+all men are filled with God, shun war, beat their swords into plowshares
+and their spears into pruning-hooks; that is, in our language, when the
+prisons and fortresses are empty, when the gallows, rifles, and cannon
+are out of use. What seemed a dream has found its fulfilment in a new
+form of life."[1163]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[859] To. "Kingdom" pp. 244-5, 280, 315, 325.
+
+[860] _Ib._ pp. 263, 285-6, To. "Gospel" p. 25, "Religion and Morality"
+p. 14.
+
+[861] To. "What I Believe" p. 251.
+
+[862] To. "Gospel" pp. 13-14, 16-17.
+
+[863] To. "Kingdom" p. 96-7.
+
+[864] To. "What I Believe" pp. 247-8.
+
+[865] To. "Reason and Dogma" p. 5.
+
+[866] To. "What I Believe" p. 196.
+
+[867] To. "Gospel" pp. 51, 29-30.
+
+[868] _Ib._ p. 47.
+
+[869] To. "Patriotism" p. 118.
+
+[870] To. "Gospel" p. 29.
+
+[871] To. "Gospel" p. 50; To. "Religion and Morality" p. 27.
+
+[872] To. "On Life" p. 214.
+
+[873] To. "Gospel" p. 31.
+
+[874] _Ib._ pp. 32, 31, 40, 112.
+
+[875] To. "What I Believe" p. 164.
+
+[876] To. "Gospel" p. 21.
+
+[877] _Ib._ p. 21.
+
+[878] To. "What I Believe" pp. 160, 174.
+
+[879] _Ib._ p. 166.
+
+[880] To. "Confession" p. 92.
+
+[881] To. "Kingdom" pp. 75-7, 79.
+
+[882] To. "What I Believe" pp. 195, 272, "Kingdom" pp. 72-3, "Gospel" p.
+5.
+
+[883] To. "Kingdom" p. 234.
+
+[884] To. "On Life" p. 48.
+
+[885] _Ib._ pp. 72, 66.
+
+[886] To. "Confession" p. 54.
+
+[887] To. "On Life" p. 101.
+
+[888] _Ib._ p. 100.
+
+[889] _Ib._ p. 100.
+
+[890] _Ib._ pp. 160, 101.
+
+[891] _Ib._ pp. 160, 101.
+
+[892] _Ib._ pp. 262-3.
+
+[893] To. "On Life" p. 263.
+
+[894] _Ib._ p. 263.
+
+[895] To. "Religion and Morality" pp. 21-2.
+
+[896] To. "Kingdom" p. 71.
+
+[897] To. "Gospel" p. 25.
+
+[898] _Ib._ p. 25.
+
+[899] To. "What I Believe" pp. 138-9
+
+[900] _Ib._ p. 268.
+
+[901] _Ib._ p. 148.
+
+[902] To. "On Life" pp. 159-60.
+
+[903] _Ib._ p. 165.
+
+[904] _Ib._ p. 164.
+
+[905] _Ib._ pp. 170-71.
+
+[906] To. "Kingdom" p. 140.
+
+[907] _Ib._ p. 139.
+
+[908] _Ib._ p. 138.
+
+[909] To. "Kingdom" p. 142, "What I Believe" p. 17.
+
+[910] To. "Kingdom" p. 123.
+
+[911] To. "Religion and Morality" p. 12.
+
+[912] To. "Kingdom" pp. 124-5.
+
+[913] To. "Morning" pp. 70-71.
+
+[914] To. "On Life" p. 148.
+
+[915] _Ib._ pp. 147, 148.
+
+[916] _Ib._ pp. 122, 133-5, 174, 176.
+
+[917] _Ib._ pp. 121, 174.
+
+[918] To. "On Life" pp. 26, 122-3, 196, 206.
+
+[919] To. "What I Believe" p. 17.
+
+[920] To. "Kingdom" p. 144.
+
+[921] _Ib._ pp. 142-3.
+
+[922] _Ib._ p. 160.
+
+[923] _Ib._ p. 144.
+
+[924] To. "What I Believe" p. 122.
+
+[925] _Ib._ p. 123.
+
+[926] _Ib._ p. 123.
+
+[927] _Ib._ p. 123.
+
+[928] _Ib._ p. 123.
+
+[929] To. "What I Believe" p. 12.
+
+[930] _Ib._ p. 12.
+
+[931] _Ib._ p. 15.
+
+[932] _Ib._ pp. 21-2.
+
+[933] _Ib._ p. 22.
+
+[934] To. "Kingdom" pp. 68-9.
+
+[935] To. "Kingdom" pp. 269-70.
+
+[936] _Ib._ p. 282.
+
+[937] _Ib._ p. 63.
+
+[938] To. "What I Believe" pp. 17, 20; "Kingdom" p. 268. [Has Tolstoi
+compared in a Greek concordance the other occurrences of the word
+translated "resist"?]
+
+[939] To. "Kingdom" pp. 49-50.
+
+[940] _Ib._ p. 50.
+
+[941] To. "Kingdom" pp. 268-9.
+
+[942] _Ib._ p. 269.
+
+[943] ["He speaks only of the _Gesetz_, but he means all _Recht_"; see
+footnote on page 145 of the present book.]
+
+[944] To. "Kingdom" pp. 268, 300-301.
+
+[945] _Ib._ pp. 361-2.
+
+[946] To. "What I Believe" pp. 29, 32.
+
+[947] To. "Kingdom" pp. 361-2, 172.
+
+[948] _Ib._ p. 172.
+
+[949] _Ib._ p. 300.
+
+[950] _Ib._ p. 361.
+
+[951] _Ib._ p. 241.
+
+[952] _Ib._ p. 240.
+
+[953] _Ib._ p. 256.
+
+[954] To. "What I Believe" p. 29.
+
+[955] _Ib._ pp. 28-9.
+
+[956] _Ib._ p. 32.
+
+[957] _Ib._ p. 32.
+
+[958] _Ib._ pp. 45-6.
+
+[959] _Ib._ p. 29.
+
+[960] To. "Kingdom" pp. 361-2.
+
+[961] _Ib._ p. 172.
+
+[962] _Ib._ p. 268.
+
+[963] _Ib._ p. 172.
+
+[964] To. "What I Believe" p. 120.
+
+[965] _Ib._ pp. 180, 235.
+
+[966] _Ib._ pp. 235, 180.
+
+[967] To. "Kingdom" p. 393, "What I Believe" p. 121.
+
+[968] To. "Kingdom" pp. 393-4.
+
+[969] _Ib._ pp. 486-7.
+
+[970] To. "Persecutions" p. 47.
+
+[971] To. "Gospel" p. 50.
+
+[972] To. "Kingdom" p. 526.
+
+[973] To. "What I Believe" p. 121.
+
+[974] To. "Kingdom" pp. 142-3, 144.
+
+[975] To. "What I Believe" pp. 122-3, 179, 124, 219-20; "Gospel" pp.
+59-60; "Kingdom" pp. 143-4.
+
+[976] To. "What I Believe" p. 225.
+
+[977] _Ib._ p. 225.
+
+[978] _Ib._ p. 121.
+
+[979] To. "Kingdom" pp. 240-41.
+
+[980] _Ib._ p. 336.
+
+[981] _Ib._ pp. 335-6.
+
+[982] _Ib._ p. 332.
+
+[983] _Ib._ p. 211.
+
+[984] To. "What I Believe" p. 21; "Persecutions" p. 46.
+
+[985] To. "Kingdom" pp. 209-10.
+
+[986] _Ib._ pp. 167, 164.
+
+[987] To. "What I Believe" p. 25.
+
+[988] To. "Kingdom" p. 332.
+
+[989] To. "What I Believe" p. 50.
+
+[990] To. "Kingdom" pp. 429-30, 244.
+
+[991] _Ib._ pp. 209-10.
+
+[992] _Ib._ p. 274.
+
+[993] _Ib._ pp. 271-2.
+
+[994] To. "Kingdom" p. 271.
+
+[995] _Ib._ pp. 341, 339.
+
+[996] _Ib._ p. 340.
+
+[997] _Ib._ p. 340.
+
+[998] _Ib._ p. 339.
+
+[999] To. "Kingdom" pp. 339-40.
+
+[1000] _Ib._ p. 342.
+
+[1001] _Ib._ p. 243.
+
+[1002] To. "Patriotism" p. 91.
+
+[1003] To. "Kingdom" p. 239.
+
+[1004] _Ib._ p. 243.
+
+[1005] To. "Kingdom" p. 281.
+
+[1006] _Ib._ p. 442.
+
+[1007] _Ib._ p. 442.
+
+[1008] To. "Persecutions" p. 41.
+
+[1009] To. "Kingdom" p. 327.
+
+[1010] _Ib._ p. 238.
+
+[1011] To. "Patriotism" p. 120.
+
+[1012] To. "Kingdom" p. 443.
+
+[1013] To. "Patriotism" p. 119.
+
+[1014] To. "Kingdom" p. 238.
+
+[1015] To. "Kingdom" pp. 248-9.
+
+[1016] To. "Patriotism" p. 91.
+
+[1017] To. "Kingdom" p. 249.
+
+[1018] _Ib._ p. 245.
+
+[1019] To. "Kingdom" p. 246-7.
+
+[1020] _Ib._ pp. 250, 423-4.
+
+[1021] _Ib._ pp. 314-28.
+
+[1022] To. "What I Believe" pp. 26-7.
+
+[1023] To. "Kingdom" p. 274.
+
+[1024] _Ib._ p. 276.
+
+[1025] _Ib._ p. 422.
+
+[1026] _Ib._ p. 277.
+
+[1027] _Ib._ p. 276.
+
+[1028] To. "Patriotism" pp. 40-41, 100-102; "Kingdom" pp. 429-32.
+
+[1029] To. "Kingdom" p. 275.
+
+[1030] To. "Kingdom" p. 422.
+
+[1031] _Ib._ pp. 275-6, 420-22, 444-5.
+
+[1032] _Ib._ p. 278.
+
+[1033] _Ib._ p. 278.
+
+[1034] _Ib._ p. 279.
+
+[1035] _Ib._ p. 279.
+
+[1036] To. "Kingdom" p. 511; "Patriotism" p. 117.
+
+[1037] To. "Kingdom" p. 189.
+
+[1038] To. "What I Believe" p. 123.
+
+[1039] To. "Kingdom" pp. 143-4.
+
+[1040] _Ib._ pp. 300-301.
+
+[1041] _Ib._ p. 300.
+
+[1042] _Ib._ p. 301.
+
+[1043] _Ib._ p. 301.
+
+[1044] _Ib._ p. 236.
+
+[1045] _Ib._ p. 461.
+
+[1046] To. "Kingdom" p. 461.
+
+[1047] _Ib._ pp. 461-2.
+
+[1048] _Ib._ p. 461.
+
+[1049] _Ib._ p. 255.
+
+[1050] _Ib._ p. 255.
+
+[1051] To. "Kingdom" pp. 255-6.
+
+[1052] To. "What I Believe" p. 290.
+
+[1053] To. "Kingdom" pp. 255, 258.
+
+[1054] _Ib._ p. 258.
+
+[1055] To. "What I Believe" p. 289.
+
+[1056] To. "Kingdom" pp. 255, 257.
+
+[1057] _Ib._ p. 257.
+
+[1058] _Ib._ p. 510.
+
+[1059] To. "Persecutions" pp. 46-7.
+
+[1060] To. "Kingdom" p. 372.
+
+[1061] To. "Kingdom" p. 510.
+
+[1062] _Ib._ p. 512.
+
+[1063] _Ib._ pp. 513-14.
+
+[1064] To. "Kingdom" pp. 372-3.
+
+[1065] _Ib._ p. 518.
+
+[1066] _Ib._ p. 256.
+
+[1067] _Ib._ p. 164.
+
+[1068] _Ib._ p. 376.
+
+[1069] To. "What I Believe" p. 21; "What Shall We Do" pp. 157-8.
+
+[1070] To. "Kingdom" pp. 167, 164.
+
+[1071] _Ib._ p. 273.
+
+[1072] To. "What Shall We Do" p. 19.
+
+[1073] _Ib._ pp. 18-19.
+
+[1074] _Ib._ p. 19.
+
+[1075] To. "Money" p. 18.
+
+[1076] To. "Linen-Measurer" pp. 602-3.
+
+[1077] To. "Kingdom" p. 164.
+
+[1078] _Ib._ p. 168.
+
+[1079] To. "What Shall We Do" p. 143.
+
+[1080] To. "Money" p. 18.
+
+[1081] _Ib._ p. 13.
+
+[1082] _Ib._ p. 13.
+
+[1083] _Ib._ p. 16.
+
+[1084] _Ib._ p. 15.
+
+[1085] To. "Kingdom" p. 166.
+
+[1086] To. "What Shall We Do" p. 139.
