initial commit of ebook 38884HEADmain

12 files changed, 17540 insertions, 0 deletions

diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6833f05
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+* text=auto
+*.txt text
+*.md text
diff --git a/38884-8.txt b/38884-8.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a8ce9aa
--- /dev/null
+++ b/38884-8.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,5773 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence and Society, by 
+Robert F. Murphy and Yolanda Murphy
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence and Society
+
+Author: Robert F. Murphy
+        Yolanda Murphy
+
+Release Date: February 15, 2012 [EBook #38884]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper, Matthew Wheaton and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+    SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE AND SOCIETY
+
+    BY ROBERT F. and YOLANDA MURPHY
+
+
+    ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Vol. 16, No. 7
+
+
+    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
+
+    ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS
+
+    Editors (Berkeley): J. H. Rowe (C), R. F. Millon, D. M. Schneider
+
+    Volume 16, No. 7, pp. 293-338, 1 map
+
+
+    Submitted by editors September 4, 1959
+    Issued November 23, 1960
+    Price, $1.00
+
+
+    University of California Press
+    Berkeley and Los Angeles
+    California
+
+
+    Cambridge University Press
+    London, England
+
+
+    Manufactured in the United States of America
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+During the years 1954 to 1957, the authors engaged in ethnographic and
+historic research on the Shoshone and Bannock Indians under the
+sponsorship of the Lands Division of the Department of Justice in
+connection with one of a number of suits brought by Indian tribes for
+compensation for territory lost to the advancing frontier. The action
+was brought jointly by the Shoshone Indians of Wyoming, Idaho, Utah,
+and Nevada, and the Bannock of Idaho; it excluded the Shoshonean
+speakers of California, and the Bannock remained separate from the
+suit brought by their colinguists, the Northern Paiute of Oregon and
+Idaho.
+
+Most anthropologists are aware of the ethnographic issues involved in
+the Indian lands claims cases, for the profession has had an active
+role in them. Of central importance, of course, is the question of the
+extent of territory used and occupied by the tribe in litigation.
+Other basic problems include the determination of the nature and
+composition of the groups involved, the rhythm of their seasonal
+activity, their political identity, and the actual time at which they
+occupied and used the terrain. Beyond these specifically
+anthropological considerations, other professionals have had an
+equally important role in delivering expert testimony in the cases,
+and we wish only to note in passing that historians, land appraisers,
+attorneys, and others have had much to do with their outcome.
+
+The extent of the territory in question and the complexity of the
+historical period in point, that preceding the treaties of 1863 and
+1868, required considerable research. We spent the summer of 1954 on
+the Shoshone reservations at Wind River, Wyoming, Fort Hall, Idaho,
+and Duck Valley, Nevada. Some six weeks each were spent at Wind River
+and Fort Hall and a week at Duck Valley. At each of these places we
+spoke to the oldest informants available. Salvage ethnography of this
+type is generally an unrewarding and unsatisfying task, and it was
+complicated in this investigation by the fact that we were asking our
+informants to recall historical material that is often ill preserved
+in the oral tradition. Thus, an old Indian may well remember some
+custom connected with war or ceremony that he had either experienced
+or that had been told to him by an older person. But he would be less
+likely to recall the exact places where game could be found, the
+trails used, the organization and composition of the group that
+pursued the game, and so forth. This is especially true of the
+buffalo-hunting Shoshone, for any informant who actually took part in
+a hunt as a mature individual would have been in his late seventies,
+at least, at the time of our research. And informants did not, of
+course, distinguish clearly between pre-and post-reservation times.
+Only careful cross-checking would reveal whether the individual was
+speaking of the 1860's or the 1890's. As might be expected, it was
+virtually impossible to determine whether the data supposedly valid
+for the 1860's was true of the preceding decade or the one before
+that, and any student of Plains and Basin-Plateau history recognizes
+that such historical continuity cannot be assumed.
+
+Because of these limitations on the reliability of informants, most of
+our work was by necessity based on ethnohistoric research. Every
+attempt was made to examine the most important literature on the area
+and period. The total number of sources scrutinized far exceeded the
+bibliography at the end of this monograph, for many of them contained
+data that were at best scanty and superficial and at worst totally
+false. Despite our best efforts to approximate an adequate historical
+criticism, some of the data presented were found in works that can be
+used only with great caution. Alexander Ross, for example, has
+reported much material of doubtful authenticity, and one may labor
+long and hard in the accounts of Jim Beckwourth to separate fact from
+a delightful tendency to make the story exciting and his own personage
+more impressive. It is a wry commentary on the veracity of the
+mountain men that John Coulter's account of Yellowstone Park was long
+laughed at by his own peers as being simply an addition to a
+snowballing folklore of the fur country. Among other dubious sources,
+we can add W. T. Hamilton and the Irving account of Captain
+Bonneville's adventures. The problem of criticism becomes particularly
+difficult during the fur period from about 1810 to 1840 owing to the
+paucity of sources available for cross-checking particular data.
+Bonneville and Ross are especially rich in information, most of which
+cannot be easily verified. The choice became one of dismissing them
+altogether or using them. We elected to use them, but we have
+attempted restraint in drawing any important conclusions from them.
+
+The monograph follows substantially the report submitted to the Indian
+Claims Commission. It has been edited, and we have also shifted
+emphasis at certain points to our own special interests. These are
+concerned with the relations between the social groups of the Basin
+and those of the Plains and the impact of the ecology of either region
+upon the social structures of the native population. A few
+qualifications should be noted. The limitations imposed by our
+assignment and by time did not allow the collection of as full a range
+of material on social structure as would be wished. Also, we have
+excluded any discussion of the Shoshone of Nevada, for our field work
+there was far too brief. Our one week at Duck Valley only served to
+reinforce our opinion of the truly masterful ethnography represented
+by Steward's "Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups," and we
+could add little to his work.
+
+Finally, we wish to acknowledge our indebtedness to the Board of
+Editors of the University of California Publications in
+Anthropological Records for their valuable comments and to our many
+friends on the reservations visited for their friendship and
+coöperation. We have also profited greatly from discussions with Drs.
+Sven Liljeblad, Åke Hultkranz, and Julian Steward. This work owes much
+of whatever merit it may be found to have, and none of its
+shortcomings, to all these people.
+
+                                                    Robert F. Murphy
+                                                      Yolanda Murphy
+
+
+
+
+    CONTENTS
+
+
+    I. The Northern and Eastern Shoshone
+
+    II. The Eastern Shoshone
+        Eastern Shoshone history: 1800-1875
+        Early reservation period
+        Eastern Shoshone territory
+        Social and political organization
+
+    III. The Shoshone and Bannock of Idaho
+        Linguistics
+        General distribution of population
+        The Boise and Weiser Rivers
+        The middle Snake River
+        The Shoshone of the Sawtooth Mountains
+        The Shoshone of Bannock Creek and northern Utah
+        Fort Hall Bannock and Shoshone
+        Lemhi Shoshone
+
+    IV. Ecology and Social System
+
+    Bibliography
+
+    Map
+
+    Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence Areas                   facing
+
+
+[Illustration: SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE AREAS]
+
+
+
+
+SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE AND SOCIETY
+
+BY ROBERT F. and YOLANDA MURPHY
+
+
+
+
+I. THE NORTHERN AND EASTERN SHOSHONE
+
+
+The Rocky Mountain range was not an insuperable obstacle to
+communication between the Indian tribes east and west of the
+Continental Divide. The Arapaho, Cheyenne, Crow, Blackfoot, and other
+peoples of the Plains often crossed the range for purposes of hunting,
+warfare, and trade. And the tribes of the Basin-Plateau region also
+traversed the spine of the continent with much the same ends in mind.
+But their needs were more urgent, for in the late historic period the
+western part of the Great Plains of North America constituted the last
+reserve of the bison, the game staple of the Indian population of the
+western slope of the Rockies. Thus was established the pattern of
+transmontane buffalo hunting, first reported by Lewis and Clark and
+studied latterly by many anthropologists. The present volume
+represents a further contribution to this research.
+
+The Rocky Mountains are traversible by horse in all sections. In
+Montana, the passes are only 5,000 to 7,000 feet in elevation, and the
+Indians crossed over the same routes followed today by highways. The
+Wyoming Rockies similarly presented no serious problem to nomadic
+peoples. Although the Yellowstone Park area posed some difficulty for
+travel, a more southerly route led over South Pass at a gentle
+gradient only 7,550 feet in altitude. That the mountains were no great
+challenge is illustrated by the fact that Indians traveling from Green
+River to Wind River often preferred to take more direct routes through
+passes over 10,000 feet high rather than to follow the more circuitous
+trail over South Pass. Farther south, the Colorado Rockies and their
+passes are far more lofty, but even these high ranges did not totally
+prevent travel. None of these areas, of course, could be traversed in
+the winter. When the snow left the high country in late spring and
+early summer, however, the mountains were not only avenues of travel,
+but they were also hunting grounds. None of the buffalo hunters relied
+completely on that animal for food, and the high mountain parks
+abounded in elk, bighorn sheep, moose, and deer. Streams were fished,
+berries were gathered along their banks, and roots were dug in the
+surrounding hills. For the tribes living on their flanks, the
+mountains afforded an important source of subsistence.
+
+If the Rocky Mountains did not effectively isolate Plains societies
+from those of the Basin-Plateau, differences in environment certainly
+did. Plains economy was based upon two animals, the horse and the
+buffalo, both of which depended on sufficient grass for forage. The
+horse diffused northward along both sides of the mountains, and the
+richest herds were probably found among the Plateau tribes and not in
+the Plains (cf. Ewers, 1955, p. 28). The greatest herds of buffalo
+were found east of the Continental Divide, however, although smaller
+and more scattered herds roamed the regions of higher elevation and
+rainfall, immediately west of the Rockies, until about 1840. Thus,
+although the standard image of "Plains culture" is derived from the
+short-grass country east of the Divide, the tribes living west of the
+mountains were also mounted and also had access to buffalo. Their
+varying involvement in this subsistence pursuit and its associated
+technology, combined with the diffusion of other items of culture,
+resulted in what Kroeber has called "a late Plains overlay" of culture
+in the area (Kroeber, 1939, p. 52).
+
+The spread of Plains culture into the Basin-Plateau area has been
+described by Wissler, Lowie, and others, the emphasis usually being
+upon traits of material culture. Less research has been devoted to the
+impact of equestrian life and the pursuit of the buffalo on the social
+structure of the people of the Intermountain area. This is in itself
+surprising, for a great deal of conjecture has revolved around just
+this question, but in the course of research upon the societies of the
+Plains proper. Such inquiry has often attempted to compare Plains
+societies of the horse period with those of the pre-horse era,
+revealed through archaeology and ethnohistory. In this volume, we
+attempt to approach the problem through both ethnohistory and a type
+of controlled comparison. That is, using the mounted, buffalo-hunting
+Shoshone and Bannock as our example, we will relate their social and
+economic life not only to the Plains, but to the Basin-Plateau area to
+the west and to their unmounted colinguists who resided there. In this
+way, we may analyze similarities and differences and attempt to answer
+the question of whether certain basic social modifications did indeed
+follow from the buffalo hunt.
+
+The Indian inhabitants of western Wyoming and southeastern Idaho, the
+subjects of this study, have their closest linguistic affinities with
+the peoples to the west. The languages of this area are well known and
+we need only briefly recapitulate their relationships. Those peoples
+of the Basin-Plateau area known in the ethnographic literature as
+Shoshone, Gosiute, Northern Paiute, Bannock, Ute, and Southern Paiute
+all belong to the Uto-Aztecan linguistic stock and are thus related to
+the Hopi and Aztec to the south and the Comanche of the southern
+Plains. Within this larger grouping a number of subfamilies have been
+identified. Those with which this report is concerned are the
+Shoshone-Comanche and Mono-Bannock. The Shoshone-speaking peoples of
+the Basin-Plateau area include the Northern, Eastern, and Western
+Shoshone and the Gosiute, all of whom speak mutually intelligible
+dialects. The area occupied by this population extends from the
+Missouri waters on the east to beyond Austin, Nevada, on the west, and
+from the Sawtooth Mountains of Idaho to southern California. There are
+no sharp linguistic divisions within this vast region, and phonemic
+shifts are gradual throughout its extent. The Mono-Bannock division
+comprehends the speakers of Northern Paiute living in the region east
+of the Sierra Nevada from Owens Lake, California, to northeastern
+Oregon and the Bannock Indians of southeastern Idaho, who stem
+directly from the eastern Oregon Paiute.
+
+Despite the continuity of language between the Shoshone and Bannock of
+Wyoming and Idaho and the simple Basin people to the west, it has long
+been obvious that the first two were culturally marginal to the
+Plains. Wissler listed the Northern and Eastern Shoshone and the
+Bannock among the Plains tribes, but he excluded them from his
+category of groups typical of the area and described them as
+"intermediate" (Wissler, 1920, pp. 19-20). Kroeber, however, was more
+aware of the historical recency of Plains culture and described the
+Idaho Bannock and Shoshone and the Wind River (Eastern) Shoshone as
+forming "marginal subareas" of the Basin (Kroeber, 1939, p. 53). As
+such, they are included in his Intermediate and Intermountain Areas.
+Kroeber noted specifically of the Eastern Shoshone (p. 80):
+
+     These people, in turn, live in an area which belongs to the
+     Rocky Mountains physiographically, with the Basin
+     vegetationally: it is sagebrush, not grassland. Wind River
+     culture must have been of pretty pure Basin type until the
+     horse came in and they began to take on an overlay of Plains
+     culture. It was about this time, apparently, that the Comanche
+     moved south from them.
+
+Shimkin, who made an intensive study of the Eastern Shoshone of the
+Wind River Reservation, is inclined to emphasize their Plains
+affiliation (1947_a_, p. 245):
+
+     Wind River Shoshone culture has been essentially that of the
+     Plains for a good two hundred years; pioneer ethnographers have
+     vastly overemphasized the Basin affiliations.
+
+Assuming that this 200-year period dates approximately from the time
+of Shimkin's field work in 1937-1938, this would extend the Plains
+cultural position of the Shoshone back to the time at which the
+Blackfoot were just acquiring horses, a period in which the use of the
+horse had yet to reach the tribes north and east of the Missouri River
+(Haines, 1938, pp. 433-435). Although Shimkin rightly states (1939)
+that the Shoshone were among the earliest mounted buffalo hunters of
+the northern Plains, it is most questionable whether one can speak of
+a "Plains culture" at that time, in the sense that the term has been
+used in culture area classifications. It would seem that the
+resolution of this problem depends upon the questions of the degree of
+stability of Plains culture and of the extent to which it is
+autochthonous to the Plains.
+
+Implicit in the discussions above is the attempt to ascertain whether
+the buffalo-hunting Shoshone were one thing or another--as if the
+alternatives constituted in themselves homogeneous units--or how much
+their culture was a blend. Hultkrantz has taken a rather different
+approach to the problem in his statement (1949, p. 157):
+
+     The conclusion is that the culture of the Wind River Shoshoni
+     exhibits a strange conflicting situation. It belongs neither to
+     the foodgatherers of the west nor to the hunting cultures of
+     the east--it is something sui generis. To ascribe it to anyone
+     of its bordering cultures is to lose the dynamic aspect of the
+     cultural evolution of the tribe.
+
+He thus sees the eastern Shoshone as synthesizers and transformers of
+cultural material derived from both eastern and western sources; their
+culture is a blend of the two, but it is not a simple compound of
+them. The present work does not attempt to answer the question of the
+relation of the content of the culture of the equestrian Shoshone to
+that of peoples to the east and west but will focus attention upon
+social structure. And it will do this, not through a consideration of
+outside influences upon the Shoshone, but by analysis of their social
+institutions and the relationship of them to economic life.
+
+Our note on the length of involvement of the Shoshone in Plains Indian
+culture leads us to inquire briefly into the time depth of this
+culture and its relation to the expansion of the American frontier.
+Although it is quite probable that certain cultural traits and social
+institutions characteristic of later Plains life had antecedents in
+the pre-equestrian period, the possession of herds of horses was the
+basis of later patterns of amalgamation and incipient stratification.
+It also had much to do with the intensification of warfare. The horse,
+according to Haines (1938), spread from the Spanish Southwest to more
+northerly areas along both sides of the Rocky Mountains. Its diffusion
+along the western slope of the range was presumably the more rapid,
+and Haines gives evidence indicating that the Shoshone had horses
+about 1690 to 1700, at which time the animal was found no farther
+north than the Arkansas-Oklahoma border in the Plains (ibid., p. 435).
+From this Shoshone center, the use of the horse spread north to the
+Columbia River, the Plateau, and the northern plains. It followed an
+independent route north from Texas to the Missouri River and the
+fringe of the woodlands.
+
+Their early acquisition of the horse may have allowed the Shoshone to
+penetrate the northern plains as far as Saskatchewan in the early
+eighteenth century, for David Thompson's journals tell of warfare
+between the Blackfoot and Shoshone in that region at some time in the
+1720's or early 1730's (Tyrell, 1916, pp. 328 ff.). The northerly
+extension of the Shoshone in the early horse period, and perhaps
+before, has been discussed and generally accepted by many students of
+the area (cf. Wissler, 1910, p. 17; Shimkin, 1939, p. 22; Ewers, 1955,
+pp. 16-17; Hultkrantz, 1958, p. 150). There is little information on
+Shoshone population movements between this date and the journey of
+Lewis and Clark. In 1742 the de la Vérendrye brothers undertook an
+expedition into the northern plains of the United States and reported
+upon the ferocity of a people known to them as the "Gens du Serpent,"
+presumably the Snake, or Shoshone. De la Vérendrye wrote of these
+people (Margry, 1888, p. 601):
+
+     No nation is their friend. We are told that in 1741 they
+     entirely laid waste to seventeen villages, killed all the men
+     and old women, made slaves of the young women and traded them
+     to the sea for horses and merchandise.
+
+The Gens du Serpent are not precisely located, but the explorers were
+told by the "Gens de Chevaux" that they lie in the path to the western
+sea. Later, a "Gens d'Arc" chief invited them to join in an expedition
+against the Gens du Serpent on "the slopes of the great mountains
+that are near the sea" (p. 603). They later found an abandoned enemy
+village near the mountains, but returned without further contact.
+Shimkin believes that this village was in the Black Hills (Shimkin,
+1939, p. 22), but the journals are most hazy on geography. The
+previously cited information from the Gens d'Arc chief suggests that
+the group was located farther west, in the vicinity of the Rocky
+Mountains. It must be remembered, however, that there has been
+considerable contention among historians, not only over the route of
+the de la Vérendrye brothers, but over the identification of the Gens
+du Serpent. L. J. Burpee has reviewed (1927, pp. 13-23) various
+conflicting interpretations of the journals, and the matter can hardly
+be considered settled.
+
+By this period, the Blackfoot and other northern tribes were already
+armed with guns (see Ewers, 1955, p. 16; Haines, 1938, p. 435),
+obtained through commerce with the French and English traders of
+Canada. They had also become mounted, and it may be surmised that the
+Shoshone lost their equestrian advantage at almost the same time that
+their enemies acquired guns. Thus the Shoshone retreat from the
+Canadian plains may well have begun before 1750, as Thompson's
+narrative indeed suggests (Tyrrell, 1916, pp. 334 ff.). The process
+was certainly complete by 1805, when Lewis and Clark found the Lemhi
+River Shoshone hiding in the fastnesses west of the Bitterroot Range
+and lamenting their loss of the Missouri River buffalo country to
+better-armed groups. The Shoshone, once masters of the northern
+Plains, had fallen upon bad times. They complained to the explorers
+that they were forced to reside on the waters of the Columbia River
+from the middle of May to the first of September for fear of the
+Blackfoot, who had driven them out of the buffalo country with
+firearms (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 2:373). Their forays into the
+Missouri drainage were made only in strength with other Shoshone and
+their Flathead allies (2:374). The Shoshone apparently were able to
+utilize areas of Montana adjacent to the Bitterroot Range, for signs
+of their root-digging activities were seen on the Beaverhead River
+(2:329-334). This pattern of transmontane buffalo hunting described by
+Lewis and Clark remained essentially the same until its final end
+after the establishment of the reservation, and will be described in
+detail later in this work.
+
+It is possible now to discern three periods in this early phase of
+Shoshone history. The first, the footgoing period, is unknown, and
+little can be inferred of Shoshone location and movements. The second
+period is characterized by the acquisition of the horse, and we would
+conjecture that a good deal of territorial expansion took place after
+that time. The Comanche differentiated from the main Shoshone group at
+the beginning of the eighteenth century. Although the Comanche
+maintained communication with their northern colinguists, the
+territories of the two groups were not contiguous by the end of the
+century, and their histories followed separate courses. The extension
+of the Shoshone into the northern Plains may possibly have predated
+the acquisition of the horse, for it seems quite likely that they
+occupied fairly extensive areas east of the Rockies in the footgoing
+period. But, on the other hand, it seems unlikely that in the period
+immediately preceding 1700, the most probable date for the acquisition
+of the horse, they extended from the Arkansas River on the south to
+the Bow River in Saskatchewan. This would be especially unlikely if
+later distribution of Shoshone-speakers in the Basin-Plateau was
+substantially the same in the earlier period also. We would
+conjecture, then, that equestrian life gave the Shoshone the mobility
+to extend into the Canadian buffalo grounds but that they were pushed
+back beyond the divide well before 1800. As Shimkin has noted, the
+ravages of smallpox and the resulting decline of population probably
+contributed to their territorial shrinkage (Shimkin, 1939, p. 22).
+
+By 1810, the early explorations of Thompson, Lewis and Clark, and
+others bore fruit in the commercial exploitation of the far Northwest.
+The fur trade had already reached the Plains and the Rockies in
+Canada, and a fierce competition was being waged by the Hudson's Bay
+Fur Company and the North West Company for the patronage of the
+Indians there. The British interests pushed southward from Canada, and
+in 1809 David Thompson established North West Company trading posts on
+Pend Oreille Lake at the mouth of the Clark Fork River and another
+farther up that stream within the borders of present-day Montana. At
+the same time, American traders were pushing westward, and Andrew
+Henry crossed the Continental Divide to locate his trading post on
+Henry's Fork of the Snake River in 1810. Also, John Jacob Astor's
+Pacific Fur Company established the ill-fated Astoria post at the
+mouth of the Columbia River in 1811. Although this particular American
+enterprise foundered, Manuel Lisa, the guiding spirit of the Missouri
+Fur Company, penetrated the Missouri River country and founded a post
+on the Yellowstone River at the mouth of the Big Horn in 1807. From
+this point his trappers spread into the near-by mountain country. The
+most famous of these mountain men was John Colter, who trapped the
+country of the Blackfoot and Crow and discovered Yellowstone Park.
+
+The northern Plains and Rockies had thus been entered and partially
+explored by 1812, and increasing numbers of trappers poured into the
+new Louisiana Purchase and the lands beyond. Astor stepped into the
+territory of the Missouri Fur Company after Lisa's death in 1820, and
+in 1822 the Western Division of his American Fur Company was
+established. Fort Union was built on the upper Missouri to serve as
+the headquarters of Astor's mountain realm, and steamboats served the
+post after 1832. A decade before this date, the Rocky Mountain Fur
+Company was established, and in the following year, 1823, the
+company's trappers began to exploit intensively the drainages of the
+Wind River and the upper Snake and Green rivers. The Rocky Mountain
+Company established a new pattern of trading. Eschewing the rigid and
+hierarchical organization of the British companies, it relied mainly
+upon the services of free trappers, who gathered once a year at agreed
+places to meet the company's supply trains. These gatherings, the
+famous trappers' rendezvous, were held in the summer at various places
+in Shoshone country--Pierre's Hole, Cache Valley, or the Green River.
+
+The trappers of the Rocky Mountain Company and later of the American
+Fur Company invested every fastness of the Shoshone hunting grounds in
+relentless pursuit of the beaver, the vital ingredient of the
+gentleman's top hat. The intense traffic in the Shoshone region was
+abetted by the penetration of the Snake River drainage by Donald
+McKenzie of the North West Company, beginning in 1818, and later by
+Peter Skene Ogden, under the auspices of the Hudson's Bay Company. The
+climax of fur trapping came in the middle of the decade of the
+1830's, for at the peak of activity the commerce collapsed.
+Competition between the various trading companies had been ruinous,
+the streams had been thoroughly trapped out, and the beaver hat went
+out of fashion. By 1840, the fur trade in the northwest part of the
+United States was substantially ended.
+
+During the period 1810-1840 the Shoshone and their neighbors lost the
+isolation they had formerly enjoyed and came into close contact with
+the whites. The latter were of a different type than those with whom
+the Indians later had to deal. They lived off the land, but at the
+same time they did not dispossess the Indians from their hunting
+grounds. Although there were sporadic clashes between the trappers and
+Shoshone and Bannock groups, relations were largely amicable. The
+trappers married Indian women and lived for varying periods with
+Indian bands. And both found a common enemy in the Blackfoot. The
+Indians also traded with the whites and through them obtained
+firearms, iron utensils, and other commodities, including the raw
+liquor of the frontier. But the American companies apparently did not
+attempt to utilize Indian labor to the same extent as did the British
+companies. The bulk of the fur yield was garnered by the free trappers
+and not by Indians. The Shoshone traded some small animal furs and
+buffalo robes to the whites, but they also sold meat, horses, and
+other commodities. They never became fur trappers in the same complete
+way as did the northern Algonkian and Athapaskan peoples.
+
+After the decline of the fur trade, the Shoshone did not return to
+their pristine state of isolation. In the early 1840's, shortly after
+the debacle of the beaver trade, a strong surge of immigration from
+the States to Oregon began. The road to Oregon followed trails well
+marked by the trappers. It ascended the Platte and North Platte rivers
+and thence to the South Pass via the Sweetwater. From South Pass the
+trail went down to Fort Bridger, established in 1843, and then turned
+to the northwest and Fort Hall on the Snake River. The California
+branch of the trail bent southwest before reaching Fort Hall and
+descended the Humboldt River. The initial trickle of emigration grew
+into a great stream, and after the discovery of gold in California the
+Oregon Trail became a great highway to the west.
+
+Busy though the trail was, the emigrants had but a single purpose.
+This was to cross the "Great American Desert," or the Plains, and
+reach the promised lands of the Pacific Coast. Except for the
+immediate environs of the emigrant road, the mountain country
+contained fewer whites than during the previous decade. This situation
+soon changed. In 1847 the Mormon migration reached the Salt Lake
+Valley, and during the following years Mormons settled adjacent areas
+of Wyoming and Idaho. Miners poured into the Sweetwater River country
+of Wyoming in the 1860's and in 1869 Fort Stambaugh was established at
+South Pass to protect them and the emigrant road. This route, however,
+had already seen its greatest days, for the Central Pacific Railroad
+was completed in the same year.
+
+The Wild West was substantially ended by this date, and the Shoshone
+signed treaties in 1868 which gave those of Wyoming the Wind River
+Reservation and those of Idaho the Fort Hall Reservation.
+Sedentarization of these buffalo-hunting nomads was completed during
+the 1870's, by which time the region was being settled by white
+ranchers and their Texas herds. Shortly after 1880, the buffalo herds
+had been almost completely exterminated, and so also had Plains Indian
+life.
+
+The era from 1700 to 1880 was thus one of great change for the
+Shoshone. We recapitulate its principal periods.
+
+1. The pre-horse period extended until approximately 1700.
+
+2. The early equestrian period, from 1700 to 1750 was distinguished by
+the expansion of Shoshone-speaking peoples into the Canadian plains to
+the north and southward toward Texas, where they became known as
+Comanche.
+
+3. After 1750, the northern tribes, especially the Blackfoot, acquired
+the horse and firearms and drove the Shoshone south and west, where
+they retreated beyond the Continental Divide, in contiguity with those
+Shoshone who had remained in the Great Basin. By this time, the
+Comanche had become differentiated from their northern colinguists.
+
+4. The fur period began about 1810, and from this time, Shoshone
+history became inextricably connected with that of the American
+frontiers. Although the game supply declined during this epoch, the
+Shoshone were not dispossessed from their hunting grounds and
+continued substantially the same subsistence cycle.
+
+5. The year 1840 saw the end of the fur trade and the beginning of
+westward emigration. As will be seen, the buffalo herds west of the
+Divide had disappeared by this date, and the Shoshone were
+increasingly forced to seek winter supplies on the Missouri waters.
+
+6. The Shoshone signed treaties in 1868 in which they were forced to
+accept reservation life. At about this time, gold miners entered the
+Sweetwater country, and the transcontinental railroad was completed.
+The following decade saw the end of the buffalo in the west and the
+introduction of open-range cattle grazing. Shoshone history then
+became merged with the history of the American West.
+
+During the periods of the fur trade and early emigration increasing
+amounts of information on Shoshonean and Mono-Bannock speakers became
+available. Political organization among these peoples was
+characteristically amorphous, and the early diarists and chroniclers
+had little basis for distinguishing subgroups in this vast region.
+With the exception of the Paiute-Shoshone split, language differences
+gave no firm basis for differentiation, and even this major division
+of the Uto-Aztecan stock was commonly not recognized. Accordingly,
+travelers classified the Indians of the region on the basis of their
+most obvious characteristic, whether or not they possessed horses and
+hunted buffalo. Alexander Ross observed (1924, pp. 239-240):
+
+     The great Snake nation may be divided into three divisions,
+     namely, the Shirry-dikas, or dog-eaters; the War-are-ree-kas,
+     or fish-eaters; and the Ban-at-tees, or robbers; but as a
+     nation they all go by the general appellation of Sho-sho-nes,
+     or Snakes. The word Sho-sho-nes means, in the Snake language,
+     "inland." The Snakes, on the west side of the Rocky Mountains,
+     are what the Sioux are on the east side--the most numerous and
+     powerful in the country. The Shirry-dikas are the real
+     Sho-sho-nes, and live in the plains, hunting the buffalo. They
+     are generally slender, but tall, well-made, rich in horses,
+     good warriors, well dressed, clean in their camps, and in their
+     personal appearance bold and independent.
+
+     The War-are-ree-kas are very numerous, but neither united nor
+     formidable. They live chiefly by fishing, and are to be found
+     all along the rivers, lakes, and water-pools throughout the
+     country. They are more corpulent, slovenly, and indolent than
+     the Shirry-dikas. Badly armed and badly clothed, they seldom go
+     to war. Dirty in their camp, in their dress, and in their
+     persons, they differed so far in their general habits from the
+     Shirry-dikas that they appeared as if they had been people
+     belonging to another country. These are the defenceless
+     wretches whom the Blackfeet and Piegans from beyond the
+     mountains generally make war upon. These foreign mercenaries
+     carry off the scalps and women of the defenseless
+     War-are-ree-kas and the horses of the Shirry-dikas, but are
+     never formidable nor bold enough to attack the latter in fair
+     and open combat.
+
+     The Ban-at-tees, or mountain Snakes, live a predatory and
+     wandering life in the recesses of the mountains, and are to be
+     found in small bands or single wigwams among the caverns and
+     rocks. They are looked upon by the real Sho-sho-nes themselves
+     as outlaws, their hand against every man, and every man's hand
+     against them. They live chiefly by plunder. Friends and foes
+     are alike to them. They generally frequent the northern
+     frontiers, and other mountainous parts of the country. In
+     summer they go almost naked, but during winter they clothe
+     themselves with the skins of rabbits, wolves, and other
+     animals.
+
+Ross's "Ban-at-tees" undoubtedly include the people now termed the
+Northern Paiute of Oregon; this seems confirmed by his placement of
+the western limits of the "Snakes" at the western end of the Blue
+Mountain Range in Oregon. The loose inclusion of the Oregon Northern
+Paiute as Snakes results in some obscurity in the early sources. They
+are frequently (and on valid linguistic grounds) lumped with the
+Bannock, as was done by Ross. It is noteworthy that contemporary Fort
+Hall informants still speak of the Oregon Paiute as Bannocks.
+
+The distinction between mounted and unmounted peoples continues in
+Zenas Leonard's journal (1934, p. 80):
+
+     The Snake Indians, or as some call them, the Shoshonie, were
+     once a powerful nation, possessing a glorious hunting ground on
+     the east side of the [Rocky] mountains; but they, like the
+     Flatheads, have been almost annihilated by the revengeful
+     Blackfeet, who, being supplied with firearms, were enabled to
+     defeat all Indian opposition. Their nation had been entirely
+     broken up and scattered throughout all this wild region. The
+     Shoshonies are a branch of the once powerful Snake tribe, as
+     are also the more abject and forlorn tribe of Shuckers, or,
+     more generally termed, Diggers and Root-eaters, who keep in the
+     most retired recesses of the mountains and streams, subsisting
+     on the most unwholesome food, and living the most like animals
+     of any race of beings.
+
+Russell also commented that half the Shoshone live in large villages
+and hunt buffalo, while the other half travel in small groups of two
+to ten families, have few horses, and live on roots, fish, seeds, and
+berries (Russell, 1955, p. 143). Wilkes follows this same dichotomy
+(1845, 4:471-472):
+
+     The Snakes, or Shoshones, are widely scattered tribes, and some
+     even assert that they are of the same race as the Comanches,
+     whose separation is said to be remembered by the Snakes: it has
+     been ascertained, in confirmation of this opinion, that they
+     both speak the same language. The hunters report that the
+     proper country of the Snakes is to the east of Youta Lake and
+     north of the Snake or Lewis River; but they are found in many
+     detached places. The largest band is located near Fort Boise on
+     the Snake River, to the north of the Bonacks. The Snakes have
+     horses and firearms, and derive their subsistence both from the
+     chase and from fishing. There are other bands of them, to the
+     north of the Bonacks, who have no horses, and live on acorns
+     and roots, their only arms being bows and arrows. In
+     consequence of the mode of gaining their subsistence, they are
+     called Diggers and are looked upon with great contempt.
+
+Wilkes further commented (p. 473) that there had been a general
+north-to-south tribal pressure in which the Blackfoot had occupied
+former Shoshone lands: "the country now in possession of the Snakes,
+belonged to the Bonacks, who have been driven to the Sandy Desert."
+
+Father De Smet reported that the "Shoshonees or Root-diggers" had a
+population of 10,000, divided into "several parties" (De Smet, 1906,
+27:163). The missionary claimed they were called Snakes because they
+burrowed into the earth and lived on roots, and commented (ibid.):
+
+     They would have no other food if some hunting parties did not
+     occasionally pass beyond the mountains in pursuit of the
+     buffalo, while a part of the tribe proceeds along the banks of
+     the Salmon River, to make provision for the winter, at the
+     season when the fish come up from the sea.
+
+Albert Gallatin described the various Shoshone populations and their
+orbits in 1848, as follows (Hale, 1848, p. 18):
+
+     Shoshonees or Snake Indians ... bounded north by Sahaptins,
+     west by the Waiilatpu, Lutuami, and Palaiks; extend eastwardly
+     east of the Rocky Mountains.... The country of the Shoshonees
+     proper is east of Snake River. The Western Shoshonees, or
+     Wihinasht, live west of it; and between them and the Shoshonees
+     proper, another branch of the same family, called Ponasht or
+     Bonnaks, occupy both sides of the Snake River and the valley of
+     its tributary, the Owyhee. The Eastern Shoshonees are at war
+     with the Blackfeet and the Opsarokas. The most northern of
+     these have no horses, live on acorns and roots, are called
+     diggers, and considered by our hunters the most miserable of
+     the Indians.
+
+Gallatin's division is the first, to our knowledge, to apply the terms
+Eastern and Western Shoshone.
+
+In Schoolcraft's Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge the Shoshone are
+described in terms consistent with previously published material
+(1860, 1:198):
+
+     The various tribes and bands of Indians of the Rocky Mountains,
+     south of latitude 43°, who are known under this general name
+     [Shoshonee], occupy the elevated area of the Utah basin. They
+     embrace all the territory of the Great South Pass between the
+     Mississippi Valley and the waters of the Columbia.... Traces of
+     them, in this latitude, are first found in ascending the
+     Sweetwater River of the north fork of the Platte, or Nebraska.
+     They spread over the sources of the Green River ... on the
+     summit south of the Great Wind river chain of mountains, and
+     thence westward, by the Bear river valley, to and down the
+     Snake river, or Lewis fork of the Columbia. Under the name of
+     Yampa-tick-ara, or Root-Eaters, and Bonacks, they occupy, with
+     the Utahs, the vast elevated basin of the Great Salt Lake,
+     extending south and west to the borders of New Mexico and
+     California.... They extend down the Sä-ap-tin or Snake River
+     valley, to north of latitude 44°, but this is not the limit to
+     which the nations speaking the Shoshonee language in its
+     several dialects, have spread. Ethnologically, the people
+     speaking it are one of the primary stocks of the Rocky Mountain
+     chain.
+
+Other general descriptions of the Shoshonean-speaking peoples of the
+Basin and Rocky Mountain areas are found in the literature of the
+period, but add little to the foregoing accounts, which give us a
+picture of a population sharing a common language (except the Bannock)
+and living in peaceful relations with one another. They were roughly
+divided into mounted and unmounted populations located in the eastern
+and western parts of the territory, respectively. While the mounted
+people appeared to have had some degree of political cohesion and
+military effectiveness, the "Diggers" are uniformly represented as
+politically atomistic, impoverished, and weak in the face of their
+enemies.
+
+Since a work of this type relies heavily upon identification of
+peoples mentioned in historical sources, it would be well to review
+the varying nomenclature applied to the Shoshone.
+
+Most early writers designated the Shoshonean-speaking population as
+"Shoshonees" or "Snake Indians." The term "Snake" was generally
+applied indiscriminately to the Northern Paiute of Oregon and to
+Bannock and Shoshone groups in southern Idaho. Frequently only the
+mounted people were considered true "Snakes," as in Wilkes's statement
+that "the proper country of the Snakes is to the east of the Youta
+Lake and north of the Snake or Lewis River; but they are found in many
+detached places" (Wilkes, 1845, 4:471). He goes on to say (p. 472)
+that some Snakes have no horses, but these he locates north of the
+Bannock.
+
+Although de la Vérendrye's "Gens du Serpent" can only be presumed to
+be Shoshone, there is little doubt that the "Snake" of whom Thompson's
+Blackfoot informant spoke were Shoshone. Lewis and Clark were told by
+the Indians of the Columbia River that they lived in fear of the
+"Snake Indians," but this was in reference to a tribe of the Deschutes
+River in central Oregon (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 3:147). Those
+Indians whom they met on the Lemhi River in Idaho were, however,
+termed "Shoshonees." The name, "Snake," was rapidly applied to almost
+any Indians between South Pass and the Columbia River. In March, 1826,
+Peter Skene Ogden reported a "Snake" camp of two hundred on the Raft
+River (Ogden, 1909, 10 (4):357). These Indians were undoubtedly either
+Shoshone or Bannock, as their location indicates. Nathaniel Wyeth
+traveled in the Raft River country in August, 1832, and similarly
+spoke of seeing "Snakes" (Wyeth, 1899, p. 164). Without making any
+sharp distinctions between the Indians sighted, Wyeth, in the same
+region, mentioned "Diggers" (pp. 164, 167), "Pawnacks" (p. 168), and
+"Sohonees" (ibid.). In 1839, Farnham saw "a family of Root Digger
+Indians" on the Snake River, near the mouth of Raft River (Farnham,
+1843, p. 74). These Indians were no doubt Shoshone, but the term was
+also applied to Northern Paiute, for Ogden encountered "Snakes" while
+on a trapping expedition in the Harney Basin of Oregon in 1826 (Ogden,
+1910, 11 (2):206), as did John Work six years later (Work, 1945, p.
+6). The failure to recognize the Northern Paiute as being
+linguistically distinct from the Shoshone continued for some time. In
+1854, Indian Agent Thompson reported from the Oregon Territory that
+among the Indians under his jurisdiction were "Sho-sho-nies," who were
+divided into three major groups: the "Mountain Snakes," "Bannacks,"
+and "Diggers" (Thompson, 1855, p. 493).
+
+North of the present boundary of the state of Nevada, "Snake" and
+"Shoshone" or variations thereof were the names commonly applied to
+all the Indians. Frequently, "Snake" meant specifically Paiute and
+Bannock, or any mounted Indians, as distinguished from the footgoing
+"Diggers." From the fact that these terms were applied to Indians in
+widely separated regions and having different languages, it can only
+be concluded that the nomenclature designated no particular group
+having political, cultural, or linguistic unity.
+
+"Snake" was but infrequently applied to the Indians south of Oregon
+and Idaho, where the term "Shoshone" was more widely used. The
+unmounted Shoshonean-speaking peoples of Utah and Nevada were also
+commonly referred to as "Diggers" or "Root Diggers," a name frequently
+given to the unmounted Shoshone of Idaho. Washington Irving referred
+to those Indians seen on the Humboldt River by Walker's party in 1833
+as "Shoshokoes" (Irving, 1873, p. 384). Zenas Leonard, who was a
+member of Walker's expedition, referred to the Indians of the Humboldt
+River region as "Bawnack, or Shoshonies" (Leonard, 1934, p. 78), but
+Father De Smet spoke of all the unmounted people of the Great Basin as
+"Soshocos" and described their abject poverty (De Smet, 1905, 3:1032).
+In 1846, Edwin Bryant entered the Great Basin en route to California.
+Of the Shoshone he said: "The Shoshonees or Snakes occupy the country
+immediately west of the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains" (Bryant,
+1885, p. 137). He differentiated this powerful, mounted people from
+the "miserable Digger Indians, calling themselves Soshonees," whom he
+met west of Great Salt Lake (p. 168). As he continued down the
+Humboldt River in Nevada, he noted: "All the Digger Indians of this
+valley claim to be Shoshonees" (p. 195), but despite this affirmation,
+he continued to refer to them as "Diggers." Similarly, two Indians met
+by Bryant's party near Humboldt Sink in Northern Paiute territory were
+called "Digger Indians" (p. 211). Howard Stansbury, who explored the
+Great Salt Lake region in 1849, referred, however, to the Indians west
+of the lake as "Shoshonees or Snake Indians" (Stansbury, 1852, p. 97).
+
+The Western Shoshone were generally called "Diggers" by the emigrants
+who took part in the gold rush to California. One of them, Franklin
+Langworthy of Illinois, stated: "All the Indians along the Humboldt
+call themselves Shoshonees, but the whites call them Diggers, from the
+fact that they burrow under ground in the winter" (Langworthy, 1932,
+p. 119). Reuben Shaw, another "Forty-niner," referred to the Indians
+on the California road along the Humboldt as "Diggers" (Shaw, 1948,
+p. 123), "Root Diggers" (p. 119), and "Humboldt Indians" (p. 130). In
+1854 Lieutenant E. G. Beckwith explored the route of the forty-first
+parallel in search of a possible railroad route and encountered
+Gosiute, Western Shoshone, and Northern Paiute Indians. He referred to
+all of them as "Diggers," and he apparently used this term generically
+for all the impoverished, horseless Indians between Salt Lake City and
+the Sierra Nevada Mountains. At Deep Creek, in Utah, he "found a band
+of twenty Shoshonee Indians encamped, besides women and children. They
+are mounted, and contrast strikingly with their Goshoot neighbors
+(Diggers) ..." (Beckwith, 1855, p. 25). Beckwith classed only mounted
+Indians as Shoshone: in Butte Valley, Nevada, the inhabitants of a
+"Digger wick-e-up" fled from the party, "taking us for Shoshonees" (p.