+
+[1087] _Ib._ p. 152.
+
+[1088] To. "Money" p. 6.
+
+[1089] To. "What Shall We Do" pp. 151-2.
+
+[1090] _Ib._ p. 160.
+
+[1091] To. "What Shall We Do" pp. 134-5.
+
+[1092] _Ib._ p. 135.
+
+[1093] To. "Kingdom" pp. 247-8.
+
+[1094] _Ib._ p. 406.
+
+[1095] _Ib._ p. 407.
+
+[1096] _Ib._ p. 407.
+
+[1097] _Ib._ p. 409.
+
+[1098] _Ib._ p. 492.
+
+[1099] _Ib._ pp. 247, 447.
+
+[1100] To. "Kingdom" pp. 492-3.
+
+[1101] _Ib._ pp. 314-28.
+
+[1102] _Ib._ pp. 424-5.
+
+[1103] _Ib._ p. 425.
+
+[1104] _Ib._ p. 425.
+
+[1105] To. "Kingdom" p. 511.
+
+[1106] To. "What I Believe" p. 249.
+
+[1107] _Ib._ p. 249.
+
+[1108] _Ib._ p. 228.
+
+[1109] _Ib._ pp. 227-8.
+
+[1110] _Ib._ p. 227.
+
+[1111] _Ib._ p. 229.
+
+[1112] To. "What I Believe" p. 230.
+
+[1113] To. "Kingdom" p. 520.
+
+[1114] To. "What Shall We Do" pp. 157-8.
+
+[1115] To. "Money" p. 10.
+
+[1116] To. "Money" p. 11.
+
+[1117] _Ib._ pp. 11-12.
+
+[1118] "Kernel" p. 89.
+
+[1119] _Ib._ p. 89.
+
+[1120] "Patriotism" p. 116.
+
+[1121] To. "Patriotism" pp. 108-9.
+
+[1122] To. "Kingdom" p. 301.
+
+[1123] _Ib._ p. 474.
+
+[1124] _Ib._ p. 302.
+
+[1125] _Ib._ p. 301.
+
+[1126] To. "Patriotism" pp. 116-17.
+
+[1127] To. "Kingdom" p. 358.
+
+[1128] To. "Kingdom" p. 508.
+
+[1129] To. "What I Believe" p. 290.
+
+[1130] _Ib._ p. 290.
+
+[1131] _Ib._ p. 293.
+
+[1132] To. "Kingdom" p. 523.
+
+[1133] _Ib._ p. 523.
+
+[1134] _Ib._ p. 523.
+
+[1135] To. "Patriotism" p. 116.
+
+[1136] _Ib._ p. 109.
+
+[1137] To. "Patriotism" pp. 112-13.
+
+[1138] To. "Kingdom" p. 509.
+
+[1139] To. "What I Believe" pp. 147-8.
+
+[1140] To. "Kingdom" pp. 306-7.
+
+[1141] _Ib._ p. 326.
+
+[1142] _Ib._ pp. 279-80.
+
+[1143] To. "Kingdom" pp. 280-81.
+
+[1144] _Ib._ p. 298.
+
+[1145] To. "What I Believe" p. 292.
+
+[1146] To. "What Shall We Do" p. 164; "What I Believe" p. 291.
+
+[1147] To. "What Shall We Do" p. 162.
+
+[1148] _Ib._ p. 161.
+
+[1149] To "What Shall We Do" p. 161.
+
+[1150] To. "Kingdom" p. 314.
+
+[1151] _Ib._ pp. 327-8.
+
+[1152] _Ib._ p. 330.
+
+[1153] _Ib._ p. 328.
+
+[1154] To. "Persecutions" p. 44.
+
+[1155] To. "Persecutions" p. 44.
+
+[1156] To. "Kingdom" p. 293.
+
+[1157] _Ib._ pp. 302-3.
+
+[1158] To. "Kingdom" pp. 303-4.
+
+[1159] "What I Believe" p. 148.
+
+[1160] _Ib._ pp. 179-80.
+
+[1161] To. "Kingdom" p. 353.
+
+[1162] _Ib._ p. 356.
+
+[1163] _Ib._ p. 392.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+THE ANARCHISTIC TEACHINGS
+
+
+1.--GENERAL
+
+We have now gained the standpoint that permits us to view
+comprehensively the entire body of Anarchistic teachings.
+
+This comprehensive view is possible only as follows: first we have to
+look and see what the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings here
+presented have in common, and what specialties are to be found among
+them; next we must consider how far that which is common to the seven
+teachings may be equated to that which the entire body of Anarchistic
+teachings have in common, and, in addition, how far the specialties
+represented among the seven teachings may be equated to the specialties
+represented in the entire body of Anarchistic teachings.
+
+To characterize those qualities of the Anarchistic teachings to which
+attention is to be paid, words already existing are here used as far as
+has been found practicable. Where such were totally lacking, the need of
+a concise formula has of necessity overcome repugnance to neologisms.
+
+
+2.--BASIS
+
+I. As to their basis the seven teachings here presented have nothing in
+common.
+
+1. In part they recognize as the supreme law of human procedure merely
+a natural law, which, as such, does not tell us what ought to take place
+but what really will take place; these teachings may be called
+_genetic_. The other part of them regard as the supreme law of human
+procedure a norm, which, as such, tells us what ought to take place,
+even if it never really will take place; these teachings may be
+characterized as _critical_. Genetic are the teachings of Bakunin and
+Kropotkin: the supreme law of human procedure is for Bakunin the
+evolutionary law of mankind's progress from a less perfect existence to
+an existence as perfect as possible, and for Kropotkin that of mankind's
+progress from a less happy existence to an existence as happy as
+possible. Critical are the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner,
+Tucker, and Tolstoi.
+
+2. The critical teachings, again, are partly such as set up a duty as
+the supreme law of human procedure, the duty being itself the ultimate
+purpose,--these teachings may be characterized as _idealistic_,--and
+partly such as set up happiness as the supreme law of human procedure,
+all duty being only a means to happiness,--these may take the name of
+_eudemonistic_. Idealistic are the teachings of Proudhon and Tolstoi:
+Proudhon sets up as the supreme law of human procedure the duty of
+justice, Tolstoi the duty of love. Eudemonistic are the teachings of
+Godwin, Stirner, and Tucker.
+
+3. The eudemonistic teachings, finally, regard as the supreme law of
+human procedure either the happiness of mankind as a whole, which the
+individual is accordingly to further without regard to his own
+happiness,--these teachings may be characterized as _altruistic_,--or
+the happiness of the individual, which he is accordingly to further
+without regard to the welfare of mankind as a whole,--these teachings
+may be called _egoistic_. Altruistic is Godwin's teaching, egoistic
+Stirner's and Tucker's.
+
+II. With regard to what they have in common in their basis, the seven
+recognized Anarchistic teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings. They
+have in their basis nothing in common with each other; all the more is
+it impossible, therefore, that the entire body of recognized Anarchistic
+teachings should have in their basis anything in common.
+
+Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in respect to
+their basis the teachings here presented may be taken as equivalent to
+the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without limitation. For the
+specialties represented among them can be arranged as a system that has
+no room left for any more co-ordinate specialties, but only for
+subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching, therefore, can have any specialty
+that will not be subordinate to these specialties.
+
+Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+Anarchistic teachings altogether. In their basis they have nothing in
+common, and are to be divided with respect to its differences as shown
+in the table on page 273.
+
+
+3.--LAW
+
+I. In their relation to law--that is, to those norms which are based on
+men's will to have a certain procedure generally observed within a
+circle which includes themselves--the seven teachings here presented
+have nothing in common.
+
+1. A part of them negate law for our future; these teachings may be
+called _anomistic_. The other part of them affirm it for our future;
+these teachings may be characterized as _nomistic_. Anomistic are the
+teachings of Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi; nomistic those of Proudhon,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Tucker.
+
+
+  ======================================================
+  |_Genetic_  |          _Critical Teachings_          |
+  |_Teachings_|                                        |
+  |           |----------------------------------------|
+  |           |  _Idealistic_  |    _Eudemonistic_     |
+  |           |                |-----------------------|
+  |           |                | Altruistic | Egoistic |
+  |===========+================+============+==========|
+  | Bakunin   |  Proudhon      | Godwin     | Stirner  |
+  | Kropotkin |  Tolstoi       |            | Tucker   |
+
+
+There cannot be given a more precise definition of what is common to the
+anomistic teachings on the one hand and to the nomistic on the other,
+and what is peculiar to the one group as against the other, than has
+here been given. For both the negation and the affirmation of law for
+our future have totally different meanings in the different teachings.
+
+The negation of law for our future means in the cases of Godwin and
+Stirner that they reject law unconditionally, and so for our future as
+well as everywhere else: Godwin because it is always and everywhere
+contrary to the general happiness, Stirner because it is always and
+everywhere contrary to the individual's happiness.
+
+In Tolstoi's case the meaning of the negation of law for our future is
+that he rejects law, though not unconditionally, yet for our future,
+because it is, though not at all times and in all places, yet under our
+circumstances, in a higher degree repugnant to love than its
+non-existence.
+
+The affirmation of law for our future means in the cases of Proudhon and
+Tucker that they approve law as such (though certainly not every
+particular form of law) unconditionally, and hence for our future as
+well as elsewhere: Proudhon because law as such never and nowhere
+offends against justice, Tucker because law as such never and nowhere
+impairs the individual's happiness.[1164]
+
+In the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin, finally, the affirmation of law
+for our future has the meaning that they foresee that the progress of
+evolution will in our future leave in existence law as such, even though
+not the present particular form of law: Bakunin meaning by this the
+progress of mankind from a less perfect existence to an existence as
+perfect as possible, and Proudhon its progress from a less happy
+existence to an existence as happy as possible.
+
+2. The anomistic teachings part company again in regard to what they (in
+the same different senses in which they negate law for our future)
+affirm for our future in contrast to the law.
+
+According to Godwin, in future the general happiness ought to be men's
+controlling principle in the place of law.
+
+According to Stirner, in future the happiness of self ought to be men's
+controlling principle in the place of law.
+
+According to Tolstoi, in future love ought to be men's controlling
+principle in the place of law.
+
+3. On the other part, the nomistic teachings part company in regard to
+the particular form of law that they affirm for our future.
+
+According to Tucker, even in future there ought to exist enacted law, in
+which the will that creates the law is expressly declared,[1165] as well
+as unenacted law, in which such an express declaration of this will is
+not present.
+
+According to Bakunin and Kropotkin, in future only unenacted law will
+exist.
+
+According to Proudhon, there ought to exist in future only the single
+legal norm that contracts must be lived up to.[1166]
+
+II. With regard to what they have in common in their relation to law,
+the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings here presented may be taken
+as equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings. In
+their relation to law they have nothing in common. Much less, therefore,
+can the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings have anything in
+common in their relation to law.
+
+Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in their
+relation to law the teachings here presented may be taken as equivalent
+to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without limitation. For the
+specialties represented among them can be arranged as a system in which
+there is no room left for any more co-ordinate specialties, but only for
+subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching, therefore, can have any specialty
+that will not be subordinate to these specialties.
+
+Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+Anarchistic teachings altogether. In their relation to law they have
+nothing in common, and are to be divided as follows with respect to the
+differences of this relation:
+
+
+  ================================================
+  | _Anomistic Teachings_ | _Nomistic Teachings_ |
+  |=======================+======================|
+  |      Godwin           |      Proudhon        |
+  |      Stirner          |      Bakunin         |
+  |      Tolstoi          |      Kropotkin       |
+  |                       |      Tucker          |
+
+
+4.--THE STATE
+
+I. In their relation to the State--that is, to the legal relation by
+virtue of which a supreme authority exists in a territory--the seven
+teachings here presented have something in common.
+
+1. They have this in common, that they negate the State for our future.
+
+There cannot be given a more precise definition of what the teachings
+here presented have in common in their relation to the State than has
+here been given. For the negation of the State for our future has
+totally different meanings in them.
+
+In the cases of Godwin, Stirner, Tucker, and Proudhon, the negation of
+the State for our future means that they reject the State
+unconditionally, and hence for our future as well as everywhere else:
+Godwin because the State always and everywhere impairs the general
+happiness, Stirner and Tucker because it always and everywhere impairs
+the individual's happiness, Proudhon because at all times and in all
+places the State offends against justice.
+
+In Tolstoi's case the negation of the State for our future means that he
+rejects the State, though not unconditionally, yet for our future,
+because the State is, though not always and everywhere, yet under our
+circumstances, more repugnant to love than its non-existence.
+
+Finally, in the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin the negation of the State
+for our future has the meaning that they foresee that in our future the
+progress of evolution will abolish the State: Bakunin meaning mankind's
+progress from a less perfect existence to one as perfect as possible,
+Kropotkin its progress from a less happy existence to one as happy as
+possible.
+
+2. As to what they affirm for our future in contrast to the State (in
+the same different senses in which they negate the State for our future)
+the seven teachings here presented have nothing in common.
+
+One part of them affirm for our future, in contrast to the State, a
+social human life in a voluntary legal relation--to wit, under the
+legal norm that contracts must be lived up to; these teachings may take
+the name of _federalistic_. The other part of them affirm for our
+future, in contrast to the State, a social human life without any legal
+relation--to wit, under the same controlling principle that they affirm
+for our future in contrast to law; these teachings may be characterized
+as _spontanistic_. Federalistic are the teachings of Proudhon, Bakunin,
+Kropotkin, and Tucker; spontanistic those of Godwin,[1167] Stirner, and
+Tolstoi.
+
+3. The spontanistic teachings in turn part company in respect to the
+non-legal controlling principle which they affirm in contrast to the
+State as the basis of the social human life for our future.
+
+According to Godwin, the place of the State ought to be taken by a
+social human life based on the principle that the general happiness
+should be every one's rule of action.
+
+According to Stirner, the place of the State ought to be taken by a
+social human life based on the principle that each one's own happiness
+should be his rule of action.
+
+According to Tolstoi, the place of the State ought to be taken by a
+social human life based on the principle that love should be every
+one's rule of action.
+
+II. With regard to what they have in common in their relation to the
+State, the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings here presented may be
+taken as equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic
+teachings. In their relation to the State they have only this one thing
+in common, that they negate the State for our future--and in very
+different senses at that. But this is common to all recognized
+Anarchistic teachings: observation of any recognized Anarchistic
+teaching shows that in one sense or another it negates the State for our
+future.
+
+Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in their
+relation to the State the teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without
+limitation. For the specialties represented among them can be arranged
+as a system which affords no room for any more co-ordinate specialties,
+but only for subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching, therefore, can have
+any specialty that will not be subordinate to these specialties.
+
+Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+the Anarchistic teachings altogether. In their relation to the State
+they have in common their negating the State for our future; and with
+regard to the differences in what they affirm for our future in contrast
+to the State they are to be divided as shown in the table on page
+280.
+
+
+  =======================================================
+  | _Federalistic Teachings_ | _Spontanistic Teachings_ |
+  |==========================+==========================|
+  |       Proudhon           |        Godwin            |
+  |       Bakunin            |        Stirner           |
+  |       Kropotkin          |        Tolstoi           |
+  |       Tucker             |                          |
+
+
+5.--PROPERTY
+
+I. In their relation to property--that is, to that legal relation by
+virtue of which some one has within a certain group of men the exclusive
+privilege of ultimately disposing of a thing--the seven teachings here
+presented have nothing in common.
+
+1. One part of them negate property for our future; these teachings may
+be characterized as _indoministic_. The other part affirm it for our
+future; these teachings may be called _doministic_. Indoministic are the
+teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, and Tolstoi; doministic the
+teachings of Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Tucker.
+
+There cannot be given a more precise definition of what is common to the
+indoministic teachings on the one hand and to the doministic on the
+other, and what is peculiar to the one group as against the other, than
+has here been given. For both the affirmation and the negation of
+property for our future have totally different meanings in the different
+teachings.
+
+In the cases of Godwin, Stirner, and Proudhon, the negation of property
+for our future means that they reject property unconditionally, and so
+for our future as well as elsewhere: Godwin because it is always and
+everywhere contrary to the general happiness, Stirner because it is
+always and everywhere contrary to the individual's happiness, Proudhon
+because it always and everywhere offends against justice.
+
+In Tolstoi's case the meaning of the negation of property for our future
+is that he rejects property, though not absolutely, yet for our future,
+because it is, though not at all times and in all places, yet under our
+circumstances, in a higher degree repugnant to love than is its
+non-existence.
+
+In Tucker's case the affirmation of property for our future means that
+he approves property as such (though certainly not every particular form
+of property) unconditionally, and hence for our future as well as
+elsewhere, because property as such is never and nowhere contrary to the
+individual's happiness.[1168]
+
+Finally, in the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin the affirmation of
+property for our future is as much as to say that they foresee that in
+our future the progress of evolution will leave in existence property as
+such, even though not the present particular form of property: Bakunin
+meaning mankind's progress from a less perfect existence to one as
+perfect as possible, Kropotkin its progress from a less happy existence
+to one as happy as possible.
+
+2. The indoministic teachings part company again as to what they affirm
+for our future (in the same different senses in which they negate
+property for our future) in contrast to property.
+
+According to Proudhon, a distribution of goods determined by a voluntary
+legal relation, and based on the legal norm that contracts ought to be
+lived up to, ought to take the place of property.
+
+According to Godwin, Stirner, and Tolstoi, the place of property ought
+to be taken by a distribution without any legal relation, based rather
+on the same rule of action that is affirmed by them in contrast to law.
+
+According to Godwin, therefore, that distribution of goods which is to
+take the place of property ought to be based on what is prescribed to
+each one by the general happiness.
+
+According to Stirner it ought to be based on what is prescribed to each
+one by his own happiness.
+
+According to Tolstoi it ought to be based on what is prescribed to each
+one by love.
+
+3. The doministic teachings on their side part company again as to the
+particular form of property that they affirm for our future.
+
+According to Tucker there ought to exist in future, as at present, both
+property of the individual and property of the collectivity, in all
+things indiscriminately.[1169] This teaching may be called
+_individualistic_.
+
+According to Bakunin, in future there will exist property of the
+individual and of the entire community only in goods for consumption,
+indiscriminately, while in the materials and instruments of production
+there will be solely property of the collectivity. This teaching may be
+characterized as _collectivistic_.
+
+According to Kropotkin, in future there will exist solely property of
+the collectivity in all things indiscriminately. This teaching may be
+called _communistic_.
+
+II. With regard to what they have in common in their relation to
+property, the seven Anarchistic teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings. They
+have nothing in common in their relation to property. All the more is it
+impossible, therefore, that the entire body of recognized Anarchistic
+teachings should in their relation to property have anything in common.
+
+Furthermore, in regard to the specialties that they exhibit in their
+relation to property the teachings here presented may be taken as
+equivalent to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without
+limitation. For the specialties represented among them can be arranged
+as a system in which there is no room left for any more co-ordinate
+specialties, but only for subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching,
+therefore, can have any specialty that will not be subordinate to these
+specialties.
+
+Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+Anarchistic teachings altogether. They have nothing in common in their
+relation to property, and are to be divided with respect to the
+differences of this relation as shown in the table on page
+284.
+
+
+  =================================================================
+  |_Indoministic_|             _Doministic Teachings_             |
+  |  _Teachings_ +-----------------+----------------+-------------+
+  |              |_Individualistic_|_Collectivistic_|_Communistic_|
+  |==============+=================+================+=============|
+  |  Godwin      |  Tucker         |  Bakunin       |  Kropotkin  |
+  |  Proudhon    |                 |                |             |
+  |  Stirner     |                 |                |             |
+  |  Tolstoi     |                 |                |             |
+
+
+6.--REALIZATION
+
+I. With regard to the manner in which they conceive their
+realization--that is, the transition from the negated condition to the
+affirmed condition--as taking place, the seven teachings here presented
+have nothing in common.
+
+1. The one part of them conceive their realization as taking place
+without breach of law: they have in mind a transition from the negated
+to the affirmed condition merely by the application of legal norms of
+the negated condition; these teachings may be characterized as
+_reformatory_. Reformatory are the teachings of Godwin and Proudhon. The
+other part conceive their realization as a breach of law: they have in
+mind a transition from the negated to the affirmed condition with
+violation of legal norms of the negated condition; these teachings may
+be called _revolutionary_. Revolutionary are the teachings of Stirner,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, and Tolstoi.
+
+There cannot be given a more precise definition of what is common to the
+reformatory teachings on the one hand, to the revolutionary on the
+other, and what is peculiar to the one group as against the other, than
+has here been given. For the conceiving the transition from a negated to
+an affirmed condition as taking place in any given way has totally
+different meanings in the different teachings.
+
+If Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Tucker, and Tolstoi conceive the
+transition from a negated to an affirmed condition as taking place in
+any given way, this is as much as to say that they demand that we should
+in a given way first prepare for, and then effect, the transition from a
+disapproved to an approved condition.
+
+If, on the contrary, Bakunin and Kropotkin conceive the transition from
+a negated to an affirmed condition as taking place in any given way,
+this means that they foresee that in the progress of evolution the
+transition from a disappearing to a newly-appearing condition will of
+itself take place in a given way, and that they only demand that we
+should make a certain sort of preparation for this transition.
+
+2. The revolutionary teachings part company again as to the fashion in
+which they conceive of the breach of law that helps in the transition
+from the negated to the affirmed condition.
+
+Some of them conceive of the breach of law as taking place without the
+employment of force; these teachings may be characterized as _renitent_.
+Renitent are the teachings of Tucker and Tolstoi: Tucker conceiving the
+breach of law chiefly as a refusal to pay taxes and rent and an
+infringement of the banking monopoly, Tolstoi especially as a refusal to
+do military, police, or jury service, and also to pay taxes.
+
+The other revolutionary teachings conceive of the breach of law that
+helps in the transition from the negated to the affirmed condition as
+taking place with the employment of force; these teachings may take the
+name of _insurgent_. Insurgent are the teachings of Stirner, Bakunin,
+and Kropotkin: Stirner and Bakunin conceiving only of the transition
+itself as attended with the use of violence, but Kropotkin also of
+preparation for it by such acts (propaganda of deed).
+
+II. With regard to what they have in common in respect of the conceived
+manner of realization, the seven recognized Anarchistic teachings which
+have been presented may be taken as equivalent to the entire body of
+recognized Anarchistic teachings. In respect of the conceived manner of
+realization they have nothing in common. Much less, therefore, can the
+entire body of recognized Anarchistic teachings have anything in common
+in this respect.
+
+Furthermore, as regards the specialties that they exhibit in respect of
+the conceived manner of realization the teachings here presented may be
+taken as equivalent to the entire body of Anarchistic teachings without
+limitation. For the specialties represented among them can be arranged
+as a system in which there is no room left for any more co-ordinate
+specialties, but only for subordinate. No Anarchistic teaching,
+therefore, can have any specialty that will not be subordinate to these
+specialties.
+
+Therefore, what is true of the seven teachings here presented is true of
+the Anarchistic teachings altogether. In respect of the conceived manner
+of realization they have nothing in common, and are to be arranged as
+follows with reference to the differences therein:
+
+
+  ===============================================
+  |_Reformatory_ |  _Revolutionary Teachings_   |
+  | _Teachings_  +--------------+---------------|
+  |              |  _Renitent_  |  _Insurgent_  |
+  |==============+==============+===============|
+  |  Godwin      |   Tucker     |   Stirner     |
+  |  Proudhon    |   Tolstoi    |   Bakunin     |
+  |              |              |   Kropotkin   |
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1164] [I shall not indorse this statement till I understand it, and I
+doubt if Tucker will. Perhaps Eltzbacher might have been content with
+saying "is in no case more injurious to the happiness of most
+individuals than its non-existence."]
+
+[1165] [This, if interpreted by Eltzbacher's quotations from Tucker,
+must refer to the right of a voluntary association of any sort to make
+rules for its own members. But in this sense it seems in the highest
+degree doubtful whether Eltzbacher is justified in denying the same to
+all the other six, who have omitted to mention this point (perhaps
+regarding it as self-evident) while they were talking against laws in
+the sense of laws compulsorily binding everybody in the land.]
+
+[1166] [But see on Proudhon and Stirner my notes on pages 80 and 97.]
+
+[1167] [It will be seen by consulting the footnotes on pages 46, 47, and
+48 that the warrants for this statement about Godwin are drawn
+exclusively from the first one-fifth of his book, contrary to
+Eltzbacher's profession at the top of page 41; that the passages quoted
+_verbatim_ are not in Godwin's second edition; and that the quotations
+which are not _verbatim_ are of doubtful correctness by the second
+edition. This makes it appear that Godwin's sweeping rejection of the
+principle of contract was one of those over-hasty propositions about
+which he changed his mind even before they were published (see his words
+quoted on page 40, and the preface to his second edition). Yet I am not
+prepared to assert that Godwin would at any time have made contract the
+basis of his civil order.]
+
+[1168] [On Proudhon, Stirner, Tucker, see my notes on pages 80, 97,
+274.]
+
+[1169] [We are getting into an ambiguity of language here. The
+"collectivity" in which Kropotkin vests property is, as I understand,
+the entire population; the only "collectivity" which Tucker could
+recognize as owning property would be a voluntary association, whose
+membership, whether large or small, would in general be limited by the
+arbitrary choice of men.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES
+
+
+I.--ERRORS ABOUT ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES
+
+It has now become possible to set aside some of the numerous errors
+about Anarchism and its species.