+26). After leaving Western Shoshone territory he spoke of "Digger
+Indians, who call themselves Pah-Utah, however" (p. 34).
+
+The name "Shoshone" became more commonly applied to the Western
+Shoshone after they had had increased contact with the whites. The
+French traveler, Jules Remy, spoke of them as "Shoshones, or Snakes"
+in 1855 (Remy and Brenchley, 1861, p. 123), and the British explorer,
+Richard Burton, distinguished the "Shoshone" from the "Gosh-Yuta"
+(Burton, 1861, p. 567) and the "Pa Yuta," or Northern Paiute, in 1860
+(p. 591). The term "Shoshonee" was applied by Indian Agent Holeman to
+the Indians of Thousand Spring Valley, Nevada (Holeman, 1854, p.
+443), and to those of the Humboldt River (p. 444); However, on Willow
+Creek, Utah, Agent Garland Hurt met a group of mounted Indians whom he
+called "Shoshonees, or Snakes proper, from the Green River country"
+(Hurt, 1856, p. 517). He distinguished these from the "Diggers" of the
+Humboldt River (p. 779). Thus the distinction between the mounted
+Shoshone and the unmounted people of the more arid regions of the
+Great Basin continued, despite the recognition of their unity of
+language. This implicit recognition may be found in the statement made
+by Brigham Young (1858, p. 599):
+
+     The Shoshones are not hostile to travelers, so far as they
+     inhabit this territory, except perhaps a few called "Snake
+     diggers," who inhabit, as before stated, along the line of
+     travel west of the settlements.
+
+It is possible to document almost endlessly the ways in which the
+labels "Shoshone," "Digger," and "Snake" were applied in turn or at
+the same time to Shoshone-Comanche and Mono-Bannock speakers alike.
+Since political or social significance has frequently been attributed
+to Indians' names--both those bestowed by the whites and those by
+which the several sectors of the Shoshone population referred to each
+other--we will discuss this nomenclature in the context of each
+section of the following report.
+
+
+
+
+II. THE EASTERN SHOSHONE
+
+
+It is necessary to preface all discussions of Shoshone Indians with a
+clarification of what is implied by the names attached to Shoshone
+subgroups. The commonly used appellation "Wind River Shoshone" implies
+no more than reservation membership. Thus, we also have "Owyhee
+Shoshone" and "Fort Hall Shoshone" (and Bannock). Wind River residents
+of admitted descent from other groups are also referred to as "Wind
+River people," if they are on the agency rolls. They were, of course,
+not known by this name or a native equivalent in the pre-reservation
+period. The names, "Eastern Shoshones" and "Eastern Snakes," by which
+the Shoshone of Wyoming are also known in anthropology, were first
+consistently applied by government officials during the 1850's and
+1860's (cf. Lander, 1860, p. 131; Head, 1868, p. 179; Mann, 1869, p.
+616). Lander also referred to the Eastern Shoshone as the "Wash-i-kee
+band of the Snake Indians" (Lander, 1859, p. 66). This term came into
+common use after Chief Washakie rose to prominence in the eyes of the
+whites.
+
+Previous to this period the Eastern Shoshone were called Snakes and
+Shoshones (or variations thereof), indiscriminately. As has been
+mentioned, the only firm distinction was made according to whether or
+not the Indians in question owned horses and hunted buffalo. Although
+Lewis and Clark never visited the Wyoming lands, the tribal lists
+which they compiled at Fort Mandan before pushing west mention a
+group, said by Clark to be "Snake," called the "Cas-ta-ha-na" or "Gens
+de Vache" (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 6:102). They were said to number
+500 lodges having a population of about 5,000 people. The Shoshone
+identity of this people is somewhat obscured by Clark's report of an
+affinity between their language and that of the Minitaree, but, on the
+other hand, they were said to "rove on a S. E. fork of the Yellow Rock
+River called Big Horn, and the heads of the Loup" (ibid.). The
+"Cas-ta-ha-na" are mentioned also during the return trip of the
+expedition. Lewis and Clark noted of the Big Horn River: "It is
+inhabited by a great number of roving Indians of the Crow Nation, the
+paunch Nation (a band of Crows) and the Castahanas (a band of Snake
+In.)." The editor of the journals, Reuben Thwaites, identifies the
+latter as "Comanche." (Ibid., 5:297.)
+
+The paucity of boundary nomenclature found in the historical sources
+is continued in the ethnographic data, for the food-area terminology
+used by the Nevada and Idaho Shoshone is even more diffusely applied
+in Wyoming. One old Nevada Shoshone woman referred to the Eastern
+Shoshone as Kwichundöka, while a native of Wind River referred to his
+people as Gwichundöka, slight phonetic variants of the common term
+meaning "Buffalo eaters." This name appears in Hoebel (1938, p. 413)
+as Kutsindika. Hoebel also reports that the Idaho Shoshone referred to
+the Wyoming people as Pohogani, "Sage Brush Home" and Kogohoii, "Gut
+Eaters" (ibid.). (Hoebel's terms are here anglicized.)
+
+Whatever names may be applied to identify the Shoshone of Wyoming,
+none refer to any sort of political group maintaining a stable
+territory. As Shimkin says (1947_a_, p. 246):
+
+     The identification of the Wind River Shoshone and their
+     territory is not a simple matter. It is complicated by several
+     facts. These people had no developed national or tribal sense;
+     affiliation was fluid. Nor did they distinguish themselves by a
+     special name. They merely knew that others called them ... Sage
+     Brushers, ... Sage Brush Homes, or ... Buffalo Eating People.
+     Furthermore, they felt no clear-cut distinctions of private or
+     tribal territories.
+
+One may speak of an eastern population of Shoshone Indians, but it
+would be inaccurate to speak of one Eastern Shoshone band, despite the
+fact that leadership was better developed in Wyoming than in other
+parts of Shoshone territory.
+
+It is doubtful whether there was any accurate estimate of the Eastern
+Shoshone population until the post-reservation period. Burton (1861,
+p. 575) cited the no doubt exaggerated figure of 12,000 for the
+population led by Washakie. Forney numbers the total Shoshone
+population at 4,500 in 1859 (1860_a_, p. 733), while Doty raised this
+to 8,650 in 1863 (1865, p. 320). The more reliable estimate of 1,600
+Eastern Shoshone was given by Agent Mann in 1869 (1870, p. 715), after
+the establishment of the Wind River reservation. This number was later
+reduced to 1,250 in official reports (Patten, 1878, p. 646). Kroeber
+has estimated the Wind River Shoshone population at 2,500 (1939, p.
+137). These figures are not representative of earlier periods, for the
+ravages of smallpox and other new diseases made heavy inroads on the
+pre-treaty population, and it is probable that the population at the
+time of the treaty did not greatly exceed 1,500.
+
+
+EASTERN SHOSHONE HISTORY: 1800-1875
+
+According to Shoshone tradition, the winter camps of the Eastern
+Shoshone were in the valley of the Wind River, and their hunting
+territory extended north to Yellowstone Park and Cody and east to the
+Big Horn Mountains and beyond South Pass. Little is said by informants
+of excursions west of the Continental Divide, although historical
+evidence suggests that this was actually once their principal hunting
+grounds. In partial support of this contention, Shimkin says (1947_a_,
+p. 247): "The historical evidence gives some weight to the assumption
+that in 1835-1840 the Shoshones were mostly west of the Wind River
+Mountains." He also notes that hostilities between the Shoshone and
+Crow resulted in the westward withdrawal of the former again in the
+1850's (ibid.). In an earlier article Shimkin also stated (1938, p.
+415):
+
+     This [smallpox epidemics in the first half of the 19th
+     century], and probably the increased aggressiveness of other
+     Plains tribes with the spread of firearms as well, led to a
+     recession of the Shoshone and their retreat to the west in the
+     middle of the nineteenth century. A final wave of expansion
+     onto the Plains came with white aid, following the treaty at
+     Fort Bridger, July 3, 1868.
+
+While agreeing in part with these conclusions, we would not confine
+the Shoshone restriction to the territory west of the Continental
+Divide to such limited periods. The following data suggest, rather,
+that "the heart of this people's territory," as Shimkin describes the
+Wind River country, did not extend west of the Wind River Range from
+at least 1800 until the reservation period and that the Shoshone,
+while frequently entering the Missouri River drainage, did so only for
+brief periods and usually in considerable fear of attack.
+
+In Washington Irving's account of the Astoria party, one of our
+earliest reliable sources on the Wyoming Shoshone, the author tells
+how the Shoshone were pushed out of the Missouri River buffalo country
+after the North West and Hudson's Bay Companies put firearms in the
+hands of the Blackfoot (Irving, 1890, p. 197):
+
+     Thus by degrees the Snakes have become a scattered,
+     broken-spirited, impoverished people, keeping about lonely
+     rivers and mountain streams, and subsisting chiefly upon fish.
+     Such of them as still possess horses and occasionally figure as
+     hunters are called Shoshonies.
+
+The westward-bound Astoria party traveled up the Wind River Valley in
+the middle of September, 1811, without sighting any Indians (ibid.,
+pp. 199-200). This was exactly the time of year when, according to
+contemporary informants, the Shoshone buffalo party should have been
+gathering there. However, on the western side of the Wind River Range,
+they found "a party of Snakes who had come across the mountains on
+their autumnal hunting excursion to provide buffalo meat for the
+winter" (p. 202). In September of the following year, the
+eastward-bound party under Stuart encountered a party of "Upsarokas,
+or Crows" on the Bear River, who said that they intended to trade with
+the Shoshone (p. 289). This Crow party later ran off the trappers'
+horses. Throughout their trip to the Green River country, the trapping
+party was in continual fear of the Blackfoot (p. 298). Upon arriving
+on the Green River on October 17, 1812, they met a party of about 130
+"Snakes" living in some 40 "wigwams" made of pine branches (p. 306).
+The ostensibly peaceful Crow had run off all but one of the horses of
+this camp and had stolen some women also. The Astoria chronicle, then,
+documents a situation that appears consistently in later sources: the
+Shoshone were usually encountered west of the Continental Divide and
+were continually on the defensive against powerful tribes to the east
+and north that seemingly entered their hunting grounds at will.
+
+The activities of the early trappers in northern Utah and western
+Wyoming brought them into contact with a variety of Indian
+populations, not all of which are easily identifiable. This region is
+shown by the reports of the fur seekers to be characterized by a great
+fluidity of internal movement of Shoshone--and Bannock-speaking groups
+and by frequent entry by other tribes for purposes of war, trapping,
+and trade. The journal of J. P. Beckwourth gives a vivid, although not
+wholly reliable, account of the ebb and flow of population in the area
+under consideration. While camped near the east shore of the Great
+Salt Lake late in the year 1823, Beckwourth lost 80 horses to the
+"Punnaks [Bannocks], a tribe inhabiting the headwaters of the Columbia
+River" (Beckwourth, 1931, p. 60). His party pursued the Bannock to
+their village, some five days distant, and, after regaining part of
+the stolen herd, returned to camp to find some "Snake" (p. 61)
+(Shoshonean-speaking) Indians camped near by. He states that this
+group numbered 600 lodges and 2,500 warriors. The Indians were
+friendly and the locale was said to have been their winter camp
+(ibid.). Three years later, Beckwourth and his party were camped near
+the same site (today, Farmington, Utah) and encountered 16 Flathead
+Indians. Shortly thereafter the trappers were attacked by 500 mounted
+Blackfoot Indians, who were driven off (ibid., p. 66). Two days later,
+the fur party was joined by 4,000 Shoshone, who aided them in
+defeating another Blackfoot attack (pp. 70-71). (Beckwourth's
+population estimates are probably quite exaggerated.)
+
+While Beckwourth's journals are poorly dated, it was no doubt during
+the late 1820's that his party was attacked near Salt River in western
+Wyoming by a body of unidentified Indians who, he claims, were 500
+strong (p. 86). Shortly thereafter he fell in with friendly "Snake,"
+or Shoshone, Indians. Near their camp were 185 Bannock lodges, with
+whose occupants the hunters had some difficulties (pp. 87-88). While
+in this vicinity, the camp of the trappers and the friendly Shoshone
+was attacked by a Blackfoot party, after which the trappers and
+Shoshone moved to the Green River (p. 89). At the Green River camp,
+the combined trapper-Shoshone group was visited by a party of Crow
+Indians. Beckwourth comments that "the Snakes and Crows were extremely
+amicable." Beckwourth reported further on Shoshone-Crow relations (p.
+108):
+
+     At this time the Crows were incessantly at war with all the
+     tribes within their reach, with the exception of the Snakes and
+     the Flatheads and they did not escape frequent ruptures with
+     them [over horses].
+
+That this peace was extremely uneasy and manifestly ephemeral was
+clearly shown by later developments when the Shoshone, accompanied by
+some Ute, attacked a Crow trading party, which later mustered support
+and retaliated (pp. 183-184). However, at an even later date
+Beckwourth was able to report that 200 lodges of Shoshone had joined
+forces with the Crow, ostensibly because of the trading possibilities
+afforded by Beckwourth's presence among the latter (p. 249).
+
+The relations between the Shoshone and Crow during the 1820's
+apparently were not much unlike those that prevailed at the time of
+the passages of the Astoria parties. The Crow, although not relentless
+enemies of the Shoshone, as were the Blackfoot, constituted a constant
+source of danger. Beckwourth's journals give evidence of amicable
+relations between the American trappers and the Shoshone, although he
+described the more bellicose Bannock as "very bad Indians, and very
+great thieves" (p. 87). Other sources document more serious
+difficulties with "Snake" Indians. Peter Skene Ogden reported in 1826
+that the American trappers had suffered severe losses at the hands of
+the Snake Indians during the preceding three years (Simpson, 1931, p.
+285), but these mishaps probably occurred in Idaho. In 1824, however,
+Jedediah Smith and Fitzpatrick lost all of their horses to the
+"Snakes" on the headwaters of the Green River (Alter, 1925, pp. 38-39;
+Dale, 1918, p. 91), and some members of Etienne Provot's trapping
+party were killed by "Snakes" in the winter of 1824-25 (Dale, 1918, p.
+103).
+
+Little information is available from the eastern side of the Wind
+River Mountains during the 1820's. We do know, however, that Ashley
+entrusted his horses to the Crow Indians on the Wind River before
+setting out for the mountains in the spring of 1824 (ibid., p. 89).
+
+In 1831, an American Fur Company trapper, Warren Angus Ferris, noted
+that the two main Crow bands were located chiefly on the Yellowstone
+River and its tributaries, but their "war parties infest the countries
+of the Eutaws, Snakes, Arrapahoes, Blackfeet, Sious, and Chayennes"
+(Ferris, 1940, p. 305). He had this to say of the Eastern Shoshone (p.
+310):
+
+     Of the Snakes on the plains there are probably about four
+     hundred lodges, six hundred warriors, and eighteen hundred
+     souls. They range in the plains of Green River as far as the
+     Eut Mountains; southward from the source to the outlet of Bear
+     River, of the Big Lake; thence to the mouth of Porto-nuf
+     [Portneuf], on Snake River of the Columbia.... They are at war
+     with the Eutaws, Crows, and Blackfeet, but rob and steal from
+     all their neighbors.
+
+Ferris saw few Indians in his travels through the Jackson Hole area in
+1832 and 1833. However, in "Jackson's Little Hole," presumably at the
+south end of Hoback Canyon, he noted, in August, 1832, several large,
+abandoned camps, which he assumed were those of the "Grosventres of
+the prairies" (p. 158). The supposed Gros Ventre party was later seen
+on the Green River and was said to have consisted of 500 to 600
+warriors (pp. 158-159). These may well have been Blackfoot, for Zenas
+Leonard reported a Blackfoot attack on the upper Snake River in
+western Wyoming in July, 1832 (Leonard, 1934, p. 51). The Indians most
+frequently sighted in the Green River region, however, were the
+Shoshone. In June, 1833, Ferris saw "several squaws scattered over the
+prairie engaged in digging roots" (Ferris, 1940, p. 205). These women
+apparently belonged to "some fifty or sixty lodges of Snakes, ...
+encamped about the fort [Bonneville's] who were daily exchanging their
+skins and robes, for munitions, knives, ornaments, etc., with the
+whites" (ibid., p. 206).
+
+Further evidence of the virtual absence of the Shoshone from Missouri
+waters in the fur period comes from Zenas Leonard. When preparing to
+spend the winter of 1832-33 on the Green River, the trappers met a
+party of 70 to 80 Crow who said "they were going to war with the Snake
+Indians--whose country we were now in--and they said also they
+belonged to the Crow nation on the East side of the mountains"
+(Leonard, 1934, pp. 82-83). These Crow stole horses from the party,
+and the trappers pursued them to their village at the mouth of the
+Shoshone River, near modern Lovell, Wyoming. In the summer of 1834,
+Captain Bonneville's trappers, one of whom was Zenas Leonard, trapped
+on the waters of Wind River, but no mention is made of Shoshone
+(ibid., pp. 224-226). In October, however, they met the Crow in the
+Big Horn Basin, and they wintered on Wind River in their company (pp.
+255-256). No Shoshone were reported in the area.
+
+The Irving account of Captain Bonneville's adventures contains
+additional information on Eastern Shoshone settlement patterns. It is
+here also that we receive our first information on the Shoshone who
+later are known to us as the Dukarika and who inhabited the
+mountainous terrain of the Wind River Mountains and adjacent high
+country (Irving, 1850, p. 139). The journal also supplements Leonard's
+account of the trappers' sojurn in Wind River Valley, which, Irving
+wrote (1837, 2:17) was infested by Blackfoot and Crow Indians and was
+one of the favorite habitats of the latter (p. 22). One of the
+trapping party's members was taken captive by the Crow on the Popo
+Agie River, which flows past Lander, Wyoming, but was released
+unharmed (pp. 24-25). It is to be noted that the trappers were in the
+Wind River Valley at the end of September but saw no Shoshone,
+although this was approximately the time of the annual buffalo hunt.
+Upon leaving Wind River, Bonneville headed for the Sweetwater River,
+which, he stated, was beyond the limits of Crow country (p. 26). He
+then went to Hams Fork, a tributary of the Green River, and
+encountered a Shoshone encampment with the Fitzpatrick party (p. 27).
+
+It is doubtful whether Shoshonean peoples hunted extensively
+east of the Continental Divide in the period following their
+eighteenth-century retreat from the northern Plains and before the
+disappearance of the buffalo west of the Rockies. Although the great
+herds of the Missouri drainage were not found in the lands inhabited
+by the Shoshone, it is quite possible that there were sufficient
+buffalo there to meet the needs of the population. Bonneville met a
+group of twenty-five mounted Bannock in the neighborhood of Soda
+Springs, Idaho, in November, 1833, and, at their invitation, joined
+them in a buffalo hunt there (p. 33). After taking sufficient meat,
+the Bannock returned to their winter quarters at the mouth of the
+Portneuf River (p. 35). The winter of 1834-35 again found Bonneville
+on the Bear River, this time on its upper reaches, where he made
+winter camp with "a small band of Shoshonies" (p. 210). Farther
+upstream was an encampment of "Eutaw" Indians, who were hostile to the
+Shoshone (p. 213). Bonneville, however, managed to prevent conflict
+between the two groups. One advantage of this winter camp, and a
+possible source of attraction for the Ute Indians, was the presence of
+antelope during the winter. Bonneville witnessed one successful
+"surround" by horsemen, aided in their efforts by supernatural charms
+reminiscent of Great Basin antelope drives (pp. 214-215).
+
+Nathaniel Wyeth evidently saw few Shoshone in his travels through
+Wyoming, and his journals do not add greatly to our understanding of
+the area. He traveled from the Snake to the Green River in June and
+July, 1832, via the Teton country and mentioned no Shoshone except for
+a small encampment near Bonneville's post on the upper Green River
+(Wyeth, 1899, pp. 203-205). However, he reports that a white trapper
+was attacked in July, 1833, on the lower Wind River by a party of
+fifteen Shoshone who had left Green River shortly before (p. 207),
+and, in 1834, he found himself among "too many Indians ... for comfort
+or safety" while near Hams Fork, Wyoming (p. 225).
+
+The journals of Osborne Russell provide documentation of population
+movements in Wyoming during the years 1834-1840. Despite the decline
+of the fur trade during this period, the area was still turbulent. In
+November, 1834, a party of trappers was reported as having arrived at
+Fort Hall, Nathaniel Wyeth's new post, after having been routed by the
+Blackfoot on Hams Fork (Russell, 1955, p. 8). The spring of 1835 took
+Russell to the west side of Bear Lake, where he found "about 300
+lodges of Snake Indians" (p. 11) and in July of that year he
+encountered a small party of Shoshone hunting mountain sheep in
+Jackson Hole (p. 23). The lure of trade still attracted many other
+Indian groups into the Green River country during and preceding the
+time of the summer rendezvous. Russell reported an encampment of 400
+lodges of Shoshone and Bannock and 100 of Flathead and Nez Percé on
+the Bear River above the mouth of Smith's Fork on May 9, 1836. The
+congregation was so large that it was forced to fragment in order to
+seek subsistence; all planned to return on July 1, when supplies were
+expected (p. 41). Russell spent the winter of 1840-41 with some 20
+lodges of Shoshone in Cache Valley, Utah, and near Great Salt Lake (p.
+112).
+
+The general territorial situation had changed little by the end of the
+fur period. Wislizenus, who visited Wyoming in 1839, commented (1912,
+p. 76): "In the vicinity [of the Big Horn Mountains] live the
+Crows.... They often rove through the country between the Platte and
+the Sweet Waters, which are considered by the Indians as a common war
+ground." Tribes friendly to the Shoshone visited the week-long
+rendezvous on the Green River. Wislizenus notes that "of the Indians
+there had come chiefly Snakes, Flatheads, and Nez Percés, peaceful
+tribes, living beyond the Rocky Mountains" (p. 86).
+
+The journal of Thomas J. Farnham, written in 1839, documents the
+growing economic difficulties of the Shoshone of the Wyoming-northern
+Utah area. In July of that year, Farnham received news that the
+Shoshone on the Bear River were "starving" and subject to the
+depredations of marauding Blackfoot and Siouan war parties (Farnham,
+1906, p. 229). While on "Little Bear River" (a Bear River tributary),
+Farnham observed that, despite the present barrenness, he had heard
+that this area was formerly rich in buffalo and that game had abounded
+in the mountains (p. 233). Further indication of the growing poverty
+of the Shoshone country is seen in his comment that the Shoshone
+suffered less from enemy attacks because "the passes through which
+they enter the Snake country are becoming more and more destitute of
+game on which to subsist" (pp. 262-263).
+
+Poverty, it would seem, did not bestow complete immunity upon the
+Shoshone of Wyoming nor did it entirely inhibit occasional forays
+against their enemies. Father De Smet, who was present at the Green
+River rendezvous in 1840, wrote that the "Snakes" were then preparing
+a war party against the Blackfoot (De Smet, 1906, 27:164). But by
+1842, the Shoshone had other concerns than the traditionally hostile
+Blackfoot. Medorem Crawford noted that on July 23, 1842, the
+encampment of whites then situated near the Sweetwater River was
+joined by a party of over one hundred "Sues and Shians who had been to
+fight the Snakes" (Crawford, 1897, p. 13). The Shoshone had
+experienced previous armed encounters with Siouan groups to the east,
+but the pressure of the latter in these years was such that the Crow
+and Shoshone allied for defense against the powerful eastern tribes
+(Fremont, 1845, p. 146). The Crow, according to Fremont, had been
+present at the 1842 rendezvous on Green River (p. 50). Despite the
+alliance, Fremont regarded the Wind River Mountains as the eastern
+limit of Shoshone occupancy. He noted in 1843 that the Green River was
+twenty-five years earlier "familiarly known as the Seeds-ke-dee-agai,
+or Prairie Hen River; a name which it received from the Crows, to whom
+its upper waters belong" (p. 129), and both Farnham (1906, p. 261) and
+Russell (1921, pp. 144-146) placed the Shoshone no farther east than
+the Green River drainage in the years immediately preceding Fremont's
+observation.
+
+Siouan aggressions continued over an indefinite period, for Bryant
+reported in June, 1846, that about 3,000 Sioux had collected at Fort
+Laramie preparatory to an attack against the Shoshone and Crow
+(Bryant, 1885, p. 107). Bryant and his companions informed the
+Shoshone of the impending raid when they arrived at Fort Bridger on
+July 17, 1846. The approximately 500 Shoshone assembled there broke
+camp immediately, presumably to organize a defense (pp. 142-143).
+
+During the decade of the 1840's, accounts of the presence of Shoshone
+beyond the Continental Divide are found with increasing frequency. In
+1842 W. T. Hamilton, while on the Little Wind River, noted that the
+trappers and the Shoshone were in continual jeopardy in this region
+because of "Blackfeet, Bloods, Piegans and Crows" (Hamilton, 1905, p.
+52). Although his party was attacked by a Blackfoot group at this
+time, they sighted a Shoshone party shortly thereafter (p. 61) which
+was under the leadership of Chief Washakie (pp. 63-64). Other Shoshone
+joined this group, claiming that they had fought with Pend Oreille
+Indians near the Owl Creek Mountains on the north side of the Wind
+River Valley (p. 69). (The identification of this group may well have
+been erroneous in view of the northerly locale of the Pend Oreille.)
+The Shoshone met by Hamilton later gathered at Bull Lake to prepare an
+attack against the Blackfoot on the Big Wind River (p. 71); twenty
+"Piegans" were later encountered in the Owl Creek Range (p. 80).
+
+These events apparently transpired in the late spring or early summer
+of 1842, for summer found Washakie's people at Fort Bridger (p. 92),
+and later at Brown's Hole on the Green River in northwestern Colorado
+where a "few Ute and Navajos came up on their annual visit with the
+Shoshone, to trade and to race horses." The Shoshone left for their
+fall trapping in September (p. 97), but some were there in winter camp
+when Hamilton's party returned to Brown's Hole to winter (p. 118).
+
+Hamilton's later travels took him on a buffalo hunt into the Big Horn
+Basin with Washakie in October, 1843 (p. 182). At "Stinking Water"
+(Shoshone River) the party encountered Crow Indians on their way to
+visit the Shoshone (p. 183). The buffalo-hunting group returned to the
+Green River in November for the winter (p. 186). At this time Hamilton
+noted that Washakie claimed the Big Horn country as far as the
+Yellowstone River, but that the Crow, Flathead, and Nez Percé hunted
+upon it and it was regarded as neutral hunting ground by other tribes
+(p. 187). October, 1848, again found Hamilton in the Big Horn country,
+where he met a party of Shoshone in the Big Horn Mountains (p. 197).
+The group was in pursuit of a Cheyenne war party that had stolen
+horses from them; the offenders were overtaken on the North Platte
+River and the horses were recovered (p. 198). Hamilton was informed
+that Washakie was then on Greybull Creek, but planned to move to the
+Shoshone River (p. 199).
+
+Further information on the activities of the Shoshone east of the
+Continental Divide comes from Bryant, who, on July 14, 1846, sighted
+near Green River (Bryant, 1885, p. 136):
+
+     ... a party of some sixty or eighty Shoshone or Snake Indians,
+     who were returning from a buffalo hunt to the east of the South
+     Pass. The chief and active hunters of the party were riding
+     good horses. The others, among whom were some women, were
+     mounted generally upon animals that appeared to have been
+     nearly exhausted by fatigue. These, besides carrying their
+     riders, were freighted with dried buffalo meat, suspended in
+     equal divisions of bulk and weight from straps across the back.
+     Several pack animals were loaded entirely with meat and were
+     driven along as we drive pack mules.
+
+The apparent increase in the use of the Wind River Valley and adjacent
+areas was in part a result of Crow amity in the face of a common
+enemy, but it can also be explained in terms of the Shoshone need to
+seek their winter store of buffalo meat regardless of dangers. The
+buffalo herds west of the Continental Divide were greatly diminished
+by 1840, and, by the end of the decade, the intrusion of emigrants
+must have decimated the remaining stock. As early as 1842, Fremont
+commented that he saw no buffalo beyond South Pass (Fremont, 1845, p.
+63), and in 1849 Major Osborne Cross observed that "scarcely any were
+to be met with this side of the South Pass" (Cross, 1851, p. 178). The
+Major later wrote (p. 182):
+
+     Game in this section of the country is scarce, compared with
+     the ranges passed over on the route. We had now gone nearly
+     through the whole buffalo range, as but few are now met with on
+     Bear River. Fifteen years ago they were to be seen in great
+     numbers here, but have been diminishing greatly since that
+     time.
+
+Despite periodic forays to the east, the report of Indian Agent Wilson
+of Fort Bridger in 1849 indicates that the generally recognized area
+of Shoshone occupancy was substantially unchanged (J. Wilson, 1849, p.
+1002):
+
+     Their claim of boundary is to the east from the Red Buttes
+     [near Casper, Wyoming], on the North Fork of the Platte, to its
+     head in the Park, De-cay-a-que or Buffalo Bull-pen, in the
+     Rocky Mountains; to the south, across the mountains, over to
+     the Yam pa pa, till it enters Green or Colorado River; and then
+     across to the Back bone or ridge of mts. called the Bear River
+     mountains, running nearly due west towards the Salt Lake, so as
+     to take in most of the Salt Lake, and thence on to the Sinks of
+     Mary's or Humboldt River; thence north to the fisheries on the
+     Snake river, in Oregon and thence south (their northern
+     boundary) to the Red Buttes, including the source of Green
+     River.
+
+Joseph Lane, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Oregon territory
+also wrote in that year that "the Shoshonee or Snake Indians inhabit a
+section of country west of the Rocky mountains, from the summit of
+these mountains north along Wind river mountains to Henry's fork...."
+(Lane, 1857, p. 158).
+
+Continuing reference to the presence of Shoshone east of the
+Continental Divide is found in reports dating from the 1850's,
+although the Green River country continued as the central area of
+Eastern Shoshone occupation. Indian Agent Holeman sought to bring the
+Shoshone to a treaty conference at Fort Laramie in 1851 and reported
+(Holeman, 1852, p. 445):
+
+     ... met the village assembled on Sweet Water, about fifty miles
+     east of the South pass. On the 21st of August I had a talk with
+     them, which resulted in their selecting sixty of their
+     headmen, fully authorized to act for the whole tribe....
+
+In September, 1852, Brigham Young arranged a peace conference between
+the Ute and Shoshone. The Mormon governor reported (Young, 1852, p.
+438):
+
+     I then asked the Shoshones how they would like to have us
+     settle upon their lands at Green River. They replied that the
+     land at Green River did not belong to them; that they lived and
+     inhabited in the vicinity of the Wind River chain of mountains
+     and the Sweet River (or Sugar Water, as they called it), but
+     that if we would make a settlement on Green River they would be
+     glad to come to trade with us.
+
+Difficulties soon developed between the Mormons and the Indians on
+Green River (Holeman, 1858, pp. 159-160). The report of Lieutenant
+Fleming of Fort Laramie in 1854 suggests that the Shoshone had not
+relinquished the Green River country to the Mormon colonists, despite
+Young's claim (H. B. Fleming, 1858, p. 167):
+
+     The mountain men have wives and children among the Snake
+     Indians, and therefore claim the right to the Green River
+     country, in virtue of the grant given them by the Indians, to
+     whom the country belongs, as no treaty has yet been made to
+     extinguish their title.
+
+The Morehead narrative in Connelley's edition of the Doniphan
+expedition notes that some two or three thousand Shoshone were camped
+on the Green River in the summer of 1857; Chief Washakie was present
+at this encampment (Connelley, 1907, p. 607). And Alter's biography of
+James Bridger states that in the winter of 1857-58 "Chief Washakie and
+two thousand Shoshone tribesmen at the crossing of the Green had no
+particular difficulty that winter" (Alter, 1925, p. 303). Forney, in
+June, 1858, wrote of his plans to establish the Shoshone "under Chief
+Wash-A-Kee" on the tributaries of the Green River (Forney, 1860_b_, p.
+45) and reported that the group was located on that river in May, 1858
+(Forney, 1859, p. 564).
+
+Albert H. Campbell, General Superintendent of the Pacific Wagon Roads,
+wrote in 1859 that the Shoshone were restricted to the area west of
+the Rockies (1859, p. 8):
+
+     The Snakes have received very little attention hitherto from
+     the authorities of the United States, and frequent wars with
+     their powerful neighbors, the Blackfeet and Crows, have
+     compelled them in a manner to withdraw from the buffalo range
+     and keep within the mountain fastnesses, where they derive a
+     scanty subsistence from roots and the smaller game.
+
+The total context of historical material indicates, however, that the
+Shoshone were hunting buffalo on the eastern side of the Continental
+Divide during this period and, in so doing, were following a pattern
+of transmontane hunting familiar to us among the Plateau tribes.
+Forney wrote in September, 1858 (1859, p. 564):
+
+     I have heretofore spoken of a large tribe of Indians known as
+     the Snakes. They claim a large tract of country lying in the
+     eastern part of this Territory, but are scarcely ever found
+     upon their own land.
+
+     They generally inhabit the Wind River country, in Oregon and
+     Nebraska Territories, and they sometimes range as far east as
+     Fort Laramie, in the latter Territory. Their principal
+     subsistence is the buffalo, and it is for the purpose of
+     hunting them that they range so far east of their own country.
+     This tribe numbers about twelve hundred souls, all under one
+     principal chief, Wash-a-kee. He has perfect command over them,
+     and is one of the finest looking and most intellectual Indians
+     I ever saw.
+
+The duration of the previously mentioned peaceful interlude between
+the Crow and the Shoshone of Wyoming cannot be accurately determined.
+However, Lander reported them at war in 1858 (1859, p. 49):
+
+     The Crow and Shoshonee Indians having broken out into open war
+     in the north, did not permit of my risking or exposing the
+     large stock of mules of the expedition at the camp selected as
+     the wintering ground of last year's expedition, on Wind River.
+
+Lander encountered Washakie and "the whole of the great tribe of the
+eastern Shoshonees" hunting antelope on the headwaters of the Green
+River (p. 68). The Shoshone spent the winter on Wind River but "the
+last account from them say they are in a starving condition; they are
+at war with the Crows, and are afraid to go out to hunt for game" (p.
+69). The Shoshone had fought with the Crow on October 27, 1858, which
+had probably prevented them from attempting the fall buffalo hunt.
+They apparently undertook a hunt during the following spring, for Will
+H. Wagner, an engineer on the South Pass wagon road, observed in May
+of 1859 that only a few Shoshone lodges were found on Green River, the
+main body still being in the Wind River Valley (Wagner, 1861, p. 25).
+
+In February, 1860, Lander wrote a summary of Eastern Shoshone
+territorial use as of 1859 (1860, pp. 121-122):
+
+     The Eastern Snakes range from the waters of Wind river or
+     latitude 43° 30' on the north and from the South Pass to the
+     headwaters of the North Platte on the east, and to Bear river
+     near the mouth of Smith's Fork on the west. They extend south
+     as far as Brown's Hole on Green River. Their principal
+     subsistence is the roots and seeds of the wild vegetables of
+     the region they inhabit, the mountain trout, with which all the
+     streams of the country are abundantly supplied, and wild game.
+     The latter is now very scarce in the vicinity of the new and
+     old emigrant roads.
+
+     The immense herds of antelope I remember having seen along the
+     route of the new road in 1854 and 1857 seem to have
+     disappeared. These Indians visit the border ground between
+     their own country and the Crows and Blackfeet for the purpose
+     of hunting Elk, Antelope and stray herds of buffalo. When these
+     trips are made they travel only in large bands for fear of the
+     Blackfeet and Crows. With the Bannacks and parties of Salt Lake
+     Diggers they often make still longer marches into the
+     northwestern buffalo ranges on the head waters of the Missouri
+     and Yellow Stone.
+
+     These excursions usually last over winter, the more western
+     Indians who join them passing over a distance of twelve
+     hundred miles on the out and return journey.
+
+Under the leadership of Washakie, which dates from approximately the
+beginning of the period of heavy emigration to the Far West, the
+Shoshone of Wyoming had maintained amicable relations with the whites.
+The early 1860's, however, saw increased clashes between Indians and
+whites in the Bear River country and in southern Idaho. While the
+activities of Chief Pocatello's band and of other hostile groups will
+be further discussed in the section on Idaho, it would be well at this
+point to clarify relations between Washakie's followers and the people
+of Bear River. It is impossible to differentiate a Wyoming group as
+distinct from the Shoshone of Bear River in earlier periods, and, in
+view of the presence of buffalo in the country of the Green and Bear
+rivers until at least 1840, it is more than probable that southwestern
+Wyoming, northern Utah, and southeastern Idaho were common grounds
+roamed over by several nomadic hunting groups. Lander recognized the
+affinity between the areas, although he distinguished Washakie's
+Eastern Shoshone from the Utah residents on the basis of their
+respective relations with the whites (Lander, 1860, pp. 122-123):
+
+     The Salt Lake Diggers intermarry with the Eastern Snakes and
+     are on good terms with them.
+
+     Among these Indians [the "Salt Lake Diggers"] are some of the
+     worst in the mountains. Washakie will not permit a horse thief
+     or vagabond to remain in his band, but many of the Mormon
+     Indians go about the country with minor chiefs calling
+     themselves Eastern Snakes.
+
+     Old Snag, a chief sometimes seen on Green River, who proclaims
+     himself an Eastern Snake, and friend of the Americans, is of
+     this class....
+
+     Southern Indians pass, on their way "to buffalo," (a technical
+     term,) through the lands of the Eastern Snakes and Bannocks,
+     and the latter are often made to bear the blame of their
+     horse-stealing proclivities.
+
+Doty reported depredations on the road between Fort Laramie and Salt
+Lake City in 1862 (Doty, 1863, pp. 342, 355), and in the following
+year the Army attacked a large number of the hostiles on Bear River
+and inflicted very severe losses on them (War of the Rebellion, 1902,
+pp. 185-187). Doty reported from Box Elder, Utah, on July 30 of the
+same year (ibid., p. 219):
+
+     A treaty of peace was this day concluded at this place by Gen.
+     Connor [who led the Bear River attack] and myself with the
+     bands of the Shoshones, of which Pocatello, San Pitch and
+     Sagwich are the principal chiefs.
+
+Earlier, on July 2, 1863, a treaty was entered into at Fort Bridger
+between Doty and the bands of "Waushakee," "Shauwuno," "Tibagan,"
+"Peoastoagah," "Totimee," "Ashingodimah," "Sagowitz," "Oretzimawik,"
+"Bazil," and "Sanpitz" (Doty, 1865, p. 319). Doty noted at this time
+that the Shoshone "claim their ... eastern boundary on the crest of
+the Rocky mountains; but it is certain that they, as well as the
+Bannacks, hunt buffalo below the Three Forks of the Missouri, and on
+the headwaters of the Yellowstone" (p. 318). Doty continued (pp.
+318-319):
+
+     As none of the Indians of this country have permanent places
+     of abode, in their hunting excursions they wander over an
+     immense region, extending from the fisheries at and below
+     Salmon Falls, on the Shoshone [Snake] river, near the Oregon
+     line, to the sources of that stream and to the Buffalo country
+     beyond....
+
+     The Shoshonees and Bannocks are the only nations which, to my
+     knowledge hunt together over the same ground.
+
+The Shoshone continued to hunt beyond the mountains after the Fort
+Bridger treaty. Superintendent Irish reported in September, 1864, that
+the "Shoshonees" were at Bear Lake awaiting their payment and were
+impatient to "go to their winter hunting grounds on Wind River"
+(Irish, 1865, p. 314). Three hundred Cheyenne lodges were reported in
+Wind River Valley in May, 1865, but the group subsequently withdrew to
+the "Sweetwater mountains and thence to Powder River" (Coutant, 1899,
+1:440). In September, 1865, Irish reported that the Shoshone
+frequented the Wind River country and the headwaters of the North
+Platte and Missouri rivers (Irish, 1866, p. 311). The Superintendent
+described the pattern of movement that had become established (ibid.):
+
+     Their principal subsistence is the buffalo, which they hunt
+     during the fall, winter, and spring, on which they subsist
+     during that time, and return in the summer to Fort Bridger and
+     Great Salt Lake City.
+
+Agent Luther Mann of Fort Bridger added (1865, p. 327):
+
+     They spend about eight months of the year among the Wind River
+     mountains and in the valley of the Wind River, Big Horn and
+     Yellowstone....
+
+     The Shoshonees are friendly with the Bannacks, their neighbor
+     on the north ... but are hostile toward the tribes on their
+     eastern boundaries, viz: Sioux, Arapahoes, Cheyennes, and
+     Crows.
+
+Mann observed that the Eastern Shoshone numbered some 150 lodges.
+However, he also noted that Washakie claimed to be too weak to fight
+his enemies. In his next year's report, Mann wrote that on September
+20, 1865, the Shoshone set out from Fort Bridger for the Wind River
+and Popo Agie valleys where they hunted buffalo, deer, elk, and
+mountain sheep and passed the winter. Only five to ten lodges remained
+on Green River for the winter (ibid., p. 126).
+
+The Shoshone had some difficulty with hostile tribes during their
+hunts in the Wind River Valley. The battle of Crowheart Butte (near
+Crowheart, Wyoming) has become a legend on the Wind River Reservation,
+and the facts of the event have become well embellished. More reliable
+informants claim that the Crow were encamped at the present site of
+Kinnear, Wyoming, on the north side of Big Wind River and were driven
+out after a strong attack by the Shoshone. The Crow detachment was
+evidently not merely a war party, for the men were accompanied by
+their women and children. Hebard, using documentary material
+unavailable to the writers, places the date of this battle as March,
+1866 (Hebard, 1930, p. 151). There is no further mention in the
+sources of Crow occupation of the Wind River Valley.
+
+This was not the end of the Shoshones' troubles, however, for in the
+following year (1867), Indian Agent Mann noted (1868, p. 182):
+
+     Immediately after the distribution of their annuity goods last
+     year, they left this agency for their hunting grounds in the
+     Popeaugie [Popo Agie River, near Lander, Wyo.] and Wind River
+     valleys, the only portion of the country claimed by them where
+     they can obtain buffalo.
+
+     Early last spring the near approach of hostile Sioux and
+     Cheyennes compelled them to leave before they could prepare
+     their usual supply of dried meat for summer use.
+
+Mann further reported that, after being paid the annuity on June 8,
+1867, "they have since gone to the valley of the Great Salt Lake, as
+is usual with them, preparatory to their return to their hunting
+grounds in autumn" (p. 183). These accounts further document the
+manner in which the Utah and Wyoming populations merged.
+
+The Sioux were apparently especially active east of the Wind River
+Range in these years and many other attacks were reported. The
+Shoshone went to Wind River in 1868 and were again attacked by the
+Sioux. Agent Mann reported that year that a few small bands of
+Shoshone had not hunted buffalo in two years for fear of attack (Mann,
+1869, pp. 616-618).