+
+I. It is said that Anarchism has abolished morality and bases itself
+upon scientific materialism,[1170] that its ideal of society is
+determined by its peculiar conception of the way things come to pass in
+history.[1171] If this were correct, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon,
+Stirner, Tucker, Tolstoi, and very many other recognized Anarchistic
+teachings, would have to be regarded as not Anarchistic.
+
+2. It is asserted that Anarchism sets up the happiness of the individual
+as final goal,[1172] that it appraises every human action from the
+abstract view-point of the unlimited right of the individual,[1173] that
+to it the supreme law is not the general welfare but every individual's
+free preference.[1174] Were this really the case, we should have to look
+upon the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tolstoi, and
+a multitude of other recognized Anarchistic teachings, as not
+Anarchistic.
+
+3. The moral law of justice is set down as Anarchism's supreme
+law.[1175] Were this assertion correct, the teachings of Godwin,
+Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and numerous other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings, could not rank as Anarchistic.
+
+4. It is said that Anarchism culminates in the negation of every
+programme,[1176] that it has only a negative goal.[1177] If this were in
+accordance with truth, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and well-nigh all other recognized
+Anarchistic teachings, would not admit of being regarded as Anarchistic.
+
+5. It is asserted that Anarchism rejects law,[1178] the compulsion of
+law.[1179] If this were so, the teachings of Proudhon, Bakunin,
+Kropotkin, Tucker, and very many other recognized Anarchistic teachings,
+could not rank as Anarchistic.
+
+6. It is declared that Anarchism rejects society,[1180] that its ideal
+consists in wiping out society to make a fresh start,[1181] that for it
+fellowship exists only to be combated.[1182] Were this correct, we
+should have to look upon the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and pretty nearly all other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings, as not Anarchistic.
+
+7. It is said that Anarchism demands the abolition of the State,[1183]
+wills to destroy the State off the face of the earth,[1184] wills to
+have the State in no form at all,[1185] wills to have no
+government.[1186] If this were correct, the teachings of Bakunin and
+Kropotkin, and all the other recognized Anarchistic teachings which
+only foresee the abolition of the State but do not demand it, could not
+rank as Anarchistic.
+
+8. It is asserted that in Anarchism's future society the individual's
+consent binds him only so long as he is disposed to keep it up.[1187]
+Were this really so, then the teachings of Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin,
+Tucker, and very many other recognized Anarchistic teachings, would have
+to be looked upon as not Anarchistic.
+
+9. It is said that Anarchism wills to put a federation in the place of
+the State,[1188] that what it is striving for is the ordering of all
+public affairs by free contracts among federalistically instituted
+communes and societies.[1189] Were this in accordance with truth, the
+teachings of Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi, and very many other recognized
+Anarchistic teachings, would not admit of being regarded as Anarchistic,
+and no more would the teachings of Bakunin and Kropotkin and the rest of
+the recognized Anarchistic teachings that do not demand, but only
+foresee, a fellowship of contract.
+
+10. It is declared that Anarchism rejects property.[1190] If this were
+correct, we should have to rate the teachings of Bakunin, Kropotkin,
+Tucker, and all the other recognized Anarchistic teachings that affirm
+property either unconditionally or at any rate in some particular form,
+as not Anarchistic.
+
+11. It is asserted that Anarchism rejects private property,[1191]
+endeavors to establish community of goods,[1192] is necessarily
+communistic.[1193] Were Anarchism necessarily communistic, then, in the
+first place, the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Tolstoi, and
+all the other recognized Anarchistic teachings which negate property in
+every form, even as the property of society, could not rank as
+Anarchistic; and furthermore, neither could the teachings of Tucker and
+Bakunin, and such other recognized Anarchistic teachings as affirm
+private property either in all things or at least in goods for direct
+consumption. And if in addition to this it were a matter of rejection or
+endeavor, then not even Kropotkin's teaching, and the rest of the
+recognized Anarchistic teachings which do not demand, but foresee, a
+communistic form of property, could be regarded as Anarchistic.
+
+12. A distinction is made between Communist, Collectivist, and
+Individualist Anarchism,[1194] or simply between Communist and
+Individualist Anarchism.[1195] Were the first division a complete one,
+the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Tolstoi, and all the other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings that do not affirm property in any
+form, could not rank as Anarchistic; were the second complete, these
+again could not, nor yet could Bakunin's teaching and such other
+recognized Anarchistic teachings as affirm a property in the means of
+production only for society, but in the supplies of consumption for
+individuals also.
+
+13. It is said that Anarchism preaches crime,[1196] looks to a violent
+revolution for the initiation of the new condition,[1197] seeks to
+attain its goal with the help of all agencies, even theft and
+murder.[1198] If Anarchism conceived of its realization as taking place
+by crime, we should have to look upon the teachings of Godwin and
+Proudhon and very many more recognized Anarchistic teachings as not
+Anarchistic; and, if it conceived of its realization as taking place by
+criminal acts of violence, the teachings of Tucker and Tolstoi and
+numerous other recognized Anarchistic teachings would also have to be
+regarded as not Anarchistic.
+
+14. It is asserted that Anarchism recognizes the propaganda of deed as a
+means toward its realization.[1199] If this were correct, the teachings
+of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Bakunin, Tucker, Tolstoi, and most of the
+other recognized Anarchistic teachings, could not rank as Anarchistic.
+
+
+2.--THE CONCEPTS OF ANARCHISM AND ITS SPECIES
+
+It is now possible, furthermore, to determine the common and special
+qualities of the Anarchistic teachings, to assign them a place in the
+total realm of our experience, and thus to define conceptually Anarchism
+and its species.
+
+I. _The common and special qualities of the Anarchistic teachings._
+
+1. The Anarchistic teachings have in common only this, that they negate
+the State for our future. In the cases of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, and
+Tucker, the negation means that they reject the State unconditionally,
+and so for our future as well as elsewhere; in the case of Tolstoi it
+means that he rejects the State, though not unconditionally, yet for our
+future; in the cases of Bakunin and Kropotkin it means that they foresee
+that in future the progress of evolution will do away with the State.
+
+2. As to their basis, the Anarchistic teachings are classifiable as
+_genetic_, recognizing as the supreme law of human procedure merely a
+law of nature (Bakunin, Kropotkin) and _critical_, regarding a norm as
+the supreme law of human procedure. The critical teachings, again, are
+classifiable as _idealistic_, whose supreme law is a duty (Proudhon,
+Tolstoi), and _eudemonistic_, whose supreme law is happiness. The
+eudemonistic teachings, finally, are on their part further classifiable
+as _altruistic_, for which the general happiness is supreme law
+(Godwin), and _egoistic_, for which the individual's happiness takes
+this rank (Stirner, Tucker).
+
+As to what they affirm for our future in contrast to the State, the
+Anarchistic teachings are either _federalistic_--that is, they affirm
+for our future a social human life on the basis of the legal norm that
+contracts must be lived up to (Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker)--or
+_spontanistic_--that is, they affirm for our future a social human life
+on the basis of a non-juridical controlling principle (Godwin, Stirner,
+Tolstoi).
+
+As to their relation to law, a part of the Anarchistic teachings are
+_anomistic_, negating law for our future (Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi); the
+other part are _nomistic_, affirming it for our future (Proudhon,
+Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker).
+
+As to their relation to property, the Anarchistic teachings are partly
+_indoministic_, negating property for our future (Godwin, Proudhon,
+Stirner, Tolstoi), partly _doministic_, affirming it for our future. The
+doministic teachings, again, are partly _individualistic_, affirming
+property, without limitation, for the individual as well as for the
+collectivity (Tucker), partly _collectivistic_, affirming as to supplies
+for direct consumption a property that will sometimes be the
+individual's, but as to the means of production a property that is only
+for the collectivity (Bakunin), and, finally, partly _communistic_,
+affirming property solely for the collectivity (Kropotkin).
+
+As to how they conceive their realization, the Anarchistic teachings
+divide into the _reformatory_, which conceive the transition from the
+negated to the affirmed condition as without breach of law (Godwin,
+Proudhon), and _revolutionary_, which conceive this transition as a
+breach of law. The revolutionary teachings, again, divide into
+_renitent_, which conceive the breach of law as without the use of force
+(Tucker, Tolstoi) and _insurgent_, which conceive it as attended by the
+use of force (Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin).
+
+II. _The place of the Anarchistic teachings in the total realm of our
+experience._
+
+1. There must be distinguished three lines of thought in the philosophy
+of law: that is, three fashions of judging law.
+
+The first is _jurisprudential dogmatism_. It judges whether a legal
+institution ought to exist or not, and it judges quite unconditionally,
+solely by what the institution consists of, without regard to its
+effect under this or that particular set of circumstances. It embraces,
+therefore, the doctrines of a _proper law_: that is, the schools that
+seek to determine what law--for instance, whether the legal institution
+of marriage--is under all circumstances to be approved or to be
+disapproved. Its best known form is "natural law."
+
+The weakness of jurisprudential dogmatism lies in its not taking account
+of the fact that our judgment of legal institutions must depend on their
+effects, and that one and the same legal institution has under different
+circumstances altogether different effects.
+
+The second line of thought is _jurisprudential skepticism_. In view of
+the weakness of jurisprudential dogmatism it foregoes judgment on
+whether a legal institution ought to exist or not, and pronounces
+judgment only on whether the tendency of evolution gives ground for
+expecting that a legal institution will persist or disappear, arise or
+remain non-existent. It embraces, therefore, the doctrines of the
+_evolution of law_: that is, the schools that undertake to inform us
+what sort of law is to be expected in future--for instance, whether the
+legal institution of marriage has a prospect of remaining in force among
+us. Its best-known forms are the historical school in the science of
+law, and Marxism.
+
+The weakness of jurisprudential skepticism consists in its not meeting
+our want of a scientific basis that shall enable us to recognize as
+correct or incorrect the incessantly-appearing judgments on the value of
+legal institutions, and to approve or disapprove the manifold
+propositions for changes in law.
+
+The third line of thought is _jurisprudential criticism_. In view of
+the weakness of jurisprudential dogmatism it foregoes passing judgment,
+without regard to the particular circumstances under which a legal
+institution operates, on whether that institution ought to exist or not;
+but yet in view of the weakness of jurisprudential skepticism it does
+not forego answering the question whether a legal institution ought to
+exist or not. It therefore sets up a supreme governing principle by
+which legal institutions are to be judged with regard to the particular
+circumstances under which they operate, the point being whether, under
+the particular circumstances under which a legal institution operates,
+it fulfils that supreme governing principle as well as is possible under
+these circumstances, or at least better than any other legal
+institution. It embraces, therefore, the doctrines of _the propriety of
+law_: that is, the schools that set up fundamental principles by which
+it is to be determined what law--for instance, whether the legal
+institution of marriage--ought under any particular circumstances to
+exist or not to exist.
+
+2. With respect to the State these three lines of thought in the
+philosophy of law may arrive at different judgments, each one from its
+standpoint.
+
+First, to the _affirmation of the State_.
+
+So far as the schools of jurisprudential dogmatism affirm the State,
+they approve of it unconditionally, and so for our future as well as
+elsewhere, without any regard to its effects under this or that
+particular set of circumstances.
+
+Among the numerous affirmative doctrines of the State in the sense of
+jurisprudential dogmatism, the teachings of Hobbes, Hegel, and Jhering
+may perhaps be selected for emphasis as belonging to different sections
+of history.
+
+So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential skepticism affirm the State,
+they foresee, looking to the course evolution is taking, that in our
+future the State will continue to exist.
+
+The most notable representatives of jurisprudential skepticism, such as
+Puchta and Merkel, have offered no teaching regarding the State; but
+affirmative doctrines of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+skepticism may be found, for instance, in Montaigne and Bernstein.
+
+Finally, so far as the doctrines of jurisprudential criticism affirm the
+State, they commend it for our future in consideration of the particular
+circumstances that at present prevail in our case.
+
+Jurisprudential criticism has thus far been most clearly set forth by
+Stammler, who, however, has offered no teaching with regard to the
+State; but, for instance, Spencer's teaching may rank as an affirmative
+doctrine of the State in the sense of jurisprudential criticism.
+
+Second, the three lines of thought in the philosophy of law may arrive
+at the _negation of the State_, each one from its standpoint.
+
+So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential dogmatism negate the State,
+they reject it unconditionally, and so for our future as well as
+elsewhere, without any regard to its effects under this or that
+particular set of circumstances.
+
+Negative doctrines of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+dogmatism are the teachings of Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, and Tucker.
+
+So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential skepticism negate the State,
+they foresee, looking to the course evolution is taking, that in our
+future the State will disappear.
+
+Negative doctrines of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+skepticism are the teachings of Bakunin and Kropotkin.
+
+So far as the doctrines of jurisprudential criticism negate the State,
+they reject it for our future in consideration of the particular
+circumstances that at present prevail in our case.
+
+A negative doctrine of the State in the sense of jurisprudential
+criticism is Tolstoi's teaching.
+
+3. Therefore, the place of the Anarchistic teachings in the total realm
+of our experience is defined by the fact that they, as a species of
+doctrine about the State in the philosophy of law,--to wit, as negative
+doctrines of the State,--stand in opposition to the other species of
+doctrine about the State, the affirmative doctrines of the State.
+
+This may be represented as shown in the table on the following page.
+
+III. _The concepts of Anarchism and its species._
+
+1. Anarchism is the negation of the State in the philosophy of law: that
+is, it is that species of jurisprudential doctrine of the State which
+negates the State.
+
+2. An Anarchistic teaching cannot be complete without stating on what
+basis it rests, what condition it affirms in contrast to the State, and
+how it conceives the transition to this condition as taking place. A
+basis, an affirmative side, and a conception of the transition to that
+which it affirms, are necessary constituents of any Anarchistic
+teaching. With regard to these constituents the following species of
+Anarchism may be distinguished.
+
+
+  ================================================================
+  |                 |_Affirmative Doctrines_|_Negative Doctrines_|
+  |                 |     _of the State_    |   _of the State_   |
+  |=================+======================+=====================|
+  |                 |      Hobbes           |     Godwin         |
+  | In the sense of |      Hegel            |     Proudhon       |
+  | jurisprudential |      Jhering          |     Stirner        |
+  |    dogmatism    |                       |     Tucker         |
+  +-----------------+----------------------+---------------------+
+  | In the sense of |      Montaigne        |     Bakunin        |
+  | jurisprudential |      Bernstein        |     Kropotkin      |
+  |    skepticism   |                       |                    |
+  +-----------------+----------------------+---------------------+
+  | In the sense of |                       |                    |
+  | jurisprudential |      Spencer          |     Tolstoi        |
+  |    criticism    |                       |                    |
+
+
+First, as to basis, _genetic Anarchism_, which recognizes as supreme law
+of human procedure only a law of nature (Bakunin, Kropotkin), and
+_critical Anarchism_, which regards a norm as supreme law of human
+procedure; as subspecies of critical Anarchism, _idealistic Anarchism_,
+whose supreme law is a duty (Proudhon, Tolstoi), and _eudemonistic
+Anarchism_, whose supreme law is happiness; and, finally, as subspecies
+of eudemonistic Anarchism, _altruistic Anarchism_, for which the supreme
+law is the general happiness (Godwin), and _egoistic Anarchism_, for
+which the supreme law is the individual's happiness (Stirner, Tucker).
+
+Second, as to the condition affirmed in contrast to the State, there
+may be distinguished _federalistic Anarchism_, which affirms for our
+future a social human life according to the legal norm that contracts
+must be lived up to (Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker), and
+_spontanistic Anarchism_, which affirms for our future a social life
+according to a non-juridical governing principle (Godwin, Stirner,
+Tolstoi).
+
+Third, as to the conception of the transition to the affirmed condition,
+there may be distinguished _reformatory Anarchism_, which conceives the
+transition from the State to the condition affirmed in contrast thereto
+as taking place without breach of law (Godwin, Proudhon), and
+_revolutionary Anarchism_, which conceives this transition as a breach
+of law; as subspecies of revolutionary Anarchism, _renitent Anarchism_,
+which conceives the breach of law as without the use of violence
+(Tucker, Tolstoi), and _insurgent Anarchism_, which conceives it as
+attended by the use of violence (Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin).
+
+3. An Anarchistic teaching may be complete without taking up a position
+toward law or property. Whenever, therefore, an Anarchistic teaching
+takes up a position toward the one or the other, it contains an
+accidental adjunct. The Anarchistic teachings that contain this adjunct
+may be classified according to its character; but, since Anarchism as
+such can be classified only according to the character of the necessary
+constituents of every Anarchistic teaching, such a classification _does
+not give us species of Anarchism_.
+
+So far as the Anarchistic teachings take up a position toward law, they
+are either _anomistic_--that is, they negate law for our future
+(Godwin, Stirner, Tolstoi)--or _nomistic_--that is, they affirm it for
+our future (Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker).
+
+So far as they take up a position toward property, they are either
+_indoministic_, negating property for our future (Godwin, Proudhon,
+Stirner, Tolstoi), or _doministic_, affirming it for our future; the
+doministic teachings, again, are either _individualistic_, affirming
+property, without limitation, for the individual as well as for the
+collectivity (Tucker), or _collectivistic_, affirming as to supplies for
+direct consumption a property which may be the individual's, but as to
+the means of production a property that is only for the collectivity
+(Bakunin), or, last of all, _communistic_, affirming property for the
+collectivity alone (Kropotkin).
+
+All this is brought before the eye in the table on page 302.
+
+
+     [**Symbol: hand pointing right][The table is given as compiled by
+     Eltzbacher. For correction of errors either certain or probable,
+     see footnotes to pages 80, 97, 278; note also that under "condition
+     affirmed" the distinction is excessively fine between Stirner, who
+     would have men agree on the terms of a union which they are to
+     stick to as long as they find it advisable, and Bakunin and Tucker,
+     who would have them bound together by a contract limited by the
+     inalienable right of secession.]
+
+
+KEY:  A - Genetic
+      B - Idealistic
+      C - Altrustic
+      D - Egoistic
+      E - Federalistic
+      F - Spontanistic
+      G - Reformatory
+      H - Renitent
+      I - Insurgent
+      J - Anomistic
+      K - Nomistic
+      L - Indoministic
+      M - Individualistic
+      N - Collectivistic
+      O - Communistic
+
+  =====================================================================
+  |       _Doctrines of the State_       |  _Anarchistic Teachings_   |
+  |      _in the Philosophy of Law_      |     _may possibly be_      |
+  |-----------------+--------------------+                            |
+  |   Affirmative   |     Negative       |                            |
+  |    Doctrines    |     Doctrines      |                            |
+  |  of the State   |   of the State     |                            |
+  |-----------------+                    |                            |
+  |                         ANARCHISM    |                            |
+  |-----------------+---------+----------+--------+-------------------|
+  |                 |_As to   |_As to its| _As to |   _As to their    |
+  |                 |condition|conception|  their | attitude toward   |
+  |                 |affirmed |  of the  |attitude|    property_      |
+  |_As to its basis_|   in    |transition| toward |                   |
+  |                 |contrast |  to the  |  law_  |                   |
+  |                 | to the  | affirmed |        |                   |
+  |                 | State_  |condition_|        |                   |
+  |---+-------------+---------+--+-------+---+----+----+--------------|
+  |   |  Critical   |   |     |  |Revolu-|   |    |    |  Doministic  |
+  |   +----+--------+   |     |  |tionary|   |    |    +--------------|
+  |   |    |Eudemon-|   |     |  +-------+   |    |    |    |    |    |
+  |   |    |  istic |   |     |  |   |   |   |    |    |    |    |    |
+  |   |    +--------+   |     |  |   |   |   |    |    |    |    |    |
+  | A |  B | C  | D | E |  F  |G | H | I | J | K  | L  | M  | N  | O  |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+--+---+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |   |    | Go |   |   |Go*  |Go|   |   | Go|    | Go |    |    |    |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+--+---+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |   | Pr |    |   |Pr |     |Pr |  |   |   | Pr |Pr* |    |    |    |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+---+--+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |   |    |    |St |   | St* |   |  |St |St*|    |St* |    |    |    |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+---+--+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |Ba |    |    |   |Ba |     |   |  |Ba |   | Ba |    |    | Ba |    |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+---+--+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |Kr |    |    |   |Kr |     |   |  |Kr |   | Kr |    |    |    | Kr |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+---+--+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |   |    |    |Tu |Tu |     |   |Tu|   |   | Tu |    | Tu |    |    |
+  |---+----+----+---+---+-----+---+--+---+---+----+----+----+----+----|
+  |   | To |    |   |   |  To |   |To|   |To |    | To |    |    |    |
+  =====================================================================
+
+* [See note, p. 301.]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1170] "_Der Anarchismus und seine Traeger_" pp. 127, 124, 125.
+
+[1171] Reichesberg p. 27.
+
+[1172] Lenz p. 3.
+
+[1173] Plechanow p. 80.
+
+[1174] Rienzi p. 43.
+
+[1175] Bernatzik pp. 2, 3.
+
+[1176] Lenz p. 5.
+
+[1177] Crispi p. 4.
+
+[1178] Stammler pp. 2, 4, 34, 36.
+
+[1179] Lenz pp. 1, 4.
+
+[1180] Garraud p. 12, Tripels p. 253.
+
+[1181] Silio p. 145.
+
+[1182] Reichesberg pp. 14, 16.
+
+[1183] Bernstein p. 359.
+
+[1184] Lenz p. 5.
+
+[1185] Bernatzik p. 3.
+
+[1186] "_Hintermaenner_" p. 14.
+
+[1187] Reichesberg p. 30.
+
+[1188] "_Hintermaenner_" p. 14.
+
+[1189] Lombroso p. 31.
+
+[1190] Silio p. 145, Dubois p. 213.
+
+[1191] Proal p. 50.
+
+[1192] Lombroso p. 31.
+
+[1193] Sernicoli vol. 2 p. 67, Garraud pp. 3, 4.
+
+[1194] "_Die historische Entwickelung des Anarchismus_" p. 16; Zenker p.
+161.
+
+[1195] Rienzi p. 9; Stammler pp. 28-31; Merlino pp. 18, 27; Shaw p. 23.
+
+[1196] Garraud p. 6; Lenz p. 5.
+
+[1197] Sernicoli vol. 2 p. 116; Garraud p. 2; Reichesberg p. 38; Van
+Hamel p. 113.
+
+[1198] Lombroso pp. 31, 35.
+
+[1199] Garraud pp. 10-11; Lombroso p. 34; Ferri p. 257.
+
+
+
+
+CONCLUSION
+
+
+1. The personal want that impelled us toward a scientific knowledge of
+Anarchism has met with some satisfaction.
+
+The concepts of Anarchism and its species have been defined; the most
+important errors have been removed; the most prominent Anarchistic
+teachings of earlier and recent times have been presented in detail. We
+have become acquainted with Anarchism's armory. We have seen all that
+can be objected against the State from all possible standpoints. We have
+been shown the most diverse orders of life as destined to take the
+State's place in future. The transition from the State to these orders
+of life has been represented to us in the most manifold ways.
+
+He who would know Anarchism still more intimately, investigate the less
+notable teachings as well as the most prominent, and assign to both
+these and those their place in the causal nexus of historical events,
+will now find at least the foundation laid for his work. He knows with
+what sorts of teachings, and what parts of these teachings, he must
+concern himself, and what questions he must put to each of them. In this
+investigation he must expect many surprises: the teaching of the unknown
+Pisacane will astonish him by its originality, and that of the
+much-talked-of Most will show itself to be only a coarsened form of
+Kropotkin's. But on the whole it is hardly likely that the investigation
+will be worth the trouble it takes: the special ideas that Anarchism
+has to offer are given with tolerable completeness in the seven
+teachings here presented.
+
+2. The external want on account of which Anarchism had to be
+scientifically known may now also be satisfied.
+
+One thing we must at any rate do with regard to Anarchism: examine its
+teachings, as to their soundness or unsoundness, with courage,
+composure, and impartiality. But success in this task can be expected
+only if we no longer wander about aimlessly in the night of
+jurisprudential skepticism, or try to light it up with the lantern of
+dogmatism, but rather keep our eye fixed upon the guiding star of
+criticism.
+
+Whether, besides this, it is requisite to oppose Anarchism or at least
+one or another of its species by especial instrumentalities of
+power,--whether, in particular, crime committed for the realization of
+Anarchistic teachings is a more serious misdeed than any political or
+even ordinary crime,--as to this the legislators of each country must
+decide with a view to the special conditions existing therein.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+OF DETAILS, EXEMPLIFICATIONS, AND CATCHWORDS IN THE QUOTATIONS FROM THE
+SEVEN WRITERS
+
+
+     The following index is not a translation of Eltzbacher's, and does
+     not index his part of the work, but only the matter quoted from the
+     seven writers. Furthermore, it does not index such parts of their
+     work as are readily found by consulting the table of contents and
+     Chapter X. The reader will therefore, in general, for Justice, see
+     the sections "Basis" and "Property" in each chapter, and the whole
+     of Chapter IV; for Self-Interest, "Basis" in each chapter and the
+     whole of Chapters V and VIII; for Classes, "State" and "Property"
+     in each chapter; for Organization, "State" and "Realization"; for
+     Government, Democracy, Tyranny, "State"; for Capitalism, Poverty,
+     Inequality, "Property"; for Communism, Chapters VII and IX,
+     especially "Property" and "Realization", comparing Chapter VI; for
+     Propaganda, Social Revolution, "Realization" in each chapter; and
+     so on. So far as general points of this nature are mentioned in the
+     index, it is in most cases only on some incidental occasion, and
+     does not supersede this general reference: nor could this be
+     superseded without thereby misleading the reader. "Law" has
+     received somewhat exceptional treatment.