+
+The government had a good deal of difficulty in persuading the
+Shoshone to remain on the reservation established by the treaty of
+1868. Captain J. H. Patterson, the new agent, wrote in 1869 (1870, p.
+717): "So powerful are the Sioux, it is only after winter is far
+advanced, and from that time until early in the spring, that the
+Shoshones can remain on the reservation." They passed the winter of
+1868-69 at Wind River, but the Sioux attacked on April 26, 1869,
+before they broke winter camp (J. A. Campbell, 1870, p. 173). On
+September 14, 1869, Siouan warriors attempted another foray into Wind
+River Valley but were repulsed by troops. Fearful of another early
+attack and wary of their new reservation co-residents, the Northern
+Arapaho and Washakie left Wind River at the end of April of the
+following year (1870). The Shoshone departed with little stored meat,
+since they were unable to pursue the buffalo far out on the prairie
+(G. W. Fleming, 1871, p. 643).
+
+In the following years, we hear little of the hunting activities of
+the Shoshone. They were moved permanently to the Wind River
+Reservation, where, according to Agent James Irwin in 1873, they
+showed a strong desire to abandon their nomadic ways and to learn
+agriculture (Irwin, 1874, p. 612). Irwin claimed that, although the
+Bannock population of the "Shoshone and Bannock Agency" at Wind River
+was transferred in 1872 to Fort Hall, 216 still unsettled Shoshone had
+expressed intent in the following year to move to Wind River. The
+Shoshone experienced little success in their early attempts at
+farming, and the government food allotments were seldom adequate to
+last through the year. This, combined with the traditional value
+placed on the buffalo hunt, perpetuated the nomadic pattern for a
+number of years. As late as 1877, Agent Patten wrote (1878, p. 605):
+
+     During the month of October last [1876], while the Shoshones
+     were on one of their annual hunts, the village became divided;
+     Washakie, with the greater portion, struck across the country
+     from the base of the Sierra Shoshone Mountains to the mouth of
+     Owl Creek on Big Wind River; the smallest party, under two
+     braves named Na-akie and Ta-goon-dum, started for the river
+     above the mouth of Grey Bull, where having arrived the prospect
+     of a successful hunt was propitious. Large herds of buffalo
+     were everywhere in sight; but the next morning after their
+     arrival this little band, comprising men, women, and children,
+     were suddenly attacked by Dull Knife's band of hostile Cheyenne
+     warriors.
+
+The Plains were evidently still unsafe, and hunting parties traveled
+in strength. But the end of the buffalo period was not far off, for
+hide-hunters and settlers had already made massive inroads on the
+herds, and the open-range cattle-raising industry had begun. It is
+interesting to note, however, that the itinerary followed in 1876 was
+much the same as that related by Shimkin's informants and by ours.
+Except for that given in the one account by Hamilton, it has no
+antecedents in the historical literature.
+
+
+EARLY RESERVATION PERIOD
+
+Wind River Shoshone informants speak little of activities west of the
+Continental Divide and tend to place their early economic life almost
+entirely in the Missouri drainage. This is not surprising when it is
+considered that eighty-six years had passed between the signing of the
+Fort Bridger treaty of July 3, 1868, establishing the reservation, and
+the field work reported here. Almost seventy years had elapsed between
+that date and Shimkin's 1937-1938 field work. That informants have a
+one-dimensional view of earlier periods in Shoshone history may well
+be expected. The type of data that deals with locales and events, the
+movements of peoples and situational adaptation is history of a
+different kind from the traditional cultural material with which
+anthropologists usually work. It would be an understatement to say
+that it would tax the memory of any human being to ask exactly where
+and when his people hunted many years before he was born. One of the
+oldest living Shoshone, for example, responded to our question about
+the location of the chief's lodge in the camp by saying that the
+chiefs lived in log cabins near the Agency. And even this was quite a
+mnemonic feat.
+
+Most of the following data was obtained from informants and pertains
+primarily to the early reservation period. Even for such a relatively
+late time, the information is not wholly reliable and is often vague
+and fragmentary. Certain aspects of these data are perpetuated in Wind
+River tradition, however, and are valid for even earlier periods than
+the one discussed. These concern the yearly economic cycle, the rhythm
+of movement from buffalo prairies to the mountains, the coalescence
+and fragmentation of social groups, the types of fish and game taken
+and the technology involved--cultural facts not immediately linked to
+situational, historical factors. These comments on reliability of
+informants' data should be borne in mind throughout the account below.
+
+The stable center of Eastern Shoshone settlement pattern was the
+winter camp. All informants agreed that the chief winter camps were in
+the valleys of the Big and Little Wind rivers, in the region of the
+present Diversion Dam and Fort Washakie, respectively. There they
+were protected from winter storms, and the winds blew enough snow from
+the ground to allow the horses to graze. In the bottomlands by the
+streams they found water and firewood and enjoyed the protection of
+the cottonwood trees. In the period before the ending of intertribal
+hostilities in Wyoming camps were closely clustered to allow for
+mutual defense in the event of an attack, but after the pacification
+of the area, people pitched their tipis farther apart. Although never
+safe from attack, the Shoshone had greater security during the winter,
+since the cold and snows made their enemies relatively immobile also.
+
+Winter residence at Wind River was not obligatory. Smaller groups were
+said to camp on the western slope of the Wind River Mountains, in the
+vicinity of Pinedale, and others remained near Fort Bridger.
+Contemporary informants gave no confirmation of Shimkin's statement
+that a group of Shoshone, under Washakie, customarily wintered in the
+Absaroka Mountain foothills on the head of the Grey Bull River
+(Shimkin, 1947_a_, p. 247). Also, Shimkin's chart, which shows that
+Shoshone occasionally spent the winter in the Powder and Sweetwater
+River valleys (p. 279), probably indicates the true situation only for
+the period after the area became secure from attack, in the 1870's.
+All of these locales would be highly vulnerable to hostiles, as was
+the Wind River Valley in the pre-reservation era, and it is highly
+probable that Shimkin's informants spoke of post-reservation events
+and not of a traditional pattern.
+
+Subsistence during the winter was gained chiefly from the stored yield
+of the fall buffalo hunt. The meat was dried and pounded and placed in
+large rawhide bags. True pemmican was not manufactured, although the
+pulverized buffalo meat was mixed with dried roots and berries
+preparatory to being eaten.
+
+Stores frequently ran low towards the end of winter, and some hardship
+resulted. However, the stored food was supplemented by elk which had
+been driven out of the mountains by snow, and by antelope and deer
+meat. Rabbits were also snared.
+
+Some informants stated that the Shoshone went into winter camp as
+early as October. Others, however, reported that the winter camp was
+made as late as December. It would seem that November to December are
+the more probable times. Support for this date is found in Shimkin
+(1947_a_, p. 279).
+
+The winter camp broke up in February or March, and the spring buffalo
+hunt was then launched. This was a collective venture, as opposed to
+the sporadic and individual hunting that went on during the winter.
+Informants were extremely vague in saying whether all the winter camp
+went on the spring hunt together or whether they broke up into
+parties. Shimkin states that the Shoshone split into four bands when
+buffalo hunting (p. 247). Some of my own informants, however, said
+that all hunted in one group under Washakie. Others said that there
+were several chiefs, and each took his people where he chose.
+
+The buffalo in springtime were not of good quality, and the lean,
+tough meat was considered very inferior to the fat meat obtained in
+the fall. Informants said that the chief purpose of the spring hunt
+was to obtain hides for tipis (and all the other uses to which buffalo
+hide was put) and to get fresh meat. The spring hunt was generally
+pursued in the Big Horn Basin, although there were buffalo in the Wind
+River Valley itself, which were also hunted. Although the former
+locale is most frequently mentioned, it should be assumed that the
+migratory habits of the buffalo imposed some variability.
+
+After the spring hunt, the Shoshone reconvened in Wind River Valley
+and in June held their Sun Dance. This was a period of general
+gathering and involved visits of people from other areas.
+
+After the Sun Dance was concluded, the participants withdrew from the
+valley lands and retired to the Green River country and the mountains
+until the autumn buffalo hunt. At this time, the larger buffalo-hunt
+and Sun Dance group broke into small units and scattered in several
+directions. Shimkin maps some of the trails followed by the summer
+hunting parties (p. 249). Although there was considerable deviation
+from the trails he indicates, they show a penetration of the
+Yellowstone and Jackson Hole country, the Owl Creek Mountains, and the
+Green River and Bear River regions.
+
+Shimkin's chart of the yearly subsistence cycle shows June and July as
+a period of intertribal rendezvous while August and early September
+were spent in family groups (p. 279). My informants indicated that
+small groups of families were the essential social and economic units
+from June to September; the trade rendezvous held in the Green River
+country ended by 1840. Some Shoshone said the summer group
+consisted of only one tipi, while others claimed that this was a
+post-reservation pattern. In earlier times, it was said, the need for
+security from attack caused groups of from six to ten tipis (this
+figure is highly uncertain) to travel together. These summer groups
+were probably the most stable and cohesive units in Eastern Shoshone
+society, although there was a good deal of interchange of members.
+
+Although each summer group often followed the same general route every
+year, other groups could and did hunt this territory. There was no
+sense of group or band ownership of the lands habitually visited, and
+a group could alter or change its route. In June many people went to
+the Sweetwater region and across South Pass to hunt antelope. Antelope
+were also hunted at various times of the year north of Wind River on
+the benches at the foot of the Owl Creek Range and in the Green River
+country. In the latter area, the Eastern Shoshone were frequently
+joined in September by Shoshone and Bannock from Idaho.
+
+There were several routes to the Jackson Hole and Yellowstone country.
+The Yellowstone does not seem to have been visited as frequently
+before the final pacification of the area, owing, no doubt, to the
+proximity of Crow and Blackfoot. Some groups followed the most direct
+route--through the Wind River Valley and across Togwatee Pass (the
+present route of U. S. Highway 287). Others hunted first in the Owl
+Creek Mountains and then crossed west into the Wind River Valley at
+Dubois and thence through Togwatee Pass. Still another route led
+through the "Rough Trail," now called Washakie Pass, in the Wind River
+Range and gave access to the Pinedale area and the western slope of
+the range. From that point, groups hunted in this immediate region or
+went northwest to Jackson Hole or south to the Fort Bridger area. Any
+one of these routes could be used for the return to Wind River and the
+subsequent fall buffalo hunt, but there was a tendency to return by a
+different trail than that used on the outward trip.
+
+Summer subsistence activities were varied, but none called for
+extensive coöperation beyond the immediate family or the small summer
+group. Antelope hunting west of the Continental Divide called for
+some joint endeavor, though not on the scale of the buffalo hunt.
+Moose and elk were hunted by smaller parties in the high mountain
+parks and forests of the Wind River, Grand Teton, and Owl Creek
+Mountains. The last range was especially noted for a plentiful supply
+of mountain sheep. Deer were killed and rabbits were taken throughout
+the year. Sage hens were snared in the spring, and duck were killed on
+Bull Lake in Wind River Valley in the fall. After 1840, there were
+almost no buffalo left on the west side of the Wind River Range,
+although before that time they were pursued there by the Shoshone.
+However, the Wind River Valley abounded in buffalo until relatively
+late, for the worst excesses of the white hide-hunters did not begin
+until after the Civil War. Buffalo were also killed in the Owl Creek
+and Wind River foothills and were taken also in Jackson Hole and
+Yellowstone Park. Also, a smaller variety of buffalo, called timber
+buffalo, which did not follow the migratory pattern of the larger
+Plains type, was killed in the high mountain parks.
+
+Fish were of fundamental importance, especially, according to Shimkin
+(1947_a_, p. 268), during the spring. Mountain trout were the main
+fish; the Eastern Shoshone did not join their colinguists in salmon
+fishing on the Columbia waters, at least during this later period.
+Shimkin specifically states that "no private ownership of good fishing
+places existed, and dams and weirs were not maintained from year to
+year" (ibid.). This accords with our own field data.
+
+Summer economic activities involved little estensive coöperation and,
+since game was scattered through the mountains rather than
+concentrated in large herds, the small groups of families were the
+most effective economic units. It is significant in this connection
+that, as soon as the security of the country was guaranteed by the
+presence of the whites, the one-or two-tipi summer camp displaced its
+somewhat larger predecessor. Game in the pre-treaty period was
+plentiful in the Wyoming mountains and a single family or small group
+of tipis could gain adequate subsistence; the principal reason for
+larger gatherings in the summer was defense. The yield probably became
+better after camp groups became smaller, for locales were not hunted
+out as rapidly.
+
+The only economic activity other than the buffalo hunt which called
+for the coöperation of a large group of men was antelope hunting.
+Antelope were usually surrounded by the hunters and run in circles by
+relays of mounted men. Unlike the Nevada population, the Eastern
+Shoshone did not build brush corrals or employ antelope shamans.
+
+Women's economic life could be pursued by individuals. In addition to
+cooking, dressing skins, and other household chores, women's efforts
+provided all the vegetable foods consumed by the Shoshone. This
+activity went on from summer into fall. Various berries were
+collected; gooseberries, currants, buffalo berries, and chokecherries
+being the most important. All these berries grew near streams and
+ripened about August. Gooseberries and chokecherries can be found in
+the mountains and foothills while buffalo berries and currants grow in
+the lower valleys. The berries were dried and stored for future use.
+
+Roots, also, were a valuable adjunct to the diet. Yamp, the principal
+root, was found in the mountains. Bitterroot was dug on prairie hills,
+wild potatoes were found in the foothills, and the wild onion grew in
+the valley floors. Although special trips were not made to root
+grounds (in contrast to the congregations for camas in Idaho) the
+women dug them out with pointed sticks near favorable hunting camps.
+One informant spoke, for example, of the rich yamp grounds in the Big
+Horn Mountains. All the women of the camp group went out together to
+dig roots. This was for purposes of companionship; each woman dug and
+kept her own tubers.
+
+In September, the scattered camp groups reunited at Wind River for the
+fall buffalo hunt. The buffalo was a critical factor in Wind River
+subsistence, for it provided the margin of survival through the long
+winter. The Eastern Shoshone were frequently joined in the buffalo
+hunt by other Shoshone from the Bear River country and, less often, by
+Shoshone and Bannock from Idaho. The last two groups usually hunted
+buffalo in Montana with certain Plateau tribes, and their routes did
+not usually coincide. Informants uniformly said that all the Eastern
+Shoshone went out to hunt buffalo together, and Shimkin (1947_a_, p.
+280) states that "in full strength, often with Bannocks or others
+accompanying them, they would cross the Wind River Range" for the fall
+hunt. It seems certain that, insofar as they may have penetrated far
+north into the Big Horn Basin, numerical strength was necessary during
+the immediate pre-reservation period and shortly thereafter.
+
+As the buffalo camp moved out on the range, scouts were sent ahead to
+locate the herds. The actual techniques used by hunters were much the
+same as among the Plains tribes. Ideally, two horses were used, one
+for riding within reach of the herd, the other a swift horse trained
+to run close to the buffalo while avoiding the animal's horns. The
+herd was surrounded and run, and the flanking hunters shot arrows and
+launched spears at the prey. When a buffalo was killed, the hunter
+threw an arrow or some personal, identifying possession on the carcass
+to mark it as his.
+
+This was apparently the main technique for buffalo hunting. They were
+not stampeded over cliffs, as was the practice of some Indian tribes.
+One informant said that Chief Washakie would not permit it for reasons
+of conservation. Occasionally, hunters on foot stalked and killed
+buffalo with the bow and arrow, but such activities did not take place
+during the communal hunts.
+
+When on the fall hunt, individual hunters did not attack the herds,
+for the animals might stampede for long distances after only one or
+two were killed. The fall hunt was organized coöperatively, but
+informants denied the existence of the typical Plains police, or
+soldier, societies or any comparable form of institutionalized
+discipline to prevent individual hunting.
+
+The time spent in the fall hunt, including travel, appears to have
+been about two months--from mid-September to mid-November. Meat and
+hides were prepared by the women and packed back to winter camp.
+Shimkin doubts the efficiency of the buffalo hunt (1947_a_, p. 266).
+If it is assumed that each family had from five to ten horses, three
+of which were needed to drag the tipi and utensil-loaded travois and
+three for riding, only two horses were, according to his reasoning,
+available for packing. Since one would be loaded with hides for trade,
+only one was available for carrying meat. The supply carried was
+sufficient for no more than twenty days, Shimkin concludes.
+
+The mounted buffalo hunters were not the only Shoshone inhabitants of
+Wyoming, and one more group remains to be discussed. In the mountain
+chain extending from the Wind River Range northwest to the Teton and
+Gros Ventres ranges and northward into Yellowstone lived a Shoshone
+population known as the Dukarika, or Sheepeaters. These Dukarika are
+not to be confused with a Shoshone population of the same name in the
+mountains of Idaho. The two were socially and geographically separate;
+their common name is due only to the fact that there were mountain
+sheep in the habitats of both. The name thus has no more significance
+in terms of political organization than do the food names applied to
+Shoshone living in certain areas of Nevada and Idaho.
+
+There is little documentary information on the Dukarika, and
+contemporary Wind River informants knew very little about them. Our
+earliest reference to these secluded people is found in Bonneville's
+journals, when, in September, 1833, three Indians were sighted in the
+Wind River Range. Irving writes (1850, p. 139):
+
+     Captain Bonneville at once concluded that these belonged to a
+     kind of hermit race, scanty in number, that inhabit the highest
+     and most inaccessible fastnesses. They speak the Shoshone
+     language and probably are offsets from that tribe, though they
+     have peculiarities of their own, which distinguish them from
+     all other Indians. They are miserably poor, own no horses, and
+     are destitute of every convenience to be derived from an
+     intercourse with the whites. Their weapons are bows and
+     stone-pointed arrows, with which they hunt the deer, the elk,
+     and the mountain sheep. They are to be found scattered about
+     the countries of the Shoshone, Flathead, Crow, and Blackfeet
+     tribes; but their residences are always in lonely places, and
+     the clefts of rocks.
+
+Osborne Russell, when trapping in Lamar Valley in Yellowstone Park in
+July, 1835, observed (1955, p. 26):
+
+     Here we found a few Snake Indians comprising six men, seven
+     women, and eight or ten children who were the only inhabitants
+     of this lonely and secluded spot. They were all neatly clothed
+     in dressed deer and sheep skins of the best quality and seemed
+     to be perfectly contented and happy.
+
+The Indians had "about thirty dogs on which they carried their skins,
+clothing, provisions, etc., on their hunting excursions. They were
+well armed with bows and arrows pointed with obsidian" (ibid.).
+Russell also saw other "Mountain Snakes" near the headwaters of the
+Shoshone River (ibid., p. 64). Speaking of the Dukarika, Hiram
+Chittenden says (1933, p. 8):
+
+     It was a humble branch of the Shoshone family which alone is
+     known to have dwelt in the region of Yellowstone Park. They
+     were called Tuakuarika, or more commonly Sheepeaters. They were
+     found in the park country at the time of its discovery, and had
+     doubtless long been there. The Indians were veritable hermits
+     of the mountains, utterly unfit for warlike contention, and
+     seem to have sought immunity from their dangerous neighbors by
+     dwelling among the inaccessible fastnesses of the mountains.
+
+Chittenden continues:
+
+     We-Saw [an Indian who accompanied Capt. Jones in 1873] states
+     that he had neither knowledge nor tradition of any permanent
+     occupants of the Park save the timid Sheepeaters.... He said
+     that his people [Shoshone], the Bannocks, and the Crows,
+     occasionally visited the Yellowstone Lake and River.
+
+Captain W. A. Jones, when on his 1873 expedition to Yellowstone Park,
+commented that one of the Indians with him, a Sheepeater, knew the
+route back to Wind River (Jones, 1875, p. 39). Beyond these few
+citations, the Sheepeaters are almost unmentioned.
+
+In contrast to the previously described Shoshone, the Dukarika
+traveled mostly on foot, although a very few had horses. They hunted
+timber buffalo near the mountain lakes and killed elk, deer, and the
+mountain sheep for which they were named. Antelope were occasionally
+hunted near Pinedale by those who owned horses. The best hunting
+grounds were considered to be those near Pinedale and on the west
+slope of the Wind River Range. Although some Sheepeaters inhabited
+Yellowstone Park, their main hunting grounds were farther south. The
+Sheepeaters were by no means the only Indians who made use of the
+Yellowstone region. Hultkrantz also mentions entry by parties of
+"Kiowa, Plains Shoshoni, Lemhi Shoshoni, Bannock, Crow, Blackfoot and
+Nez Percé" (Hultkrantz, 1954, p. 140).
+
+All game was tracked and cornered by dogs and dispatched with the bow
+and arrow; the buffalo lance was used only by mounted hunters of
+Plains buffalo. Dogs were also used for packing--both on back and by
+travois.
+
+In addition to their hunting activities, the Sheepeaters speared trout
+in the spring and summer. Nets, traps, and weirs were apparently not
+used. They also made use of the wild vegetables (previously listed)
+that grow in the mountains.
+
+The Sheepeaters stayed in the mountains during the winter and did not
+join the valley winter camps of the buffalo hunters. They lived on
+stored meat and also continued to take elk, rabbits, and deer. Hunting
+was usually done on snowshoes.
+
+Their camp groups were small, and, although no exact figure could be
+obtained, they never numbered more than the occupants of a few
+buffalo-hide tipis. Each such group had its leader who decided the
+hunting itinerary. The Dukarikas had no over-all political
+organization; each small camp group was politically and economically
+autonomous. "Dukarika," then, can be assumed to be a term defining a
+type of economic adaptation rather than a social unit.
+
+The discreet Dukarika social units did not assert hunting rights to
+particular territories. Any group could hunt where it pleased, and
+they in no way resisted or resented the entry of the mounted Shoshone
+during the summer. Although they undoubtedly had contact with the
+latter, they did not join the spring or fall buffalo hunts, nor did
+they at any time during the pre-treaty period acknowledge the
+political leadership of the valley people. After the reservation was
+established, however, they left the mountains and settled in the Trout
+Creek section of the Wind River Reservation.
+
+
+EASTERN SHOSHONE TERRITORY
+
+Thus far, we have presented the pertinent historical data on Shoshone
+ecology in Wyoming and adjacent parts of northern Utah and we have
+described the annual cycle of economic activities during the early
+reservation period. The following summary of information on Eastern
+Shoshone territory will consider both kinds of data but will not
+attempt to delineate the social and political affiliations of the
+peoples using the lands. This subject, as the previously cited
+statement by Shimkin suggests (p. 300), is extremely complex and will
+be reserved for further discussion.
+
+The most perplexing problem presented by the Eastern Shoshone is the
+extent of their penetration into the Missouri River waters. Although
+the Shoshone evidently undertook forays at least as far east as Fort
+Laramie, contemporary informants and historical sources agree that
+their main hunting grounds extended no farther east than the
+Sweetwater and other headwaters of the North Platte River. We have no
+certain information of Shoshone use of lands east of the upper
+Sweetwater River, and informants gave no data on this sector.
+
+Wind River Shoshone informants relate the itineraries of
+buffalo-hunting parties northward into the Big Horn Basin. The fall
+and spring buffalo hunts were said to have taken place in the region
+of Thermopolis, Wyoming, and as far north as Cody and Greybull,
+Wyoming. The region east of the Big Horn Mountains was thought by
+informants to have been occasionally visited, but was acknowledged as
+the hunting grounds of hostile tribes. The presence of a "mixed party
+of Shoshone and Flatheads" in the Big Horn Mountains was noted by the
+westward-bound Astoria party in 1811 (Irving, 1890, p. 196) and
+indicates some early penetration of the area, although the presence of
+Flathead Indians suggests that the party had entered the area via
+Idaho and Montana and not from Green River. However, pre-reservation
+historical data show that before the 1840's the Eastern Shoshone
+largely restricted their buffalo hunting to the region west of the
+Continental Divide and sporadically penetrated the Wind River and Big
+Horn basins only after the buffalo disappeared from the country beyond
+the Rockies. Their entry into the eastern buffalo range became more
+frequent in the 1850's, but it by no means constituted an exclusive
+monopoly on lands there. They depended upon their numbers for
+protection and were forced to compete with other tribes for the right
+to hunt on the land. Their hunting excursions were in the nature of
+forays and were unsuccessful in some years. They enjoyed security and
+some assurance of success in the hunt only after they had been placed
+under the protection of Federal troops and the Crow had been placed on
+reservations. That the center of Shoshone occupancy lay west of the
+Continental Divide was affirmed by Chief Washakie. Agent Head wrote in
+1867 (1868, p. 186):
+
+     Washakee said that the country east from the Wind river
+     mountains, to the settled portions of eastern Nebraska and
+     Kansas, had always been claimed by four principal Indian
+     tribes--the Sioux, Arapahoes, Cheyennes, and Crows.
+
+Further evidence that the valleys of the Big Horn and Wind rivers were
+used only for buffalo hunting and not stably occupied in the
+pre-reservation period is indicated by the Shoshones' ignorance of the
+hunting grounds in the surrounding mountains. Captain Jones used
+Shoshone guides from Camp Brown on the new Wind River Reservation when
+he undertook his exploration of Yellowstone Park in 1873. The captain
+and his party penetrated the Owl Creek Range, north of the reservation
+and found at the head of Owl Creek a lovely park (Jones, 1875, p.
+54):
+
+     This park bears many evidences of having been used as a hiding
+     place. Our Indians knew nothing of it, and yet there are all
+     through it numerous trails, old lodge poles, bleached bones of
+     game, and old camps of Cheyennes and Arapahoes.
+
+Shimkin (1947_a_, p. 248) notes that this park was one of the "foci"
+of Shoshone nomadic activity, a place to which Wind River people
+repaired for summer hunting. Although this is true for later times, it
+certainly was not so in the pre-reservation period when hunts on the
+Missouri waters were conducted only for limited periods and in the
+plains and valleys where buffalo were to be found.
+
+Until the late 1860's the Wind River Valley and the Big Horn Basin and
+Mountains were zones of penetration rather than occupation of the
+Eastern Shoshone. Another such zone is in the Tetons and Yellowstone.
+This is confirmed by the journal of Captain Jones, who commented upon
+the unfamiliarity of his Shoshone guides with the country around
+Yellowstone Lake (Jones, 1875, p. 23). He wrote (p. 34):
+
+     ... the Indians have failed to find the trail back to
+     Yellowstone Lake.... The explanation of this is that they are
+     "Plains Indians," and are wholly unaccustomed to travel among
+     forests like these.
+
+Later, the exploring party reached the upper Yellowstone River, above
+the lake, where Jones commented (p. 39):
+
+     We have now reached a country from which one of our Indians
+     says he knows the way back to Camp Brown by the head of Wind
+     River. He belongs to a band of Shoshones called "Sheepeaters,"
+     who have been forced to live for a number of years in the
+     mountains away from the tribe.
+
+The Yellowstone area was frequently entered by the Crow and was
+evidently not a Shoshone hunting territory, except for the
+Sheepeaters. Jackson Hole is more commonly mentioned by informants as
+a place of summer hunting activity, but the above information from
+Jones would suggest that parties entered it from the Green River
+country rather than from Wind River. The Eastern Shoshone apparently
+did not move west of the Tetons except when visiting the Shoshone and
+Bannock of Idaho. It should be mentioned at this point that the
+Shoshone and Bannock also hunted in the Jackson Hole and Yellowstone
+country, probably to a greater extent than did the Eastern Shoshone,
+and the frequent mention of parties of Blackfoot and other hostiles in
+the country both east and west of the Teton Range indicates that the
+weaker Shoshone experienced no little danger there.
+
+The valley of the Salt River in western Wyoming was used by both Idaho
+and Wyoming Shoshone. Idaho Shoshone and Bannock frequently entered
+the valleys of the Green River and its tributaries to hunt antelope in
+the fall. These people apparently mixed so frequently with the Eastern
+Shoshone in this area that it is most expedient to differentiate the
+respective populations according to where they wintered. On the west,
+Wind River Shoshone informants now make little mention of any use of
+the Bear River and Bear Lake country, despite the apparent
+interchangeability of population in the pre-reservation period; again,
+it must be assumed that informant data does not much antedate the
+move to Wind River.
+
+The southern and southeastern limits of the Shoshone range in Wyoming
+are most vague. They probably extended as far south as the Yampa River
+in Colorado and the Uinta Range in Utah; Lander places their southern
+limits at Brown's Hole, in northwestern Colorado on the Green River
+(Lander, 1860, p. 121).
+
+It is doubtful whether the country as far east as the North Platte and
+south to the Yampa was intensively exploited. Informants knew of no
+significant activities which went on in those areas, although they
+thought that antelope were occasionally hunted there. Most agreed that
+the Sweetwater River and Rawlins, Wyoming, were in Shoshone country,
+but Casper, Wyoming, and the Medicine Bow Mountains were excluded.
+Shimkin's map shows no regular utilization of the southeastern corner
+of Shoshone country (Shimkin, 1947_a_, map 1, p. 249), although my
+informants spoke of antelope hunts on the south side of South Pass. We
+can conclude that this whole area was, like many other sections, an
+area of occasional penetration. It is doubtful whether the poorly
+watered country between the Green and North Platte rivers was
+intensively used by any Indian group.
+
+
+SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
+
+A good deal of Eastern Shoshone social organization has already been
+described in the section on the subsistence cycle and in the context
+of historical data. Although the summer was spent in scattered groups,
+the collective buffalo hunt and the large winter camp made these
+Shoshone among the best organized of all the Shoshone population.
+Horses, a richer game supply, and the constant need for protection
+caused the Eastern Shoshone to travel in much larger groups than those
+of Nevada and perhaps also of Idaho, and leadership was,
+correspondingly, more highly developed. We hear early of the "'Horn
+Chief,' a distinguished chief and warrier of the Shoshonee tribe," who
+was frequently encountered in the Bear River region (Ferris, 1940, pp.
+71-73). Ferris also tells of two other Shoshone chiefs, but does not
+localize them or their following (p. 309):
+
+     The principal chief of the Snakes is called the "_Iron
+     Wristband_," a deceitful fellow, who pretends to be a great
+     friend of the whites, and promises to punish his followers for
+     killing them or stealing their horses. The "_Little Chief_" a
+     brave young warrior, is the most noble and honorable character
+     among them.
+
+Ferris also mentions a Shoshone leader named "Cut Nose," who, he said,
+assumed white dress and left the tribe (p. 310).
+
+During the 1840's the name of Washakie is mentioned with increasing
+frequency in historical sources and thereafter this chief overshadows
+all other leaders. We first hear of him from the trapper Russell who
+recorded a conversation at Weber River, Utah, in which the Shoshone
+leaders were discussed (Russell, 1921, pp. 114-116).
+
+     One remarked that the Snake chief, Pah-da-hewak um da was
+     becoming very unpopular and it was the opinion of the Snakes in
+     general that Moh-woom-hah, his brother, would be at the head of
+     affairs before twelve months, as his village already amounted
+     to more than three hundred lodges, and, moreover, he was
+     supported by the bravest men in the nation, among whom were
+     Ink-a-tosh-a-pop, Fibe-bo-un-to-wat-see and Who-sha-kik, who
+     were the pillars of the nation and at whose names the Blackfeet
+     quaked with fear.
+
+The death of the first two brothers in 1842 and 1843 resulted in
+considerable disorganization, according to Russell, and "the tribe
+scattered in smaller villages over the country in consequence of
+having no chief who could control and keep them together" (pp.
+145-146).
+
+Washakie is next mentioned in Hamilton's journal as a Shoshone chief
+encountered on Wind River (Hamilton, 1905, p. 63). In 1849, Agent
+Wilson listed him among the chiefs of the mounted Shoshone (J. Wilson,
+1849, p. 1002).
+
+     The principal chiefs of the Sho-sho-nies are Mono, about
+     forty-five years old, so called from a wound in the face or
+     cheek, from a ball that disfigures him; Wiskin, Cut-hair;
+     Washikick, Gourd-rattle, (with whom I have had an interview;)
+     and Oapichi, Big Man. Of the Sho-sho-nees Augatsira is the most
+     noted.
+
+Washakie maintained good relations with the whites and in 1852
+appeared in Salt Lake City to arrange peaceful trade with the Mormons.
+Also in 1852, Brigham Young's peace conference between the Ute and
+Shoshone included "Anker-howhitch (Arrow-pine being sick) and
+thirty-four lodges; on the part of the Shoshones, Wah-sho-kig,
+To-ter-mitch, Watchenamp, Ter-ret-e-ma, Pershe-go, and twenty-six
+lodges...." (Young, 1852, p. 437). Of these five Shoshone chiefs, only
+Washakie is subsequently mentioned in the literature. Brigham Young
+apparently recognized Washakie as the leader of the Eastern Shoshone,
+for in or about 1854 he sent a Mormon, Bill Hickman, to establish
+contact with Washakie in the Green River country (Hickman, 1872, p.
+105). Superintendent Forney reported of the Shoshone in 1859 (1860_a_,
+p. 731):
+
+     One of these [the fourteen bands listed by Forney], by common
+     consent, is denominated a tribe, and is under the complete
+     control of Chief Was-a-kee, assisted by four to six sub-chiefs.
+     These number, at least, twelve hundred.
+
+If this census is accurate, this number must have included most of the
+Eastern Shoshone population.
+
+Washakie gained fame as the friend of the white man. This reputation
+was well deserved, for the wagon route through southwestern Wyoming
+was made quite safe for the emigrants through his efforts.
+Furthermore, hostile, predatory bands never developed among the
+Eastern Shoshone as they did among the Shoshone and Paiute to the
+west. In a report dated February, 1860, Lander observed (1860, p.
+121): "No instance is on record of the Eastern Snakes having committed
+outrages upon the whites." We obtain a fuller description of Washakie
+in the same report (p. 122).
+
+     Wash-ikeek, the principal Chief of the tribe, is half Flathead.
+     He obtained his popularity in the nation by various feats as a
+     warrior and, it is urged by some of the mountaineers, by his
+     extreme severity. This has, in one or two instances, extended
+     so far as taking life. The word Washikee or Washikiek signifies
+     "Gambler's Gourd." He was originally called "Pina-qua-na" or
+     "Smell of Sugar." "Push-i-can" or "Pur-chi-can," another war
+     chief of the Snakes, bears upon his forehead the scar of a blow
+     of the tomahawk given by Washikee in one of these altercations.
+     Washikee, who is also known by the term of "the white man's
+     friend," was many years ago in the employment of the American
+     and Hudson's Bay Fur Companies. He was the constant companion
+     of the white trappers, and his superior knowledge and
+     accomplishments may be attributed to this fact.
+
+Other names than that of Washakie are noted among the lists of chiefs
+in Wyoming and Utah during the early 1860's. Among the Indians
+reported killed at Bear River in 1863 were Bear Hunter, Sagwich, and
+Leight (War of the Rebellion, 1902, p. 187). In the same source, the
+chiefs Pocatello and San Pitch were said to be still at large. These
+chiefs were usually in Utah and were independent of Washakie's band,
+although the relations between Wyoming and Bear River would suggest
+considerable interchange, even inseparability, of population. The
+virtual impossibility of dividing bands and populations during this
+period is indicated by Doty's list of the participants in the Fort
+Bridger Treaty of 1863. Doty claimed that between three and four
+thousand Indians were represented by the signatories and over one
+thousand people were present at the treaty (1865, p. 319):
+
+     They are known as Waushakee's band (who is the principal chief
+     of the nation), Wonapitz's band, Shauwuno's band, Tibagan's
+     band, Peoastogah's band, Totimee's band, Ashingodimah's band
+     (he was killed at the battle on Bear River) Sagowitz's band
+     (wounded at the same battle) Oretzimawik's band, Bazil's band,
+     Sanpitz's band. The bands of this chief and of Sagowitz were
+     nearly exterminated in the same battle.
+
+In a later compendium of chiefs Powell and Ingalls listed Sanpits as a
+Cache Valley chief over a group of 124, Sai-guits as the leader of 158
+Shoshone also in Cache Valley, Tav-i-wun-shean as headman at Bear Lake
+with 17 people, and Po-ka-tel-lo as chief over 101 Indians at Goose
+Creek (Powell and Ingalls, 1874, p. 419).
+
+Washakie evidently owed his position to a combination of his status as
+a war-leader, as a recognized intermediary with the whites, and as an
+unusually strong personality. However, as we shall see later, there
+were other chiefs among the Wyoming Shoshone, and Washakie's position,
+although always strong, was never completely unchallenged. Much of his
+strength derived from recognition by the whites, and the government
+officials made every effort to bolster Washakie's prestige actively.
+Lander, for example, urged: "Any steps which could be taken to augment
+the power of Washakee, who is perfectly safe in his attachment to the
+Americans and northern mountaineers, would also prove beneficial"
+(Lander, 1860, p. 123). Also, Agent Mann reported in 1868 the
+deviation of many Shoshone from Washakie's leadership in the following
+terms (1869, p. 618):
+
+     This diminution of his strength is not satisfactory to
+     Washakie; hence I have instructed all who have the means and
+     are not too aged belonging to these bands to follow Washakie,
+     impressing them with the fact that he alone is recognized as
+     their head, and assuring them that if they expect to share the
+     reward they must participate in all dangers incident to the
+     tribe. [Mann refers to residence on the often attacked Wind
+     River Reservation.]
+
+This situation grew worse shortly after the treaty. Mann reported in
+1869 (1870, p. 716): "A strong party is now separated from Washakie,
+and under the leadership of a half-breed, who has always sustained a
+good character, but who is, nevertheless, crafty and somewhat
+ambitious." Mann's successor. Captain J. H. Patterson, said in the
+same year. (Patterson, 1870, p. 717):
+
+     Washakie, the head chief, is rapidly losing his influence in
+     the tribe, though he has yet the larger band under his
+     immediate command; all or nearly all of the young men are with
+     the other chiefs. This division looks badly.
+
+He goes on to identify some of these chiefs (ibid.):
+
+     Shortly after my arrival [June 24, 1869] Nar-kok's band of
+     Shoshones came in to receive their goods. Washakie's,
+     Tab-on-she-ya's, and Bazil's bands were near at hand.
+
+The size of these bands is indicated in the following year, when Agent
+Fleming commented that Washakie's people "were joined by Tab-en-shen
+and Bazil, with about 64 lodges" (G. W. Fleming, 1871, p. 644).
+However, Washakie maintained his position of spokesman for the Eastern
+Shoshone. Governor J. A. Campbell claimed in 1870 (1871, p. 639):
+
+     Wash-a-kie ... has great influence with his tribe, which I have
+     endeavored to retain for him by always recognizing him as their
+     chief, and referring all others of his tribe to him as the only
+     one through whom I can hold any communication with them.
+
+Wind River Shoshone informants showed more confusion over
+chieftainship and patterns of leadership, in general, than on any
+other subject. All knew of Washakie and recognized his chieftaincy,
+but of those chiefs mentioned in sources confirmation was received
+only of Nar-kok, and this from but one informant. Shimkin mentions
+four main bands, each with its own chief (1947_a_, p. 247):
+
+     The band led by Ta'wunasia would go down the Sweetwater to the
+     upper North Platte [for the buffalo hunt]. That led by
+     Di'kandimp went straight east to the Powder River Valley; that
+     led by No'oki skirted the base of the Big Horn Mountains,
+     passing through Crow territory, then swung south again to the
+     Powder River Valley. Washakie ascended Big Wind River, and then
+     crossed the divide to winter near the headquarters of the
+     Greybull.
+
+Except for Washakie, No'oki was the only one of the above chiefs given
+also by our informants. Parenthetically, it should be emphasized that
+most of our informants stated that all the Eastern Shoshone hunted
+buffalo together for self-protection. The preceding historical
+account also suggests that Shimkin's data do not represent a stable
+traditional pattern, since the Plains were almost untenable until
+after the treaty, except for short hunts in strength.
+
+The following is a list of Wind River chiefs in the early reservation
+period, as given by informants. It should be remembered that a man
+might have more than one name, and phonetic transcriptions usually
+vary according to the recorder (and the informant).
+
+    Wantsea
+    Wanhi (Wantni)
+    Ohata (Ohotwe)
+    Dupeshipöoi (Dupíshibowoi)
+    Dabunesiu
+    Bohowansiye (Bohowosa)
+    Witungak
+    Dönotsi
+    Noki (No'oki of Shimkin)
+    Wohowat
+    Yohodökatsi
+    Noiohugo
+    Tagi
+    Tishawa
+    Wahawiichi
+    Sunup
+    Nakok (Narkok)
+
+Washakie was mentioned by most informants as the head chief of the
+Eastern Shoshone. One old woman, however, said that he was more of a
+chief in the eyes of the whites than among the Shoshone; another
+commented that there were many chiefs, but that only Washakie was
+known by the whites. Washakie's most important function was to
+represent the Shoshone before the whites; this is understandable since
+the whites would deal with nobody else.
+
+It was also commonly agreed that Washakie led the collective buffalo
+hunt, although the oldest man on the reservation claimed that there
+were many chiefs and that there was no special leader for the buffalo
+hunt. Informants said, furthermore, that the head chief acted as such
+only during those times of the year when all the people were together.
+Some stated that he directed them to the winter encampment and told
+them where to go in springtime and summer. Washakie was said to have
+acted at these times in council with the lesser chiefs and decisions
+were made known to the camp through an announcer. One informant said
+that Noki (No'oki) acted as announcer. The statement that Washakie
+assigned summer hunting areas to bands is undoubtedly erroneous, for
+it conflicts with the testimony of most informants that each group
+went where it chose.
+
+There was also disagreement on the extent of Washakie's influence.
+According to some informants, the term "Buffalo Eaters," as applied to
+Washakie's Wind River band, did not denote the people in the Green
+River country. Wanhi was said to be the chief of the people in the
+Fort Bridger area and not Washakie, who was chief only in Wind River.
+This division probably refers to the split between those who chose to
+settle on the reservation and those who did not.
+
+Despite considerable confusion about the role of the subchiefs, or
+lesser chiefs, they appear to have been men of prestige who had their
+own small following, although they recognized the personal influence
+of Washakie during large gatherings and general band endeavors. When
+not on the buffalo hunt or in winter camp these smaller groups of
+families, led by one or two of the minor leaders, functioned
+autonomously. Their itineraries and activities have already been
+described.
+
+The small band was undoubtedly a much more basic unit in Eastern
+Shoshone society than the "tribe" as a whole. Intermarriage linked the
+small camp groups, although one could marry into his own unit if
+incest rules, as determined by kinship bonds, were not violated.
+There was no obligatory rule of residence, but the couple more
+frequently resided after marriage with the bride's family. This was
+not necessarily a permanent arrangement, and visits were made to the
+families of either mate for extended periods. This, combined with
+individual freedom of choice of band membership, caused affiliations
+to be shifting and fluid. Ultimately these Shoshone were bilocal and
+neolocal. As has been said, the bands were not territory-owning units,
+and their chief functions were to provide economic coöperation and
+defense against enemies.
+
+Leadership was an attained status and was not transmitted by descent.
+Raynolds, however, refers to Cut-Nose as being the "hereditary chief
+of the Snakes," according to information received from Jim Bridger
+(Raynolds, 1868, p. 95), and the reservation chieftaincy passed
+patrilineally in Washakie's family until the Reorganization Act
+established the tribal council. However, all informants agreed that
+one became a chief owing to merit--primarily through renown as a
+warrior. That the chieftaincy was neither inherited nor permanent is
+indicated by the proliferation of chiefs' names in historical sources.
+Except for such figures as Washakie and Pocatello, a chief is rarely
+mentioned twice, and it can be hypothesized that many were the leaders
+of ephemeral predatory bands that arose for specific purposes of
+defense or agression against the whites and dissolved shortly after
+the period of emergency passed. Finally, any man who had achieved
+renown and prestige or was the leader of a camp group, was known as a
+"chief," for the lack of institutionalization and formalization of the
+office made its tenure most nebulous.
+
+It was not even necessary that a Shoshone chief be a Shoshone. During
+1858, we hear of a Delaware Indian named Ben Simons, undoubtedly a
+former fur trapper, who was at the head of some 150-400 Shoshone on
+the upper Bear River (Gove, 1928, pp. 133, 146, 277). And Washakie,
+himself, was born into the Flathead tribe. Washakie's Flathead father
+was killed by the Blackfoot, and his mother sought refuge with the
+Lemhi River Shoshone of Idaho. He eventually gained renown in the
+Green and Bear River country as a warrior and attained his final
+position as a successful mediator with the whites.
+
+Finally, Washakie's career gives additional evidence that there were
+no hard and fast lines between the so-called "Eastern Shoshone" and
+other Shoshone groups. Washakie's wanderings, according to Wilson,
+took him into Utah, Idaho, and Montana (E. N. Wilson, 1926, pp.
+68-73). This was consistent with the general Shoshone pattern of
+visiting between areas for short or extended periods. The unique
+character of Washakie's leadership can best be explained in terms of
+contact with the whites and the Shoshones' need to expand into the
+buffalo grounds east of the Rocky Mountains. First, Washakie united
+and represented all those Shoshone who did not choose to join their
+fellows in northern Utah and southern Idaho in hostilities against the
+whites. Second, Washakie was an able and vigorous war leader under
+whom the embattled Shoshone could rally. Although at no time a
+separate, territorially distinct and exclusive group, the Eastern
+Shoshone evidently became somewhat differentiated from their people to
+the west by the latter's long distance from the shrinking buffalo
+grounds and by their distaste for the warlike activities of their Utah
+and Idaho fellows. The Eastern Shoshone, however, did not attempt to
+maintain the area over which they roamed to the exclusion of other
+Shoshone and of the Bannock. Their neighbors and colinguists to the
+west, if they were properly mounted, could and did join with them in
+buffalo hunting.
+
+
+
+
+III. THE SHOSHONE AND BANNOCK OF IDAHO
+
+
+The Shoshone of western Wyoming were a mobile population whose primary
+subsistence was provided by buffalo herds. The Shoshone of Idaho
+showed no such unity of ecological adaptation, for the region was
+inhabited by mounted buffalo hunters and by less prosperous Shoshone
+who fished and gathered wild vegetables for a livelihood. While the
+buffalo hunters tended to be located in the southeastern part of Idaho
+and the fishing and gathering peoples in the southwestern, the mounted
+hunters traveled throughout the southern part of the state and, at
+certain times of the year, mingled with the poorer, footgoing Indians.
+
+Because of this diversity we have divided Idaho into six subregions
+and present the historical and ethnographic data pertinent to each
+area under a separate heading. Indians mentioned in the historical
+sources are not always easily identifiable as Shoshone, Bannock, or
+Northern Paiute, and a great deal of confusion between the last two is
+inherent in their linguistic bond. We shall use the name Bannock in
+its most common sense to designate the mounted, buffalo-hunting
+Mono-Bannock speakers of Idaho; Northern Paiute refers specifically to
+the Mono-Bannock population to the west of the Shoshone. In many
+instances we cannot be certain that the Indians encountered by one or
+another traveler were permanent residents of the area. Permanency, in
+any event, is a rather doubtful attribute of this highly nomadic
+people; the term cannot be used except as a designation for the people
+who customarily spend the winter in a certain area, and even with this
+limitation it must be used with caution.
+
+
+LINGUISTICS
+
+All of the groups discussed in this chapter except the Bannock speak
+the Shoshone-Comanche, or Shoshone, language. While there were only
+minor differences of dialect between Shoshone speakers, the Bannock
+language was almost identical with Northern Paiute. Informants found
+an especially close affinity between Bannock and the language of the
+Oregon Paiute, who were frequently referred to as "Bannock" also and
+were sometimes distinguished from the Fort Hall Bannock only by the
+statement that "they live in Burns" (a town in Oregon). While some
+informants referred to the Oregon speakers of Mono-Bannock as
+"Paiute," this term was generally reserved for the population of
+west-central Nevada, and "Pyramid Lake" was the locale in which the
+Idaho Shoshone generally placed the "Paiute." The inhabitants of Duck
+Valley Indian Reservation were not so vague; they readily
+distinguished between Shoshone and "Paiute" on linguistic and other
+grounds. This is understandable because the Shoshone had lived a long
+time on the same reservation as the Oregon speakers of Mono-Bannock,
+who were officially designated as Paiute. While no vocabularies were
+collected on the Fort Hall Reservation among either the Shoshone or
+Bannock populations, data from informants on the similarity of Paiute
+and Bannock more than confirm Steward's statement (1938, p. 198):
+
+     The linguistic similarity of the Bannock and Northern Paiute
+     (see vocabularies, pp. 274-275) leaves no doubt that they once
+     formed a single group, though within historic times they have
+     been separated by 200 miles.
+
+The vocabularies to which Steward refers were taken from Northern
+Paiute at Mill City, a town southwest of Winnemucca, Nevada, and at
+George's Creek, in Owens Valley, California. It is probable that
+correspondences would have been even closer if vocabularies had been
+taken among the Northern Paiute of Oregon, for Fort Hall Bannock
+informants specifically stated that their language was more akin to
+that of the Oregon Paiute; the Pyramid Lake people were said to "talk
+fast" or "talk funny." The frequent designation of the Oregon Paiute
+as "Bannock" by both Bannock and Shoshone at Fort Hall Reservation
+bespeaks the linguistic similarity or virtual identity of the
+languages of the respective groups.
+
+As for Shoshone and Bannock, the two languages were not sufficiently
+similar to be mutually intelligible, although there are a great many
+cognate words. However, they were not so far removed from one another
+as to make bilingualism difficult. There was considerable bilingualism
+among the population of the Fort Hall plains.
+
+
+GENERAL DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION
+
+The following division of the Shoshone-Bannock population of Idaho
+into six main groups is admittedly arbitrary, although to a certain
+extent the sectors conform to actual sociopolitical groups or to
+populations designated by certain characteristics recognized by the
+Indians themselves. Proceeding from west to east, these are: (1) the
+population of the Boise and Weiser River valleys; (2) the Shoshone
+Indians of the middle course of the Snake River between Glenn's Ferry
+and Shoshone Falls and in the interior on both sides of the river; (3)
+the Shoshone of the Sawtooth Mountains, west of the Lemhi River,
+Idaho; (4) the population of Bannock Creek, Idaho, and south therefrom
+to Bear River; (5) the Shoshone and Bannock of the Fort Hall plains on
+the upper Snake River; and (6) the Shoshone Indians of the Lemhi
+River.
+
+It will be seen that the Shoshone population of Idaho was by no means
+a unitary one, either socially or culturally. The people of these six
+areas were not politically interrelated, nor were the populations of
+each area integrated social or political units, although the Fort Hall
+and Lemhi River people were more highly organized than those of other
+areas. On the contrary, the Indians subsumed under each of the six
+divisions primarily consist of people who lived under similar
+ecological conditions and dwelt in geographical contiguity. Some
+shared roughly the same nomadic pattern and united upon occasion for
+diverse reasons. The populations represented by our sixfold division
+interacted more frequently for economic, social, and religious
+purposes with people within the area than they did with those from
+other areas.
+
+Although strong patterns of leadership and a tightly nucleated society
+were alien to the Shoshone in general, the Shoshone gave verbal
+recognition to the more frequent interaction that existed between
+neighboring families or camp groups, especially when such
+neighborhoods were geographically discontinuous with other
+neighborhoods. Also, differences in food resources and habits of
+peoples of certain demarcated ecological provinces apparently
+impressed other Shoshone as significant criteria by which the people
+of these neighborhoods could be named. This is the only logical
+explanation for the common pattern among Northern Paiute and Shoshone
+of the Great Basin of food names applied to the people of certain
+neighborhoods. Thus we have "Wada Seed Eaters," "Salmon Eaters," etc.
+In fact, it was quite common for the populations so designated to call
+themselves by these names, although this was not always so. In any
+event, it would be erroneous to say that such appellations implied
+membership in any social group, whether defined by united political
+leadership or by kinship. That individual families subsumed under some
+name, usually derived from food habits, tended to act more frequently
+together than with more distant neighbors cannot be denied, nor can we
+ignore the fact that common environment tended to induce a
+common subsistence pattern. That such groups were organized,
+territory-holding units cannot be simply assumed without supporting
+evidence, and this evidence is lacking. This view is shared by
+Steward, who summarizes the political significance of the food names
+in the following passage (Steward, 1939, p. 262):
+
+     The emphasis, I think, is clearly upon the territory rather
+     than upon any unified group of people occupying it. The extent
+     of the people so designated depended upon the extent of the
+     geographical feature or food in question. A name might apply to
+     a single village, a valley, or a number of valleys. Some Snake
+     River Shoshone vaguely called all Nevada Shoshone Pine Nut
+     Eaters, the pinyon nut not occurring in Idaho. Furthermore,
+     several names might be used for the same people. This system of
+     nomenclature served in a crude way to identify people by their
+     habitat. Upon moving to new localities, they acquired new
+     names.
+
+In general, the remarks above apply to our Boise-Weiser, Bannock
+Creek, middle Snake River, and Sawtooth Mountains populations and to
+the Shoshone of Nevada. The Indians of the Fort Hall plains and the
+Lemhi River were somewhat different. Both had horses at a relatively
+early period, were involved in frequent wars, and pursued the buffalo.
+These factors tended to promote a somewhat different sociopolitical
+organization than we find farther west. Band organization, however
+fluid and shifting, did exist in the Fort Hall and Lemhi areas.
+
+Finally, it should be remembered that the Indians of our six regions
+frequently wandered far from the areas designated. The areas, then,
+were centers of gravity in a migratory life. They were areas where
+subsistence was commonly obtained by the populations in question and,
+more important, where winter, the most sedentary season of the year,
+was passed.
+
+
+THE BOISE AND WEISER RIVERS
+
+The region of the Boise, Payette, and Weiser rivers and the near-by
+shores of the Snake River are of considerable importance because of
+the contiguity of Shoshone and Northern Paiute populations in this
+area. We will present the historical data pertinent to an
+understanding of the mode and extent of Shoshone ecology there and
+will then give the material gathered through recent ethnographic
+investigation.
+
+Our earliest information on this region comes from the Stuart diary of
+the Astoria party. Stuart wrote of the Boise River (1935, p. 83):
+
+     ... the most renowned Fishing place in this Country. It is
+     consequently the resort of the majority of the Snakes, where
+     immense numbers of Salmon are taken.
+
+The Hunt party arrived at the Boise River on November 21, 1811, and
+met well-clad and mounted Indians there (ibid., p. 295). One week
+later, the party came to Mann's Creek, a tributary of the Weiser
+River, and there found "some huts of Chochonis" (p. 296):
+
+     They had just killed two young horses to eat. It is their only
+     food except for the seed of a plant which resembles hemp and
+     which they pound very fine.
+
+In the mountains between Mann's Creek and the Snake River some dozen
+huts of "Chochonies" were encountered (p. 299); the journals use Snake
+and "Chochoni" or "Shoshonie" interchangeably.
+
+The 1818-19 journals of Alexander Ross gave considerable
+attention to hostilities between the "Snakes" and the Sahaptin
+("Shaw-ha-ap-tens")-speaking peoples (Ross, 1924, pp. 171, 210, 214).
+Part of this action took place in southwestern Idaho. Ross attempted
+to arrange peace between the hostile populations and wrote of a
+council held there under the chiefs "Pee-eye-em" and "Ama-qui-em" and
+participated in by the "Shirry-dikas," "War-are-ree-kas," and
+"Ban-at-tees" (p. 243). The two chiefs, said by Ross to be brothers,
+were previously mentioned as the "principal chiefs" of "the great
+Snake nation" (p. 238). They belonged to the people called
+"Shirry-dika," a buffalo-hunting population, for Ross spoke of the
+acquiescence of "Ama-ketsa," a chief of the "War-are-ree-kas"
+(fish-eaters, according to Ross), in the maintenance of peace and the
+cowing of the "Ban-at-tees" by the two leaders (p. 246). Ross
+represents the Shoshone as having a very large population; those at
+the peace conference were said to have stretched their camps along
+both sides of a stream for a distance of seven miles. The
+"Shirry-dikas" are depicted as the most powerful, and the
+"War-are-ree-kas," though numerous, are said to lack power and unity.
+The "Ban-at-tees, or Mountain Snakes" are described as a fragmented
+population, living in the mountain fastnesses and preying upon the
+trappers. This seems to characterize the Northern Paiute of Oregon
+more accurately than the mounted buffalo-hunting Bannock of
+southeastern Idaho.
+
+The journal of John Work in June, 1832, mentioned (Work, 1923, pp.
+165-167) "Snake" Indians on the Payette River, immediately below the
+mouth of Big Willow Creek; on Little Willow Creek; on the Weiser
+River; and on the east bank of the Snake River, between the mouths of
+the Payette and the Weiser. Work used the term Snake in a broad sense
+and we cannot identify this population as Shoshone with certainty. The
+Indians had horses, and may thus have been a buffalo-hunting group
+that had traveled west for salmon. Nathaniel Wyeth entered one of the
+western Idaho valleys in October of the same year and observed
+"extensive camps of Indians about one month old. Here they find salmon
+in a creek running through it and dig the Kamas root but not an Indian
+was here at this time" (Wyeth, 1899, p. 172). Wyeth was on the Boise
+River in August, 1834, and encountered "a small village of Snakes."
+His party proceeded on to the Snake River where they found "a few
+lodges of very impudent Pawnacks" (p. 229). "Bannock" Indians were
+also encountered on the Boise River in 1833 by Bonneville's party
+(Irving, 1837, 2:38) and in the following year his journals noted that
+"formidable bands of the Banneck Indians were lying on the Boisée and
+Payette Rivers" (p. 194). The Bannock, or the Indians so termed by our
+sources, evidently lived near the confluence of these streams with the
+Snake River, for John Townsend, a young naturalist who joined Wyeth's
+party, reported several groups of about twenty Indians fishing in the
+Boise River each of which identified itself as Shoshone (Townsend,
+1905, pp. 206-207). Farther down the Boise River the party "came to a
+village consisting of thirty willow lodges of the Pawnees (Bannocks)"
+(p. 210). The Shoshone and the Mono-Bannock speakers did not maintain
+complete separateness, however, for Townsend wrote (1905, p. 266) that
+the party met some ten lodges of "Snakes and Bannecks" on the west
+side of the Snake River, near Burnt River.
+
+The identity of the above-mentioned Bannock is somewhat doubtful.
+Farnham met a number of Shoshone Indians engaged in fishing the Boise
+River in September, 1839 (Farnham, 1843, pp. 75-76). Some thirty
+traveling miles downstream from Boise, however, he noted in apparent
+contradiction of Townsend, that there were no more "Shoshonie," for
+"they dare not pass the boundary line between themselves and the
+Bonacks." The Bannock are described as a "fierce, warlike, and
+athletic tribe inhabiting that part of Saptin or Snake River which
+lies between the mouth of Boisais or Reed's River and the Blue
+Mountains." The question arises whether the Bannock mentioned in the
+sources were the buffalo-hunting Mono-Bannock speakers who regularly
+inhabited the upper Snake River or whether they followed the fishing
+and seed-collecting pattern of the Mono-Bannock speakers of Oregon.
+Townsend's report of their use of willow lodges suggests that they
+were Mono-Bannock, but Farnham observed that the Bannock found on the
+Snake River made war on the Crow and Blackfoot (p. 76). This would
+definitely suggest life during part of the year in southeastern Idaho
+and, also, the pursuit of the buffalo. Later historical data and the
+testimony of contemporary informants suggest that both the Oregon and
+eastern Idaho populations of Mono-Bannock speakers fished on the Snake
+River and in the lower reaches of the Boise and Weiser rivers. There
+was no clear boundary between the Shoshone and the Oregon people
+termed Northern Paiute, and the mounted buffalo-hunting Bannock also
+visited western Idaho to fish for salmon. It is thus doubtful whether
+the ambiguities of the historical sources will ever be resolved.
+
+The subsequent historical references to the native population of this
+region cover the outbreak of hostilities against the white emigrants
+on the Oregon Trail and the subsequent attempts to establish peace
+with the Indians and place them on reservations. In 1862 Special
+Indian Agent Kirkpatrick surveyed the southwestern Idaho Indians and
+reported: "The Winnas band of Snakes inhabit the country north of
+Snake river, and are found principally on the Bayette, Boise and
+Sickley Rivers" (Kirkpatrick, 1863, p. 412). He reported them as
+warlike and numbering some 700 to 800 people. Kirkpatrick's "Winnas
+band" probably corresponds to the designation of the "Wihinasht" in
+the Handbook of American Indians; these are said to be "a division of
+Shoshoni, formerly in western Idaho, north of Snake River and in the
+vicinity of Boise City" (Hodge, 1910, 2:951). During our field work,
+we found that the term "Wihinait" was often applied generically to the
+Shoshone population of Fort Hall Reservation.
+
+In later years, other bands are reported in southwestern Idaho.
+Governor Caleb Lyon made a treaty with "San-to-me-co and the headmen
+of the Boise Shoshonees" on October 10, 1864 (Lyon, 1866, p. 418) and
+in the following year placed some 115 "Boise Shoshone" at Fort Boise
+(Lyon, 1867, p. 187). Special Indian Agent Hough mentioned Boise,
+Bruneau, and Kammas bands of Shoshone in 1866 and commented: "The
+Bruneau and Boise are so intermarried that they are in fact all one
+people and are closely connected by blood, visiting each other as
+frequently as they dare pass over the country" (Hough, 1867, p. 189).
+Governor Ballard, in the same year, reported that the "Boise
+Shoshones" numbered 200; insecurity due to Indian-white hostilities
+kept them from camas-root digging during the summer (Ballard, 1867, p.
+190). In 1867 many Shoshone of the Boise and Bruneau rivers and a
+group of Bannock were placed temporarily on the Boise River, some
+thirty miles upstream from Boise (Powell, 1868, p. 252). The Bannock
+were said to have been under the leadership of a chief named "Bannock
+John"; the report, dated July 31, 1867, also mentioned that these
+Bannock engaged in salmon fishing in the Boise River and camas
+collection on Camas Prairie during the summer, but intended to go east
+for the buffalo hunt in the fall. That the above Bannock were mounted
+buffalo hunters rather than Oregon Paiute seems manifest from this
+statement. This was not the only Bannock band, however, for on July
+15, 1867, Agent Mann of Fort Bridger, Wyoming, reported a conversation
+with "Tahjee, the chief of the Bannacks" in which he learned that
+"there does exist a very large band of Bannacks, numbering more than
+100 lodges" (Mann, 1868, p. 189). Mann stated that 50 lodges of these
+Indians were present that year. This and other references to the
+diverse, but simultaneous, locations of the Bannock suggest that they
+were not a unitary political entity.
+
+References to the Bannock and to the Shoshone on the Boise and Bruneau
+rivers continue during the next two years. Powell gave their numbers
+in 1868 as 100, 283, and 300, respectively, and stated (C. F. Powell,
+1869, p. 662):
+
+     ... [the Bannock] remained under my charge for several months,
+     when they were permitted to go on their regular buffalo hunt,
+     their country ranging through eastern Idaho and Montana. When
+     through their hunt they return to the Boise and Bruneau camp;
+     they and the Boise and Bruneau are on the best of terms, all
+     being more or less intermarried.
+
+Ballard reported that on August 26, 1867, a treaty was signed by
+Tygee, Peter, To-so-copy-natey, Pah Vissigin, McKay, and Jim, in which
+the Bannock agreed to settle on Fort Hall (Ballard, 1869, p. 658); the
+Bannock and also the Bruneau and Boise Shoshone were removed from the
+Boise Valley on December 2, 1868, and brought to Fort Hall (C. F.
+Powell, 1870, p. 728). They were joined there by 500 Bannock under
+Tygee, who had just returned from a joint buffalo hunt with the
+Eastern Shoshone in Wind River Valley (p. 729). Indian Agent Danilson
+of Fort Hall wrote that in 1869 there were 600 Bannock, 200 Boise
+Shoshone, 100 Bruneau Shoshone, and 200 Western Shoshone on the
+reservation (Danilson, 1870, p. 729). The beginning of the reservation
+period marks the effective end of the independent occupancy of the
+Idaho area by the Shoshone and Bannock. The rest of this section deals
+with ethnographic data. In regard to extent of Shoshone settlement,
+Omer Stewart has reported that eastern Oregon, about the mouths of the
+Malheur and Owyhee rivers, and southwest Idaho as far east as a line
+well past Boise, were the territory of a Northern Paiute band called
+the Koa'agaitoka (Stewart, 1939, p. 133). Blythe places a Northern
+Paiute band called "Yapa Eaters" in the Boise River Valley (Blythe,
+1938, p. 396) and mentions data given by one informant to the effect
+that a mixed band of Paiute and Shoshone called "People Eaters" lived
+to the north of the Yapa Eaters (p. 404). Neither historical research
+nor ethnographic investigation among the Shoshone confirms the
+existence of such bands in the area described. On the contrary,
+Steward writes (1938, p. 172):
+
+     Shoshone seem to have extended westward about to the Snake
+     River which forms the boundary between Idaho and Oregon. They
+     also occupied the Boise River Valley and probably to some
+     extent the valleys of the Payette and Weiser Rivers. They
+     probably never penetrated Oregon beyond the Blue Mountains.
+
+But the area nearer the Snake River was not occupied exclusively by
+Shoshone, for Steward continues (ibid.):
+
+     This population was neither well defined politically nor
+     territorially. It was scattered in small independent villages
+     of varying prosperity and tribal composition. Along the lower
+     Snake, Boise, and Payette Rivers Shoshone were intermixed with
+     Northern Paiute who extended westward through the greater
+     portion of southern and eastern Oregon. Slightly to the north
+     they were probably mixed somewhat with their Nez Percé
+     neighbors.
+
+Our own field work, as presented below, tends to confirm Steward's
+data on most points and is in accord with historical information.
+
+Although there were salmon-yielding streams in Oregon, the Boise and
+Weiser rivers were richer in these fish, and salmon could be caught on
+the Boise River upstream to its headwaters. During the spring and fall
+salmon runs, many Northern Paiute evidently crossed the Snake River
+and fished in the Boise and Weiser. Relations seem to have been
+friendly, and there was considerable intermarriage. Many Paiute
+evidently wintered in this area and could therefore be said to be as
+regular residents as the Shoshone. They maintained separate winter
+villages and tended to remain along the downstream stretches of the
+Boise and Weiser rivers. Informants disagreed on the extent of this
+interpenetration. Some characterized the population, especially of the
+Weiser Valley, as "mixed," while others said that only a very few
+Northern Paiute remained through the winter. More reliable and older
+informants characterized the population as mostly Shoshone. One old
+woman, a present resident of Duck Valley Reservation, identified
+herself as a Northern Paiute from the Weiser country. Her
+conversation, however, immediately revealed that she was actually
+speaking in the Shoshone language and that this was her first
+language. This attempted deception is partially explained by the
+somewhat greater prestige enjoyed by the Northern Paiute on that
+reservation.
+
+As has been mentioned, the composition of the population of this
+region is further confused by the fact that some camp groups of
+Bannock passed by the more commonly used fishing sites below Shoshone
+Falls and fished on the Boise and Weiser rivers. An added inducement
+to the Bannock was the possibility of trade with the Nez Percé Indians
+in the upper valley of the Weiser River. The Bannock did not stay long
+in the area, however, and never wintered there.
+
+The Boise-Weiser country is relatively rich. The streams gave a good
+yield of fish, roots abounded in the valleys, and game was found in
+the near-by mountains. The floors of the valleys are well below 3,000
+feet, and winters are comparatively mild. Although the Shoshone
+residents of the area wandered far on occasion, a full subsistence
+could be obtained within the immediate area. Stretches of mountainous
+and barren lands tended to mark off this population from other
+Shoshone to the east. The testimony of informants is somewhat
+contradictory to Steward's statement (1938, p. 172) that the
+Boise-Weiser Shoshone "imperceptibly merged with the Agaidüka of the
+Snake River and the Tukadüka of the mountains to the north." It is
+true that there were no concepts of territorial boundaries and that
+the above-mentioned populations interacted, interchanged, and
+interpenetrated, but the locus of movement of each of the above three
+populations, especially their wintering places, did differ.
+
+While Steward reports that the rubric "Yahandüka," or "Groundhog
+Eaters," was applied to the residents of the Boise-Weiser areas, we
+were unable to obtain this name. Yahandika was variously reported by
+Fort Hall informants as referring to a district in Nevada; by others
+as applied to certain Oregon Northern Paiute. Another informant said
+that it was an alternate term for the Shoshone of the middle Snake
+River, who are more generally called "Summer Salmon Eaters." The
+latter, stated this informant, had very close relations with the Boise
+population. All of the informants were probably right in a sense; only
+the uncertainty of these appellations is indicated.
+
+Steward obtained "Su:woki" as the name of the Boise-Weiser country. My
+informants applied this name to the people of the region also, who
+were called "Söhuwawki," or "Row of Willows." The place name had
+evidently been transferred to the people or, more accurately, the
+place name was applied to whatever people used the locale. The name
+was especially used to denote the people and country of the Weiser
+River, although one informant thought the name covered the Boise
+people also. Another name given to the Weiser Shoshone was
+"Woviagaidika," or "Driftwood Salmon Eaters." This name is derived
+from the salmon's habit of lying under the driftwood in small streams.
+Only one informant reported a name for the dwellers of the Boise
+Valley, "Pa avi."
+
+Informants sometimes spoke of the Boise-Weiser Shoshone as being "just
+one bunch." Certainly the populations of this section of Idaho merged,
+shifted, and interacted to such an extent that it would be difficult
+to distinguish them, although "one bunch," two chiefs, Captain Jim and
+Eagle Eye, were reported for the area. The former was said to be
+chief of those who usually wintered in the vicinity of Boise; the
+latter was chief of the winter residents of the Weiser valley. No
+clear delineation of the functions of these chiefs could be obtained.
+
+The actual nature of Boise-Weiser Shoshone society can be understood
+better from their subsistence patterns. Winter was spent in small
+camps scattered along the valleys of the streams. There was little
+danger from hostile intruders, and camp grounds were not the larger
+population nuclei that we find in the Fort Hall area. Favorite winter
+camp sites were at the present site of the city of Boise, near
+present-day Emmett on the Payette River, and on the lower Weiser
+River, near the mouth of Crane Creek. Some families were said to have
+wintered on both sides of the near-by Snake River. While it was common
+for the same families to form winter camp groups, there was
+considerable shifting and changing each year, dictated by personal
+preference. Also, it was not necessary for the camps to spend every
+winter in the same place, and changes occurred constantly.
+
+Winter was spent by their caches of roots and salmon; the dried and
+jerked game meat was said to have been kept in the lodge. The common
+type of winter dwelling was a sort of tipi made of rye grass. Stored
+food supplied the main subsistence during the winter, but sagehens,
+blue grouse, and snowshoe rabbits were also taken. Antelope were
+chased on horses (probably by the surround method), and deer
+frequently came down from the mountains and were killed while
+floundering in deep snow.
+
+Springtime brought no extensive migrations. Some roots were available
+in the area, but the chief source of springtime subsistence was the
+salmon run, which began in approximately March or April. A second run
+followed immediately upon the first and continued until the end of
+spring. Fish traps were made on the Payette River, in the vicinity of
+Long Valley, and on the lower Weiser River. Salmon were also taken in
+the Boise River. According to informants, the people of this area did
+not resort to the great salmon fisheries in the vicinity of Glenn's
+Ferry and upstream to Shoshone Falls. The abundance of fish in local
+waters made this unnecessary. Although the population divided and went
+to various fishing sites, the salmon runs were periods during which
+stable residence in small villages was possible.
+
+At the end of spring and in early summer, many of the Indians of the
+Boise-Weiser country traveled to Camas Prairie, where roots of various
+kinds were dug. These people stayed there through part of the summer,
+and during this time roots were collected and dried. This was also a
+time of dances and festivities, for a large part of the Shoshone and
+Bannock population of Idaho, plus a sprinkling of the Nez Percé and
+Flathead, resorted at the same time to these root grounds. These were
+probably the largest gatherings of people among all the Shoshone.
+There was no large, single encampment, but families and camp groups
+were in such close contiguity that social interaction was intense.
+
+At the conclusion of the root-collecting season at Camas Prairie, the
+inhabitants of the Boise and Weiser region wandered back to their
+customary area and set out upon their late summer and fall activities.
+Fish were taken during the fall run and dried for winter provisions,
+but the chief activity was hunting. Both hunting and fishing could be
+pursued at the same time in the upper waters of the Boise and Payette
+rivers, although salmon did not ascend far up the Weiser. Hunting was
+done by small camp groups of 3 to 4 lodges, and the population
+scattered throughout the mountain country surrounding the river
+valleys. The principal game taken was deer, elk, bear, and some
+bighorn sheep. None required the collective efforts of a large number
+of men, and all were found throughout the mountain area. The small
+camp group was, therefore, the most effective social unit for the fall
+hunt, as it was for the summer wanderings of the Wyoming Shoshone.
+
+The hunters ranged up the Boise and Payette valleys into the Sawtooth
+Mountains as far as the beginnings of the Salmon River watershed.
+Though the Salmon River country was entered, the hunting parties did
+not penetrate very far. A favored hunting territory was in the Stanley
+Basin, at the headwaters of the Salmon River and in the vicinity of
+the present-day village of Stanley. The kill of game was dried in the
+mountains and packed down to the winter quarters in the valleys of the
+Boise, Payette, and Weiser rivers.
+
+In general, it is difficult to define the social organization of the
+Boise-Weiser Shoshone. While Shoshone social organization is
+characteristically amorphous, some groups developed a closer
+integration owing to such factors as warfare and collective economic
+activities, which demanded leadership. But warfare was rare in this
+region, and hunting and root-and berry-collecting were essentially
+carried on by families. The building and operation of fish traps and
+the distribution of the catch undoubtedly called forth some leadership
+functions, but not on the band level. Also, the presence of other
+groups which fished the same streams during the appropriate seasons
+seems to argue against the consolidation of either the Boise or Weiser
+people into territorially delimited bands. It was impossible to elicit
+exact information from informants on the functions of leaders, and it
+can only be inferred that they probably served as intermediaries with
+the whites or were simply local men enjoying some prestige as dance
+directors or leaders of winter villages.
+
+The Shoshone of this area were poorer in horses than the buffalo
+hunters, but they did possess some. The valleys of the Boise, Payette,
+and Weiser evidently afforded adequate grazing for small herds, and
+the natives enjoyed a greater mobility than did their neighbors to the
+northeast and southeast. The resulting ease of communication would
+perhaps be conducive to band organization, but neither living
+informants nor historical sources offer any confirmation of this. That
+such sociopolitical groups did exist is suggested by mention of
+chiefs, but the groups did not have clearly defined territories which
+excluded other peoples, and they could only have been most loosely
+organized.
+
+
+THE MIDDLE SNAKE RIVER
+
+This area includes all of Idaho south of the Sawtooth Mountains
+between American Falls and the Bruneau River. It has been seen that
+the area of the Boise, Payette, and Weiser rivers was entered
+regularly by populations that did not customarily winter there; this
+is true also of the area of the middle Snake, and to a much greater
+degree. First, the salmon run did not extend above Shoshone Falls, and
+the population living upstream from that point resorted regularly to
+favored fishing places below the Falls. Second, the prairies about the
+locale of present-day Fairfield, Idaho, were the richest camas-root
+grounds in this section of the Basin-Plateau area and large numbers of
+Indians convened every summer to gather the roots. Historical sources
+testify to the numbers of Indians found in the area during certain
+times of the year, but it is usually impossible to determine the
+geographical locus of these people during the remainder of the year.
+
+Travelers observed small, impoverished groups of Indians and also
+larger camps of mounted people. Near Glenn's Ferry, Idaho, Stuart on
+August 23, 1812, noted (1935, p. 108):
+
+     ... a few Shoshonie (or Snake) Camps were passed today, who
+     have to struggle hard for a livelihood, even though it is the
+     prime of the fishing season in the Country.
+
+Stuart encountered some 100 lodges of Shoshone fishing at Salmon Falls
+(p. 109). In 1826 Peter Skene Ogden met a camp of 200 "Snakes" bearing
+60 firearms and a quantity of ammunition at Raft River, above the
+limit of the salmon run (Ogden, 1909, p. 357). In October of the
+following year he visited Camas Prairie, the camas grounds in the
+vicinity of Fairfield, and noted a pattern of movement that is still
+reported by informants (p. 263):
+
+     It is from near this point the Snakes form into a body prior to
+     their starting point for buffalo; they collect camasse for the
+     journey across the mountains. Their camp is 300 tents. In
+     Spring they scattered from this place for the salmon and horse
+     thieving expeditions.
+
+Buffalo were formerly found on the plains of the upper Snake River,
+but American Falls was apparently their approximate western limit.
+Wyeth was at American Falls in August, 1832, and wrote (1899, p. 163):
+
+     We found here plenty of Buffaloe sign and the Pawnacks come
+     here to winter often on account of the Buffaloe we now find no
+     buffaloe.
+
+The Wyeth party then turned up the Raft River where they "met a
+village of the Snakes of about 150 persons having about 75 horses" and
+farther upstream found "the banks lined with Diggers Camps and Trails
+but they are shy and can seldom be spoken." On Rock Creek, the party
+met some 120 Indians who evidently had fresh salmon, and farther on
+their journey on this stream they found "Diggers," "Sohonees," and
+"Pawnacks" (ibid., pp. 166-168). A chief and some sub-chiefs were
+mentioned at one of these camps. Small and scattered camps of Indians
+were mentioned throughout Wyeth's journeys on the southern tributaries
+of the Snake River.
+
+Fewer Indians were encountered in the salmon-yielding sections of the
+Snake River during the winter. Bonneville's party met only footgoing
+Indians near Salmon Falls in the winter of 1834; the Indians lived in
+a scattered fashion and groups of no more than three or four grass
+huts were found (Irving, 1873, p. 300), although large numbers of
+Indians were seen in the same area during the salmon season (p. 444).
+Crawford met numbers of Indians along the Oregon Trail in southern
+Idaho in August, 1842 (Crawford, 1897, pp. 15-17) and in October of
+the following year Talbot observed of Indians near Shoshone Falls
+(1931, p. 53):
+
+     These Indians speak the same language as the Snakes but are far
+     poorer and are distinguished by the name of Shoshoccos,
+     "Diggers," or "Uprooters." They have very few, and indeed most
+     of them, have no horses....
+
+Near Glenn's Ferry, however, Talbot met a large number of Indians of
+the "Waptico band of the Shoshonees," who had many horses (ibid., p.
+55). Talbot drew the following conclusion from his experience on the
+Snake River (p. 56):
+
+     It seems that there is a monopoly of the fisheries on the Snake
+     River. The Banak Indians who are the most powerful, hold them
+     in the spring when the salmon and other fishes are in best
+     condition--later on different tribes of Shoshonees hord the
+     monopoly. Last, and of course weakest of all, the miserable
+     creatures such as are with us now, come, like gleaners after
+     the harvest, to gather up the leavings of their richer and more
+     powerful brethren.
+
+Other sources contradict Talbot's observations, however, and give a
+picture of simultaneous use of the abundant salmon run by people of
+diverse locality and condition. But it is possible that mounted and
+more powerful people occupied the choicest sites.
+
+During the late 1850's, the hostilities that broke out throughout Utah
+and Idaho also affected the Snake River. Wallen reported Indians
+peacefully fishing at Shoshone Falls in 1859, but commented that the
+Bannock upstream were well armed and formidable (Wallen, 1859, pp.
+220, 223). In the same year. Will Wagner met on Goose Creek "several
+men of the band under the chief Ne-met-tek" (Wagner, 1861, p. 25) and
+encountered both Shoshone and Bannock in the high country between the
+Humboldt and Snake rivers (p. 26). Not all the Indians met exhibited
+hostile intentions in 1859 or in 1862 and 1863, when punitive forces
+were sent against the hostiles. Colonel Maury noted that "those
+perhaps who are more hostile are near Salmon Falls, or on the south
+side of Snake River" (War of the Rebellion, 1902, p. 217). Actually
+the hostiles were raiding along the Oregon Trail south of the Snake
+River, and it is probable that many of the peaceful Indians
+encountered also indulged in occasional attacks when in the
+neighborhood of the whites. Seventeen lodges and about 200 Indians
+were found near Shoshone Falls in August, 1863; these people reported
+that "the bad Indians are all gone to the buffalo country" (ibid, p.
+218).
+
+Further information from the military forces indicates a continuation
+of the older nomadic patterns. Colonel Maury said of Camas Prairie
+(ibid., p. 226):
+
+     All the Indians living northwest of Salt Lake visit the grounds
+     in the spring and summer, putting up their winter supply of
+     camas, and after the root season is over, resort to the falls
+     and other points on the Snake to put up fish.
+
+In October, 1863, after the mounted people had left the fishing sites,
+Colonel Maury reported on the population along the Snake River (ibid.,
+p. 224):
+
+     They live a family in a place, on either side of the river for
+     a distance of thirty or forty miles; have no arms and a very
+     small number of Indian ponies; not an average of one to each
+     family.... There are from 80 to 100 of this party, all
+     Shoshones, and, aware of the treaties made at Salt Lake,
+     scattered along the river from the great falls to the mouth of
+     this stream [the Bruneau River], a distance of 100 miles.
+
+A party of 20 Indians was attacked by the military on the Bruneau
+River and there were signs in the upper part of the valley of a large
+force. Maury commented: "All the roaming Indians of the country visit
+the Bruneau River more or less." Further evidence of the mobility of
+the population is given in the report of attacks in the vicinity of
+Salmon Falls Creek by Indians from the Owyhee River under a medicine
+man named Ebigon (ibid., p. 388).
+
+With the cessation of hostilities, most of the Shoshone and Bannock of
+Idaho were rapidly rounded up by the military and a few years later
+were settled at Fort Hall. Governor Lyon reported visiting the "great
+Kammas Prairie tribe of Indians" in 1865 (Lyon, 1867, p. 418), and
+Commissioner of Indian Affairs Cooley described the latter's territory
+as the "area around Fort Hall and the northern part of Utah" (Cooley,
+1866, p. 198). Evidently the Indians who congregated annually at Camas
+Prairie were mistaken as a single tribe, and there is little further
+reference to such a group.
+
+While it is almost impossible to identify Indians in the southwest
+Idaho region, west of the Bruneau River, Ballard's 1866 report of a
+mixed Paiute and Shoshone population probably represents the real
+situation (1867, p. 190).
+
+     The southwest portion of Idaho, including the Owyhee country
+     and the regions of the Malheur, are infested with a roving band
+     of hostile Pi-utes and outlawed Shoshones, numbering, from the
+     best information, some 300 warriors.
+
+The reports of Indian Agents already cited in the section on the Boise
+River region indicate that the Bruneau River population was Shoshone.
+Their numbers are given as 400 in 1866 (ibid.) and 300 in 1868, after
+they had been brought to the Boise River (C. F. Powell, 1869, p. 661).
+
+The frequent mention of a band of Bruneau Shoshone in the later
+reports of the Indian agents is somewhat misleading. Information from
+contemporary informants indicates that there was no distinct and
+separate population of the Bruneau River, as opposed to near-by
+stretches of the Snake River. Furthermore, the fisheries of the
+Bruneau River were often used by mounted Indians from the Fort Hall
+prairies.
+
+There were no boundaries, as such, in southwest Idaho. Stewart's
+Tagotoka band of Northern Paiute is represented as occupying most of
+southwestern Idaho (Stewart, 1939, map 1, facing p. 127), while
+Blythe's equivalent "Tagu Eaters" are placed in the Owyhee River
+Valley (Blythe, 1938, p. 404). Blythe notes that east of this
+population there were "no pure Paiute bands." Steward's map places the
+limit between the Paiute and the Shoshone about equidistant between
+the Owyhee and Bruneau Rivers (Steward, 1938, fig. 1, facing p. ix).
+There was no hard and fast line between Shoshone and Paiute, and the
+high country south of Snake River was usually entered only in the
+summer when hunting parties of either linguistic group wandered
+through southwest Idaho. Further information the pattern of
+occupation of the Snake River and southwestern Idaho is given in the
+following ethnographic material.
+
+Despite the extent of the region in question, there were not many
+permanent, or winter-dwelling, inhabitants. Greater use was made of
+the natural products of this region by the more numerous Shoshone and
+Bannock, who wintered elsewhere, than by the small local population.
+The two chief resources were the extremely rich root grounds at Camas
+Prairie, in the vicinity of Fairfield, Idaho, and the fishing sites
+scattered between Glenn's Ferry and Shoshone Falls. Camas Prairie was
+used by the Bannock and, to varying degrees, by all the Shoshone of
+Idaho, as well as occasionally by other tribes, like the Flathead and
+the Nez Percé; the fisheries were used by the Bannock and all the
+Shoshone of the upper Snake River above Shoshone Falls, the limit of
+the salmon run.
+
+Some large stretches of territory were used very little, if at all. We
+were unable to obtain information on use or occupancy of the country
+north of the Snake River and south of the Sawtooths between Camas
+Prairie and Idaho Falls. This is extremely arid and infertile country,
+strewn with lava beds and containing little water. It was often
+traversed, but little subsistence was drawn from it. Also, scanty
+information was available on the territory west of the Bruneau River.
+One informant said that Silver City, Idaho, was within the limits of
+Paiute territory; according to other informants, the Bruneau River
+Valley was definitely within the Shoshone migratory range. It seems
+evident that southwest Idaho was not much used by either the Paiute or
+Shoshone, and, while both groups entered the area on occasion,
+boundaries could hardly have been narrowly defined.