+
+     The reader will of course not assume, because in the index he does
+     not find a certain author among those who are cited on a certain
+     topic, that this author has not mentioned it. While the index shows
+     a wider range of topics than might have been expected in such a
+     book, the nature of Eltzbacher's compilation forbids us to expect
+     that it should serve as a complete Cyclopedia of Anarchism.
+
+
+Absenteeism, Kr. 162-3, To. 250-51, 256, 259
+
+Aged, see Dependent
+
+Agriculture, Kr. 168, 177, To. 234
+
+American Revolution, Go. 59
+
+Anarchism, first use of name, Pr. 67, Kr. 140
+
+Anarchy, lesser evil, Go. 41
+
+Areas of jurisdiction, ideally:
+  small, Go. 48-50
+  nation-wide, Pr. 76-80
+  larger and larger, Ba. 127
+  undefined, Kr. 156, Tu. 195
+
+Army:
+  cannot crush revolution, Kr. 173
+  basis of State, To. 239-43
+  refuse to serve in, To. 262, 266
+  of revolution, Ba. 136, 138, Kr. 176
+
+Associations, voluntary, St. 104-5, Kr. 155-6, Tu. 194-200
+
+Astronomy, Kr. 168
+
+Authority:
+  object of competition, Pr. 73-4
+  sought only by the bad, To. 237-8
+
+Bad men, see Criminals
+
+Ballot, see Voting
+
+Bank, Pr. 65, 88-91, Tu. 206-7, 214
+
+Bees swarming, To. 267
+
+Bloodshed:
+  insignificant, Ba. 133, Kr. 173
+  see Force, War
+
+Boundaries:
+  abolished, Ba. 127, 137
+  no economic, Kr. 158
+  see Areas
+
+Bribery by State, To. 242-3
+
+California, Pr. 87
+
+Central authority in future, Go. 51-2, Pr. 79-80, Ba. 136
+
+Centralization, Pr. 76-80
+
+Children, Tu. 185, ftn. 187;
+  see Dependent
+
+Christianity, To. 220-69
+
+Church:
+  anti-Christian, To. 220-2
+  organization, Pr. 76-7
+  property, Ba. 135
+
+Collectivism, Ba. 131, Kr. 165-6
+
+Colonists, To. 259-60
+
+Columbus, To. 247-8
+
+Commune:
+  economic unit, Kr. 156-9, 166, 170, 176-7
+  political unit, Ba. 136
+
+Communism in present society, Kr. 164-5, 170
+
+Contract:
+  basic, Pr. 71, 75, Kr. 157, Tu. 194-6
+  eschewed, Go. 46-8 (but see footnotes), 51, To. 244
+  scope of, Ba. 120, Tu. 189
+
+Courts, future:
+  drawn by lot, Tu. 200
+  elective, Pr. 78
+  free from law, Go. 45, 50
+  partly free from law, Tu. 201, ftn. 187
+  merely recommend, Go. 52
+
+Criminals:
+  State gives power to, To. 237-8
+  State makes, Kr. 147, 161, Tu. 193, 198, To. 245-6
+
+Debts:
+  private, Ba. 135, Tu. 189-90
+  of State, Ba. 135, Kr. 150
+
+Defence:
+  a commodity, Tu. 192, 198-9
+  force justified in, Tu. 185-90, 200, 215
+  force not justified in, To. 227-8
+  see Invasion
+
+Defensive associations, Tu. 198-200
+
+Deliberative assemblies, Go. 48, 51-2, 61-3;
+  see Central
+
+Dependent:
+  the poor are, To. 251-4
+  provision for the, Go. 57-8, St. 107-8, Kr. 170, To. 258
+
+Destruction, Kr. 172-3
+
+Discussion, Go. 59, Kr. 178, Tu. 210
+
+Distress, relief of, Tu. 193
+
+Egoism, St. 93-114, Tu. 183
+
+English history, Go. 59, Kr. 151-2
+
+Evolution no excuse for inertness, Kr. 142-5, To. 222-3, 263
+
+Example, propaganda by, Pr. 88, Ba. 136, Kr. 178-9, Tu. 212-14,
+  To. 262, 267-9
+
+Exploitation, State stands for, Ba. 117, 119, 128
+
+Expropriation, Kr. 174-5
+
+Expulsion, Pr. 72, Kr. 148, 157
+
+Extradition in future, Go. 50-51
+
+Force:
+  inadmissible, To. 227-30
+  justification of, Tu. 186, 190, 215
+  in law, To. 231
+  may be necessary, Tu. 211-12
+  necessary, St. 111, 114
+  in property, To. 255-6
+  in State, St. 101, Ba. 123, Tu. 191, To. 239-43
+  undesirable, Pr. 87
+  unreliable, Go. 58
+  useful, Kr. 151, 180
+  works badly, Tu. 211, 215-16, To. 264-5
+
+Frankness, To. 233, 262-3
+
+Freedom, see Liberty;
+  also Speech, etc.
+
+French Revolution:
+  events, Go. 59, Kr. 150, 176-8, 180-1
+  legislatures, Go. 61, Pr. 70
+
+Government, see State
+
+Heirs dividing property, Go. 57-8
+
+Houses, Kr. 174, 177
+
+Hypnotizing the people, To. 242
+
+Independence, Ba. 120, 126-7
+
+Inequality will persist but diminish, Tu. 208-9
+
+Institutions to be preserved, Pr. 74, 82
+
+Intelligence, government checks progress in, Go. 40, 46
+
+Intercourse of social organizations, Go. 49-50 and ftn., Kr. 157-8,
+  Tu. 199
+
+Intimidation, To. 243
+
+Invasion:
+  foreign, Go. 51, Kr. 159, To. 246
+  personal, Tu. 185-6
+
+Irish Land League, Tu. 197-8, 210, 217
+
+Judge, Jury, see Courts
+
+Labor:
+  amount of, Go. 56, Kr. 167-8
+  basis of distribution, Pr. 84, Ba. 131
+  basis of ownership, Tu. 188, 205
+  basis of sharing, Kr. 167, 169-70
+  of past generations, Kr. 161-2
+  product of, Tu. 201, 205
+  seeking higher pay, St. 103, 114
+  universal duty, To. 234, 257
+
+Land:
+  monopoly, Tu. 203
+  tenure, Tu. 188, 205, 207
+
+Law:
+  dwarfs character, Go. 44
+  is changeful, Go. 43
+  is consecrated, St. 97-8
+  is hostile in purpose, St. 102-3, Ba. 119, To. 238
+  is inadequate, To. 231-2
+  is not agreed to, Pr. 70, Kr. 148, To. 228-9
+  is not impartial, Pr. 70, St. 101, Kr. 146-7, 151-3
+  is not up to date, To. 231-2
+  is obstructive, St. 102, Kr. 151
+  is prophetic, Go. 43
+  is rigid, Go. 42-3, Kr. 146, Tu. 187
+  is uncertain, Go. 43
+  is violent, To. 231
+  is voluminous, Go. 43, 63, Pr. 69-70, Kr. 150
+  origin of, Go. 43, Kr. 146-8, To. 232
+  tends to encroach, Go. 43, Pr. 69, St. 102, Kr. 151, To. 238
+
+Liberty, equal, Tu. 184-7, ftn. 184
+
+Liquor, Tu. 186
+
+Mental influence, To. 244-5
+
+Military, see Army
+
+Money:
+  monopoly, Tu. 202-3, 205-7
+  power of, To. 253-4
+  see Bank
+
+Monopoly:
+  economic, Tu. 202-8
+  State is, Tu. 192
+
+Music, Kr. 168
+
+Mutuality, Pr. 85
+
+Non-resistance, To. 227-8
+
+Occupancy and use:
+  title to land, Tu. 188, 203
+  title to everything, To. 259-60
+
+Paine quoted, Go. 47 and ftn.
+
+Papers, legal, Pr. 70, Ba. 135
+
+Passive resistance, Tu. 216-18, To. 266-7
+
+Patents, Tu. 204, 208
+
+Peasants:
+  beating each other, To. 264
+  condition of, Kr. 160, To. 253
+  economic practices of, Kr. 170-71, To. 259-60
+  how to reach, Ba. 136
+  revolutionary achievements of, Kr. 151, 180;
+    see Irish
+
+Police:
+  agency of governmental violence, To. 239, 241
+  depraved, To. 238
+  in future society, Tu. ftn. 187, 198-9, ftn. 198;
+    see Extradition
+  lawless, Kr. 152
+  obstructive, St. 102
+  to be replaced by voluntary intervention of citizens, Kr. 159
+  the support of property, To. 255
+
+Power, see Authority
+
+Press, freedom of, Tu. 211
+
+Printing, Kr. 169
+
+Private wants in Communism, Kr. 168-9
+
+Product, see Labor
+
+Production will increase, Kr. 169-70, Tu. 207
+
+Promise, see Contract
+
+Property, definition of, Pr. 80-81, To. 250
+
+Public opinion:
+  in advance of law, To. 230-32
+  to be changed, Pr. 86-7, Ba. 137, Tu. 210, To. 260-61
+  doctored by State, Ba. 137, To. 242-3
+  society to be ruled by, To. 245
+
+Punishment:
+  is antiquated, To. 245
+  is not wanted, Kr. 157
+  is proper, Tu. 187-9, 200
+  is useless, Kr. 147
+  makes criminals, Kr. 147, To. 246
+  see Expulsion
+
+Railroads:
+  agreement of, Kr. 156
+  building, Kr. 158
+  ownership of, Kr. 163
+
+Rationing, Kr. 170-71, 176
+
+Red Cross Society, Kr. 155
+
+Religion foundation of State, Ba. 121-2
+
+Rent:
+  economic, Tu. 208-9, ftn. 203
+  of landlord, Kr. 174, Tu. 203, 207, 210, 217
+
+Resistance, see Defence, Force, Passive
+
+Revolution part of evolution, Kr. 142-3
+
+Rich, the:
+  depraved, Ba. 129, Kr. 160-61
+  guilty, To. 250, 253-4
+  will help us, Go. 64, Pr. 87
+
+Right, Rights:
+  admissible sense, Tu. 185
+  a delusion, St. 98-9, Tu. 184
+  to enforce contract, Tu. 189-90
+  to independence, Ba. 120, 126-7
+  to live comfortably, Go. 55-6, Kr. 149, 170
+  only for rich, Kr. 151-3
+  of secession, Ba. 127, Tu. 194-7
+  State has no, Tu. 214
+
+Robbery, forms of, Pr. 81-2
+
+Ruling classes:
+  bad men originally, To. 237-8
+  depraved by ruling, Ba. 123, To. 238
+  incompetent, Kr. 163
+
+Schools, Kr. 159, To. 247
+
+Secession, Ba. 127, Tu. 194-7
+
+Secret societies, Ba. 132, 138, Kr. 177
+
+Self the thing to be changed, St. 110-11, To. 233-4, 265
+
+Sick, see Dependent
+
+Society:
+  distinguished from government, Go. 47
+  indispensable, Ba. 125, Tu. 194
+  organism, evolving, Kr. 142-4
+  values all due to, Kr. 161-2
+  see Secret
+
+Soldiers, see Army
+
+Speech, freedom of, Tu. 211
+
+Spencer quoted, Tu. 184 and ftn.
+
+Spooner, Lysander, xi
+
+Staff of revolutionary army, Ba. 138
+
+State defined, Tu. 190-91
+
+Stop beating each other, To. 264
+
+Street-making, Kr. 158
+
+Tariff, Tu. 204
+
+Taxation:
+  robbery which vitiates all State's acts, Tu. 191
+  refuse to pay, Tu. 212-13, 217-18, To. 266
+
+Theft, see Robbery
+
+Violence, see Force
+
+Virtue, State hostile to, Ba. 123
+
+Voting:
+  for officers now appointed otherwise, Pr. 76-9
+  in State, a form of force, Tu. 191
+  irrational, Go. 51-2
+  in voluntary association, Tu. 196
+
+War:
+  a fight for dominion, To. 240
+  State stands for, Kr. 150
+  See Force, Invasion
+
+Warren, Josiah, Tu. ftn. 182, 202 (for "they" see ftn. 203)
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The Adventures of Caleb Williams
+
+OR
+
+Things as They Are
+
+BY
+
+WILLIAM GODWIN
+
+
+"_It was proposed, in the invention of the following work, to
+comprehend, as far as the progressive nature of a single story would
+allow, a general review of the modes of domestic and unrecorded
+despotism by which man becomes the destroyer of man._"--FROM THE
+PREFACE.