+
+The population which wintered in the general area of the middle Snake
+River and drew year-round subsistence from the resources of the region
+was usually referred to by the term Taza agaidika, or "Summer Salmon
+Eaters." Other terms used were Yahandika, or "Groundhog Eaters," and
+Pia agaidika, or "Big Salmon Eaters." Steward reports the use of the
+terms Agaidüka and Yahandüka for the area (Steward, 1938, p. 165). One
+informant said that these were alternate terms which, however, did not
+change with the season or activities of the people designated. Lowie's
+Kuembedüka (Lowie, 1909, pp. 206-208) were not reported by our
+informants. Apparently, the names covered any and all people who
+wintered in the region and who were more or less permanent residents.
+The population included in these terms did not form a social or
+political group, nor did they unite for any collective purposes.
+
+The Shoshone of the middle Snake River resemble the Nevada Shoshone in
+social, political, and economic characteristics more than does any
+other part of the Idaho population, and Steward lists them with the
+Western Shoshone for this reason. They had few horses and took no part
+in the buffalo-hunting activities of their neighbors of the Fort Hall
+plains, and warfare was virtually nonexistent. Property in natural
+resources was absent, and other Shoshone and the Bannock availed
+themselves freely of the fishing sites on the Snake River without
+interference or resentment on the part of the local population.
+
+While chiefs are reported from most parts of Idaho, we were unable to
+obtain the name of a leader from the middle Snake River. Not only were
+there no band chiefs, but the winter villages lacked headmen. The
+principal informant for the area merely commented that everybody was
+equal.
+
+Especially pronounced among the Shoshone of this area is the practice
+of splitting into a number of scattered and very small winter camps.
+Among the winter camps were: Akongdimudza, a camp at King Hill, Idaho,
+named for a hill which abounded in sunflowers; Biësoniogwe, a winter
+camp near Glenn's Ferry; Koa agai, near the hamlet of Hot Spring,
+Idaho, on the Bruneau River; and Paguiyua, a camp on Clover Creek near
+a hot spring, immediately up the Snake River from the town of Bliss,
+Idaho.
+
+Winter camps were commonly located on the Snake River bottoms, where
+there was wood and shelter. The camps consisted of two or three
+lodges, each of which housed a family and a few relatives. The list of
+winter camps above is by no means complete; Steward gives three, two
+of which were below the town of Hagerman, a third near Bliss (Steward,
+1938, pp. 165-166). There were undoubtedly several more, but it should
+be remembered that the place names above referred to sites which were
+not necessarily inhabited every winter.
+
+The composition of the winter camps varied. While it was common for
+kinsmen to camp together, they by no means always did so. Also, the
+same people did not camp together every winter. Each family head
+decided each year where to spend the winter, and families were free to
+shift from one site to another annually. Steward's data confirm this
+practice (ibid., p. 169):
+
+     ... it is apparent that the true political unit was the
+     village, a small and probably unstable group. Virtually the
+     only factor besides intervillage marriage that allied several
+     villages was dancing. Dances, however, were so infrequent and
+     the participants so variable that they produced no real unity
+     in any group.
+
+The Shoshone of the middle Snake River relied heavily on the salmon
+runs for food and fished during spring, summer, and fall. One fish
+weir, maintained on the Bruneau River, was frequently visited by Fort
+Hall Bannock, with whom the catch was shared. Glenn's Ferry was one of
+the better fishing sites; the waters between the three islands in the
+Snake River at this point were shallow enough for weirs to be used.
+Immediately above Hagerman, on the Snake River, the Indians caught
+salmon by spearing, although the water was too deep for weirs.
+Basketry traps were used in small creeks.
+
+The Shoshone of this area took part in root gathering and festivities
+every summer on Camas Prairie. During the fall, deer were taken on
+Camas Prairie and in the country immediately south of the Snake River.
+Deer and elk were taken in the fall in the mountain country north of
+Hailey, and bighorn sheep were also pursued in the mountainous crags
+of this area.
+
+In the great expanse of territory between Shoshone Falls and Bannock
+Creek only one small group is reported. These people were referred to
+as Paraguitsi, a word denoting the budding willow tree, and were said
+to inhabit Goose Creek and vicinity. Goose Creek is above the limit of
+the salmon run and only trout could be caught in its waters. Whether
+they fished below Shoshone Falls is uncertain. The area of the Goose
+Creek Mountains was entered also by people who wintered in other
+sections and was a frequent resort of Idaho and Nevada Shoshone in
+search of pine nuts.
+
+Informants agreed that the Paraguitsi were a wild and timid people who
+remained isolated in the fastnesses of Goose Creek and the Goose Creek
+Mountains. This range provided them with deer and pine nuts, but their
+economy was meager and they were reported to resort to cannibalism in
+the winter. Other Shoshone avoided them because of this abhorrent
+practice.
+
+One informant reported a category of "Mountain Dwellers," or
+Toyarivia. This was evidently a generic term for mountaineers as
+opposed to those who dwell in valleys, or Yewawgone. The Mountain
+Dwellers customarily spent the winter on the Snake River bottoms in
+the same area as the people generally called Taza agaidika. They
+joined in the salmon fishing at Glenn's Ferry and above, but hunted in
+the highlands on the Idaho-Nevada border during the fall. This
+division of mountain and valley people seems thus to have been
+occasionally used to distinguish Shoshone who hunted south of the
+Snake River from those who roamed to the north.
+
+
+THE SHOSHONE OF THE SAWTOOTH MOUNTAINS
+
+All informants agreed that the Sawtooth Mountains west of the Lemhi
+River and south of the Salmon River were inhabited by a Shoshone
+population designated as Tukurika (Dukarika and other variants). No
+Tukurika, or "Sheepeater," informants were interviewed on the Fort
+Hall Reservation, and we obtained only fragmentary information from
+Lemhi Shoshone and other Idaho Shoshone and Bannock.
+
+Historical information on the Sheepeaters is scanty and mostly
+concerned with later periods. The earliest reference available comes
+from Ferris' journals. The Ferris party was in the Sawtooth Mountains,
+probably in or near Stanley Basin, in July, 1831. Ferris wrote (1940,
+p. 99):
+
+     Here we found a party of "Root Diggers," or Snake Indians
+     without horses. They subsist upon the flesh of elk, deer and
+     bighorns, and upon salmon which ascend to the fountain sources
+     of this river, and are here taken in great numbers.... We found
+     them extremely anxious to exchange salmon for buffalo meat, of
+     which they are very fond, and which they never procure in this
+     country, unless by purchase from their friends who occasionally
+     come from the plains to trade with them.
+
+The Stanley Basin region, it will be remembered, was a fall hunting
+range of the Shoshone of Boise River and was probably entered by
+others from Snake River. But as this was salmon season on both the
+Boise and Snake rivers, it is probable that Indians mentioned by
+Ferris were part of the more permanent population of the Sawtooths,
+i.e., Sheepeaters. The southern Sawtooths were no doubt utilized, like
+so many of our other areas, by people who customarily wintered in
+diverse places.
+
+In June, 1832, John Work met "a party of Snakes consisting of three
+men and three women" near Meadow Creek on the Salmon River waters
+(Work, 1923, p. 160). Later references to the Sheepeaters indicate
+that they impinged upon the Shoshone of the Boise River on the west
+and the Lemhi on the east. Indian Agent Hough reported from the Boise
+River in 1868: "The Sheep Eaters have also behaved quite well; they
+are more isolated from the settlement, occupy a more sterile country,
+and are exceedingly poor" (Hough, 1869, p. 660). The Sheepeaters seem
+to have had their closest affiliations with the Shoshone of the Lemhi
+River, however, and they eventually moved to the agency founded there
+(Viall, 1872, p. 831; Shanks et al., 1874, p. 2).
+
+The Tukurika were not a single group, but consisted of scattered
+little hunting groups having no over-all political unity or internal
+band organization. They had few horses and hunted mountain sheep and
+deer on foot. Salmon were taken in the waters of the Salmon River. The
+Tukurika had their closest contacts with the Lemhi Shoshone, although
+some occasionally visited the valleys of the Boise and Weiser rivers.
+I have no evidence of Tukurika trips to Camas Prairie for roots,
+although such visits are indicated by Steward's map (Steward, 1938, p.
+136).
+
+Steward lists five winter villages in the Sawtooth Mountains (ibid.,
+pp. 188-189). These are:
+
+1. Pasasigwana: This is the largest of the winter villages. It
+consisted of thirty families under the leadership of a headman who
+acted as director of salmon-fishing activities on the Salmon River. In
+the summer, the thirty families split into small groups and hunted on
+the Salmon River and its East Fork and in the Lost River and Salmon
+ranges. Steward reports that they obtained horses during a trip to
+Camas Prairie and thereafter joined the buffalo hunt. The village was
+situated north of Clayton.
+
+2. Sohodai: Steward places this small village of six families on the
+upper reaches of the Middle Fork of the Salmon River.
+
+3. Bohodai: This, the second largest Tukurika village, was on the
+Middle Fork of the Salmon near its confluence with the Salmon.
+
+4. Another winter village was on the upper Salmon River and was merely
+an alternate camp for people who ordinarily wintered in Sohodai.
+
+5. Pasimadai: This village, consisting of only two families, was on
+the upper Salmon River. It is the only one of the five listed that had
+no headman, although in another context Steward says (p. 193) that
+formal village chiefs were lacking before the consolidation with the
+Lemhi people.
+
+The distribution of the Shoshone of the Sawtooth Mountains demarcates
+the northern limits of the Shoshone range. Steward's map of villages
+and subsistence areas in Idaho places the Shoshone on the Salmon River
+and the Middle Fork of the Salmon, while the lower parts of the Salmon
+River, below its junction with the South Fork, are assigned to the Nez
+Percé (p. 136). In his general map of the Basin-Plateau area (ibid.,
+fig. 1, facing p. ix), Steward extends the Shoshone zone to the east
+side of Lost Trail Pass in Montana.
+
+The data above represent substantial agreement with our own findings.
+Moving from west to east, the Snake River north of its junction with
+the Powder River (Oregon) is in precipitous canyon country and was no
+doubt little used. Mixed Shoshone and Mono-Bannock-speaking groups
+occupied the lower part of the Weiser River, but, as has been here
+stated, traded with the Nez Percé in the upper part of the valley.
+Some of the action of the Sheepeaters' War of 1878 took place in the
+mountains between the middle and south forks of the Salmon River, and
+there is no evidence of Shoshone use of the country north of the
+Salmon River. However, other groups apparently reached the Salmon
+River and its southern tributaries. Ferris met a village of Nez Percé
+on the Lemhi River in October, 1831 (Ferris, 1940, p. 120), and Wyeth
+reported a Nez Percé camp on the Salmon River in May 1833 (Wyeth,
+1899, p. 194). The Nez Percé were also reported camped on Salmon River
+waters only one day from Fort Hall in August, 1839 (Farnham, 1906, p.
+29). In the northeast corner of the area in question, Lewis and Clark
+first met the Flathead on the far side of Lost Trail Pass near
+present-day Sula, Montana, in August, 1805 (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06,
+3:52). Shoshone no doubt crossed the pass occasionally and hunted
+there also, but this encounter and those reported in the preceding
+references indicate that the northern region of Shoshone nomadic
+activities was an area frequently entered and used by other peoples.
+Again, there is no strict boundary, but a zone of interpenetration.
+
+
+THE SHOSHONE OF BANNOCK CREEK AND NORTHERN UTAH
+
+There is little historic information on the specific area of Bannock
+Creek, Idaho. Almost all references to those Shoshone who were later
+found to have ranged through the area during part of the year is under
+the heading of Pocatello's band. This band was a hostile group under
+Chief Pocatello that raided white settlers and emigrants in the late
+1850's and early 1860's. Pocatello's followers were mentioned along
+many points on the Oregon Trail through southern Idaho and were just
+as frequently reported in Box Elder and Cache counties in northern
+Utah.
+
+The Fort Hall Indian Reservation is today effectively divided into two
+parts by the Portneuf River and the city of Pocatello. Most of the
+population, including the descendents of the Bannock and of the Lemhi,
+Fort Hall, Boise-Weiser, and Snake River Shoshone, live on the larger
+and more fertile northeastern section. On the southwestern half live
+many Shoshone Indians from northern Utah and from the area of Bannock
+Creek, which runs through this part of the reservation. The two
+populations mix to only a limited degree; each holds its own Sun
+Dance, and the people of the northern part of the reservation feel a
+true difference between themselves and those of the southern half.
+This separateness evidently goes back to pre-reservation times. The
+Bannock Creek Shoshone did not merge or interact very closely with the
+Shoshone of Fort Hall, and Bannock informants claim that they never
+had much to do with the latter.
+
+The Bannock Creek Shoshone, as they are often called today, have been
+assigned a number of names. The most common, and the one most
+frequently used, is Hukandika or, as Hoebel transcribes it, Hzkandika
+(Hoebel, 1938, p. 410). Steward also reported this name for the
+Bannock Creek people, but since the Shoshone of Promontory Point were
+also so designated, Steward uses the alternate food name of Kumuduka,
+or "jackrabbit eaters," for the residents of Bannock Creek (Steward,
+1938, p. 217). Other names are Yahandika (also applied to the
+salmon-fishing population of the middle Snake River), Yambarika
+("yamp-root eaters"), and Sonivedika ("wheat eaters"). This last term
+is, of course, post-white and illustrates the adaptability of these
+names. Hukandika, or variants thereof, were reported in earlier times,
+although as a group living in northern Utah. Dunn wrote of the
+"Ho-kan-di-ka" of the Salt Lake Valley and Bear River (Dunn, 1886, p.
+277), and Lander reported the "Ho-kanti'-kara, or Diggers on Salt
+Lake, Utah" (Wheeler, 1875, p. 409). For purposes of convenience, we
+shall refer to these Indians in this report as Bannock Creek Shoshone,
+although the range of their activities extended to the south well
+beyond this valley and into Utah.
+
+More than any other Shoshone group in Idaho, the Bannock Creek people
+developed in the immediate post-contact period all the characteristics
+of the "predatory band," familiar to us from the Oregon Paiute and the
+Nevada Shoshone. The "predatory band" as illustrated among the latter
+population and among certain Ute and Nevada Shoshone groups, was a
+response to contact with the whites. The aborigines saw the sources of
+their subsistence threatened and were forced to defend themselves
+against the whites. Through trade and hostilities they acquired horses
+and thereby achieved the increased mobility and ease of communication
+necessary to a centrally led band organization. Plunder from wagon
+trains and ranches opened up new sources of wealth to them and made
+warfare attractive, over and above the needs of self defense. But
+always the nucleating force behind the bands was warfare and the
+prestige of certain war leaders.
+
+The war leader of the Bannock Creek Shoshone was Pocatello, a name
+given him by the whites. Pocatello's band was listed among the
+"Western Snakes" by Lander in 1860: "Po-ca-ta-ra's band. Goose Creek
+Mountains, head of Humboldt, Raft Creek, and Mormon settlements horses
+few" (Lander, 1860, p. 137). Pocatello was also one of the signers of
+a treaty with Governor Doty at Box Elder on July 30, 1863; this treaty
+was an aftermath of General Connor's slaughter of the Shoshone on Bear
+River in January of the same year (Doty, 1865, p. 319). There was very
+little difficulty with the band after the Bear River battle.
+Superintendent Irish wrote in 1865 (1866, p. 311):
+
+     There are three bands of Indians known as the northwestern
+     bands of the Shoshonees, commanded by three chiefs, Pocatello,
+     Black Beard, and San Pitch, not under the control of
+     Wash-a-kee; they are very poor and number about fifteen
+     hundred; they range through the Bear River lake, Cache and
+     Malade valleys, and Goose Creek mountains, Idaho Territory.
+
+Superintendent Head's report of 1866, however, indicates a continuing
+relation between the Indians of southern Idaho and northern Utah and
+those of Wyoming (Head, 1867, p. 123).
+
+     A considerable number of these Indians [those of northern Utah
+     and southern Idaho known as Northwestern Shoshone after the
+     treaty of 1863], including the two chiefs Pokatello and Black
+     Beard, have this season accompanied Washakee to the Wind River
+     valley on his annual buffalo hunt.
+
+In the following year, Head summarized the distribution of mixed
+groups of Shoshone and Bannock in the region (1868, p. 176).
+
+     They inhabit, during about six months in each year, the valleys
+     of the Ogden, Weber, and Bear rivers, in this territory. A
+     considerable portion of their numbers remain there also during
+     the whole year, while others accompany the Eastern Shoshone to
+     the Wind River valley to hunt buffalo. They claim as their
+     country also a portion of southern Idaho, and often visit that
+     region, but game being there scarce and the country mostly
+     barren, their favorite haunts are as before stated.
+
+According to Steward, Pocatello's band was an innovation in Bannock
+Creek (1938, p. 217):
+
+     Apparently there were several independent villages in this
+     district in aboriginal days, but when the people acquired many
+     horses and the white man entered the country they began to
+     consolidate under Pocatello, whose authority was extended over
+     people at Goose Creek to the west and probably at Grouse Creek
+     [Utah].
+
+Actual war parties were led by Pocatello and numbered only ten to
+twenty men, according to one informant. Hostile activities were
+conducted especially on the Oregon Trail, which ran through southern
+Idaho, and his band was responsible also for the attack at Massacre
+Rocks (near the Snake River) and for various raids in northern Utah.
+
+When not on the warpath, the Bannock Creek Shoshone followed a more
+prosaic round of native subsistence activities. Information on the
+winter quarters of the Bannock Creek people is uncertain. There were
+some winter camps on Bannock Creek, and one informant reported that
+Pocatello also wintered on the Portneuf River between Pocatello and
+McCammon. Others said that Pocatello wintered at times on the Bear
+River near the Utah-Idaho line.
+
+Pocatello was not the only chief among the Bannock Creek people. Two
+others were named Pete and Tom Pocatello, although their relation to
+Pocatello himself was doubtful. These chiefs had their own followers,
+who were nonetheless known as Hukandika by informants. Tom Pocatello
+remained in the general area of Malade City, Idaho, and Washakie,
+Utah, and wintered on the Bear River.
+
+When they were not engaged in or threatened by hostilities, the
+Bannock Creek Shoshone split into small camp groups much as they did
+in pre-white days. At least part of the band went to Glenn's Ferry on
+the Snake River in the springtime, where they remained throughout the
+salmon run. Similarly, many went--probably as individual families and
+camp groups--to Camas Prairie for summer root digging. Others might
+travel into the Bear River and Bear Lake country, while still others
+journeyed to Nevada to visit or to be present for the September
+pine-nut harvests. Those who were mounted even traveled into Wyoming
+and visited and hunted buffalo with the Eastern Shoshone.
+
+With the previously mentioned Paraguitsi, the Bannock Creek people
+were the only Idaho Shoshone who depended upon the pine nut for an
+important part of their winter's provisions. These nuts could be
+obtained in the Goose Creek and Grouse Creek Mountains in late
+September. One informant reported that, if the harvest failed, many
+people went into the mountains west of Wendover and Ibapah, Utah, for
+the gathering there. A family could gather sufficient pine nuts in the
+fall, it was claimed, to last it until March.
+
+The general round of migrations of the Bannock Creek people brought
+them into contact with the Shoshone of Nevada and with the small and
+scattered Shoshone groups of northern Utah, from whom they are almost
+indistinguishable. Buffalo hunting and common use of the Bear River
+region resulted in considerable interaction with the Eastern Shoshone,
+who also made use of this area in pre-reservation times. There was
+extensive intermarriage between the Eastern Shoshone and those of
+Bannock Creek and northern Utah, and one informant reports that their
+dialects were much alike. This affinity between the two groups finds
+further documentation in the belief of one of Steward's informants
+that the Bannock Creek people must have come from Wyoming (Steward,
+1938, p. 217).
+
+
+FORT HALL BANNOCK AND SHOSHONE
+
+Above American Falls, the native population consisted of both Shoshone
+and Bannock Indians who were mounted and seasonally pursued the
+buffalo. Population aggregations were, in general, considerably larger
+than in any of the foregoing areas of Idaho. Ogden saw a "Snake" camp
+of 300 tents, 1,300 people and 3,000 horses on Little Lost River in
+November, 1827 (Ogden, 1910, p. 364), and Beckwourth claimed that he
+had met thousands of mounted and hostile Indians at the mouth of the
+Portneuf River in the spring of 1826 (Beckwourth, 1931, pp. 64-65).
+
+The journal of Warren Angus Ferris contains many references to the
+population in eastern Idaho in the period 1831-1833. The area
+evidently was frequently entered by warlike Blackfoot parties and by
+more peaceful groups of Flathead, Nez Percé, and Pend Oreille trappers
+and buffalo hunters (cf. Ferris, 1940, pp. 87, 146, 153-155, 185).
+Buffalo were still to be found and Ferris encountered large herds on
+the upper Snake River (ibid., p. 87); Nez Percé and Flathead Indians
+were seen on the divide between Birch Creek and the Lemhi River en
+route to hunt buffalo (ibid., p. 146). But the Indians most frequently
+encountered in the region were Bannock and Shoshone. On the Snake
+River plains near Three Buttes Ferris noted (p. 132):
+
+     In the evening two hundred Indians passed our camp, on their
+     way to the village, which was situated at the lower butte. They
+     were Ponacks, as they are generally called by the hunters, or
+     Po-nah-ke as they call themselves. They were generally mounted
+     on poor jaded horses, and were illy clad.
+
+In November, 1832, it was reported that "a village of Snakes and
+Ponacks amounting to about two hundred lodges on Gordiez [Big Lost]
+River" was attacked by a party of Blackfoot (ibid., pp. 185-186). The
+"Snakes" drove them off, but the "Horn Chief" was killed. The Horn
+Chief was reported on the Bear River in 1830 (ibid., pp. 71-73). This
+group may have been the same one mentioned a month later as being in
+winter camp on the Portneuf River (ibid., p. 188). Another Bannock
+camp was found in December, 1832, on the Blackfoot River. Ferris wrote
+(ibid., pp. 189-190):
+
+     I visited their village on the 20th and found these miserable
+     wretches to the number of eighty or one hundred families,
+     half-naked, and without lodges, except in one or two instances.
+     They had formed, however, little huts of sage roots, which were
+     yet so open and ill calculated to shield them from the extreme
+     cold, that I could not conceive how they were able to endure
+     such severe exposure.
+
+Ferris' description does not seem typical of the Plainslike Bannock
+Indians. There are two possible explanations: these Bannock had been
+attacked by hostiles and had lost their possessions; or they had
+recently moved westward from Oregon. The latter possibility cannot be
+ruled out, for the Bannock and the Northern Paiute were in contact
+during the salmon season and the Oregon people drifted over to join
+their colinguists on the upper Snake River until much later in the
+century.
+
+The presence of the Horn Chief on the Big Lost River in Idaho and the
+Bear River in Utah bespeaks the fact that the residents of eastern
+Idaho entered the northern Utah region quite as frequently as did the
+Shoshone of western Wyoming. Zenas Leonard reported meeting Bannock
+Indians some four days' travel west of the Green River. Depending on
+their speed, the trappers may have been in southern Idaho or some part
+of northern Utah. Leonard wrote of the Bannock (1934, p. 105):
+
+     On the fourth day of our Journey we arrived at the huts of some
+     Bawnack Indians. These Indians appear to live very poor and in
+     the most forlorn condition. They generally make but one visit
+     to the buffaloe country during the year, where they remain
+     until they jerk as much meat as their females can lug home on
+     their backs. They then quit the mountains and return to the
+     plains where they subsist on fish and small game the remainder
+     of the year. They keep no horses and are always easy prey for
+     other Indians provided with guns and horses.
+
+It would be difficult to imagine a people without horses traveling
+across the Continental Divide for buffalo, and it must be assumed that
+the near-by herds that then existed were used.
+
+Bonneville met a Bannock winter camp in January, 1833, near the Snake
+River, in the vicinity of Three Buttes (Irving, 1850, p. 88). They
+numbered 120 lodges and were said to be deadly enemies of the
+Blackfoot, whom they easily overcame when their forces were equal. In
+the following winter the Bannock camp was at the mouth of the Portneuf
+River, near the last season's site (Irving, 1837, 2:41). And in
+August, 1834, Townsend saw two lodges of some twenty "Snakes" who were
+"returning from the fisheries and traveling towards the buffalo on the
+'big river' (Shoshone's) [Snake River]" (Townsend, 1905, p. 245).
+
+Russell's journal provides further description of buffalo hunting on
+the upper Snake River. He himself hunted buffalo out of the newly
+established Fort Hall post in 1834 (Russell, 1955, pp. 7-8). On
+October 1 of that year a village of 60 lodges of "Snakes" was
+found on Blackfoot River; the chief was "Iron wristbands" or
+"Pah-da-her-wak-un-dah." On October 20 a camp of 250 "Bonnak" lodges
+arrived at Fort Hall. Russell met some 332 lodges, of six persons
+each, hunting buffalo in the vicinity of Birch Creek in October, 1835
+(p. 36). Their chief was "Aiken-lo-ruckkup," a brother of the late
+Horn Chief. The trapper also found 15 lodges of "Snakes" in the same
+area (p. 37). Twenty-five miles east of the Bannock camp, Russell
+found a buffalo-hunting camp of 15 "Snake" lodges under "Chief Comb
+Daughter," or the "Lame Chief" (p. 38). Presumably, Russell's
+"Snakes" were Shoshone. The buffalo evidently disappeared from the
+Snake River drainage by 1840, for the last reference to their presence
+in this region is in January, 1839, when Russell mentions the presence
+of buffalo bulls on the upper Snake River (p. 93).
+
+Lieutenant John Mullan encountered two "Banax" Indians in December,
+1853, on the Jefferson River in Montana. They had crossed the
+mountains from the Salmon River country in hopes of meeting other
+Bannock returning from the buffalo hunt. He noted the inroads on their
+numbers made by smallpox and the Blackfoot and commented (Mullan,
+1855, p. 329. "The most of them now inhabit the country near the
+Salmon River, where, in their solitude and security, they live
+perfectly contented in spearing the salmon, and living on roots and
+berries.") Across the divide between Montana and Idaho, in the
+vicinity of Camas Creek, they met a single Bannock lodge en route to
+the mountains (p. 333). North of Fort Hall, the party came upon three
+or four families of "Root Digger Indians" whose destitute condition
+was described by Mullan (p. 334).
+
+The Bannock had visited Fort Bridger for purposes of trade over a
+period of many years and continued the practice after the end of the
+fur boom. Superintendent Jacob Forney reported that some 500 Bannock
+under chief "Horn" appeared there in 1859 and claimed a home in the
+Utah Territory (Forney, 1860a, p. 31). Forney granted them permission
+to remain in the region claimed by Washakie. A body of Bannock was in
+the vicinity of Fort Bridger in 1867, but Washakie refused to share
+the Eastern Shoshone allotment with them. It will be remembered that a
+part of the Bannock population had been collected on the Boise River
+prior to this time. Indians denominated as Bannock were evidently to
+be found in a number of places during this period. Commissioner of
+Indian Affairs Taylor reported in 1868 (1869, p. 683):
+
+     The other tribes in Montana are the Bannock and the Shoshones,
+     ranging about the headwaters of the Yellowstone, and reported
+     to be in a miserable and destitute condition. These Indians it
+     is believed are parties to a treaty made by Gov. Doty on the
+     14th of Oct., 1863, at Soda Springs, not proclaimed. As they
+     occupy a part of the country claimed by the Crows, I think it
+     advisable ... to induce them to remove to the Shoshone country,
+     in the valley of the Shoshone (Snake) River.
+
+In the same year Mann assembled 800 Bannock for a treaty conference,
+but one-half of this number left the gathering in June, 1868, when the
+commissioner failed to appear (Mann, 1869, p. 617). The 800 Bannock
+were gathered by Chief "Taggie" (Tygee), who was also mentioned in the
+1869 report of the Fort Hall Agent (Danilson, 1870, p. 730).
+
+Unless the Bannock were an amazingly mobile people, they must have
+traveled in a number of groups during the late 1860's. Superintendent
+Sully of Montana wrote in September, 1869 (Sully, 1870, p. 731):
+
+     ... [the Bannock] are a very small tribe of Indians, not
+     mustering over five hundred souls. They claim the southwestern
+     portion of Montana as their land, containing some of the
+     richest portions of the territory, in which are situated
+     Virginia City, Boseman City, and many other places of note.
+
+However, Superintendent Floyd-Jones of Idaho reported in 1869 (1870,
+p. 721):
+
+     The Bannacks, about six hundred strong, have always claimed
+     this country, and promise that this winter's hunt in the Wind
+     River Mountains shall be their last ...
+
+Groups of Bannock were variously reported in Wyoming, Montana, and
+Idaho during these years, and it is to be assumed that they sought
+both buffalo and rations. Governor Campbell of Wyoming wrote in
+October, 1870, that the Bannock had spent the summer with the Crow
+Indians (J. A. Campbell, 1871, p. 639) after leaving Wind River. The
+Bannock were evidently the most difficult to settle of all the Idaho
+Indians, and their nomadic propensities were restrained only after the
+conclusion of the Bannock War of 1878. The data that follow were
+gathered through ethnographic means and continue and summarize the
+foregoing historical account.
+
+The Bannock population of the Fort Hall plains was undoubtedly
+resident in that area for a considerable period. Living on the western
+slope of the Continental Divide, they crossed the mountains frequently
+to hunt in the buffalo country of the Missouri drainage. In the
+process they came into contact with tribes of the Plains and borrowed
+a good deal of culture from them. However, contact with the Paiute of
+Oregon continued. During the Bannock War of 1878 the Fort Hall
+insurgents were joined by the rebellious inmates of the Malheur Agency
+in eastern Oregon. Also, genealogies given by informants indicate that
+many Northern Paiute were still leaving their Oregon habitat as late
+as the time of the treaty and thereafter and were joining the Bannock
+in their more abundant and exciting life of warfare and buffalo
+hunting. In effect, these migrants became "Bannock" when they began to
+live with the Bannock. The formation of the Bannock in southeastern
+Idaho from Oregon Paiute who managed to get horses and were attracted
+by the buffalo hunt was not a single occurrence at some indefinite
+time in the past; it was a continuing process that lasted into the
+reservation period. There is no evidence placing the Bannock in the
+Fort Hall area before the introduction of the horse. It is doubtful
+that they predated this time, given the fact that buffalo hunting on
+horse was one of the main attractions of eastern Idaho.
+
+The relation of the Bannock to neighboring Shoshone groups,
+denominated by the generic term, "Wihinait," is somewhat problematic
+and can best be understood from detailed consideration of the two
+populations. Steward says that "the Fort Hall Bannock and Shoshoni
+were probably comparatively well amalgamated into a band by 1840"
+(Steward, 1938, p. 202), but also notes (p. 10) that "Bannock and
+Shoshoni, though closely cooperating and living on terms of equality,
+were politically distinct in that each had its band chief." Our
+evidence indicates that there was a good deal of social intercourse
+and intermarriage and coöperation in the buffalo hunt between the two
+groups, but except when engaged in some joint endeavor each appears to
+have maintained its autonomy. Although there were organized bands,
+their lines were not very clear-cut because of their frequent fission
+(ibid., p. 202):
+
+     Even with the advantage of the horse, it was not always
+     expedient for the combined Bannock-Shoshoni band to move as a
+     unit. They frequently split into small subdivisions, each of
+     which travelled independently through Southern Idaho to procure
+     different foods, to trade, and occasionally to carry on
+     warfare.
+
+Despite the presence of many Plains Indian culture elements, the
+social structure of the Fort Hall people was basically that of the
+Shoshonean population of the Basin-Plateau. While they grouped into
+larger units for certain defined purposes, these units functioned only
+during part of the year. The internal organization of the bands was
+fluid, amorphous, and shifting.
+
+The question of the constitution of the bands also remains: was there
+one large Fort Hall Shoshone and Bannock band, were there one Fort
+Hall Bannock and one Fort Hall Shoshone band, or were both populations
+split into smaller groups? Both Steward and Hoebel reject the first
+possibility, and the answer seems to lie somewhere between the second
+and third. Hoebel names four Bannock bands (1938, p. 412): Cottonwood
+Salmon Eaters, Deer Eaters, Squirrel Eaters, Plant (?) Eaters. One
+informant told us also of four food names among the Bannock. These
+were: Biviadzugarika ("root [?] eaters,") Topihabirika ("root [?]
+eaters"), Tohocharika ("deer eaters"), and Yaparika ("yamp eaters").
+Only part of the Fort Hall Bannock population bore these names. The
+names did not refer to band groupings of any type, and their bearers
+were of various bands. Our informant did not know the origin of this
+nomenclature. It is possible that the names designated Oregon food
+areas and were applied to more recent migrants from the Oregon Paiute,
+but the names do not bear sufficiently close correspondence to those
+given by Blythe and Stewart to validate this assumption.
+
+Bannock informants claimed that there was a head chief of all the
+Bannock, Tahgee, and that subchiefs under him were leaders of smaller
+groups at certain times of the year. The subchiefs were said to have
+attended the treaty conference at Fort Bridger with Tahgee. Their
+names were Patsagumudu Po'a, Kusagai, Totowa, Pagoit, and Tahee.
+Tahgee represented the Bannock in their affairs with the whites and
+was the leader of the buffalo hunt. Otherwise, he seems to have
+exerted little direct authority over his people, although he had great
+influence in council. Bannock informants all asserted that people went
+where they wished when they wished and did not necessarily travel
+under any form of leadership.
+
+Bannock chieftainship was nonhereditary and was assigned by general
+agreement to a man noted for wisdom and courage.
+
+Among the Shoshone of the Fort Hall region, leadership was more
+clearly a function of interaction with the whites. One man was said to
+have become chief "because he helped the whites." Two chiefs were
+reported, Aidamo and Aramun; the bands of both roamed through
+southeastern Idaho and into northern Utah. These Shoshone were called
+by the Bannock, "Winakwat," or "Wihinait" in Shoshone. The name
+evidently did not refer to a single band but designated all
+Shoshone-speaking people of the immediate area. I could find no
+confirmation of Hoebel's Elk Eaters, Groundhog Eaters, and Minnow
+Eaters, all of whom were said to live in the area roamed over by the
+various Fort Hall Shoshone and Bannock groups (Hoebel, 1938, pp.
+410-413).
+
+In the Fort Hall area, as in the rest of Idaho, winter habitat
+supplies the only stable criterion for identifying the several groups
+or populations. The Bannock customarily wintered on the Snake River
+bottoms above Idaho Falls and at the mouth of Henry's Fork near
+Rexburg, Idaho. They also wintered downstream in the vicinity of the
+modern town of Blackfoot, Idaho; historical sources mention Bannock
+winter camps at the mouth of the Portneuf River. The Snake
+River--Henry's Fork sites were favored because of the abundance of the
+mule-tailed deer, which came into the bottomlands in the winter.
+Another source of subsistence in winter was cottontail rabbits, which
+were caught among the willows in the bottoms with a noose snare or by
+surrounding them and killing them with the bow and arrow.
+
+The main winter subsistence, and the food source that provided the
+margin of survival, was the dried meat of buffalo, elk, and deer taken
+in the fall hunts, supplemented by dried roots and berries. Food
+caches were maintained near camp, but they were generally resorted to
+only in the spring, when the dried food kept in the lodges was
+exhausted. The location of the cache was known only to the family that
+made it. Caches and their contents were considered private property.
+Dried roots, berries, and salmon were generally kept in the
+underground caches, but not meat.
+
+Bannock winter camps were spread out along the river; there was no
+central encampment. The population was predominantly Bannock, although
+many Shoshone lived among them either through in-marriage or by
+choice.
+
+Not all of the Bannock wintered on the Snake River. Those who crossed
+the divide for buffalo frequently did not return in time to cross the
+mountains before the snows blocked the high passes and so generally
+wintered in western Montana, not joining the rest until spring.
+
+The Wihinait, or Shoshone of the Fort Hall area, were said to have
+wintered apart from the Bannock on the Portneuf River. Winter camps
+ranged along the Portneuf between Pocatello and McCammon, and other
+places as far south as Malade City, Idaho, were sometimes occupied.
+Here, too, the population lived off stored food and whatever game
+could be taken.
+
+The winter quarters of the Shoshone were more secure from enemy
+attack, however, than were those of the Bannock. The only hostile
+tribe to enter southern Idaho with any frequency was the Blackfoot.
+They pressed their attacks vigorously, especially against the Bannock,
+and were a subject of some wonder owing to their practice of sending
+out war parties in the middle of winter. Blackfoot war parties,
+consisting only of men, frequently came south from Montana before the
+passes were closed by the winter snows and made camp on Henry's Fork,
+near the present site of St. Anthony, Idaho. From this convenient
+point they sent small raiding parties against the Bannock camps. The
+main purpose of these raids was to capture horses, which were driven
+north to the Blackfoot country when the passes opened in the spring.
+Although the Bannock were kept on the defensive, they were not the
+helpless prey of the Blackfoot. Defensive tactics were frequently too
+late, for the enemy drove off horses surreptitiously by night, but
+counterraids were made and pursuit was given in return. The Blackfoot
+occasionally pressed their raids farther downstream and entered the
+Portneuf Valley, but such forays were less frequent. Historical
+records, however, mention Blackfoot raids in Yellowstone Park and
+Jackson Hole and as far south as the valleys of the Green and Bear
+rivers and Great Salt Lake.
+
+When spring arrived the winter camp broke up and both Shoshone and
+Bannock split up into small groups, each of which went their separate
+ways. Hunting was the first undertaking after breaking up winter camp.
+The spring hunt was usually conducted in Idaho rather than in more
+distant places, since most people wished to return later in the spring
+for salmon fishing at Glenn's Ferry. Small parties of only a few
+lodges each roamed through the mountains of Caribou County, Idaho, in
+search of deer and elk, while others went southwards into the Bear
+River and Bear Lake country. Chub were caught in Bear River, and duck
+eggs were gathered and ducks killed in the marshes at the north end of
+Bear Lake. During the spring wanderings, roots were dug also.
+
+The route to Bear River went through much the same country as modern
+U.S. Highway 30 N. Parties ascended the Portneuf River and crossed the
+divide to the Bear River at the site of Soda Springs. They continued
+south on the Bear River to Montpelier. Those who did not intend to
+return for salmon but wished to visit the Eastern Shoshone ascended
+the Bear River to Cokeville and Sage and crossed the Bear River
+Divide, passing the fossil-fish beds en route.
+
+As has been mentioned, not all the Shoshone and Bannock went to
+Glenn's Ferry to take salmon; those who did went in small groups
+rather than in a body. Parties followed the Snake River down to
+Glenn's Ferry, where they fished with harpoons. The Fort Hall people
+apparently did not make fish weirs. The weirs were usually the work of
+the winter population of the salmon areas, but one informant stated
+that the Bannock shared in the catch.
+
+Some Bannock continued downstream past Glenn's Ferry and fished in the
+Bruneau River, while others went to the Boise and Weiser rivers. Trade
+was conducted with the Nez Percé in the Weiser Valley; informants did
+not believe that the Bannock or the Shoshone took part in the trade
+with the Columbia River tribes in the Grand Ronde Valley in
+northeastern Oregon. This trade was, however, before the memories of
+any of our informants (or of their fathers).
+
+At the conclusion of the spring salmon run, the scattered camp grounds
+of Fort Hall Shoshone and Bannock went to Camas Prairie, where they
+dug camas, yamp, and other roots and fattened their horses for the
+fall hunt. Roots could also be dug in other areas, like the Weiser
+Valley and the plains and foothills near Fort Hall, and some families
+did not go to Camas Prairie.
+
+In most years Camas Prairie served as the marshalling grounds for the
+annual buffalo hunt. On these occasions, Bannock and mounted Shoshone
+of the Fort Hall area joined forces. While it is possible that these
+groups combined also with the Lemhi Shoshone for the buffalo hunt, we
+could obtain no corroboration of this grouping from informants.
+Informants generally stated that the buffalo party was composed
+chiefly of Bannock and was led by the Bannock chief. While many Fort
+Hall Shoshone took part, most hunted elk, moose, and deer on the
+western side of the Continental Divide. Furthermore, some Bannock did
+not take part in the hunt and similarly hunted in Idaho and
+southwestern Wyoming.
+
+It should be noted that information on the entry of Shoshone or
+Bannock groups into the buffalo grounds of Montana occurs very early
+in the historical period in the reports of Lewis and Clark, and also
+very late in this period. It is true that there is little pertinent
+historical data on southwestern Montana, but there is a distinct
+possibility that the Shoshone and Bannock did not cross the Divide
+annually. Buffalo were found on the upper Snake River prairie until
+about 1840, and the presence of the Blackfoot in Montana made ventures
+there risky. It is noteworthy that in the early reservation period the
+Bannock crossed the Divide into the Big Horn drainage in company with
+the Eastern Shoshone; the trip through Green River and thus to Wind
+River was not by any means the shortest route to the buffalo country.
+On the other hand, informants gave highly detailed information on the
+trail to the Montana buffalo grounds and showed detailed traditional
+knowledge of it. Without more continuous historical data such as is
+available on transmontane hunting patterns in Wyoming, any question of
+historical changes in hunting itineraries must remain open.
+
+From Camas Prairie, contemporary informants say, the buffalo party
+skirted the southern end of the Sawtooth Mountains and went up the
+Little Lost River, crossing over to the Lemhi River. They then
+traveled down the Lemhi and across the Divide via Lemhi Pass.
+Descending the east side of the mountains, the buffalo party arrived
+on the Beaverhead River at a point close to Armstead, Montana. They
+then traveled down the Beaverhead past Twin Bridges to the point where
+the Beaverhead becomes the Jefferson River and thence downstream to
+the Three Forks of the Missouri. One informant said that the
+Beaverhead Valley contained buffalo in earlier times, but by the
+period preceding the treaty it was necessary to go much farther east.
+From Three Forks, Montana, the buffalo route followed the present line
+of U.S. Highway 10 through Bozeman and over Bozeman Pass. The party
+pressed eastwards until it arrived in the country called Buffalo Heart
+by the Bannock because a near-by mountain supposedly had the shape of
+a buffalo heart; this was the fall and winter hunting grounds of the
+Idaho Shoshone and Bannock. It was near the Yellowstone River between
+Big Timber and Billings, Montana, though the migratory habits of
+buffalo and buffalo hunters would dictate considerable movement within
+the region.
+
+The buffalo hunters remained to the west of the Bighorn River and,
+presumably, they did not encroach too heavily upon the Crow. While the
+Crow considered the Eastern Shoshone enemies, we have no information
+on hostilities between them and the Idaho people. The Bannock actually
+camped with the Crow in the late 1860's and early 1870's.
+
+To return to the route to the buffalo country, some alternate trails
+must be noted. After leaving Camas Prairie the party sometimes passed
+through Arco and Idaho Falls, Idaho, and then headed north over the
+Divide, via Monida Pass. They followed Red Rock Creek down to its
+confluence with the Beaverhead and followed the previously described
+trail.
+
+Also, the buffalo party did not always reach Bozeman Pass via the
+Three Forks of the Missouri. The alternate route crossed from the
+Beaverhead River to the Madison River via Virginia City. The party
+continued down the Madison a short distance and then went east to
+Bozeman where the trail joined the one already outlined. There were
+undoubtedly several other routes that are no longer remembered by
+informants.
+
+The buffalo hunt was conducted by much the same techniques as already
+described for the Eastern Shoshone. Two scouts were sent out to
+report upon the presence of buffalo, and the party surrounded and
+pursued the herd as a group. No police societies to prevent hunting by
+individuals were reported by our Idaho Shoshone and Bannock
+informants, nor is there historic evidence of the institution. Guns,
+spears, and the bow and arrow were used.
+
+Meat was jerked and dried on the plains and the slain buffalo were
+skinned and their hides dried. When as much of these commodities as
+the pack horses could carry was accumulated, the party struck out for
+home. Owing to the great distance between the Snake River Valley and
+the buffalo country, winter usually overtook the party en route. If
+the passes were still open when the hunters reached the Divide, they
+went into winter quarters on the Snake River. If the heavy snows
+caught the party while still far from the mountains, they kept
+traveling slowly westward and attempted to encamp in one of the well
+wooded and sheltered valleys on the east side of the Divide. When the
+passes opened in the spring, they crossed into Idaho.
+
+During the winter the party subsisted upon the dried buffalo meat and
+whatever game could be killed. An important product of the hunt, the
+most important according to one informant, was the buffalo hides from
+which tipis and robes were made. Since there was no spring hunt and
+other game was plentiful in eastern Idaho and western Wyoming in the
+fall, the hides may well have been the primary attraction of the
+buffalo country.
+
+Those Shoshone and Bannock who did not follow the buffalo party
+carried on the fall hunt in southeastern Idaho, northern Utah, and
+western Wyoming. The elk and deer hunted could best be taken by small
+groups, hence hunting parties were not large and communal techniques
+were not necessary. Also, since these animals were scattered
+throughout the region and did not travel in the huge herds
+characteristic of the buffalo, the population had to spread out
+accordingly. Somewhat larger groups gathered to hunt antelope, but
+these were temporary aggregations. The actual size of the fall hunting
+groups is uncertain. One informant said that each consisted of about
+fifteen tipis, while another said that groups of two to four tipis
+were common. These smaller camp groups were known as _nanogwa_. Their
+size was said to have made them more vulnerable to attack than the
+somewhat larger concentrations.
+
+Some locales were known to have a plentiful supply of certain game
+animals. Caribou County in southeastern Idaho was considered good for
+deer hunting, while Jackson Hole and Yellowstone Park were noted for
+elk. The arid highlands of southwestern Wyoming abounded in antelope.
+Of course, all of these areas contained other types of game, and wild
+vegetables could be obtained in all.
+
+The fall hunt began at the end of August or in early September when
+the game was growing fat. Some parties went from Camas Prairie to
+Jackson Hole and Yellowstone via Idaho Falls and the Snake River. The
+route used was much the same as that followed by U.S. Highway 26. One
+informant spoke of Targhee Pass and West Yellowstone, Idaho, as being
+a point of entry to and departure from the Yellowstone country. The
+Snake River Trail was more commonly used to enter Jackson and
+Yellowstone, although West Yellowstone seems to have been more
+frequently traveled on the homeward journey. The west slope of the
+Tetons, the area drained by Teton River, was used also by hunting
+parties.
+
+Other Bannock and Shoshone camp groups went southward through the
+Portneuf Valley and over to the Bear River at Soda Springs; they
+followed the Bear River until they bore eastward to Kemmerer, Wyoming.
+Most camps of the Idaho Indians remained on the west side of the Green
+River. The chief game of the area was the antelope herds which were
+found on affluents of the Green River, northeast of Kemmerer. The
+Idaho Shoshone and Bannock were joined in the antelope hunt by the
+Eastern Shoshone of Wyoming and by the Ute, some of whom crossed the
+Uinta Range in early autumn for this purpose. Whether all these people
+actually combined for communal hunts is uncertain. It is more probable
+that small groups from each population amalgamated. Another attraction
+of the Green River country was Fort Bridger, where many of the Indians
+went for trade.
+
+A few camps might remain to winter in the Green River country, but
+most of them continued their hunt in other parts while returning to
+winter quarters. Some camps retraced their outward route, but others
+traveled northward through Star Valley in western Wyoming and thence
+up the Snake River to Jackson Hole. It must be kept in mind that there
+was no central camp group nor were there fixed hunting trails that
+each group had to follow and that were recognized as their rightful
+grounds. Camp groups could travel where they pleased and when they
+pleased. Proprietary rights to hunting grounds were not recognized.
+
+The individual camp groups changed in composition and membership
+annually. A small camp of only a few tipis might consist of
+consanguineally and affinally related people, but such association was
+not a fixed rule. Also, a family could leave one hunting group and
+join another at will.
+
+The hunting season ended with the advent of winter. Camp groups
+drifted into the previously described winter quarters and awaited
+spring, when the cycle would begin again.
+
+
+LEMHI SHOSHONE
+
+One of the most cohesive of all Shoshone groups lived in the valley of
+the Lemhi River on the western slope of the Continental Divide. The
+Lemhi Shoshone were commonly known by the term Agaidika, or "salmon
+eaters." Like the people of the Fort Hall plains they had fairly large
+herds of horses, which enabled them to take part in the transmontane
+buffalo hunt.
+
+Excellent data on the early historic period in Lemhi Valley is found
+in the journals of Lewis and Clark, who crossed the Continental Divide
+to the Lemhi River on August 13, 1805. A certain amount of information
+on the Shoshone penetration of Montana can be derived from this
+source. Sacajawea, the young Shoshone woman who acted as guide and
+interpreter for Lewis and Clark, said that she had been kidnaped
+during an attack upon the Shoshone at a camp at the Three Forks of the
+Missouri River (Lewis and Clark, 1804-06, 2:283). On their return
+journey from the Pacific the explorers passed through Big Hole Valley,
+slightly above the present town of Wisdom, Montana, where it was noted
+that they were "in the great plain where Shoshonees gather Quawmash
+and cows etc." (ibid., 5:250-251). The party proceeded westward up
+the Beaverhead River, where Sacajawea claimed the Shoshone were
+sometimes found (p. 321) and above Dillon saw one mounted Indian
+thought to be Shoshone (p. 329). No other Indians were sighted,
+although there were indications on the upper Beaverhead River that
+Indians had been digging roots (pp. 332, 334). Apparently the buffalo
+had been receding to the east even at that early time, for Sacajawea
+said that they used to come to the very head of the Beaverhead River;
+apparently they had been hunted out by the Shoshone, who tried to
+avoid the trip to the plains by killing as many buffalo as possible in
+the mountains (p. 261). It seems evident that the Indians' acquisition
+of the horse resulted in some depletion of the buffalo long before the
+American hide hunters arrived in the West.
+
+The main body of Shoshone was encountered by Lewis and Clark on their
+westward trip in the Lemhi River Valley. The natives were fishing at
+the time, and their camps were found scattered along the stream. Camps
+of seven families and of one family (ibid., 3:6, 11), and another of
+25 lodges (ibid., 2:175) serve as examples of the residence units met.
+Lewis estimated the population of the valley as 100 warriors and 300
+women and children (ibid., p. 372). They possessed some 700 mounts,
+including 40 colts and 20 mules; this, it would seem, was not an
+adequate number for the needs of extensive buffalo hunting beyond the
+Continental Divide.
+
+The social needs of buffalo hunting evidently produced some degree of
+band political integration among the Shoshone. But the "principal
+Chief," Ca-me-ah-wait (ibid., p. 340) had only limited powers. Lewis
+writes (ibid., p. 370):
+
+     ... each individual is his own sovereign master, and acts from
+     the dictates of his own mind; the authority of the Chief being
+     nothing more than mere admonition supported by the influence
+     which the propriety of his own exemplary conduct may have
+     acquired him in the minds of the individuals who compose the
+     band.
+
+The title of chief was nonhereditary, and, in fact, everybody was to
+varying degrees a "chief," Lewis noted; the most influential of the
+men was recognized by the others as the "principal chief."
+
+The Shoshone had been pushed westward by the incursions of Indian
+tribes armed by the Canadian traders. Ca-me-ah-wait told Lewis that
+the Shoshone would be able to remain on the Missouri waters if
+equipped with firearms, but under the circumstances had to live part
+of the year on the Columbia waters, where they ate only fish, roots,
+and berries (ibid., p. 383). A few Shoshone in the Lemhi Valley had
+firearms that they obtained from the Crow Indians of the Yellowstone
+River (ibid., p. 341). The winter quarters of the Lemhi Shoshone are
+not described in the journals, but Lewis wrote that they remained on
+the Columbia waters during the time of the salmon run, from May to
+September, and then crossed the Divide to the Missouri waters where
+they spent the winter (p. 373). The presence of powerful and hostile
+tribes in the buffalo country forced the Lemhi Shoshone to travel in
+numbers. They were joined by Shoshone from other areas in the Lemhi
+Valley and were reinforced by more Shoshone groups and the Flathead at
+the Three Forks of the Missouri (p. 324).
+
+The Lemhi Shoshone were preparing to leave for the buffalo hunt on
+August 23, 1805. The salmon run was dwindling at the time of the
+explorers' visit, for Clark noted that the Indians were living largely
+on berries and roots and were quite hungry (ibid., p. 367). Antelope
+were hunted by horsemen pursuing the animals in relays, but it was
+observed that 40 to 50 men might spend a half-day in this activity and
+take only two or three antelope (ibid., p. 346).
+
+The relations of the Shoshone with the outer world gives some
+indication of their pattern of movement. They ranged southward to the
+Spanish settlements, for some of their mules were obtained from the
+Spaniards and articles of Spanish manufacture were noted (ibid., p.
+347). The Shoshone were already suffering from smallpox and venereal
+disease (ibid., p. 373).
+
+Enemy tribes inflicted losses upon the Shoshone. The "Minetaree of
+Fort de prairie" had attacked them and stolen horses and tipis (ibid.,
+p. 343), and they had but recently made peace with the Cayuse and
+Walla Walla (ibid., 5:157-158). The Nez Percé also had frequent
+clashes with the Shoshone (ibid., pp. 24, 55-56, 113); the territorial
+situation between the Shoshone and Nez Percé was evidently the same as
+in later times, for Ca-me-ah-wait stated that the Nez Percé lived on
+the Salmon River, "below the mountains" (ibid., 2:382). Friendly
+relations were maintained with the Flathead, who, according to the
+journals, lived on the Bitterroot River, but fished on the Salmon
+River (ibid., 3:22).
+
+Later references to the Lemhi River region and adjacent portions of
+Montana are few. Ferris hunted on the Ruby River in Montana in the
+early fall of 1831 and mentioned no Shoshone. He did, however, meet a
+Nez Percé camp of 25 lodges (Ferris, 1940, p. 118). Another Nez Percé
+camp was encountered after Ferris crossed the Divide to the Lemhi
+River (ibid., p. 120). Ferris went to the Ruby River again in 1832 and
+again found no Shoshone. His party was attacked by the Blackfoot and
+the trappers found refuge in a camp on the Beaverhead River consisting
+of 150 lodges of "Flatheads, Pen-d'oreilles, and others" (ibid., pp.
+177-178). In 1831, Ferris crossed over Deer Lodge Pass to Big Hole
+River, where he noted that they were on the edge of Blackfoot country
+(ibid, p. 109). However, he met 100 lodges of Pend Oreilles on Big
+Hole River who were en route from Salish House to the buffalo country.
+Ferris then joined the Pend Oreille and some Flathead lodges in a
+buffalo hunt on the Beaverhead River (ibid., p. 113).
+
+An obvious conclusion from the preceding data is that the Shoshone did
+hunt in southwestern Montana, but so also did other peoples. The flux
+of various hunting parties in the area was undoubtedly increased
+during the fur-trapping period. The extent of their entry into Montana
+remains undetermined, but their range undoubtedly shifted during the
+historic period as a direct result of the recession eastward of the
+buffalo herds. It is uncertain what proportion of the Lemhi population
+went on the buffalo hunt, and we lack historical information on their
+winter camps across the Divide. However, casual entry of small parties
+into southwestern Montana for winter residence would have been most
+dangerous throughout the historic period because of the continual
+threat of Blackfoot attacks.
+
+Leadership patterns were well developed among the Lemhi people. In
+1859 Lander mentioned "Tentoi" who "is not a chief, but has very great
+influence with the tribe, and has distinguished himself in wars with
+the Blackfeet" (Lander, 1860, p. 125). Tendoy was subsequently said
+by Agent Rainsford to be the head chief at Lemhi (Rainsford, 1873, p.
+666), and Agent Fuller later noted Tendoy as the chief of the entire
+reservation population, which included some 200 Bannock, 500 Shoshone,
+and 300 Sheepeaters (Fuller, CD 1639, p. 572). Further information on
+Tendoy was obtained from informants, but it is obvious that the
+establishment of a reservation in Lemhi Valley resulted in an eclectic
+population and the chieftaincy was part of the Indian Office pattern
+of reservation administration. There is no doubt, however, that a
+pre-reservation chieftaincy did exist, although for different
+purposes.
+
+Informants agreed that the Agaidika formed a unified band under
+Tendoy. No other chiefs were named, although there were said to be a
+number of minor leaders. Tendoy acted as leader in such communal
+pursuits as the making of salmon traps or in the annual buffalo hunt.
+Informants said that he called a council of leading men of the band
+when any decision affecting the whole group was to be made, and the
+results were announced to the people by a man who held the office of
+"announcer." Councils might be held before the salmon season and the
+buffalo hunt or to plot strategy when on the buffalo hunt.
+
+While the Lemhi Shoshone intermarried with other Shoshone and with
+Bannock, there was a clear-cut geographical separation between them
+and the above groups. Some Shoshone wintered in Montana on the other
+side of the Divide, but they were generally considered to be of the
+Lemhi band. To the west was the Sawtooth Range and the Tukurika.
+Although the Tukurika had some contact with the Lemhi people, there
+were considerable cultural differences between them, owing to the
+proximity of Plains Indian tribes to the Agaidika and to the different
+subsistent cycles of the two groups. North of the Lemhi country was
+the land of the Flathead; to the south the arid Snake River plains
+intervened between them and the Fort Hall plains population. The Lemhi
+Shoshone were by no means isolated, but there was considerably less
+overlapping of activities than in southeastern Idaho.
+
+Winter was usually spent in the valley of the Lemhi River in the area
+between the modern town of Salmon and the old Mormon post of Fort
+Lemhi. One informant said that the population was distributed in
+villages of about a dozen buffalo-hide tipis, each village having a
+leader. During the winter the population subsisted upon dried stores
+of berries, roots, and the meat of buffalo and other game. The Lemhi
+Valley was secure from enemy attack in the winter, for the Blackfoot
+concentrated their attention on the Bannock encampments on the Snake
+River.
+
+Other Shoshone were said to have wintered occasionally on the
+Beaverhead River in Montana. Steward notes that "possibly a few
+families lived in the vicinity of Dillon, Montana" (1938, p. 188). He
+lists a large winter camp of some forty families named "Unauvump,"
+which was situated along Red Rock Creek from Lima, Montana, to Red
+Rock Lake (ibid.). Steward notes that this name refers to the
+"locomotive" and thus to the Union Pacific Railroad, which follows the
+Beaverhead River. We obtained the same name, but our informant thought
+it was merely a place name and not a camp site. Also the site was a
+short distance up the Beaverhead River from Dillon, Montana. In any
+case, the reference to the locomotive established the recency of the
+name. In view of the Blackfoot incursions in that area it is doubtful
+whether the camp on Red Rock Creek much pre-dated the treaty. However,
+Bannock and Shoshone buffalo-hunting parties were frequently forced to
+spend the winter in Montana, although the exact location of these
+camps is not known.
+
+When winter ended, the Lemhi population did not move far afield in
+search of subsistence, but hunted and awaited the spring salmon run in
+April. The Indians fished with harpoons, set basketry traps, and made
+fish weirs. Most fishing was done in the Lemhi River, but some
+families fished in the Pahsimeroi River, an affluent of the Salmon
+River which flowed west of and parallel to the Lemhi. Some fishing
+took place on the main stream of the Salmon River below its confluence
+with the Lemhi, but only harpooning was effective owing to the depth
+of the water.
+
+The weirs were put in the water each spring and dismantled in the fall
+and stored. Certain men were considered especially proficient in the
+construction and operation of fish weirs and assumed supervision over
+the operation.
+
+When the salmon runs had ended, many of the Lemhi people went to Camas
+Prairie. Some preferred to dig roots in the Lemhi country or to hunt
+deer in the ranges on either side of the valley. These hunting groups
+were quite small and usually numbered only two to four tipis. The
+sojourn on Camas Prairie lasted only about a month and the Lemhi
+people returned for the summer-fall salmon run. When this was over at
+the end of August, preparations were made for the trip to the buffalo
+country.
+
+At least three horses were required for the buffalo hunt: one for the
+hunter, another for his wife, and a third for packing purposes. Even
+this number was inadequate, since children also needed mounts and one
+pack horse was not enough to transport a good take of meat and hides.
+Also, the hunter should preferably have a specially trained buffalo
+horse, which he would ride only while the buffalo herd was being
+chased. While the Lemhi were richer in horses than were most Shoshone,
+some people were forced to stay at home. These hunted game in the
+mountains of the Lemhi region and adjoining areas on the Montana side
+of the Divide and depended to some extent on the largesse of the
+returning buffalo party.
+
+The buffalo hunters crossed the Divide through Lemhi Pass to the
+Beaverhead River and went out to the hunting grounds along the
+previously described routes. Our informants had no recollection of
+alliances with other Shoshone or with other tribes on the buffalo hunt
+except for one who said that the Lemhi Shoshone hunted with Nez Percé
+parties after an earlier period of hostility. At this earlier time the
+Nez Percé and the Flathead were said to have been enemies of the Lemhi
+people. Lemhi informants claimed that the buffalo parties usually
+succeeded in reaching winter quarters on the Lemhi River before the
+snows closed the passes. In view of Lewis and Clark's information and
+our data from Fort Hall, however, it might be supposed that they were
+often forced to remain in Montana for the winter.
+
+
+
+
+IV. ECOLOGY AND SOCIAL SYSTEM
+
+
+Out of the mass of detailed data presented in the preceding chapters,
+certain constant features in the life of the buffalo-hunting Shoshone
+and Bannock may be discerned. First, there is no doubt of the
+importance of buffalo in the economy of these people. During an early
+period, when the Shoshone were among the first tribes of the Northern
+Plains to adopt the horse, they occupied large areas of the Missouri
+drainage and extensive buffalo herds were also to be found west of the
+Continental Divide. Even after tribal pressures from the north forced
+the Shoshone into residence west of the Rockies part of the time,
+advantage was still taken of the buffalo in that region. And regular
+sorties were made over the mountains in search of the more abundant
+herds there. But no sector of the mounted Shoshone population, at
+least after 1800, was completely dependent upon the buffalo nor were
+their principal social connections with the east. Rather, their
+firmest social ties were with their colinguists to the west, and their
+economy also was strongly oriented in that direction.
+
+This fact has been a major source of difficulty in our attempt to
+isolate social groupings among the Bannock and Shoshone. The Bannock,
+usually accompanied by many Idaho Shoshone, ranged east to central
+Montana, or into the Big Horn Basin, with the Eastern Shoshone. Part
+of the year, however, saw them in western Idaho and in Oregon, where
+they visited and intermarried with the Northern Paiute. Although we
+have no information on persons shifting membership from the Bannock to
+the Northern Paiute, such relocations no doubt took place, even if
+only temporarily. There are ample data, however, to document the
+reverse process, for Northern Paiute were continually joining the
+Bannock in order to take part in buffalo hunting.
+
+The same fluidity of movement of individuals and families may be noted
+among the mounted Shoshone of Idaho, Utah, and Wyoming. Those buffalo
+hunters whom we have somewhat arbitrarily assigned to Idaho
+customarily wintered on the Portneuf and upper Snake rivers. But they
+could be found in different seasons and during various years in
+northern Utah, on the waters of the Bear River and east of Great Salt
+Lake, and in western Wyoming. Families occasionally went to the Goose
+Creek Mountains in the fall for pine nuts, and almost all went down
+the Snake River in spring and early summer to take part in salmon
+fishing. In all these places they interacted with and could trace
+kinship bilaterally to the unmounted, more permanent inhabitants.
+
+This is true also for the so-called Eastern Shoshone. We have shown
+that these mounted people wintered on the Bear and Green rivers until
+their final establishment on the Wind River Reservation; in fact, the
+first Eastern Shoshone Agency was at Fort Bridger. Annual trips were
+made to Salt Lake City, after its settlement by the Mormons, and
+visits into Idaho were frequent. Moreover, Shoshone not generally
+associated with Washakie's leadership who possessed horses joined the
+latter for buffalo hunting. Evidence for this is most clear in the
+case of Pocatello's followers. This particular band, found at various
+times buffalo hunting in central Wyoming, wintering in northern Utah
+or southeastern Idaho, and fishing or raiding on the Snake River, is
+an excellent example of the social continuity between Plains and
+Basin-Plateau. That there was such social continuity, merging, and
+interpenetration indicates a common set of social understandings, of
+great similarity in social structure. It may be further argued that
+this continuity and exchange of population served in some degree to
+preserve a more amorphous Basin-type society among the buffalo
+hunters.
+
+It is clear that larger political units existed among the mounted
+Shoshone and Bannock than among their fellows to the east. We believe,
+however, that it would be erroneous to attribute great stability or
+cohesiveness to these aggregates, for the seasonal amalgamation and
+splitting of other Plains populations is even more pronounced among
+the Shoshone. The reason for this is partly the fact that the Shoshone
+spent long periods of the year west of the Rockies and within the
+range itself. Buffalo hunting did unite most of the mounted people
+every fall and to a lesser extent in the spring. There is considerable
+variation of evidence on whether the people crossing the Divide from
+Wyoming and Idaho formed two large parties or several smaller ones. It
+may be surmised that the large parties were common in earlier times
+owing to the threat of enemies, but the smaller ones seem to have been
+more common later in the nineteenth century, especially after the
+establishment of the Wind River Reservation. The time spent in the
+buffalo hunt was closely correlated with the distance to the herds.
+Our fragmentary accounts suggest that in the upper Green and Snake
+rivers before 1840, smaller groups hunted for shorter periods. The Big
+Horn Basin, however, is more than 200 miles from the Green River area,
+and the bands were forced to travel longer distances and to kill their
+winter meat supply in one prolonged hunt. Although the Wyoming
+Shoshone usually were able to return for the winter to the Green and
+Bear rivers, this was not true of those Idaho Shoshone and Bannock who
+sought buffalo in Montana. The distance from Camas Prairie in Idaho to
+the buffalo country of Montana was almost 500 miles, making a winter
+return to Idaho most difficult and aggravating the problem of packing
+meat. Many of the Idaho people chose not to make this long and
+difficult journey and found adequate fall hunting in the local
+mountains. A buffalo party could thus be on the move for a few days or
+a week, for two months or seven months, depending on the itinerary
+followed. Cohesion was closest during actual traveling and hunting.
+Winter camps were not tightly nucleated settlements of an entire
+buffalo party, for hunting during the winter required some dispersal.
+This point deserves some elaboration. Shimkin has stressed the
+inadequacy of buffalo hunting for a complete winter subsistence
+(Shimkin, 1947_a_, p. 266) and this is borne out by the testimony of
+our informants also. Buffalo meat no doubt supplied the margin of
+survival, but considerable dependence was placed on elk, deer, moose,
+rabbits, and other animals during the winter. A very large and compact
+winter camp would soon exhaust the game in its immediate vicinity.
+Moreover, the winter location had to be in places where these animals
+could be found. Camps were thus generally located in river
+valleys, where wood, water, and protection from storms could be found,
+but in the vicinity of the high mountains inhabited by the game.
+
+Large population concentrations broke down completely during the
+summer. Buffalo hunting was restricted to strays and to the small
+timber buffalo. But the principal game was taken in the mountain
+country west of the Continental Divide. Large camp groups could not be
+adapted to the scattered resources used during this period, and people
+gathered mainly for reasons of defense. Summer groupings of a minimum
+size seem to have been positively preferred by the Shoshone, as our
+data from the post-reservation period indicate.
+
+This ecological adaptation and mode of social interaction with other
+groups had a profound effect on the structure of Shoshone society.
+Shimkin analyzes the fluctuations in economy and local grouping among
+the Wind River Shoshone and states (1947_a_, p. 280):
+
+     It also strengthened the cross-currents of individualism and
+     collective discipline: individual prestige in war honors and
+     hunting versus united military societies and collective bison
+     hunts.
+
+But the basic structure of Shoshone society remained diffuse and
+atomistic. Institutions productive of centralization were weak. Lowie,
+for example, reports on police, or soldier, societies among the
+Eastern Shoshone (Lowie, 1915, pp. 813-814). There were two such
+groups, called the Yellow Noses and the Logs. The former used inverted
+speech and were expected to be more courageous. They accordingly were
+responsible for leading the band when on the march, while the Logs
+formed the rear guard. Each of these groups had a headman, but Lowie
+states that the tribal chief was a member of neither. Membership was
+attained through the candidate's own initiative or by invitation;
+purchase and age-grading were not criteria, and societies using such
+means of recruitment were evidently absent among the Eastern Shoshone.
+Although Lowie did not report the functions of the police societies in
+detail, he says that the Yellow Nose society, in addition to its
+responsibility of protecting the traveling bands and maintaining order
+among them, also policed the hunt. Lowie further writes that the horse
+of a deviant hunter would be beaten and that any buffalo hides taken
+by him would be destroyed.
+
+Lowie's information on the Idaho is more fragmentary. We learn only
+that among the Lemhi Shoshone: "At a dance of hunt, he [the chief] was
+assisted by di'rak[=o][`n]e policemen, armed with quirts" (Lowie,
+1909, p. 208). Regarding the Lemhi, one of Steward's informants told
+him that the police institution had been recently introduced (Steward,
+1938, p. 194). Steward's data on the police in Idaho is more complete
+(ibid., p. 211):
+
+     The institution of police, which was obviously borrowed from
+     Wyoming, is of unknown antiquity. It was largely civil and
+     consisted of four or five middle-aged men, Bannock or Shoshoni,
+     who had a civic spirit. They were selected and instructed by
+     the council.
+
+Actual soldier societies were not present in Idaho. The policemen were
+primarily responsible for keeping the traveling band together and were
+secondarily concerned with the buffalo hunt.
+
+We specifically queried our Shoshone and Bannock informants on the
+presence of police societies or of any techniques for control of
+impulsive buffalo hunters. The responses were all negative, nor is
+there any historical reference to police societies. The Shoshone and
+Bannock, we learned from contemporary Indians, needed no coercion to
+keep them from premature and individual preying upon a buffalo herd.
+Such action would not be to any individual's self-interest, it was
+said, and the censure of the community imposed sufficient control over
+individual behavior. But we cannot deny the existence of the two
+societies or of the dances associated with them. Rather, we would
+surmise that the police societies were not important elements in
+social control nor were they ever a key element in Shoshone social
+structure; the fact that they have been only imperfectly preserved in
+traditional knowledge is, itself, of some significance. We
+hypothesize, then, that the symbolic content of soldier societies had
+reached the Shoshone without major effects on the ordering of personal
+and group relations. These conclusions are much akin to Wallace and
+Hoebel's for the Comanche, who were, it seems, able to hunt buffalo
+quite effectively without institutionalized coercive restraints
+(Wallace and Hoebel, 1952, pp. 56-57).
+
+Chieftaincy was more highly developed in the eastern sectors of the
+Shoshone occupancy than among the people farther west. But even among
+the mounted bands, the authority of the chiefs was limited. Lewis and
+Clark commented on the essentially egalitarian nature of Shoshone
+society, and later travelers present evidence leading to the same
+conclusion. The wealth differentiation characteristic of the later
+history of other Plains tribes never became a significant factor among
+the Shoshone. This is no doubt owing in part to their weak military
+position and the consequent heavy losses of horses to enemy tribes.
+Moreover, the Shoshone were only marginally involved in the
+buffalo-hide trade, and large horse herds and extensive polygyny did
+not have the utility that they did among, for example, the Blackfoot,
+who employed women as an essential part of the labor force (cf. Lewis,
+1942).
+
+The absence of strong tendencies to stratification and the type of
+ecological adaptation present acted to inhibit the development of
+strong authority patterns. Leadership over a large population, such as
+that exerted by Chief Washakie, was necessarily temporary in nature
+and was largely restricted to periods when people united for the
+common enterprises of war and buffalo hunting. During the summer and
+most of winter and spring a host of minor chiefs of varying influence
+and prestige were responsible for directing the activities of clusters
+of followers. Even war and the spring and fall hunts did not
+necessarily entail the participation of an entire tribe. The buffalo
+hunters frequently split into smaller hunting parties when out on the
+plains. And warfare, if offensive, usually was carried on by small
+raiding parties. Even in defensive warfare attacks were swift and
+without warning, and large numbers of people could not be gathered to
+repel the invaders.
+
+"Tribal" chiefs did exist in Idaho and Wyoming, but they exercised
+discontinuous influence on a group of followers, who might only
+infrequently all gather as a unit. And since it is impossible to
+isolate Shoshone or Bannock tribes as stable membership units, the
+great chiefs may be more profitably viewed as the men of highest
+prestige within a certain area. The positions of these leaders became
+more clearly defined in later times, when first traders and then
+government agents sought them out as representatives of their people.
+That the white man's image of the chieftaincy was erroneous may be
+seen in the examples cited of disaffection and the subsequent efforts
+of the agents to shore up the authority of their delegated chiefs.
+
+Chiefs acted in consultation with councils of distinguished men and
+lesser chiefs, and the familiar Plains role of camp announcer is also
+present among the Shoshone. The chief in any area achieved his status
+through general consensus and recognition of his high prestige.
+Generosity, wisdom, bravery, and skill in hunting were key criteria
+for the selection of headmen. The position was neither hereditary nor
+for life. Although it is not possible to speak of a chief being
+"deposed," many a chief was replaced by a man whose star was in the
+ascendancy. And it was also possible for two or three men to have
+almost equivalent claim to the role within the same district. Despite
+the nonhereditary nature of the office, we sometimes find it shared by
+brothers, or sometimes one brother succeeded another. Such cases may
+be explained as the result of general family prestige or of common
+upbringing and ideals of conduct.
+
+One important limiting factor on the power of chiefs was the mobility
+of the population. Individuals could and did move to other areas or
+join other leaders, and the chief who wished to maintain his influence
+over his followers could not carry out policy greatly opposed to their
+wishes. The mobility of the population is a function of several
+important facts. First, the bands were not corporate units in the
+sense of groups holding rights over strategic resources. As we have
+seen, there were no such limits within the general range of
+Shoshone-speaking people. Band territoriality would have been directly
+contradictory to the enormous distances traversed by the mounted
+people. The region, as a whole, presented the possibility of a
+balanced diet and annual subsistence cycle, but smaller subdivisions
+of it could not do so, though they provided overabundance of a limited
+number of foods in certain seasons. Even the area of Shoshone
+occupation, as compared with other peoples' territory, was vague and
+ill defined. Territory, as such, was not a matter of great concern in
+the relations of the Shoshone with hostile tribes. Rather, they
+vigorously defended their horses and their own lives during enemy
+invasions. The buffalo country east of the mountains was roamed over
+by several groups, as were the mountain areas of western Wyoming and
+Montana. And peaceful groups of the Basin-Plateau merged and
+intermingled with the Shoshone in the areas in which they had contact.
+
+The individual, the family, or the group of families that elected to
+change leaders within an area or to shift from one area to another did
+not give up vested rights and prerogatives. And, given the loose
+nature of Shoshone social structure and the diffuse and widespread
+network of social relationships, the person or group seeking a change
+could usually count upon acceptance elsewhere. The reservation system
+tended to tighten political organization and to define groupings more
+closely, since reservation membership did constitute a vested interest
+and government legitimation and stabilization of a central chieftaincy
+restricted the choices open to the individual.
+
+The principal item in the productive apparatus of the mounted Shoshone
+was the horse. Without sufficient horses to pursue the buffalo hunt,
+the Indian was relegated to "digger" status and had to remain within
+the Great Basin. But horses were individual, private property, and a
+man could locate under any leadership as long as he was mounted. His
+primary economic dependency was thus shifted from the larger social
+group to his own herd. Each man was to a large extent his own master
+and acted accordingly.
+
+The loose bilaterality of the Shoshone was ideally adapted to their
+mode of existence. Our data show some tendency toward matrilocality,
+but Steward states that, in Idaho, this is true primarily of the early
+years of marriage, after which the couple could exercise a bilocal
+option (Steward, 1938, p. 214). The direction of the choice depended
+on such situational factors as the prestige of either mate's parents
+or their wealth in horses. In any event, there was no marked
+preferential weighting of either line. Our informants reported that
+the married couple often shifted back and forth for varying periods of
+time. Ultimately, the mounted Shoshone may be just as profitably
+looked on as neolocal, as were the western Shoshone, for the couple
+did not necessarily live with or adjacent to either mate's parents.
+People were quite free to join other relatives or to associate closely
+with unrelated persons. This, and the periodic splitting up and
+reamalgamation of larger groups, inhibited any development of large,
+solidary nuclei of bilateral kinsmen. Relationships were traced
+bilaterally and widely, but ties were amorphous and weak. Lacking
+bounded and corporate kin groups, persons were highly individuated and
+possessed maximum geographical mobility.
+
+We may well conclude that, from the point of view of social structure,
+the mounted Shoshone were typologically much like the Great Basin
+people with whom they had close relations. Easily diffused items of
+culture, such as their material inventory, many religious beliefs, and
+their mode of warfare, establish their intimate historical connection
+with the Plains. But the higher levels of social integration found
+among the Shoshone are of a situational nature and are not well
+integrated with the fundamental facts of family life and more stable
+modes of grouping. It would be erroneous to conclude from this,
+however, that this amorphous, Basinlike social structure was
+nonadaptive to the Plains. That it is not at all atypical of the area
+is indicated by Eggan's statement (1955, pp. 518-519):
+
+     Plains Indian society, despite its lack of lineage and clan,
+     still has a social structure. This structure is "horizontal" or
+     generational in character and has little depth. The extended
+     family groupings in terms of matrilocal residence or centered
+     around a sibling group are amorphous but flexible. The
+     bilateral or composite band organization, centered around a
+     chief and his close relatives, may change its composition
+     according to various circumstances--economic or political. The
+     camp-circle encompasses the tribe, provides a disciplined
+     organization for the communal hunt, and a center for the Sun
+     Dance and other tribal ceremonies which symbolized the renewed
+     unity of the tribe and the renewal of nature. The seasonal
+     alternation between band and tribal camp-circle is related to
+     ecological changes in the environment, and particularly to the
+     behavior of the buffalo ...
+
+     The working hypothesis proposed earlier ... that "tribes coming
+     into the Plains with different backgrounds and social systems,"
+     can be tentatively extended to Plains social structure as a
+     whole, despite the variations noted. That this is in large
+     measure an internal adjustment to the uncertain and changing
+     conditions of Plains environment--ecological and social--rather
+     than a result of borrowing and diffusion, is still highly
+     probable.
+
+The loose bilaterality seen by Eggan as a characteristic of Plains
+society was part of the earlier Shoshone social background. But more
+centralized political units and predominantly "horizontal"
+organizations, such as age-grade and soldier societies, were more
+weakly developed than among many other tribes of the northern Plains.
+This fact, as well as the acquisition of firearms by the northern
+tribes, may have been responsible for the manifest military weakness
+of the Shoshone and their westward retreat beyond the Rocky
+Mountains.
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+    _Abbreviations_
+
+    AA        American Anthropologist
+    AMNH-AP   American Museum of Natural History, Anthropological
+              Papers. New York
+    BAE-B     Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin
+    CD        Congressional Document, Washington
+    MPUS      Report of the President of the United States. Washington
+    RCIA      Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Washington
+    RSI       Report of the Secretary of the Interior. Washington
+    RSW       Report of the Secretary of War. Washington
+    UC        University of California Publications. Berkeley and
+              Los Angeles
+      -AAE          American Archaeology and Ethnology
+      -AR           Anthropological Records
+
+
+Alter, J. Cecil
+  1925. James Bridger. Salt Lake City, Utah.
+
+Ballard, D. W.
+  1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284, pp. 190-192.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 656-659.
+
+Beckwith, Lieut. E. G.
+  1855. Report of Explorations for a Route for the Pacific Railroad, of
+        the Line of the Forty-First Parallel of North Latitude 1854. CD
+        792, 1B, 1854-55. Washington.
+
+Beckwourth, James P.
+  1931. The Life and Adventures of J. P. Beckwourth. T. D. Bonner, ed.
+        New York.
+
+Blythe, Beatrice
+  1938. "Northern Paiute Bands in Oregon," AA 40:402-405.
+
+Bryant, Edwin
+  1885. Rocky Mountain Adventures. Hurst and Co., New York.
+
+Burpee, L. J. (ed.)
+  1927. Journals and Letters of Pierre Gaultier de Varennes de La
+        Vérendrye and His Sons. Toronto.
+
+Burton, Richard F.
+  1861. The City of the Saints. London.
+
+Campbell, Albert H.
+  1859. RSI 1859, CD 984, pp. 3-12.
+
+Campbell, J. A.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 171-173.
+  1871. RCIA 1870, CD 1449, pp. 638-642.
+
+Chittenden, Hiram Martin
+  1933. Yellowstone National Park, Stanford, Calif.
+
+Connelley, William Elsay
+  1907. Doniphan's Expedition and the Conquest of Mexico and New
+        California. Topeka, Kan.
+
+Cooley, D. N.
+  1866. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 169-225.
+
+Coutant, C.
+  1899. History of Wyoming. Laramie, Wyo.
+
+Crawford, Medorem
+  1897. Journal of M. Crawford. Sources of the History of Oregon, Vol.
+        1, No. 1. Eugene, Ore.
+
+Cross, Major Osborne
+  1851. RSW 1850, CD 587, pp. 128-231.
+
+Dale, Harrison Clifford
+  1918. The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of a Central
+        Route to the Pacific, 1822-1829. Cleveland, Ohio.
+
+Danilson, W. H.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 729-730.
+
+De Smet, Pierre Jean
+  1905. Life, Letters, and Travels of Father Jean De Smet, S.J.,
+        1801-1873. New York.
+  1906. Letters and Sketches. _In_ Early Western Travels, 1748-1846,
+        Vol. 27. R. G. Thwaites, ed. Cleveland, Ohio.
+
+Doty, James Duane
+  1863. RCIA 1862, CD 1157, pp. 342-344, 354-358.
+  1865. RCIA 1864, CD 1220, pp. 317-320.
+
+Dunn, J. P.
+  1886. Massacres of the Mountains. New York.
+
+Eggan, Fred
+  1955. Social Anthropology: Methods and Results. _In_ Social
+        Anthropology of North American Indian Tribes. F. Eggan, ed.
+        (2d ed.). Chicago.
+
+Ewers, John C.
+  1955. The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture. BAE-B 159.
+
+Farnham, Thomas J.
+  1843. Travels in the Great Western Prairies, the Anahuac and Rocky
+        Mountains, and in the Oregon Territory. New York.
+  1906. Travels in the Great Western Prairies, the Anahuac and Rocky
+        Mountains, and in the Oregon Territory. _In_ Early Western
+        Travels, 1748-1846. Vol. 28. R. G. Thwaites, ed. Cleveland,
+        Ohio.
+
+Ferris, Warren Angus
+  1940. Life in the Rocky Mountains. Paul C. Phillips, ed. Denver,
+        Colo.
+
+Fleming, G. W.
+  1871. RCIA 1870, CD 1449, pp. 642-644.
+
+Fleming, H. B.
+  1858. MPUS 1857, CD 956, p. 167.
+
+Floyd-Jones, De L.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 719-721.
+  1871. RCIA 1870, CD 1449, pp. 645-647.
+
+Forney, Jacob
+  1859. RCIA 1858, CD 974, pp. 561-565.
+  1860_a_. RCIA 1859, CD 1023, pp. 730-741.
+  1860_b_. MPUS 1859, CD 1033, pp. 44-45, 52-53, 59-60, 117-118.
+
+Fremont, John Charles
+  1845. Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in
+        the Year 1842, and to Oregon and North California in the Years
+        1843-1844.
+
+Fuller, Harrison
+  1875. RCIA 1874, CD 1639, pp. 572-573.
+
+Gove, Captain Jesse A.
+  1928. The Utah Expedition, 1857-58. New Hampshire Historical Society
+        Collections, Vol. 12. Otis G. Hammond, ed. Concord, N. H.
+
+Haines, Francis
+  1938. The Northward Spread of Horses among the Plains Indians, AA
+        40:429-437.
+
+Hale, Horatio
+  1848. Hale's Indians of Northwest America and Vocabularies of North
+        America. Transactions of the American Ethnological Society,
+        Vol. 2. New York.
+
+Hamilton, W. T.
+  1905. My Sixty Years on the Plains. E. T. Sieber, ed. New York.
+
+Head, F. H.
+  1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284, pp. 122-126.
+  1868. RCIA 1867, CD 1326, pp. 173-180, 186-188.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 608-614.
+
+Hebard, Grace R.
+  1930. Washakie. Cleveland, Ohio.
+
+Hickman, Bill
+  1872. Brigham's Destroying Angel. New York.
+
+Hodge, Frederick Webb (ed.)
+  1910. Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. BAE-B 30, Pt. 2.
+
+Hoebel, E. Adamson
+  1938. Bands and Distributions of the Eastern Shoshone. AA 40:410-413.
+
+Holeman, John H.
+  1852. RCIA 1852, CD 613, pp. 444-446.
+  1854. RCIA 1853, CD 690, pp. 443-447.
+  1858. MPUS 1857, CD 956, pp. 139-148, 151-155, 158-161.
+
+Hough, George C.
+  1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 660-661.
+
+Hultkrantz, A.
+  1949. Kulturbildningen hos Wyomings Shoshoni-indianer. Ymer, pp.
+        134-157. Stockholm.
+  1954. Indianerna i Yellowstone Park. Ymer, h. 2. Stockholm.
+  1958. Tribal Divisions within the Eastern Shoshoni of Wyoming,
+        Proceedings, 32nd International Congress of Americanists,
+        Copenhagen, pp. 148-154.
+
+Hurt, Garland
+  1856. RCIA 1855, CD 810, pp. 517-521.
+
+Irish, O. H.
+  1865. RCIA 1864, CD 1220, pp. 313-315.
+  1866. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 310-316.
+
+Irving, Washington
+  1837. The Rocky Mountains, _In_ The Journal of Captain B. L. E.
+        Bonneville. Philadelphia.
+  1850. Astoria. Covent Garden.
+  1873. The Adventures of Captain Bonneville, U. S. A. _In_ The Rocky
+        Mountains and the Far West. (Knickerbocker ed.). Philadelphia.
+  [1890.]  Astoria. Thomas Y. Crowell and Co., New York.
+
+Irwin, James
+  1874. RCIA 1873, CD 1601, pp. 612-613.
+
+Jones, Capt. W. A.
+  1875. Report upon the Reconnaissance of Northwestern Wyoming, chap.