+
+Limp lambskin, gilt top, $1.29
+
+Photogravure Frontispiece
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Works of
+
+P. J. PROUDHON
+
+IN THE ORIGINAL FRENCH
+
+
++Qu'est-ce que la propriete?+ Premier memoire: Recherches sur le
+principe du droit et du gouvernement. Deuxieme memoire: Lettre a M.
+Blanqui sur la propriete. 355 pages. 79 cents.
+
++Avertissement aux proprietaires.+ Celebration du dimanche; De la
+concurrence entre les chemins de fer et les voies navigables; Le
+miserere. 308 pages. 72 cents.
+
++De la creation de l'ordre dans l'humanite: ou, principes d'organisation
+politique.+ 394 pages. 77 cents.
+
++Systeme des contradictions economiques: ou, philosophie de la misere.+
+2 vols. 796 pages. $1.51.
+
++Solution du probleme social.+ Organisation du credit et de la
+circulation; Banque d'echange; Banque du peuple. 315 pages. 75 cents.
+
++Du principe federatif et de la necessite de reconstituer le parti de la
+Revolution.+ Si les traites de 1815 ont cesse d'exister. 320 pages. 75
+cents.
+
++Les confessions d'un revolutionnaire.+ Pour servir a l'histoire de la
+Revolution de fevrier. 234 pages. 75 cents.
+
++Idee generale de la Revolution au XIXe siecle.+ 320 pages. 72 cents.
+
++Des reformes a operer dans l'exploitation des chemins de fer, et des
+consequences qui peuvent en resulter soit pour l'augmentation du revenu
+des compagnies, soit pour l'abaissement des prix de transport,
+l'organisation de l'industrie voituriere, et la constitution economique
+de la societe.+ 342 pages. 75 cents.
+
++La guerre et la paix.+ Recherches sur le principe et la constitution du
+droit des gens. 2 vols. 652 pages. $1.49.
+
++Theorie de l'impot.+ 328 pages. 75 cents.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
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+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
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+
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+
+IN THE ORIGINAL FRENCH
+
+
++Les majorats litteraires:+ examen d'un projet de loi ayant pour but de
+creer, au profit des auteurs, inventeurs, et artistes un monopole
+perpetuel. La federation et l'unite en Italie; Nouvelles observations
+sur l'unite italienne; Les democrates assermentes et les refractaires.
+327 pages. 75 cents.
+
++Melanges.+ Articles de journaux. 1848-1852. 3 vols. 936 pages. $2.20.
+
++Philosophie du progres, and La justice poursuivie par l'eglise.+ 336
+pages. 77 cents.
+
++De la justice dans la Revolution et dans l'Eglise.+ 4 vols. 1,500
+pages. $3.03.
+
++De la capacite politique des classes ouvrieres.+ 359 pages. 77 cents.
+
++Theorie de la propriete.+ Suivi d'un projet d'exposition perpetuelle.
+310 pages. 75 cents.
+
++France et Rhin.+ 264 pages. 72 cents.
+
++Contradictions politiques.+ Theorie du mouvement constitutionnel au
+XIXe siecle. 265 pages. 72 cents.
+
++La pornocratie: ou, les femmes dans les temps modernes.+ 269 pages. 78
+cents.
+
++Cesarisme et Christianisme+ (de l'an 45 avant J. C. a l'an 476 apres).
+With a preface by J. A. Langlois. 2 vols. 611 pages. $1.51.
+
++Commentaires sur les memoires de Fouche.+ Suivis du parallele entre
+Napoleon et Wellington. Manuscrits inedits publies par Clement Rochel.
+348 pages. $1.44.
+
++Correspondance.+ With a biographical sketch by J. A. Langlois. 14
+vols., of nearly 400 pages each. $7.00.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Works of
+
+P. J. PROUDHON
+
+
+IN ENGLISH
+
++What is Property?+ An Inquiry into the Principle of Right and of
+Government. Translated by Benj. R. Tucker. With a biography by J. A.
+Langlois. 498 pages. $2.00.
+
+
+     "In a given society the authority of man over man is inversely
+     proportional to the stage of intellectual development which that
+     society has reached."--_The Author._
+
+     "That element in the idea of property which is necessary,
+     immutable, and absolute is reducible to individual and
+     transmissible possession, susceptible of exchange but not of
+     alienation, founded on labor, and not on fictitious occupancy or
+     idle caprice."--_The Author._
+
+
+IN GERMAN
+
++Was ist das Eigentum?+ Erste Denkschrift. Untersuchungen ueber den
+Ursprung und die Grundlagen des Rechts und der Herrschaft. Translated,
+with a preface, by Alfons Fedor Cohn. 255 pages. 27 cents.
+
++Kapital und Zins.+ Die Polemik zwischen Bastiat und Proudhon.
+Translated, with an introduction, by Arthur Muelberger. 237 pages. 97
+cents.
+
+
+IN ITALIAN
+
++La soluzione del problema sociale.+ Portrait and biographical sketch.
+60 pages. 11 cents.
+
++Psicologia della rivoluzione.+ 58 pages. 11 cents.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Works Relating to
+
+P. J. PROUDHON
+
+
+IN ENGLISH
+
++DANA, CHARLES A.+ +Proudhon and His "Bank of the People."+ 74 pages.
+Leatherette, 10 cents; paper, 5 cents.
+
++GREENE, WILLIAM B.+ +Mutual Banking.+ Showing the radical deficiency of
+the present circulating medium and the advantages of a free currency.
+Portrait. 104 pages. 10 cents.
+
+
+IN FRENCH
+
++BOURGIN, HUBERT.+ +Proudhon.+ Portrait. 97 pages. 15 cents.
+
++DESJARDINS, ARTHUR.+ +P.-J. Proudhon: sa vie, ses oeuvres, sa
+doctrine.+ 2 vols. 605 pages. $1.62.
+
++LAGARDE, EDMOND.+ +La revanche de Proudhon: ou, l'avenir du socialisme
+mutuelliste.+ These pour le doctorat presentee et soutenue le vendredi 9
+juin 1905. 528 pages. $1.59.
+
++SAINTE-BEUVE, C. A.+ +P. J. Proudhon: sa vie et sa correspondance.+
+1836-48. 352 pages. 70 cents.
+
+
+IN GERMAN
+
++BIERMANN, W. ED.+ +Anarchismus und Communismus.+ 177 pages. 80 cents.
+
++MUeLBERGER, ARTHUR.+ +P. J. Proudhon: Leben und Werke.+ 240 pages. 93
+cents.
+
+
+IN ITALIAN
+
++ZANI, BARTOLOMEO.+ +La questione monetaria in relazione alla questione
+sociale.+ 39 pages. 26 cents.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Works of
+
+MAX STIRNER
+
+
+IN ENGLISH
+
++The Ego and His Own.+ Translated from the German by Steven T. Byington,
+in collaboration with other students of German and of Stirner. With an
+introduction by J. L. Walker. 525 pages. The only edition, in any
+language, that has an index. Ordinary cloth, $1.50; superior cloth, full
+gilt edges, $1.75.
+
+
+     The most revolutionary book ever written, its purpose being to
+     totally destroy the idea of duty and assert the supremacy of the
+     will, and from this standpoint to effect a "transmutation of all
+     values" and displace the State by a union of conscious egoists.
+
+     "If you devour the sacred, you have made it your own. Digest the
+     sacramental wafer, and you are rid of it."--The Author.
+
+     "This work of genius is not inferior in style to that of Nietzsche,
+     and in philosophical value surpasses Nietzsche's by a thousand
+     cubits."--Eduard von Hartmann.
+
+     "That there was a pen to write such things is incomprehensible. One
+     must have read the book to believe that it exists."--Revue des Deux
+     Mondes.
+
+
+IN GERMAN
+
++Der Einzige und sein Eigentum.+ 429 pages. 36 cents.
+
++Kleinere Schriften.+ 185 pages. Cloth, 72 cents; paper, 46 cents.
+
+
+IN FRENCH
+
++L'unique et sa propriete.+ Translated by Robert L. Reclaire. 471 pages.
+73 cents.
+
++L'unique et sa propriete.+ Translated, with a preface, by Henri
+Lasvignes. 501 pages. $1.45.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Works Relating to
+
+MAX STIRNER
+
+
+IN GERMAN
+
++DUBOC, JULIUS.+ +Das Ich und die Uebrigen.+ Fuer und wider M. Stirner. 60
+pages. 23 cents.
+
++HARTMANN, EDUARD VON.+ +Ethische Studien.+ 247 pages. $1.20.
+
++MACKAY, JOHN HENRY.+ +Max Stirner: sein Leben und sein Werk.+ 270
+pages. Cloth, $1.12; paper, 86 cents.
+
++MESSER, MAX.+ +Max Stirner.+ 71 pages. 34 cents.
+
++RUEST, ANSELM.+ +Max Stirner.+ 336 pages. 64 cents.
+
++Stirnerbrevier.+ 284 pages. 51 cents.
+
+
+IN FRENCH
+
++BASCH, VICTOR.+ +L'individualisme anarchiste: Max Stirner.+ 294 pages.
+$1.39.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
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+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
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+
+MICHAEL BAKOUNINE
+
+
+IN ENGLISH
+
++God and the State.+ With a preface by Carlo Cafiero and Elisee Reclus.
+Translated from the French by Benj. R. Tucker. 52 pages. 15 cents.
+
+
+     "One of the most eloquent pleas for liberty ever written. Paine's
+     'Age of Reason' and 'Rights of Man' consolidated and improved. It
+     stirs the pulse like a trumpet-call."--_The Truth Seeker_.
+
+
+IN FRENCH
+
++Correspondance.+ Letters to Herzen and to Ogareff. 1860-74. With
+preface and annotations by Michel Dragomanow. Translated by Marie
+Stromberg. 382 pages. 81 cents.
+
++Oeuvres.+ Vol. I. Federalisme, socialisme, et antitheologisme; Lettres
+sur le patriotisme; Dieu et l'etat. 366 pages. 74 cents.
+
++Oeuvres.+ Vol. II. Les ours de Berne et l'ours de Saint-Petersbourg
+(1870); Lettres a un Francais sur la crise actuelle (Septembre, 1870);
+L'Empire knouto-germanique et la revolution sociale (1870-71). With
+biographical sketch, prefaces, and notes by James Guillaume. 83 cents.
+
+
+IN GERMAN
+
++Michail Bakunins sozial-politischer Briefwechsel mit Alexander Iw.
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+Translated by Boris Minzes. 528 pages. 91 cents.
+
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+
+       *       *       *       *       *
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+
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+IN ENGLISH
+
++Fields, Factories, and Workshops+; or, Industry combined with
+Agriculture and Brain Work with Manual Work. Illustrated. 268 pages. 97
+cents.
+
+
+     "The main subject of social economy--_i. e._, the economy of energy
+     required for the satisfaction of human needs--is the last subject
+     which one expects to find treated in a concrete form in economical
+     treatises."--_From the Preface._
+
+
++Memoirs of a Revolutionist.+ With an introduction by Georg Brandes.
+Portrait. 533 pages. Gilt top. $2.00.
+
+
+     "One will find in this volume a combination of all the elements out
+     of which an intensely eventful life is composed: idyl and tragedy,
+     drama and romance."--_Brandes._
+
+
++Russian Literature.+ 341 pages. Gilt top. $2.69.
+
+
+IN GERMAN
+
++Memoiren eines Revolutionaers.+ Translated by Max Pannwitz. Illustrated.
+2 vols. 689 pages. $2.64.
+
++Ideale und Wirklichkeit in der russischen Literatur.+ Translated by B.
+Ebenstein. 405 pages. $2.42.
+
++Gegenseitige Hilfe in der Entwickelung.+ Translated by Gustav Landauer.
+343 pages. $2.28.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Instead of a Book
+
+BY A MAN TOO BUSY TO WRITE ONE
+
+A FRAGMENTARY EXPOSITION OF
+PHILOSOPHICAL ANARCHISM
+
+_Culled from the writings of_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER
+EDITOR OF LIBERTY
+
+_With a Full-Page Half-Tone Portrait of the Author_
+
+
+A large, well-printed, and excessively cheap volume of 524 pages,
+consisting of articles selected from Liberty and classified under the
+following headings: (1) State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They
+Agree, and Wherein They Differ; (2) The Individual, Society, and the
+State; (3) Money and Interest; (4) Land and Rent; (5) Socialism; (6)
+Communism; (7) Methods; (8) Miscellaneous. The whole elaborately
+indexed.
+
+_Cloth, One Dollar; Paper, Fifty cents_
+
+MAILED, POST-PAID, BY BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+State Socialism
+AND
+Anarchism
+
+_How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ_
+
+BY
+
+BENJ. R. TUCKER
+
+
+The opening chapter of "Instead of a Book," reprinted separately. The
+best pamphlet with which to meet the demand for a compact exposition of
+Anarchism.