+        I, pp. 5-44. U. S. Engineer Dept., Washington.
+
+Kirkpatrick, J. M.
+  1863. RCIA 1862, CD 1157, pp. 409-412.
+
+Kroeber, A. L.
+  1909. The Bannock and Shoshoni Languages, AA 11:266-277.
+  1939. Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. UC-PAAE
+        Vol. 38.
+
+Lander, F. W.
+  1859. RSI 1859, CD 984, pp. 47-73.
+  1860. RSW 1859, CD 1033, pp. 121-139.
+
+Lane, Joseph
+  1851. RCIA 1851, CD 587, pp. 156-168.
+
+Langworthy, Franklin
+  1932. Scenery of the Plains, Mountains and Mines. Paul C. Phillips,
+        ed. Princeton, N. J.
+
+Leonard, Zenas
+  1934. Narrative of the Adventures of Zenas Leonard. Milo M. Quaife,
+        ed. Chicago.
+
+Lewis, Meriwether, and William Clark 1904-06. Original Journals of the
+    Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1804-06. 8 vols. R. G. Thwaites, ed.
+    New York.
+
+Lewis, Oscar
+  1942. The Effects of White Contact upon Blackfoot Culture, with
+        Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade. American
+        Ethnological Society, Philadelphia. 73 pp.
+
+Lowie, Robert H.
+  1909. The Northern Shoshone. AMNH-AP 2:169-306.
+  1915. Dances and Societies of the Shoshone Indians. AMNH-AP 11 (pt.
+        10):803-835.
+
+Lyon, Caleb
+  1866. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 415-419.
+  1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284, p. 187.
+
+Mann, Luther
+  1865. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 326-328.
+  1868. RCIA 1867, CD 1326, pp. 182-184, 189.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 616-619.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 715-716.
+
+Margry, P. (ed.)
+  1888. Journal du voyage fait par le Chevalier de la Vérendrye. _In_
+        Découvertes et établissements des Francais dans l'Ouest et dans
+        le Sud de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1614-1754, 6:598-601.
+
+Mullan, Lieut. John
+  1855. RSW 1854, CD 758, pp. 322-349.
+
+Ogden, Peter Skene
+  1909. Journals of the Snake Expeditions, 1825-1826. T. C. Elliott,
+        ed. Oregon Historical Quarterly, 10 (no. 4):331-365.
+  1910. Journals of the Snake Expeditions, 1826-1827. T. C. Elliott,
+        ed. Oregon Historical Quarterly, 11 (no. 2):201-222.
+  1950. Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals, 1824-1825 and
+        1825-1826. E. E. Rich, ed. The Hudson's Bay Record Society,
+        Vol. 13. London.
+
+Patten, James I.
+  1878. RCIA 1877, CD 1800, pp. 603-606.
+
+Patterson, J. H.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 717-718.
+
+Powell, Chas. F.
+  1868. RCIA 1867, CD 1326, pp. 251-253.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 661-663.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 728-729.
+
+Powell, J. W., and G. W. Ingalls
+  1874. RCIA 1873, CD 1601, pp. 409-442.
+
+Rainsford, J. C.
+  1873. RCIA 1872, CD 1560, pp. 666-667.
+
+Raynolds, W. F.
+  1868. RSW 1867, CD 1317, pp. 1-174.
+
+Remy, Jules, and Julius Brenchley
+  1861. A Journey to Great Salt Lake City. Vol. 1. London.
+
+Ross, Alexander
+  1924. The Fur Hunters of the Far West. Milo M. Quaife, ed. Chicago.
+
+Russell, Osborne
+  1921. Journal of a Trapper, or Nine Years in the Rocky Mountains,
+        1834-1843. Boise, Idaho.
+  1955. Journals of a Trapper. Aubrey L. Haines, ed. Oregon Historical
+        Society.
+
+Schoolcraft, H. R.
+  1860. Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge. Vol. I. Philadelphia.
+
+Shanks, John P. C., T. W. Bennett, and Henry W. Reed
+  1874. RSI 1873, CD 1608, pp. 2-4.
+
+Shaw, Reuben C.
+  1948. Across the Plains in Forty-nine. M. M. Quaife, ed. Chicago.
+
+Shimkin, D. B.
+  1938. "Wind River Shoshone Geography," AA 40:413-415. 1939.
+        Shoshone-Comanche Origins and Migrations. Proceedings, Sixth
+        Pacific Science Congress, 4:17-25.
+  1947_a_. Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography. UC-AR 5:245-288.
+  1947_b_. Childhood and Development among the Wind River Shoshone.
+           UC-AR 5:289-325.
+
+Simpson, George
+  1931. Fur Trade and Empire. Frederick Merk, ed. Cambridge, Mass.
+
+Stansbury, Howard
+  1852. Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of
+        Utah. Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 3, spec. sess., March, 1851.
+        Philadelphia.
+
+Steward, Julian H.
+  1937. Linguistic Distributions and Political Groups of the Great
+        Basin Shoshoneans, AA 39:625-634.
+  1938. Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups. BAE-B 120.
+  1939. Some Observations on Shoshonean Distributions, AA 41:261-265.
+
+Stewart, Omer C.
+  1939. The Northern Paiute Bands. UC-AR 2:127-149.
+
+Stuart, Robert
+  1935. The Discovery of the Oregon Trail; Robert Stuart's Narrative of
+        the Overland Trip Eastward from Astoria in 1812-13. New York.
+
+Sully, Alf.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 731-735.
+
+Talbot, Theodore
+  1931. The Journals of Theodore Talbot, 1843 and 1849-52. Charles H.
+        Carey, ed. Portland, Ore.
+
+Taylor, N. G.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 683-684.
+
+Thompson, R. R.
+  1855. RCIA 1854, CD 746, pp. 489-493.
+
+Townsend, John K.
+  1905. Narrative of a Journey across the Rocky Mountains ... 1834.
+        _In_ Early Western Travels, 1748-1846. Vol. XXI. R. G. Thwaites,
+        ed. Cleveland, Ohio.
+
+Tyrell, J. B. (ed.)
+  1916. David Thompson's Narrative of His Explorations in Western North
+        America, 1784-1812. Publications of the Champlain Society,
+        Vol. 12. Toronto.
+
+Viall, J. A.
+  1872. RCIA 1871, CD 1505, pp. 825-833.
+
+Wagner, Will. H.
+  1861. Letter from the Acting Secretary of the Interior,
+  1860-61, CD 1100, pp. 20-26.
+
+Wallace, Ernest, and E. Adamson Hoebel
+  1952. The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains. Norman, Okla.
+
+Wallen, H. D.
+  1859. Affairs in Oregon, CD 1051. Washington.
+
+War of the Rebellion
+  1902. Series I, Vol. 50. Government Printing Office. Washington.
+
+Wheeler, George M.
+  1875. Preliminary Report upon a Reconnaissance through Southern and
+        Southeastern Nevada, 1869. U. S. Army Engineering Dept.
+
+Wilkes, Charles (U.S.N.)
+  1845. Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition during the
+        Years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. Vol. 4. Philadelphia.
+
+Wilson, E. N.
+  1926. The White Indian Boy. Yonkers-on-Hudson, N.Y.
+
+Wilson, John
+  1849. RCIA 1849, CD 570, pp. 1002-1004.
+
+Wislizenus, F. A.
+  1912. A Journey to the Rocky Mountains in the Year 1839. St. Louis,
+        Mo.
+
+Wissler, Clark
+  1910. Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians. AMNH-AP 5
+        (pt. 1):1-175.
+  1920. North American Indians of the Plains. New York.
+
+Work, John
+  1923. The Journal of John Work. Cleveland, Ohio.
+  1945. Fur Brigade to the Bonaventura. Alice B. Mahoney, ed. San
+        Francisco.
+
+Wyeth, Nathaniel J.
+  1899. The Correspondence and Journals of Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth.
+        _In_ Sources of the History of Oregon, Vol. 1, pts. 3-6. Eugene,
+        Ore.
+
+Young, Brigham
+  1852. RCIA 1852, CD 658, pp. 437-439.
+  1858. RCIA 1857, CD 919, pp. 598-600.
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes
+
+
+Inconsistent and archaic spelling and punctuation retained.
+
+p. 323: Hzkandika (The z was originally a glyph.)
+
+p. 329: (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 2:283) changed to
+        (Lewis and Clark, 1804-06, 2:283).
+
+p. 333: di'rak[=o][`n]e (Original characters not available.) [=o]
+means o with macron. [`n] means n with grave accent.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence and
+Society, by Robert F. Murphy and Yolanda Murphy
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE ***
+
+***** This file should be named 38884-8.txt or 38884-8.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        http://www.gutenberg.org/3/8/8/8/38884/
+
+Produced by Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper, Matthew Wheaton and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
diff --git a/38884-8.zip b/38884-8.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0e4cbc3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/38884-8.zip
diff --git a/38884-h.zip b/38884-h.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d9ae6a5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/38884-h.zip
diff --git a/38884-h/38884-h.htm b/38884-h/38884-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..648e0b8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/38884-h/38884-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,5978 @@
+<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.1//EN" "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml11/DTD/xhtml11.dtd">
+
+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
+
+<head>
+
+  <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" />
+  <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" />
+
+  <title>
+    The Project Gutenberg eBook of Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence And Society, by Robert F. And Yolanda Murphy.
+  </title>
+
+  <style type="text/css">
+
+  blockquote {
+   text-align:justify;
+  }
+
+  body {
+   margin-left:10%;
+   margin-right:10%;
+  }
+
+  div.center {
+   text-align:center;
+  }
+
+  div.center table {
+   margin-left:auto;
+   margin-right:auto;
+   text-align:left;
+  }
+
+  div.figcenter {
+   padding:1em;
+   text-align:center;
+   font-size:0.8em;
+   border:none;
+   margin:auto;
+   text-indent:1em;
+  }
+
+  div.trnote {
+   margin-left:15%;
+   margin-right:15%;
+   margin-top:5%;
+   margin-bottom:5%;
+   padding:1em;
+   background-color:#f6f2f2;
+   color:black;
+   border:1px dotted black;
+  }
+
+  h1, h2, h3, h4, h5, h6 {
+   text-align:center;
+  }
+
+  h1.booktitle {
+   letter-spacing:3px;
+  }
+
+  h5 {
+   margin-bottom:1%;
+   margin-top:1%;
+  }
+
+  hr.chap {
+   margin-top:6em;
+   margin-bottom:4em;
+   clear:both;
+  }
+
+  p {
+   text-align:justify;
+   margin-top:.75em;
+   margin-bottom:.75em;
+   text-indent:0;
+  }
+
+  p.author {
+   text-align:right;
+   margin-right:5%;
+  }
+
+  p.bibliography-1 {
+   margin-left:3em;
+   margin-bottom:0;
+   text-indent:-3em;
+  }
+
+  p.bibliography-2 {
+   margin-top:0;
+   margin-bottom:0;
+   padding-left:2em;
+   margin-left:3em;
+   text-indent:-3em;
+  }
+
+  p.caption {
+   text-indent:0;
+   text-align:center;
+   font-weight:bold;
+   margin-bottom:2em;
+  }
+
+  p.h1 {
+   font-size:2em;
+   margin:.67em 0;
+  }
+
+  p.h1, .h2, .h3, .h4, .h5, .h6 {
+   font-weight:bolder;
+   text-align:center;
+   text-indent:0;
+  }
+
+  p.h2 {
+   font-size:1.5em;
+   margin:.75em 0;
+  }
+
+  p.h3 {
+   font-size:1.17em;
+   margin:.83em 0;
+  }
+
+  p.h4 {
+   margin:1.12em 0 ;
+  }
+
+  p.h5 {
+   font-size:.83em;
+   margin:1.5em 0 ;
+  }
+
+  p.h6 {
+   font-size:.75em;
+   margin:1.67em 0;
+  }
+
+  p.spacer {
+   margin-top:2em;
+   margin-bottom:3em;
+  }
+
+  span.pagenum {
+   visibility:hidden;  /*  comment out to reveal page numbers */
+   position:absolute;
+   right:2%;
+   font-size:75%;
+   color:gray;
+   background-color:inherit;
+   text-align:right;
+   text-indent:0;
+   font-style:normal;
+   font-weight:normal;
+   font-variant:normal;
+  }
+
+  td.tdc {
+   text-align:center;
+  }
+
+  td.tdl {
+   text-align:left;
+  }
+
+  td.tdr {
+   text-align:right;
+   padding-right:1em;
+  }
+
+  span.in2 {
+   margin-left:2em;
+  }
+
+  span.toc {
+   margin-left:2em;
+  }
+
+  </style>
+
+</head>
+
+<body>
+
+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence and Society, by 
+Robert F. Murphy and Yolanda Murphy
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence and Society
+
+Author: Robert F. Murphy
+        Yolanda Murphy
+
+Release Date: February 15, 2012 [EBook #38884]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper, Matthew Wheaton and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<h1 class="booktitle">SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE AND SOCIETY</h1>
+
+<p class="h3">BY</p>
+
+<p class="h2">ROBERT F. and YOLANDA MURPHY</p>
+
+<p class="spacer">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="h4">ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS</p>
+
+<p class="h5">Vol. 16, No. 7</p>
+
+<p class="spacer">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="h5">UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS</p>
+
+<p class="h5">ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS</p>
+
+<p class="h6">Editors (Berkeley): J. H. Rowe (C), R. F. Millon, D. M. Schneider<br />
+Volume 16, No. 7, pp. 293-338,<br />
+1 map</p>
+
+<p class="spacer">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="h6">Submitted by editors September 4, 1959<br />
+Issued November 23, 1960<br />
+Price, $1.00</p>
+
+<p class="spacer">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="h6">University of California Press<br />
+Berkeley and Los Angeles<br />
+California</p>
+
+<p class="spacer">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="h6">Cambridge University Press<br />
+London, England</p>
+
+<p class="spacer">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="h6">Manufactured in the United States of America</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<h2>PREFACE</h2>
+
+<p>During the years 1954 to 1957, the authors engaged in ethnographic and
+historic research on the Shoshone and Bannock Indians under the
+sponsorship of the Lands Division of the Department of Justice in
+connection with one of a number of suits brought by Indian tribes for
+compensation for territory lost to the advancing frontier. The action
+was brought jointly by the Shoshone Indians of Wyoming, Idaho, Utah,
+and Nevada, and the Bannock of Idaho; it excluded the Shoshonean
+speakers of California, and the Bannock remained separate from the
+suit brought by their colinguists, the Northern Paiute of Oregon and
+Idaho.</p>
+
+<p>Most anthropologists are aware of the ethnographic issues involved in
+the Indian lands claims cases, for the profession has had an active
+role in them. Of central importance, of course, is the question of the
+extent of territory used and occupied by the tribe in litigation.
+Other basic problems include the determination of the nature and
+composition of the groups involved, the rhythm of their seasonal
+activity, their political identity, and the actual time at which they
+occupied and used the terrain. Beyond these specifically
+anthropological considerations, other professionals have had an
+equally important role in delivering expert testimony in the cases,
+and we wish only to note in passing that historians, land appraisers,
+attorneys, and others have had much to do with their outcome.</p>
+
+<p>The extent of the territory in question and the complexity of the
+historical period in point, that preceding the treaties of 1863 and
+1868, required considerable research. We spent the summer of 1954 on
+the Shoshone reservations at Wind River, Wyoming, Fort Hall, Idaho,
+and Duck Valley, Nevada. Some six weeks each were spent at Wind River
+and Fort Hall and a week at Duck Valley. At each of these places we
+spoke to the oldest informants available. Salvage ethnography of this
+type is generally an unrewarding and unsatisfying task, and it was
+complicated in this investigation by the fact that we were asking our
+informants to recall historical material that is often ill preserved
+in the oral tradition. Thus, an old Indian may well remember some
+custom connected with war or ceremony that he had either experienced
+or that had been told to him by an older person. But he would be less
+likely to recall the exact places where game could be found, the
+trails used, the organization and composition of the group that
+pursued the game, and so forth. This is especially true of the
+buffalo-hunting Shoshone, for any informant who actually took part in
+a hunt as a mature individual would have been in his late seventies,
+at least, at the time of our research. And informants did not, of
+course, distinguish clearly between pre-and post-reservation times.
+Only careful cross-checking would reveal whether the individual was
+speaking of the 1860's or the 1890's. As might be expected, it was
+virtually impossible to determine whether the data supposedly valid
+for the 1860's was true of the preceding decade or the one before
+that, and any student of Plains and Basin-Plateau history recognizes
+that such historical continuity cannot be assumed.</p>
+
+<p>Because of these limitations on the reliability of informants, most of
+our work was by necessity based on ethnohistoric research. Every
+attempt was made to examine the most important literature on the area
+and period. The total number of sources scrutinized far exceeded the
+bibliography at the end of this monograph, for many of them contained
+data that were at best scanty and superficial and at worst totally
+false. Despite our best efforts to approximate an adequate historical
+criticism, some of the data presented were found in works that can be
+used only with great caution. Alexander Ross, for example, has
+reported much material of doubtful authenticity, and one may labor
+long and hard in the accounts of Jim Beckwourth to separate fact from
+a delightful tendency to make the story exciting and his own personage
+more impressive. It is a wry commentary on the veracity of the
+mountain men that John Coulter's account of Yellowstone Park was long
+laughed at by his own peers as being simply an addition to a
+snowballing folklore of the fur country. Among other dubious sources,
+we can add W. T. Hamilton and the Irving account of Captain
+Bonneville's adventures. The problem of criticism becomes particularly
+difficult during the fur period from about 1810 to 1840 owing to the
+paucity of sources available for cross-checking particular data.
+Bonneville and Ross are especially rich in information, most of which
+cannot be easily verified. The choice became one of dismissing them
+altogether or using them. We elected to use them, but we have
+attempted restraint in drawing any important conclusions from them.</p>
+
+<p>The monograph follows substantially the report submitted to the Indian
+Claims Commission. It has been edited, and we have also shifted
+emphasis at certain points to our own special interests. These are
+concerned with the relations between the social groups of the Basin
+and those of the Plains and the impact of the ecology of either region
+upon the social structures of the native population. A few
+qualifications should be noted. The limitations imposed by our
+assignment and by time did not allow the collection of as full a range
+of material on social structure as would be wished. Also, we have
+excluded any discussion of the Shoshone of Nevada, for our field work
+there was far too brief. Our one week at Duck Valley only served to
+reinforce our opinion of the truly masterful ethnography represented
+by Steward's "Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups," and we
+could add little to his work.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, we wish to acknowledge our indebtedness to the Board of
+Editors of the University of California Publications in
+Anthropological Records for their valuable comments and to our many
+friends on the reservations visited for their friendship and
+co&ouml;peration. We have also profited greatly from discussions with Drs.
+Sven Liljeblad, &Aring;ke Hultkranz, and Julian Steward. This work owes much
+of whatever merit it may be found to have, and none of its
+shortcomings, to all these people.</p>
+
+<p class="author">Robert F. Murphy<br />
+Yolanda Murphy</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum">[v]</span></p>
+
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Table of Contents">
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdr"><a href="#I">I.</a></td>
+  <td class="tdl">The Northern and Eastern Shoshone</td>
+  <td class="tdr">293</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdr"><a href="#II">II.</a></td>
+  <td class="tdl">The Eastern Shoshone</td>
+  <td class="tdr">300</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">Eastern Shoshone history: 1800-1875</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">300</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">Early reservation period</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">307</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">Eastern Shoshone territory</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">310</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">Social and political organization</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">311</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdr"><a href="#III">III.</a></td>
+  <td class="tdl">The Shoshone and Bannock of Idaho</td>
+  <td class="tdr">315</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">Linguistics</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">315</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">General distribution of population</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">315</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">The Boise and Weiser Rivers</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">316</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">The middle Snake River</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">319</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">The Shoshone of the Sawtooth Mountains</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">322</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">The Shoshone of Bannock Creek and northern Utah</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">323</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">Fort Hall Bannock and Shoshone</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">325</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdl"><span class="toc">Lemhi Shoshone</span></td>
+  <td class="tdr">329</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdr"><a href="#IV">IV.</a></td>
+  <td class="tdl">Ecology and Social System</td>
+  <td class="tdr">332</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdr"><a href="#Bibliography">Bibliography</a></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdr">335</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdc"><b>Map</b></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdr"><a href="#i1">Shoshone-Bannock<br />Subsistence Areas</a></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tdr">facing 293</td>
+</tr>
+</table></div>
+<p class="spacer">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum">[293]</span></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter">
+<a href="images/i1-large.jpg">
+<img id="i1" src="images/i1.jpg" width="600" height="388" alt="" title="Select to expand." />
+</a>
+</div>
+
+<p class="caption">SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE AREAS</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p class="h2">SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE AND SOCIETY</p>
+
+<p class="h3">BY ROBERT F. and YOLANDA MURPHY</p>
+
+<p class="spacer">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2 id="I">I. THE NORTHERN AND EASTERN SHOSHONE</h2>
+
+<p>The Rocky Mountain range was not an insuperable obstacle to
+communication between the Indian tribes east and west of the
+Continental Divide. The Arapaho, Cheyenne, Crow, Blackfoot, and other
+peoples of the Plains often crossed the range for purposes of hunting,
+warfare, and trade. And the tribes of the Basin-Plateau region also
+traversed the spine of the continent with much the same ends in mind.
+But their needs were more urgent, for in the late historic period the
+western part of the Great Plains of North America constituted the last
+reserve of the bison, the game staple of the Indian population of the
+western slope of the Rockies. Thus was established the pattern of
+transmontane buffalo hunting, first reported by Lewis and Clark and
+studied latterly by many anthropologists. The present volume
+represents a further contribution to this research.</p>
+
+<p>The Rocky Mountains are traversible by horse in all sections. In
+Montana, the passes are only 5,000 to 7,000 feet in elevation, and the
+Indians crossed over the same routes followed today by highways. The
+Wyoming Rockies similarly presented no serious problem to nomadic
+peoples. Although the Yellowstone Park area posed some difficulty for
+travel, a more southerly route led over South Pass at a gentle
+gradient only 7,550 feet in altitude. That the mountains were no great
+challenge is illustrated by the fact that Indians traveling from Green
+River to Wind River often preferred to take more direct routes through
+passes over 10,000 feet high rather than to follow the more circuitous
+trail over South Pass. Farther south, the Colorado Rockies and their
+passes are far more lofty, but even these high ranges did not totally
+prevent travel. None of these areas, of course, could be traversed in
+the winter. When the snow left the high country in late spring and
+early summer, however, the mountains were not only avenues of travel,
+but they were also hunting grounds. None of the buffalo hunters relied
+completely on that animal for food, and the high mountain parks
+abounded in elk, bighorn sheep, moose, and deer. Streams were fished,
+berries were gathered along their banks, and roots were dug in the
+surrounding hills. For the tribes living on their flanks, the
+mountains afforded an important source of subsistence.</p>
+
+<p>If the Rocky Mountains did not effectively isolate Plains societies
+from those of the Basin-Plateau, differences in environment certainly
+did. Plains economy was based upon two animals, the horse and the
+buffalo, both of which depended on sufficient grass for forage. The
+horse diffused northward along both sides of the mountains, and the
+richest herds were probably found among the Plateau tribes and not in
+the Plains (cf. Ewers, 1955, p. 28). The greatest herds of buffalo
+were found east of the Continental Divide, however, although smaller
+and more scattered herds roamed the regions of higher elevation and
+rainfall, immediately west of the Rockies, until about 1840. Thus,
+although the standard image of "Plains culture" is derived from the
+short-grass country east of the Divide, the tribes living west of the
+mountains were also mounted and also had access to buffalo. Their
+varying involvement in this subsistence pursuit and its associated
+technology, combined with the diffusion of other items of culture,
+resulted in what Kroeber has called "a late Plains overlay" of culture
+in the area (Kroeber, 1939, p. 52).</p>
+
+<p>The spread of Plains culture into the Basin-Plateau area has been
+described by Wissler, Lowie, and others, the emphasis usually being
+upon traits of material culture. Less research has been devoted to the
+impact of equestrian life and the pursuit of the buffalo on the social
+structure of the people of the Intermountain area. This is in itself
+surprising, for a great deal of conjecture has revolved around just
+this question, but in the course of research upon the societies of the
+Plains proper. Such inquiry has often attempted to compare Plains
+societies of the horse period with those of the pre-horse era,
+revealed through archaeology and ethnohistory. In this volume, we
+attempt to approach the problem through both ethnohistory and a type
+of controlled comparison. That is, using the mounted, buffalo-hunting
+Shoshone and Bannock as our example, we will relate their social and
+economic life not only to the Plains, but to the Basin-Plateau area to
+the west and to their unmounted colinguists who resided there. In this
+way, we may analyze similarities and differences and attempt to answer
+the question of whether certain basic social modifications did indeed
+follow from the buffalo hunt.</p>
+
+<p>The Indian inhabitants of western Wyoming and southeastern Idaho, the
+subjects of this study, have their closest linguistic affinities with
+the peoples to the west. The languages of this area are well known and
+we need only briefly recapitulate their relationships. Those peoples
+of the Basin-Plateau area known in the ethnographic literature as
+Shoshone, Gosiute, Northern Paiute, Bannock, Ute, and Southern Paiute
+all belong to the Uto-Aztecan linguistic stock and are thus related to
+the Hopi and Aztec to the south and the Comanche of the southern
+Plains. Within this larger grouping a number of subfamilies have been
+identified. Those with which this report is concerned are the
+Shoshone-Comanche and Mono-Bannock. The Shoshone-speaking peoples of
+the Basin-Plateau area include the Northern, Eastern, and Western
+Shoshone and the Gosiute, all of whom speak mutually intelligible
+dialects. The area occupied by this population extends from the
+Missouri waters on the east to beyond Austin, Nevada, on the west, and
+from the Sawtooth Mountains of Idaho to southern California. There are
+no sharp linguistic divisions within this vast region, and phonemic
+shifts are gradual throughout its extent. The Mono-Bannock<span class="pagenum">[294]</span> division
+comprehends the speakers of Northern Paiute living in the region east
+of the Sierra Nevada from Owens Lake, California, to northeastern
+Oregon and the Bannock Indians of southeastern Idaho, who stem
+directly from the eastern Oregon Paiute.</p>
+
+<p>Despite the continuity of language between the Shoshone and Bannock of
+Wyoming and Idaho and the simple Basin people to the west, it has long
+been obvious that the first two were culturally marginal to the
+Plains. Wissler listed the Northern and Eastern Shoshone and the
+Bannock among the Plains tribes, but he excluded them from his
+category of groups typical of the area and described them as
+"intermediate" (Wissler, 1920, pp. 19-20). Kroeber, however, was more
+aware of the historical recency of Plains culture and described the
+Idaho Bannock and Shoshone and the Wind River (Eastern) Shoshone as
+forming "marginal subareas" of the Basin (Kroeber, 1939, p. 53). As
+such, they are included in his Intermediate and Intermountain Areas.
+Kroeber noted specifically of the Eastern Shoshone (p. 80):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>These people, in turn, live in an area which belongs to the
+Rocky Mountains physiographically, with the Basin
+vegetationally: it is sagebrush, not grassland. Wind River
+culture must have been of pretty pure Basin type until the
+horse came in and they began to take on an overlay of Plains
+culture. It was about this time, apparently, that the Comanche
+moved south from them.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Shimkin, who made an intensive study of the Eastern Shoshone of the
+Wind River Reservation, is inclined to emphasize their Plains
+affiliation (1947<i>a</i>, p. 245):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Wind River Shoshone culture has been essentially that of the
+Plains for a good two hundred years; pioneer ethnographers have
+vastly overemphasized the Basin affiliations.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Assuming that this 200-year period dates approximately from the time
+of Shimkin's field work in 1937-1938, this would extend the Plains
+cultural position of the Shoshone back to the time at which the
+Blackfoot were just acquiring horses, a period in which the use of the
+horse had yet to reach the tribes north and east of the Missouri River
+(Haines, 1938, pp. 433-435). Although Shimkin rightly states (1939)
+that the Shoshone were among the earliest mounted buffalo hunters of
+the northern Plains, it is most questionable whether one can speak of
+a "Plains culture" at that time, in the sense that the term has been
+used in culture area classifications. It would seem that the
+resolution of this problem depends upon the questions of the degree of
+stability of Plains culture and of the extent to which it is
+autochthonous to the Plains.</p>
+
+<p>Implicit in the discussions above is the attempt to ascertain whether
+the buffalo-hunting Shoshone were one thing or another&mdash;as if the
+alternatives constituted in themselves homogeneous units&mdash;or how much
+their culture was a blend. Hultkrantz has taken a rather different
+approach to the problem in his statement (1949, p. 157):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The conclusion is that the culture of the Wind River Shoshoni
+exhibits a strange conflicting situation. It belongs neither to
+the foodgatherers of the west nor to the hunting cultures of
+the east&mdash;it is something sui generis. To ascribe it to anyone
+of its bordering cultures is to lose the dynamic aspect of the
+cultural evolution of the tribe.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>He thus sees the eastern Shoshone as synthesizers and transformers of
+cultural material derived from both eastern and western sources; their
+culture is a blend of the two, but it is not a simple compound of
+them. The present work does not attempt to answer the question of the
+relation of the content of the culture of the equestrian Shoshone to
+that of peoples to the east and west but will focus attention upon
+social structure. And it will do this, not through a consideration of
+outside influences upon the Shoshone, but by analysis of their social
+institutions and the relationship of them to economic life.</p>
+
+<p>Our note on the length of involvement of the Shoshone in Plains Indian
+culture leads us to inquire briefly into the time depth of this
+culture and its relation to the expansion of the American frontier.
+Although it is quite probable that certain cultural traits and social
+institutions characteristic of later Plains life had antecedents in
+the pre-equestrian period, the possession of herds of horses was the
+basis of later patterns of amalgamation and incipient stratification.
+It also had much to do with the intensification of warfare. The horse,
+according to Haines (1938), spread from the Spanish Southwest to more
+northerly areas along both sides of the Rocky Mountains. Its diffusion
+along the western slope of the range was presumably the more rapid,
+and Haines gives evidence indicating that the Shoshone had horses
+about 1690 to 1700, at which time the animal was found no farther
+north than the Arkansas-Oklahoma border in the Plains (ibid., p. 435).
+From this Shoshone center, the use of the horse spread north to the
+Columbia River, the Plateau, and the northern plains. It followed an
+independent route north from Texas to the Missouri River and the
+fringe of the woodlands.</p>
+
+<p>Their early acquisition of the horse may have allowed the Shoshone to
+penetrate the northern plains as far as Saskatchewan in the early
+eighteenth century, for David Thompson's journals tell of warfare
+between the Blackfoot and Shoshone in that region at some time in the
+1720's or early 1730's (Tyrell, 1916, pp. 328 ff.). The northerly
+extension of the Shoshone in the early horse period, and perhaps
+before, has been discussed and generally accepted by many students of
+the area (cf. Wissler, 1910, p. 17; Shimkin, 1939, p. 22; Ewers, 1955,
+pp. 16-17; Hultkrantz, 1958, p. 150). There is little information on
+Shoshone population movements between this date and the journey of
+Lewis and Clark. In 1742 the de la V&eacute;rendrye brothers undertook an
+expedition into the northern plains of the United States and reported
+upon the ferocity of a people known to them as the "Gens du Serpent,"
+presumably the Snake, or Shoshone. De la V&eacute;rendrye wrote of these
+people (Margry, 1888, p. 601):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>No nation is their friend. We are told that in 1741 they
+entirely laid waste to seventeen villages, killed all the men
+and old women, made slaves of the young women and traded them
+to the sea for horses and merchandise.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The Gens du Serpent are not precisely located, but the explorers were
+told by the "Gens de Chevaux" that they lie in the path to the western
+sea. Later, a "Gens d'Arc" chief invited them to join in an expedition
+against the Gens du Serpent on "the slopes<span class="pagenum">[295]</span> of the great mountains
+that are near the sea" (p. 603). They later found an abandoned enemy
+village near the mountains, but returned without further contact.
+Shimkin believes that this village was in the Black Hills (Shimkin,
+1939, p. 22), but the journals are most hazy on geography. The
+previously cited information from the Gens d'Arc chief suggests that
+the group was located farther west, in the vicinity of the Rocky
+Mountains. It must be remembered, however, that there has been
+considerable contention among historians, not only over the route of
+the de la V&eacute;rendrye brothers, but over the identification of the Gens
+du Serpent. L. J. Burpee has reviewed (1927, pp. 13-23) various
+conflicting interpretations of the journals, and the matter can hardly
+be considered settled.</p>
+
+<p>By this period, the Blackfoot and other northern tribes were already
+armed with guns (see Ewers, 1955, p. 16; Haines, 1938, p. 435),
+obtained through commerce with the French and English traders of
+Canada. They had also become mounted, and it may be surmised that the
+Shoshone lost their equestrian advantage at almost the same time that
+their enemies acquired guns. Thus the Shoshone retreat from the
+Canadian plains may well have begun before 1750, as Thompson's
+narrative indeed suggests (Tyrrell, 1916, pp. 334 ff.). The process
+was certainly complete by 1805, when Lewis and Clark found the Lemhi
+River Shoshone hiding in the fastnesses west of the Bitterroot Range
+and lamenting their loss of the Missouri River buffalo country to
+better-armed groups. The Shoshone, once masters of the northern
+Plains, had fallen upon bad times. They complained to the explorers
+that they were forced to reside on the waters of the Columbia River
+from the middle of May to the first of September for fear of the
+Blackfoot, who had driven them out of the buffalo country with
+firearms (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 2:373). Their forays into the
+Missouri drainage were made only in strength with other Shoshone and
+their Flathead allies (2:374). The Shoshone apparently were able to
+utilize areas of Montana adjacent to the Bitterroot Range, for signs
+of their root-digging activities were seen on the Beaverhead River
+(2:329-334). This pattern of transmontane buffalo hunting described by
+Lewis and Clark remained essentially the same until its final end
+after the establishment of the reservation, and will be described in
+detail later in this work.</p>
+
+<p>It is possible now to discern three periods in this early phase of
+Shoshone history. The first, the footgoing period, is unknown, and
+little can be inferred of Shoshone location and movements. The second
+period is characterized by the acquisition of the horse, and we would
+conjecture that a good deal of territorial expansion took place after
+that time. The Comanche differentiated from the main Shoshone group at
+the beginning of the eighteenth century. Although the Comanche
+maintained communication with their northern colinguists, the
+territories of the two groups were not contiguous by the end of the
+century, and their histories followed separate courses. The extension
+of the Shoshone into the northern Plains may possibly have predated
+the acquisition of the horse, for it seems quite likely that they
+occupied fairly extensive areas east of the Rockies in the footgoing
+period. But, on the other hand, it seems unlikely that in the period
+immediately preceding 1700, the most probable date for the acquisition
+of the horse, they extended from the Arkansas River on the south to
+the Bow River in Saskatchewan. This would be especially unlikely if
+later distribution of Shoshone-speakers in the Basin-Plateau was
+substantially the same in the earlier period also. We would
+conjecture, then, that equestrian life gave the Shoshone the mobility
+to extend into the Canadian buffalo grounds but that they were pushed
+back beyond the divide well before 1800. As Shimkin has noted, the
+ravages of smallpox and the resulting decline of population probably
+contributed to their territorial shrinkage (Shimkin, 1939, p. 22).</p>
+
+<p>By 1810, the early explorations of Thompson, Lewis and Clark, and
+others bore fruit in the commercial exploitation of the far Northwest.
+The fur trade had already reached the Plains and the Rockies in
+Canada, and a fierce competition was being waged by the Hudson's Bay
+Fur Company and the North West Company for the patronage of the
+Indians there. The British interests pushed southward from Canada, and
+in 1809 David Thompson established North West Company trading posts on
+Pend Oreille Lake at the mouth of the Clark Fork River and another
+farther up that stream within the borders of present-day Montana. At
+the same time, American traders were pushing westward, and Andrew
+Henry crossed the Continental Divide to locate his trading post on
+Henry's Fork of the Snake River in 1810. Also, John Jacob Astor's
+Pacific Fur Company established the ill-fated Astoria post at the
+mouth of the Columbia River in 1811. Although this particular American
+enterprise foundered, Manuel Lisa, the guiding spirit of the Missouri
+Fur Company, penetrated the Missouri River country and founded a post
+on the Yellowstone River at the mouth of the Big Horn in 1807. From
+this point his trappers spread into the near-by mountain country. The
+most famous of these mountain men was John Colter, who trapped the
+country of the Blackfoot and Crow and discovered Yellowstone Park.</p>
+
+<p>The northern Plains and Rockies had thus been entered and partially
+explored by 1812, and increasing numbers of trappers poured into the
+new Louisiana Purchase and the lands beyond. Astor stepped into the
+territory of the Missouri Fur Company after Lisa's death in 1820, and
+in 1822 the Western Division of his American Fur Company was
+established. Fort Union was built on the upper Missouri to serve as
+the headquarters of Astor's mountain realm, and steamboats served the
+post after 1832. A decade before this date, the Rocky Mountain Fur
+Company was established, and in the following year, 1823, the
+company's trappers began to exploit intensively the drainages of the
+Wind River and the upper Snake and Green rivers. The Rocky Mountain
+Company established a new pattern of trading. Eschewing the rigid and
+hierarchical organization of the British companies, it relied mainly
+upon the services of free trappers, who gathered once a year at agreed
+places to meet the company's supply trains. These gatherings, the
+famous trappers' rendezvous, were held in the summer at various places
+in Shoshone country&mdash;Pierre's Hole, Cache Valley, or the Green River.</p>
+
+<p>The trappers of the Rocky Mountain Company and later of the American
+Fur Company invested every fastness of the Shoshone hunting grounds in
+relentless pursuit of the beaver, the vital ingredient of the
+gentleman's top hat. The intense traffic in the Shoshone region was
+abetted by the penetration of the Snake River drainage by Donald
+McKenzie of the North West Company, beginning in 1818, and later by
+Peter Skene Ogden, under the auspices of the Hudson's Bay Company. The
+climax of fur trapping came in the middle<span class="pagenum">[296]</span> of the decade of the
+1830's, for at the peak of activity the commerce collapsed.
+Competition between the various trading companies had been ruinous,
+the streams had been thoroughly trapped out, and the beaver hat went
+out of fashion. By 1840, the fur trade in the northwest part of the
+United States was substantially ended.</p>
+
+<p>During the period 1810-1840 the Shoshone and their neighbors lost the
+isolation they had formerly enjoyed and came into close contact with
+the whites. The latter were of a different type than those with whom
+the Indians later had to deal. They lived off the land, but at the
+same time they did not dispossess the Indians from their hunting
+grounds. Although there were sporadic clashes between the trappers and
+Shoshone and Bannock groups, relations were largely amicable. The
+trappers married Indian women and lived for varying periods with
+Indian bands. And both found a common enemy in the Blackfoot. The
+Indians also traded with the whites and through them obtained
+firearms, iron utensils, and other commodities, including the raw
+liquor of the frontier. But the American companies apparently did not
+attempt to utilize Indian labor to the same extent as did the British
+companies. The bulk of the fur yield was garnered by the free trappers
+and not by Indians. The Shoshone traded some small animal furs and
+buffalo robes to the whites, but they also sold meat, horses, and
+other commodities. They never became fur trappers in the same complete
+way as did the northern Algonkian and Athapaskan peoples.</p>
+
+<p>After the decline of the fur trade, the Shoshone did not return to
+their pristine state of isolation. In the early 1840's, shortly after
+the debacle of the beaver trade, a strong surge of immigration from
+the States to Oregon began. The road to Oregon followed trails well
+marked by the trappers. It ascended the Platte and North Platte rivers
+and thence to the South Pass via the Sweetwater. From South Pass the
+trail went down to Fort Bridger, established in 1843, and then turned
+to the northwest and Fort Hall on the Snake River. The California
+branch of the trail bent southwest before reaching Fort Hall and
+descended the Humboldt River. The initial trickle of emigration grew
+into a great stream, and after the discovery of gold in California the
+Oregon Trail became a great highway to the west.</p>
+
+<p>Busy though the trail was, the emigrants had but a single purpose.
+This was to cross the "Great American Desert," or the Plains, and
+reach the promised lands of the Pacific Coast. Except for the
+immediate environs of the emigrant road, the mountain country
+contained fewer whites than during the previous decade. This situation
+soon changed. In 1847 the Mormon migration reached the Salt Lake
+Valley, and during the following years Mormons settled adjacent areas
+of Wyoming and Idaho. Miners poured into the Sweetwater River country
+of Wyoming in the 1860's and in 1869 Fort Stambaugh was established at
+South Pass to protect them and the emigrant road. This route, however,
+had already seen its greatest days, for the Central Pacific Railroad
+was completed in the same year.</p>
+
+<p>The Wild West was substantially ended by this date, and the Shoshone
+signed treaties in 1868 which gave those of Wyoming the Wind River
+Reservation and those of Idaho the Fort Hall Reservation.
+Sedentarization of these buffalo-hunting nomads was completed during
+the 1870's, by which time the region was being settled by white
+ranchers and their Texas herds. Shortly after 1880, the buffalo herds
+had been almost completely exterminated, and so also had Plains Indian
+life.</p>
+
+<p>The era from 1700 to 1880 was thus one of great change for the
+Shoshone. We recapitulate its principal periods.</p>
+
+<p>1. The pre-horse period extended until approximately 1700.</p>
+
+<p>2. The early equestrian period, from 1700 to 1750 was distinguished by
+the expansion of Shoshone-speaking peoples into the Canadian plains to
+the north and southward toward Texas, where they became known as
+Comanche.</p>
+
+<p>3. After 1750, the northern tribes, especially the Blackfoot, acquired
+the horse and firearms and drove the Shoshone south and west, where
+they retreated beyond the Continental Divide, in contiguity with those
+Shoshone who had remained in the Great Basin. By this time, the
+Comanche had become differentiated from their northern colinguists.</p>
+
+<p>4. The fur period began about 1810, and from this time, Shoshone
+history became inextricably connected with that of the American
+frontiers. Although the game supply declined during this epoch, the
+Shoshone were not dispossessed from their hunting grounds and
+continued substantially the same subsistence cycle.</p>
+
+<p>5. The year 1840 saw the end of the fur trade and the beginning of
+westward emigration. As will be seen, the buffalo herds west of the
+Divide had disappeared by this date, and the Shoshone were
+increasingly forced to seek winter supplies on the Missouri waters.</p>
+
+<p>6. The Shoshone signed treaties in 1868 in which they were forced to
+accept reservation life. At about this time, gold miners entered the
+Sweetwater country, and the transcontinental railroad was completed.
+The following decade saw the end of the buffalo in the west and the
+introduction of open-range cattle grazing. Shoshone history then
+became merged with the history of the American West.</p>
+
+<p>During the periods of the fur trade and early emigration increasing
+amounts of information on Shoshonean and Mono-Bannock speakers became
+available. Political organization among these peoples was
+characteristically amorphous, and the early diarists and chroniclers
+had little basis for distinguishing subgroups in this vast region.