+
+_Price, 5 cents_
+
+MAILED, POST-PAID, BY
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
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+
+
+IN ENGLISH
+
++War and Peace.+ Translated by Nathan Haskell Dole. 2 vols. 805 pages.
+$3.00.
+
++Anna Karenina.+ Translated by Nathan Haskell Dole. 780 pages. $1.25.
+
++Resurrection.+ Translated by Louise Maude. Illustrated. 529 pages. Gilt
+top. $1.50.
+
++Twenty-Three Tales.+ Translated by L. and A. Maude. 271 pages. 40
+cents.
+
+
+IN ITALIAN
+
++La potenza delle tenebre.+ 111 pages. 24 cents.
+
++Resurrezione.+ Translated by Nina Romanowsky. 2 vols. 701 pages. 57
+cents.
+
++La sonata a Kreutzer.+ 251 pages. 27 cents.
+
++Anna Karenine+. Con uno studio di Domenico Ciampoli sui romanzi russi.
+2 vols. 663 pages. 57 cents.
+
++La guerra e la paco.+ With a preface by M. de Voguee. 4 vols. 1,270
+pages. $1.09.
+
++Che cosa e l'arte?+ 29 cents.
+
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+
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+
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+IN FRENCH
+
++Paroles d'un homme libre.+ Translated by J. W. Bienstock. 420 pages. 81
+cents.
+
++Le patriotisme et le gouvernement+. 39 pages. 17 cents.
+
++La guerre Russo-Japonaise.+ Translated by E. Halperine-Kaminsky. 298
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+
++Plaisirs vicieux.+ Translated by Halperine-Kaminsky. With a preface by
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+
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+Translated by Halperine-Kaminsky. With a preface by Charles Richet. 290
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+
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+
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+historical introduction by E. Jaubert. 300 pages. 70 cents.
+
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+
+
+IN GERMAN
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+
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+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Works Relating to
+ANARCHISM
+
+
+IN GERMAN
+
++BORGIUS, W. Die Ideenwelt des Anarchismus.+ 68 pages. 28 cents.
+
++ELTZBACHER, PAUL. Der Anarchismus.+ 317 pages. $1.27.
+
++FRIEDLAeNDER, BENEDICT. Marxismus und Anarchismus.+ 240 pages. 69 cents.
+
++HUMBOLDT, WILHELM VON. Ideen zu einem Versuch, die Grenzen der
+Wirksamkeit des Staats zu bestimmen.+ 204 pages. 14 cents.
+
++IBSEN, HENRIK. Ein Volksfeind.+ Translated by Wilhelm Lange. 105 pages.
+8 cents.
+
++MACKAY, JOHN HENRY. Die Anarchisten.+ Kulturgemaelde aus dem Ende des
+XIX. Jahrhunderts. 339 pages. Cloth, 96 cents; paper, 65 cents. Sturm.
+49 cents.
+
++SAITZEFF, HELENE. William Godwin und die Anfaenge des Anarchismus im
+XVIII. Jahrhundert.+ Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des politischen
+Individualismus. 77 pages. 49 cents.
+
++ZENKER, E. V. Der Anarchismus.+ Kritische Geschichte der
+anarchistischen Theorie. 271 pages. $1.28.
+
+
+IN ITALIAN
+
++IBSEN, ENRICO. Un nemico del popolo.+ 26 cents.
+
++ZOCCOLI, ESTORE G. L'anarchia: gli agitatori, le idee, i fatti.+ Saggio
+di una revisione sistematica e critica e di una valutazione etica. 552
+pages. $2.97.
+
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+
+       *       *       *       *       *
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+ANARCHISM
+
+
+IN ENGLISH
+
++BURKE, EDMUND. A Vindication of Natural Society+. Pamphlet. 36 pages.
+10 cents.
+
+
+     "In vain you tell me that artificial government is good, but that I
+     fall out only with the abuse. The thing--the thing itself is the
+     abuse."--From the above pamphlet.
+
+
++DONISTHORPE, WORDSWORTH. Law in a Free State.+ 313 pages. $1.81.
+
+
+     "If the doctrine of passive obedience to the Odd Man had been
+     universally held by our forefathers, there would have been no
+     Smithfield fires to light the way to liberty."--The Author.
+
+
++IBSEN, HENRIK. An Enemy of Society.+ Translated by William Archer. 130
+pages. Paper covers. 25 cents.
+
++OUIDA. The Waters of Edera.+ 348 pages. Gilt top. $1.16. A thoroughly
+Anarchistic novel.
+
++TANDY, FRANCIS D. Voluntary Socialism.+ A sketch. 228 pages. 75 cents.
+
+
+IN FRENCH
+
++ELTZBACHER, PAUL. L'anarchisme.+ Translated by Otto Karmin. 417 pages.
+87 cents.
+
++GHIO, PAUL. L'anarchisme aux Etats-unis.+ 212 pages. 58 cents.
+
++IBSEN, HENRIK. Un ennemi du peuple.+ Translated, with a preface, by the
+Comte Prozor. 300 pages. 73 cents.
+
++MACKAY, JOHN HENRY. Les anarchistes.+ Moeurs de la fin du XIXe siecle.
+Translated by Auguste Lavalle (Louis de Hessem). 441 pages. 74 cents.
+
++RABANI, EMILE. L'anarchie scientifique.+ 111 pages. 38 cents.
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+LIBERTY
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, _Editor_
+
+
+An Anarchistic journal, expounding the doctrine that in Equal Liberty is
+to be found the most satisfactory solution of social questions, and that
+majority rule, or democracy, equally with monarchical rule, is a denial
+of Equal Liberty.
+
+
+_APPRECIATIONS_
+
+G. BERNARD SHAW, _author of_ "_Man and Superman_":
+
+
+     "Liberty is a lively paper, in which the usual proportions of a
+     half-pennyworth of discussion to an intolerable deal of balderdash
+     are reversed."
+
+
+WILLIAM DOUGLAS O'CONNOR, _author of_ "_The Good Gray Poet_":
+
+
+     "The editor of Liberty would be the Gavroche of the Revolution, if
+     he were not its Enjolras."
+
+
+FRANK STEPHENS, _well-known Single-Tax champion, Philadelphia_:
+
+
+     "Liberty is a paper which reforms reformers."
+
+
+BOLTON HALL, _author of_ "_Even As You and I_":
+
+
+     "Liberty shows us the profit of Anarchy, and is the prophet of
+     Anarchy."
+
+
+ALLEN KELLY, _formerly chief editorial writer on the Philadelphia_
+"_North American_":
+
+
+     "Liberty is my philosophical Polaris. I ascertain the variations of
+     my economic compass by taking a sight at her whenever she is
+     visible."
+
+
+SAMUEL W. COOPER, _counsellor at law, Philadelphia_:
+
+
+     "Liberty is a journal that Thomas Jefferson would have loved."
+
+
+EDWARD OSGOOD BROWN, _Judge of the Illinois Circuit Court_:
+
+
+     "I have seen much in Liberty that I agreed with, and much that I
+     disagreed with, but I never saw any cant, hypocrisy, or insincerity
+     in it, which makes it an almost unique publication."
+
+
+_Published Bimonthly. Twelve Issues, $1.00_
+_Single Copies, 10 Cents_
+
+ADDRESS:
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+JOSIAH WARREN
+The First American Anarchist
+
+A Biography, with portrait
+
+BY
+WILLIAM BAILIE
+
+
+The biography is preceded by an essay on "The Anarchist Spirit," in
+which Mr. Bailie defines Anarchist belief in relation to other social
+forces.
+
+
+_Price, One Dollar_
+
+MAILED, POST-PAID, BY
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. BOX 1312, NEW YORK CITY
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+BENJ. R. TUCKER'S
+UNIQUE BOOK-SHOP
+502 Sixth Ave., near 30th St.
+
+
+_OPEN EVENINGS_
+
+
+Largest Stock in the World
+Of Advanced Literature in English, French,
+German, and Italian
+
+
+Lowest Prices in the United States
+By 20 to 30 Per Cent.
+For All Books in French, German, and Italian
+
+
+Promptest Service in America
+For Importation of Books from Europe
+
+
+Benj. R. Tucker's Unique Catalogues
+
+Of English Books, 125 pages, 1400 Titles
+Of French Books, 57 pages, 1400 Titles
+Of Italian Books, 24 pages, 500 Titles
+Of German Books, 64 pages, 1500 Titles
+
+_English Catalogue, 10 Cents; French, 5 Cents; German, 5 Cents;
+Italian, 3 Cents
+Any catalogue sent to any address on receipt of price_
+
+Mail Address:
+BENJ. R. TUCKER,
+P. O. BOX 1312, NEW YORK CITY
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+THE SANITY OF ART
+
+BY
+BERNARD SHAW
+
+
+This is the first publication in book or pamphlet form of Bernard Shaw's
+famous open letter to Benj. R. Tucker, the editor of _Liberty_, in
+review of Max Nordau's "Degeneration," and originally contributed to the
+pages of _Liberty_. The issue of _Liberty_ containing it is out of
+print, and copies of it are very valuable. The volume contains also a
+characteristic Shaw preface in which he declares that the essay was
+prepared in response to the highest offer ever made for a magazine
+article. "The Sanity of Art" is Mr. Shaw's most important pronouncement
+on the subject of Art, and admittedly one of the finest pieces of art
+criticism ever penned.
+
+
+_114 pages. Cloth, gilt top, 75 cts.; paper, 35 cts._
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+TWO OF A KIND!
+
+A Brace of Anarchist Classics
+
+SPENCER AND THOREAU
+
+
+The Right to Ignore the State
+
+By Herbert Spencer
+
+Being a reprint of the suppressed chapter from the original edition of
+"Social Statics," now rare and costly.
+
+
+_Price, Ten Cents_
+
+
+On the Duty of Civil Disobedience
+
+By Henry D. Thoreau
+
+"I quietly declare war with the State, after my fashion, though I will
+still make what use and get what advantage of her I can, as is usual in
+such cases."--_Thoreau._
+
+
+_Price, Seven Cents_
+
+_Mailed, post-paid, by_
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+ANARCHIST STICKERS
+
+Aggressive, concise Anarchistic assertions and arguments, in sheets,
+gummed and perforated, to be planted everywhere as broadcast seed for
+thought. Printed in clear, heavy type. Size, 2-1/8 by 1-1/4 inches.
+
+Excellent for use on first, third, and fourth class mail matter. There
+is no better method of propagandism for the money.
+
+There are 48 different Stickers. Each sheet contains 4 copies of one
+Sticker.
+
+
+SAMPLE STICKERS
+
+No. 2.--It can never be unpatriotic to take your country's side against
+your Government. It must always be unpatriotic to take your Government's
+side against your country.
+
+No. 7.--What I must not do, the Government must not do.
+
+No. 8.--Whatever really useful thing Government does for men they would
+do for themselves if there was no Government.
+
+No. 9.--The institution known as "government" cannot continue to exist
+unless many a man is willing to be Government's agent in committing what
+he himself regards as an abominable crime.
+
+No. 12.--Considering what a nuisance the Government is, the man who says
+we cannot get rid of it must be called a confirmed pessimist.
+
+No. 18.--Anarchism is the denial of force against any peaceable
+individual.
+
+No. 24.--"All Governments, the worst on earth and the most tyrannical on
+earth, are free Governments to that portion of the people who
+voluntarily support them."--Lysander Spooner.
+
+No. 32.--"I care not who makes th' laws iv a nation, if I can get out an
+injunction."--Mr. Dooley.
+
+No. 33.--"It will never make any difference to a hero what the laws
+are."--Emerson.
+
+No. 34.--The population of the world is gradually dividing into two
+classes--Anarchists and criminals.
+
+No. 38.--"Liberty means responsibility. That is why most men dread
+it."--Bernard Shaw.
+
+No. 44.--"There is one thing in the world more wicked than the desire to
+command, and that is the will to obey."--W. Kingdon Clifford.
+
+No. 46.--The only protection which honest people need is protection
+against that vast Society for the Creation of Theft which is
+euphemistically designated as the State.
+
+No. 47.--With the monstrous laws that are accumulating on the
+statute-books, one may safely say that the man who is not a confirmed
+criminal is scarcely fit to live among decent people.
+
+
+Send for circular giving entire list of 48 Stickers, with their numbers.
+Order by number.
+
+Price: 100 Stickers, assorted to suit purchaser, 5 cents; 200, or more,
+Stickers, assorted to suit purchaser, 3 cents per hundred. Mailed, post
+paid, by
+
+BENJ. R. TUCKER, P. O. Box 1312, New York City.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Anarchism, by Paul Eltzbacher
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHISM ***
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #36690 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/36690)