+With the exception of the Paiute-Shoshone split, language differences
+gave no firm basis for differentiation, and even this major division
+of the Uto-Aztecan stock was commonly not recognized. Accordingly,
+travelers classified the Indians of the region on the basis of their
+most obvious characteristic, whether or not they possessed horses and
+hunted buffalo. Alexander Ross observed (1924, pp. 239-240):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The great Snake nation may be divided into three divisions,
+namely, the Shirry-dikas, or dog-eaters; the War-are-ree-kas,
+or fish-eaters; and the Ban-at-tees, or robbers; but as a
+nation they all go by the general appellation of Sho-sho-nes,
+or Snakes. The word Sho-sho-nes means, in the Snake language,
+"inland." The Snakes, on the west side of the Rocky Mountains,
+are what the Sioux are on the east side&mdash;the most numerous and
+powerful in the country. The Shirry-dikas are the real
+Sho-sho-nes, and live in the plains, hunting the buffalo. They
+are generally slender, but tall, well-made, rich in horses,
+good warriors, well dressed, clean in their camps, and in their
+<span class="pagenum">[297]</span>personal appearance bold and independent.</p>
+
+<p>The War-are-ree-kas are very numerous, but neither united nor
+formidable. They live chiefly by fishing, and are to be found
+all along the rivers, lakes, and water-pools throughout the
+country. They are more corpulent, slovenly, and indolent than
+the Shirry-dikas. Badly armed and badly clothed, they seldom go
+to war. Dirty in their camp, in their dress, and in their
+persons, they differed so far in their general habits from the
+Shirry-dikas that they appeared as if they had been people
+belonging to another country. These are the defenceless
+wretches whom the Blackfeet and Piegans from beyond the
+mountains generally make war upon. These foreign mercenaries
+carry off the scalps and women of the defenseless
+War-are-ree-kas and the horses of the Shirry-dikas, but are
+never formidable nor bold enough to attack the latter in fair
+and open combat.</p>
+
+<p>The Ban-at-tees, or mountain Snakes, live a predatory and
+wandering life in the recesses of the mountains, and are to be
+found in small bands or single wigwams among the caverns and
+rocks. They are looked upon by the real Sho-sho-nes themselves
+as outlaws, their hand against every man, and every man's hand
+against them. They live chiefly by plunder. Friends and foes
+are alike to them. They generally frequent the northern
+frontiers, and other mountainous parts of the country. In
+summer they go almost naked, but during winter they clothe
+themselves with the skins of rabbits, wolves, and other
+animals.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Ross's "Ban-at-tees" undoubtedly include the people now termed the
+Northern Paiute of Oregon; this seems confirmed by his placement of
+the western limits of the "Snakes" at the western end of the Blue
+Mountain Range in Oregon. The loose inclusion of the Oregon Northern
+Paiute as Snakes results in some obscurity in the early sources. They
+are frequently (and on valid linguistic grounds) lumped with the
+Bannock, as was done by Ross. It is noteworthy that contemporary Fort
+Hall informants still speak of the Oregon Paiute as Bannocks.</p>
+
+<p>The distinction between mounted and unmounted peoples continues in
+Zenas Leonard's journal (1934, p. 80):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The Snake Indians, or as some call them, the Shoshonie, were
+once a powerful nation, possessing a glorious hunting ground on
+the east side of the [Rocky] mountains; but they, like the
+Flatheads, have been almost annihilated by the revengeful
+Blackfeet, who, being supplied with firearms, were enabled to
+defeat all Indian opposition. Their nation had been entirely
+broken up and scattered throughout all this wild region. The
+Shoshonies are a branch of the once powerful Snake tribe, as
+are also the more abject and forlorn tribe of Shuckers, or,
+more generally termed, Diggers and Root-eaters, who keep in the
+most retired recesses of the mountains and streams, subsisting
+on the most unwholesome food, and living the most like animals
+of any race of beings.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Russell also commented that half the Shoshone live in large villages
+and hunt buffalo, while the other half travel in small groups of two
+to ten families, have few horses, and live on roots, fish, seeds, and
+berries (Russell, 1955, p. 143). Wilkes follows this same dichotomy
+(1845, 4:471-472):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The Snakes, or Shoshones, are widely scattered tribes, and some
+even assert that they are of the same race as the Comanches,
+whose separation is said to be remembered by the Snakes: it has
+been ascertained, in confirmation of this opinion, that they
+both speak the same language. The hunters report that the
+proper country of the Snakes is to the east of Youta Lake and
+north of the Snake or Lewis River; but they are found in many
+detached places. The largest band is located near Fort Boise on
+the Snake River, to the north of the Bonacks. The Snakes have
+horses and firearms, and derive their subsistence both from the
+chase and from fishing. There are other bands of them, to the
+north of the Bonacks, who have no horses, and live on acorns
+and roots, their only arms being bows and arrows. In
+consequence of the mode of gaining their subsistence, they are
+called Diggers and are looked upon with great contempt.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Wilkes further commented (p. 473) that there had been a general
+north-to-south tribal pressure in which the Blackfoot had occupied
+former Shoshone lands: "the country now in possession of the Snakes,
+belonged to the Bonacks, who have been driven to the Sandy Desert."</p>
+
+<p>Father De Smet reported that the "Shoshonees or Root-diggers" had a
+population of 10,000, divided into "several parties" (De Smet, 1906,
+27:163). The missionary claimed they were called Snakes because they
+burrowed into the earth and lived on roots, and commented (ibid.):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>They would have no other food if some hunting parties did not
+occasionally pass beyond the mountains in pursuit of the
+buffalo, while a part of the tribe proceeds along the banks of
+the Salmon River, to make provision for the winter, at the
+season when the fish come up from the sea.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Albert Gallatin described the various Shoshone populations and their
+orbits in 1848, as follows (Hale, 1848, p. 18):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Shoshonees or Snake Indians ... bounded north by Sahaptins,
+west by the Waiilatpu, Lutuami, and Palaiks; extend eastwardly
+east of the Rocky Mountains.... The country of the Shoshonees
+proper is east of Snake River. The Western Shoshonees, or
+Wihinasht, live west of it; and between them and the Shoshonees
+proper, another branch of the same family, called Ponasht or
+Bonnaks, occupy both sides of the Snake River and the valley of
+its tributary, the Owyhee. The Eastern Shoshonees are at war
+with the Blackfeet and the Opsarokas. The most northern of
+these have no horses, live on acorns and roots, are called
+diggers, and considered by our hunters the most miserable of
+the Indians.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Gallatin's division is the first, to our knowledge, to apply the terms
+Eastern and Western Shoshone.</p>
+
+<p>In Schoolcraft's Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge the Shoshone are
+described in terms consistent with previously published material
+(1860, 1:198):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The various tribes and bands of Indians of the Rocky Mountains,
+south of latitude 43&deg;, who are known under this general name
+[Shoshonee], occupy the elevated area of the Utah basin. They
+embrace<span class="pagenum">[298]</span> all the territory of the Great South Pass between the
+Mississippi Valley and the waters of the Columbia.... Traces of
+them, in this latitude, are first found in ascending the
+Sweetwater River of the north fork of the Platte, or Nebraska.
+They spread over the sources of the Green River ... on the
+summit south of the Great Wind river chain of mountains, and
+thence westward, by the Bear river valley, to and down the
+Snake river, or Lewis fork of the Columbia. Under the name of
+Yampa-tick-ara, or Root-Eaters, and Bonacks, they occupy, with
+the Utahs, the vast elevated basin of the Great Salt Lake,
+extending south and west to the borders of New Mexico and
+California.... They extend down the S&auml;-ap-tin or Snake River
+valley, to north of latitude 44&deg;, but this is not the limit to
+which the nations speaking the Shoshonee language in its
+several dialects, have spread. Ethnologically, the people
+speaking it are one of the primary stocks of the Rocky Mountain
+chain.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Other general descriptions of the Shoshonean-speaking peoples of the
+Basin and Rocky Mountain areas are found in the literature of the
+period, but add little to the foregoing accounts, which give us a
+picture of a population sharing a common language (except the Bannock)
+and living in peaceful relations with one another. They were roughly
+divided into mounted and unmounted populations located in the eastern
+and western parts of the territory, respectively. While the mounted
+people appeared to have had some degree of political cohesion and
+military effectiveness, the "Diggers" are uniformly represented as
+politically atomistic, impoverished, and weak in the face of their
+enemies.</p>
+
+<p>Since a work of this type relies heavily upon identification of
+peoples mentioned in historical sources, it would be well to review
+the varying nomenclature applied to the Shoshone.</p>
+
+<p>Most early writers designated the Shoshonean-speaking population as
+"Shoshonees" or "Snake Indians." The term "Snake" was generally
+applied indiscriminately to the Northern Paiute of Oregon and to
+Bannock and Shoshone groups in southern Idaho. Frequently only the
+mounted people were considered true "Snakes," as in Wilkes's statement
+that "the proper country of the Snakes is to the east of the Youta
+Lake and north of the Snake or Lewis River; but they are found in many
+detached places" (Wilkes, 1845, 4:471). He goes on to say (p. 472)
+that some Snakes have no horses, but these he locates north of the
+Bannock.</p>
+
+<p>Although de la V&eacute;rendrye's "Gens du Serpent" can only be presumed to
+be Shoshone, there is little doubt that the "Snake" of whom Thompson's
+Blackfoot informant spoke were Shoshone. Lewis and Clark were told by
+the Indians of the Columbia River that they lived in fear of the
+"Snake Indians," but this was in reference to a tribe of the Deschutes
+River in central Oregon (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 3:147). Those
+Indians whom they met on the Lemhi River in Idaho were, however,
+termed "Shoshonees." The name, "Snake," was rapidly applied to almost
+any Indians between South Pass and the Columbia River. In March, 1826,
+Peter Skene Ogden reported a "Snake" camp of two hundred on the Raft
+River (Ogden, 1909, 10 (4):357). These Indians were undoubtedly either
+Shoshone or Bannock, as their location indicates. Nathaniel Wyeth
+traveled in the Raft River country in August, 1832, and similarly
+spoke of seeing "Snakes" (Wyeth, 1899, p. 164). Without making any
+sharp distinctions between the Indians sighted, Wyeth, in the same
+region, mentioned "Diggers" (pp. 164, 167), "Pawnacks" (p. 168), and
+"Sohonees" (ibid.). In 1839, Farnham saw "a family of Root Digger
+Indians" on the Snake River, near the mouth of Raft River (Farnham,
+1843, p. 74). These Indians were no doubt Shoshone, but the term was
+also applied to Northern Paiute, for Ogden encountered "Snakes" while
+on a trapping expedition in the Harney Basin of Oregon in 1826 (Ogden,
+1910, 11 (2):206), as did John Work six years later (Work, 1945, p.
+6). The failure to recognize the Northern Paiute as being
+linguistically distinct from the Shoshone continued for some time. In
+1854, Indian Agent Thompson reported from the Oregon Territory that
+among the Indians under his jurisdiction were "Sho-sho-nies," who were
+divided into three major groups: the "Mountain Snakes," "Bannacks,"
+and "Diggers" (Thompson, 1855, p. 493).</p>
+
+<p>North of the present boundary of the state of Nevada, "Snake" and
+"Shoshone" or variations thereof were the names commonly applied to
+all the Indians. Frequently, "Snake" meant specifically Paiute and
+Bannock, or any mounted Indians, as distinguished from the footgoing
+"Diggers." From the fact that these terms were applied to Indians in
+widely separated regions and having different languages, it can only
+be concluded that the nomenclature designated no particular group
+having political, cultural, or linguistic unity.</p>
+
+<p>"Snake" was but infrequently applied to the Indians south of Oregon
+and Idaho, where the term "Shoshone" was more widely used. The
+unmounted Shoshonean-speaking peoples of Utah and Nevada were also
+commonly referred to as "Diggers" or "Root Diggers," a name frequently
+given to the unmounted Shoshone of Idaho. Washington Irving referred
+to those Indians seen on the Humboldt River by Walker's party in 1833
+as "Shoshokoes" (Irving, 1873, p. 384). Zenas Leonard, who was a
+member of Walker's expedition, referred to the Indians of the Humboldt
+River region as "Bawnack, or Shoshonies" (Leonard, 1934, p. 78), but
+Father De Smet spoke of all the unmounted people of the Great Basin as
+"Soshocos" and described their abject poverty (De Smet, 1905, 3:1032).
+In 1846, Edwin Bryant entered the Great Basin en route to California.
+Of the Shoshone he said: "The Shoshonees or Snakes occupy the country
+immediately west of the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains" (Bryant,
+1885, p. 137). He differentiated this powerful, mounted people from
+the "miserable Digger Indians, calling themselves Soshonees," whom he
+met west of Great Salt Lake (p. 168). As he continued down the
+Humboldt River in Nevada, he noted: "All the Digger Indians of this
+valley claim to be Shoshonees" (p. 195), but despite this affirmation,
+he continued to refer to them as "Diggers." Similarly, two Indians met
+by Bryant's party near Humboldt Sink in Northern Paiute territory were
+called "Digger Indians" (p. 211). Howard Stansbury, who explored the
+Great Salt Lake region in 1849, referred, however, to the Indians west
+of the lake as "Shoshonees or Snake Indians" (Stansbury, 1852, p. 97).</p>
+
+<p>The Western Shoshone were generally called "Diggers" by the emigrants
+who took part in the gold rush to California. One of them, Franklin
+Langworthy of Illinois, stated: "All the Indians along the Humboldt
+call themselves Shoshonees, but the whites call them Diggers, from the
+fact that they burrow under ground in the winter" (Langworthy, 1932,
+p. 119). Reuben Shaw, another "Forty-niner," referred to the Indians
+on the California road along the Humboldt as "Diggers" (Shaw,<span class="pagenum">[299]</span> 1948,
+p. 123), "Root Diggers" (p. 119), and "Humboldt Indians" (p. 130). In
+1854 Lieutenant E. G. Beckwith explored the route of the forty-first
+parallel in search of a possible railroad route and encountered
+Gosiute, Western Shoshone, and Northern Paiute Indians. He referred to
+all of them as "Diggers," and he apparently used this term generically
+for all the impoverished, horseless Indians between Salt Lake City and
+the Sierra Nevada Mountains. At Deep Creek, in Utah, he "found a band
+of twenty Shoshonee Indians encamped, besides women and children. They
+are mounted, and contrast strikingly with their Goshoot neighbors
+(Diggers) ..." (Beckwith, 1855, p. 25). Beckwith classed only mounted
+Indians as Shoshone: in Butte Valley, Nevada, the inhabitants of a
+"Digger wick-e-up" fled from the party, "taking us for Shoshonees" (p.
+26). After leaving Western Shoshone territory he spoke of "Digger
+Indians, who call themselves Pah-Utah, however" (p. 34).</p>
+
+<p>The name "Shoshone" became more commonly applied to the Western
+Shoshone after they had had increased contact with the whites. The
+French traveler, Jules Remy, spoke of them as "Shoshones, or Snakes"
+in 1855 (Remy and Brenchley, 1861, p. 123), and the British explorer,
+Richard Burton, distinguished the "Shoshone" from the "Gosh-Yuta"
+(Burton, 1861, p. 567) and the "Pa Yuta," or Northern Paiute, in 1860
+(p. 591). The term "Shoshonee" was applied by Indian Agent Holeman to
+the Indians of Thousand Spring Valley, Nevada (Holeman, 1854, p.
+443), and to those of the Humboldt River (p. 444); However, on Willow
+Creek, Utah, Agent Garland Hurt met a group of mounted Indians whom he
+called "Shoshonees, or Snakes proper, from the Green River country"
+(Hurt, 1856, p. 517). He distinguished these from the "Diggers" of the
+Humboldt River (p. 779). Thus the distinction between the mounted
+Shoshone and the unmounted people of the more arid regions of the
+Great Basin continued, despite the recognition of their unity of
+language. This implicit recognition may be found in the statement made
+by Brigham Young (1858, p. 599):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The Shoshones are not hostile to travelers, so far as they
+inhabit this territory, except perhaps a few called "Snake
+diggers," who inhabit, as before stated, along the line of
+travel west of the settlements.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>It is possible to document almost endlessly the ways in which the
+labels "Shoshone," "Digger," and "Snake" were applied in turn or at
+the same time to Shoshone-Comanche and Mono-Bannock speakers alike.
+Since political or social significance has frequently been attributed
+to Indians' names&mdash;both those bestowed by the whites and those by
+which the several sectors of the Shoshone population referred to each
+other&mdash;we will discuss this nomenclature in the context of each
+section of the following report.</p><hr class="chap" /><p><span class="pagenum">[300]</span></p>
+
+<h2 id="II">II. THE EASTERN SHOSHONE</h2>
+
+<p>It is necessary to preface all discussions of Shoshone Indians with a
+clarification of what is implied by the names attached to Shoshone
+subgroups. The commonly used appellation "Wind River Shoshone" implies
+no more than reservation membership. Thus, we also have "Owyhee
+Shoshone" and "Fort Hall Shoshone" (and Bannock). Wind River residents
+of admitted descent from other groups are also referred to as "Wind
+River people," if they are on the agency rolls. They were, of course,
+not known by this name or a native equivalent in the pre-reservation
+period. The names, "Eastern Shoshones" and "Eastern Snakes," by which
+the Shoshone of Wyoming are also known in anthropology, were first
+consistently applied by government officials during the 1850's and
+1860's (cf. Lander, 1860, p. 131; Head, 1868, p. 179; Mann, 1869, p.
+616). Lander also referred to the Eastern Shoshone as the "Wash-i-kee
+band of the Snake Indians" (Lander, 1859, p. 66). This term came into
+common use after Chief Washakie rose to prominence in the eyes of the
+whites.</p>
+
+<p>Previous to this period the Eastern Shoshone were called Snakes and
+Shoshones (or variations thereof), indiscriminately. As has been
+mentioned, the only firm distinction was made according to whether or
+not the Indians in question owned horses and hunted buffalo. Although
+Lewis and Clark never visited the Wyoming lands, the tribal lists
+which they compiled at Fort Mandan before pushing west mention a
+group, said by Clark to be "Snake," called the "Cas-ta-ha-na" or "Gens
+de Vache" (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 6:102). They were said to number
+500 lodges having a population of about 5,000 people. The Shoshone
+identity of this people is somewhat obscured by Clark's report of an
+affinity between their language and that of the Minitaree, but, on the
+other hand, they were said to "rove on a S. E. fork of the Yellow Rock
+River called Big Horn, and the heads of the Loup" (ibid.). The
+"Cas-ta-ha-na" are mentioned also during the return trip of the
+expedition. Lewis and Clark noted of the Big Horn River: "It is
+inhabited by a great number of roving Indians of the Crow Nation, the
+paunch Nation (a band of Crows) and the Castahanas (a band of Snake
+In.)." The editor of the journals, Reuben Thwaites, identifies the
+latter as "Comanche." (Ibid., 5:297.)</p>
+
+<p>The paucity of boundary nomenclature found in the historical sources
+is continued in the ethnographic data, for the food-area terminology
+used by the Nevada and Idaho Shoshone is even more diffusely applied
+in Wyoming. One old Nevada Shoshone woman referred to the Eastern
+Shoshone as Kwichund&ouml;ka, while a native of Wind River referred to his
+people as Gwichund&ouml;ka, slight phonetic variants of the common term
+meaning "Buffalo eaters." This name appears in Hoebel (1938, p. 413)
+as Kutsindika. Hoebel also reports that the Idaho Shoshone referred to
+the Wyoming people as Pohogani, "Sage Brush Home" and Kogohoii, "Gut
+Eaters" (ibid.). (Hoebel's terms are here anglicized.)</p>
+
+<p>Whatever names may be applied to identify the Shoshone of Wyoming,
+none refer to any sort of political group maintaining a stable
+territory. As Shimkin says (1947<i>a</i>, p. 246):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The identification of the Wind River Shoshone and their
+territory is not a simple matter. It is complicated by several
+facts. These people had no developed national or tribal sense;
+affiliation was fluid. Nor did they distinguish themselves by a
+special name. They merely knew that others called them ... Sage
+Brushers, ... Sage Brush Homes, or ... Buffalo Eating People.
+Furthermore, they felt no clear-cut distinctions of private or
+tribal territories.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>One may speak of an eastern population of Shoshone Indians, but it
+would be inaccurate to speak of one Eastern Shoshone band, despite the
+fact that leadership was better developed in Wyoming than in other
+parts of Shoshone territory.</p>
+
+<p>It is doubtful whether there was any accurate estimate of the Eastern
+Shoshone population until the post-reservation period. Burton (1861,
+p. 575) cited the no doubt exaggerated figure of 12,000 for the
+population led by Washakie. Forney numbers the total Shoshone
+population at 4,500 in 1859 (1860<i>a</i>, p. 733), while Doty raised this
+to 8,650 in 1863 (1865, p. 320). The more reliable estimate of 1,600
+Eastern Shoshone was given by Agent Mann in 1869 (1870, p. 715), after
+the establishment of the Wind River reservation. This number was later
+reduced to 1,250 in official reports (Patten, 1878, p. 646). Kroeber
+has estimated the Wind River Shoshone population at 2,500 (1939, p.
+137). These figures are not representative of earlier periods, for the
+ravages of smallpox and other new diseases made heavy inroads on the
+pre-treaty population, and it is probable that the population at the
+time of the treaty did not greatly exceed 1,500.</p>
+
+<h3>EASTERN SHOSHONE HISTORY: 1800-1875</h3>
+
+<p>According to Shoshone tradition, the winter camps of the Eastern
+Shoshone were in the valley of the Wind River, and their hunting
+territory extended north to Yellowstone Park and Cody and east to the
+Big Horn Mountains and beyond South Pass. Little is said by informants
+of excursions west of the Continental Divide, although historical
+evidence suggests that this was actually once their principal hunting
+grounds. In partial support of this contention, Shimkin says (1947<i>a</i>,
+p. 247): "The historical evidence gives some weight to the assumption
+that in 1835-1840 the Shoshones were mostly west of the Wind River
+Mountains." He also notes that hostilities between the Shoshone and
+Crow resulted in the westward withdrawal of the former again in the
+1850's (ibid.). In an earlier article Shimkin also stated (1938, p.
+415):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>This [smallpox epidemics in the first half of the 19th
+century], and probably the increased aggressiveness of other
+Plains tribes with the spread of firearms as well, led to a
+recession of the Shoshone and their retreat to the west in the
+middle of the nineteenth century. A final wave of expansion
+onto the Plains came with white aid, following the treaty at
+Fort Bridger, July 3, 1868.</p></blockquote><p><span class="pagenum">[301]</span></p>
+
+<p>While agreeing in part with these conclusions, we would not confine
+the Shoshone restriction to the territory west of the Continental
+Divide to such limited periods. The following data suggest, rather,
+that "the heart of this people's territory," as Shimkin describes the
+Wind River country, did not extend west of the Wind River Range from
+at least 1800 until the reservation period and that the Shoshone,
+while frequently entering the Missouri River drainage, did so only for
+brief periods and usually in considerable fear of attack.</p>
+
+<p>In Washington Irving's account of the Astoria party, one of our
+earliest reliable sources on the Wyoming Shoshone, the author tells
+how the Shoshone were pushed out of the Missouri River buffalo country
+after the North West and Hudson's Bay Companies put firearms in the
+hands of the Blackfoot (Irving, 1890, p. 197):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Thus by degrees the Snakes have become a scattered,
+broken-spirited, impoverished people, keeping about lonely
+rivers and mountain streams, and subsisting chiefly upon fish.
+Such of them as still possess horses and occasionally figure as
+hunters are called Shoshonies.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The westward-bound Astoria party traveled up the Wind River Valley in
+the middle of September, 1811, without sighting any Indians (ibid.,
+pp. 199-200). This was exactly the time of year when, according to
+contemporary informants, the Shoshone buffalo party should have been
+gathering there. However, on the western side of the Wind River Range,
+they found "a party of Snakes who had come across the mountains on
+their autumnal hunting excursion to provide buffalo meat for the
+winter" (p. 202). In September of the following year, the
+eastward-bound party under Stuart encountered a party of "Upsarokas,
+or Crows" on the Bear River, who said that they intended to trade with
+the Shoshone (p. 289). This Crow party later ran off the trappers'
+horses. Throughout their trip to the Green River country, the trapping
+party was in continual fear of the Blackfoot (p. 298). Upon arriving
+on the Green River on October 17, 1812, they met a party of about 130
+"Snakes" living in some 40 "wigwams" made of pine branches (p. 306).
+The ostensibly peaceful Crow had run off all but one of the horses of
+this camp and had stolen some women also. The Astoria chronicle, then,
+documents a situation that appears consistently in later sources: the
+Shoshone were usually encountered west of the Continental Divide and
+were continually on the defensive against powerful tribes to the east
+and north that seemingly entered their hunting grounds at will.</p>
+
+<p>The activities of the early trappers in northern Utah and western
+Wyoming brought them into contact with a variety of Indian
+populations, not all of which are easily identifiable. This region is
+shown by the reports of the fur seekers to be characterized by a great
+fluidity of internal movement of Shoshone&mdash;and Bannock-speaking groups
+and by frequent entry by other tribes for purposes of war, trapping,
+and trade. The journal of J. P. Beckwourth gives a vivid, although not
+wholly reliable, account of the ebb and flow of population in the area
+under consideration. While camped near the east shore of the Great
+Salt Lake late in the year 1823, Beckwourth lost 80 horses to the
+"Punnaks [Bannocks], a tribe inhabiting the headwaters of the Columbia
+River" (Beckwourth, 1931, p. 60). His party pursued the Bannock to
+their village, some five days distant, and, after regaining part of
+the stolen herd, returned to camp to find some "Snake" (p. 61)
+(Shoshonean-speaking) Indians camped near by. He states that this
+group numbered 600 lodges and 2,500 warriors. The Indians were
+friendly and the locale was said to have been their winter camp
+(ibid.). Three years later, Beckwourth and his party were camped near
+the same site (today, Farmington, Utah) and encountered 16 Flathead
+Indians. Shortly thereafter the trappers were attacked by 500 mounted
+Blackfoot Indians, who were driven off (ibid., p. 66). Two days later,
+the fur party was joined by 4,000 Shoshone, who aided them in
+defeating another Blackfoot attack (pp. 70-71). (Beckwourth's
+population estimates are probably quite exaggerated.)</p>
+
+<p>While Beckwourth's journals are poorly dated, it was no doubt during
+the late 1820's that his party was attacked near Salt River in western
+Wyoming by a body of unidentified Indians who, he claims, were 500
+strong (p. 86). Shortly thereafter he fell in with friendly "Snake,"
+or Shoshone, Indians. Near their camp were 185 Bannock lodges, with
+whose occupants the hunters had some difficulties (pp. 87-88). While
+in this vicinity, the camp of the trappers and the friendly Shoshone
+was attacked by a Blackfoot party, after which the trappers and
+Shoshone moved to the Green River (p. 89). At the Green River camp,
+the combined trapper-Shoshone group was visited by a party of Crow
+Indians. Beckwourth comments that "the Snakes and Crows were extremely
+amicable." Beckwourth reported further on Shoshone-Crow relations (p.
+108):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>At this time the Crows were incessantly at war with all the
+tribes within their reach, with the exception of the Snakes and
+the Flatheads and they did not escape frequent ruptures with
+them [over horses].</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>That this peace was extremely uneasy and manifestly ephemeral was
+clearly shown by later developments when the Shoshone, accompanied by
+some Ute, attacked a Crow trading party, which later mustered support
+and retaliated (pp. 183-184). However, at an even later date
+Beckwourth was able to report that 200 lodges of Shoshone had joined
+forces with the Crow, ostensibly because of the trading possibilities
+afforded by Beckwourth's presence among the latter (p. 249).</p>
+
+<p>The relations between the Shoshone and Crow during the 1820's
+apparently were not much unlike those that prevailed at the time of
+the passages of the Astoria parties. The Crow, although not relentless
+enemies of the Shoshone, as were the Blackfoot, constituted a constant
+source of danger. Beckwourth's journals give evidence of amicable
+relations between the American trappers and the Shoshone, although he
+described the more bellicose Bannock as "very bad Indians, and very
+great thieves" (p. 87). Other sources document more serious
+difficulties with "Snake" Indians. Peter Skene Ogden reported in 1826
+that the American trappers had suffered severe losses at the hands of
+the Snake Indians during the preceding three years (Simpson, 1931, p.
+285), but these mishaps probably occurred in Idaho. In 1824, however,
+Jedediah Smith and Fitzpatrick lost all of their horses to the
+"Snakes" on the headwaters of the Green River (Alter, 1925, pp. 38-39;
+Dale, 1918, p. 91), and some members of Etienne Provot's trapping
+party were killed by "Snakes" in the winter of 1824-25 (Dale, 1918, p.
+103).</p>
+
+<p>Little information is available from the eastern side of the Wind
+River Mountains during the 1820's. We do know, however, that Ashley
+entrusted his horses<span class="pagenum">[302]</span> to the Crow Indians on the Wind River before
+setting out for the mountains in the spring of 1824 (ibid., p. 89).</p>
+
+<p>In 1831, an American Fur Company trapper, Warren Angus Ferris, noted
+that the two main Crow bands were located chiefly on the Yellowstone
+River and its tributaries, but their "war parties infest the countries
+of the Eutaws, Snakes, Arrapahoes, Blackfeet, Sious, and Chayennes"
+(Ferris, 1940, p. 305). He had this to say of the Eastern Shoshone (p.
+310):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Of the Snakes on the plains there are probably about four
+hundred lodges, six hundred warriors, and eighteen hundred
+souls. They range in the plains of Green River as far as the
+Eut Mountains; southward from the source to the outlet of Bear
+River, of the Big Lake; thence to the mouth of Porto-nuf
+[Portneuf], on Snake River of the Columbia.... They are at war
+with the Eutaws, Crows, and Blackfeet, but rob and steal from
+all their neighbors.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Ferris saw few Indians in his travels through the Jackson Hole area in
+1832 and 1833. However, in "Jackson's Little Hole," presumably at the
+south end of Hoback Canyon, he noted, in August, 1832, several large,
+abandoned camps, which he assumed were those of the "Grosventres of
+the prairies" (p. 158). The supposed Gros Ventre party was later seen
+on the Green River and was said to have consisted of 500 to 600
+warriors (pp. 158-159). These may well have been Blackfoot, for Zenas
+Leonard reported a Blackfoot attack on the upper Snake River in
+western Wyoming in July, 1832 (Leonard, 1934, p. 51). The Indians most
+frequently sighted in the Green River region, however, were the
+Shoshone. In June, 1833, Ferris saw "several squaws scattered over the
+prairie engaged in digging roots" (Ferris, 1940, p. 205). These women
+apparently belonged to "some fifty or sixty lodges of Snakes, ...
+encamped about the fort [Bonneville's] who were daily exchanging their
+skins and robes, for munitions, knives, ornaments, etc., with the
+whites" (ibid., p. 206).</p>
+
+<p>Further evidence of the virtual absence of the Shoshone from Missouri
+waters in the fur period comes from Zenas Leonard. When preparing to
+spend the winter of 1832-33 on the Green River, the trappers met a
+party of 70 to 80 Crow who said "they were going to war with the Snake
+Indians&mdash;whose country we were now in&mdash;and they said also they
+belonged to the Crow nation on the East side of the mountains"
+(Leonard, 1934, pp. 82-83). These Crow stole horses from the party,
+and the trappers pursued them to their village at the mouth of the
+Shoshone River, near modern Lovell, Wyoming. In the summer of 1834,
+Captain Bonneville's trappers, one of whom was Zenas Leonard, trapped
+on the waters of Wind River, but no mention is made of Shoshone
+(ibid., pp. 224-226). In October, however, they met the Crow in the
+Big Horn Basin, and they wintered on Wind River in their company (pp.
+255-256). No Shoshone were reported in the area.</p>
+
+<p>The Irving account of Captain Bonneville's adventures contains
+additional information on Eastern Shoshone settlement patterns. It is
+here also that we receive our first information on the Shoshone who
+later are known to us as the Dukarika and who inhabited the
+mountainous terrain of the Wind River Mountains and adjacent high
+country (Irving, 1850, p. 139). The journal also supplements Leonard's
+account of the trappers' sojurn in Wind River Valley, which, Irving
+wrote (1837, 2:17) was infested by Blackfoot and Crow Indians and was
+one of the favorite habitats of the latter (p. 22). One of the
+trapping party's members was taken captive by the Crow on the Popo
+Agie River, which flows past Lander, Wyoming, but was released
+unharmed (pp. 24-25). It is to be noted that the trappers were in the
+Wind River Valley at the end of September but saw no Shoshone,
+although this was approximately the time of the annual buffalo hunt.
+Upon leaving Wind River, Bonneville headed for the Sweetwater River,
+which, he stated, was beyond the limits of Crow country (p. 26). He
+then went to Hams Fork, a tributary of the Green River, and
+encountered a Shoshone encampment with the Fitzpatrick party (p. 27).</p>
+
+<p>It is doubtful whether Shoshonean peoples hunted extensively
+east of the Continental Divide in the period following their
+eighteenth-century retreat from the northern Plains and before the
+disappearance of the buffalo west of the Rockies. Although the great
+herds of the Missouri drainage were not found in the lands inhabited
+by the Shoshone, it is quite possible that there were sufficient
+buffalo there to meet the needs of the population. Bonneville met a
+group of twenty-five mounted Bannock in the neighborhood of Soda
+Springs, Idaho, in November, 1833, and, at their invitation, joined
+them in a buffalo hunt there (p. 33). After taking sufficient meat,
+the Bannock returned to their winter quarters at the mouth of the
+Portneuf River (p. 35). The winter of 1834-35 again found Bonneville
+on the Bear River, this time on its upper reaches, where he made
+winter camp with "a small band of Shoshonies" (p. 210). Farther
+upstream was an encampment of "Eutaw" Indians, who were hostile to the
+Shoshone (p. 213). Bonneville, however, managed to prevent conflict
+between the two groups. One advantage of this winter camp, and a
+possible source of attraction for the Ute Indians, was the presence of
+antelope during the winter. Bonneville witnessed one successful
+"surround" by horsemen, aided in their efforts by supernatural charms
+reminiscent of Great Basin antelope drives (pp. 214-215).</p>
+
+<p>Nathaniel Wyeth evidently saw few Shoshone in his travels through
+Wyoming, and his journals do not add greatly to our understanding of
+the area. He traveled from the Snake to the Green River in June and
+July, 1832, via the Teton country and mentioned no Shoshone except for
+a small encampment near Bonneville's post on the upper Green River
+(Wyeth, 1899, pp. 203-205). However, he reports that a white trapper
+was attacked in July, 1833, on the lower Wind River by a party of
+fifteen Shoshone who had left Green River shortly before (p. 207),
+and, in 1834, he found himself among "too many Indians ... for comfort
+or safety" while near Hams Fork, Wyoming (p. 225).</p>
+
+<p>The journals of Osborne Russell provide documentation of population
+movements in Wyoming during the years 1834-1840. Despite the decline
+of the fur trade during this period, the area was still turbulent. In
+November, 1834, a party of trappers was reported as having arrived at
+Fort Hall, Nathaniel Wyeth's new post, after having been routed by the
+Blackfoot on Hams Fork (Russell, 1955, p. 8). The spring of 1835 took
+Russell to the west side of Bear Lake, where he found "about 300
+lodges of Snake Indians" (p. 11) and in July of that year he
+encountered a small party of Shoshone hunting mountain sheep in
+Jackson Hole (p. 23). The lure of trade still attracted many other
+Indian groups into the Green River country during and<span class="pagenum">[303]</span> preceding the
+time of the summer rendezvous. Russell reported an encampment of 400
+lodges of Shoshone and Bannock and 100 of Flathead and Nez Perc&eacute; on
+the Bear River above the mouth of Smith's Fork on May 9, 1836. The
+congregation was so large that it was forced to fragment in order to
+seek subsistence; all planned to return on July 1, when supplies were
+expected (p. 41). Russell spent the winter of 1840-41 with some 20
+lodges of Shoshone in Cache Valley, Utah, and near Great Salt Lake (p.
+112).</p>
+
+<p>The general territorial situation had changed little by the end of the
+fur period. Wislizenus, who visited Wyoming in 1839, commented (1912,
+p. 76): "In the vicinity [of the Big Horn Mountains] live the
+Crows.... They often rove through the country between the Platte and
+the Sweet Waters, which are considered by the Indians as a common war
+ground." Tribes friendly to the Shoshone visited the week-long
+rendezvous on the Green River. Wislizenus notes that "of the Indians
+there had come chiefly Snakes, Flatheads, and Nez Perc&eacute;s, peaceful
+tribes, living beyond the Rocky Mountains" (p. 86).</p>
+
+<p>The journal of Thomas J. Farnham, written in 1839, documents the
+growing economic difficulties of the Shoshone of the Wyoming-northern
+Utah area. In July of that year, Farnham received news that the
+Shoshone on the Bear River were "starving" and subject to the
+depredations of marauding Blackfoot and Siouan war parties (Farnham,
+1906, p. 229). While on "Little Bear River" (a Bear River tributary),
+Farnham observed that, despite the present barrenness, he had heard
+that this area was formerly rich in buffalo and that game had abounded
+in the mountains (p. 233). Further indication of the growing poverty
+of the Shoshone country is seen in his comment that the Shoshone
+suffered less from enemy attacks because "the passes through which
+they enter the Snake country are becoming more and more destitute of
+game on which to subsist" (pp. 262-263).</p>
+
+<p>Poverty, it would seem, did not bestow complete immunity upon the
+Shoshone of Wyoming nor did it entirely inhibit occasional forays
+against their enemies. Father De Smet, who was present at the Green
+River rendezvous in 1840, wrote that the "Snakes" were then preparing
+a war party against the Blackfoot (De Smet, 1906, 27:164). But by
+1842, the Shoshone had other concerns than the traditionally hostile
+Blackfoot. Medorem Crawford noted that on July 23, 1842, the
+encampment of whites then situated near the Sweetwater River was
+joined by a party of over one hundred "Sues and Shians who had been to
+fight the Snakes" (Crawford, 1897, p. 13). The Shoshone had
+experienced previous armed encounters with Siouan groups to the east,
+but the pressure of the latter in these years was such that the Crow
+and Shoshone allied for defense against the powerful eastern tribes
+(Fremont, 1845, p. 146). The Crow, according to Fremont, had been
+present at the 1842 rendezvous on Green River (p. 50). Despite the
+alliance, Fremont regarded the Wind River Mountains as the eastern
+limit of Shoshone occupancy. He noted in 1843 that the Green River was
+twenty-five years earlier "familiarly known as the Seeds-ke-dee-agai,
+or Prairie Hen River; a name which it received from the Crows, to whom
+its upper waters belong" (p. 129), and both Farnham (1906, p. 261) and
+Russell (1921, pp. 144-146) placed the Shoshone no farther east than
+the Green River drainage in the years immediately preceding Fremont's
+observation.</p>
+
+<p>Siouan aggressions continued over an indefinite period, for Bryant
+reported in June, 1846, that about 3,000 Sioux had collected at Fort
+Laramie preparatory to an attack against the Shoshone and Crow
+(Bryant, 1885, p. 107). Bryant and his companions informed the
+Shoshone of the impending raid when they arrived at Fort Bridger on
+July 17, 1846. The approximately 500 Shoshone assembled there broke
+camp immediately, presumably to organize a defense (pp. 142-143).</p>
+
+<p>During the decade of the 1840's, accounts of the presence of Shoshone
+beyond the Continental Divide are found with increasing frequency. In
+1842 W. T. Hamilton, while on the Little Wind River, noted that the
+trappers and the Shoshone were in continual jeopardy in this region
+because of "Blackfeet, Bloods, Piegans and Crows" (Hamilton, 1905, p.
+52). Although his party was attacked by a Blackfoot group at this
+time, they sighted a Shoshone party shortly thereafter (p. 61) which
+was under the leadership of Chief Washakie (pp. 63-64). Other Shoshone
+joined this group, claiming that they had fought with Pend Oreille
+Indians near the Owl Creek Mountains on the north side of the Wind
+River Valley (p. 69). (The identification of this group may well have
+been erroneous in view of the northerly locale of the Pend Oreille.)
+The Shoshone met by Hamilton later gathered at Bull Lake to prepare an
+attack against the Blackfoot on the Big Wind River (p. 71); twenty
+"Piegans" were later encountered in the Owl Creek Range (p. 80).</p>
+
+<p>These events apparently transpired in the late spring or early summer
+of 1842, for summer found Washakie's people at Fort Bridger (p. 92),
+and later at Brown's Hole on the Green River in northwestern Colorado
+where a "few Ute and Navajos came up on their annual visit with the
+Shoshone, to trade and to race horses." The Shoshone left for their
+fall trapping in September (p. 97), but some were there in winter camp
+when Hamilton's party returned to Brown's Hole to winter (p. 118).</p>
+
+<p>Hamilton's later travels took him on a buffalo hunt into the Big Horn
+Basin with Washakie in October, 1843 (p. 182). At "Stinking Water"
+(Shoshone River) the party encountered Crow Indians on their way to
+visit the Shoshone (p. 183). The buffalo-hunting group returned to the
+Green River in November for the winter (p. 186). At this time Hamilton
+noted that Washakie claimed the Big Horn country as far as the
+Yellowstone River, but that the Crow, Flathead, and Nez Perc&eacute; hunted
+upon it and it was regarded as neutral hunting ground by other tribes
+(p. 187). October, 1848, again found Hamilton in the Big Horn country,
+where he met a party of Shoshone in the Big Horn Mountains (p. 197).
+The group was in pursuit of a Cheyenne war party that had stolen
+horses from them; the offenders were overtaken on the North Platte
+River and the horses were recovered (p. 198). Hamilton was informed
+that Washakie was then on Greybull Creek, but planned to move to the
+Shoshone River (p. 199).</p>
+
+<p>Further information on the activities of the Shoshone east of the
+Continental Divide comes from Bryant, who, on July 14, 1846, sighted
+near Green River (Bryant, 1885, p. 136):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>... a party of some sixty or eighty Shoshone or Snake Indians,
+who were returning from a buffalo hunt to the east of the South
+Pass. The chief and active hunters of the party were riding
+good horses. The others, among whom were some women, were
+mounted generally upon animals that appeared to have been
+nearly exhausted by fatigue. These, be<span class="pagenum">[304]</span>sides carrying their
+riders, were freighted with dried buffalo meat, suspended in
+equal divisions of bulk and weight from straps across the back.
+Several pack animals were loaded entirely with meat and were
+driven along as we drive pack mules.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The apparent increase in the use of the Wind River Valley and adjacent
+areas was in part a result of Crow amity in the face of a common
+enemy, but it can also be explained in terms of the Shoshone need to
+seek their winter store of buffalo meat regardless of dangers. The
+buffalo herds west of the Continental Divide were greatly diminished
+by 1840, and, by the end of the decade, the intrusion of emigrants
+must have decimated the remaining stock. As early as 1842, Fremont
+commented that he saw no buffalo beyond South Pass (Fremont, 1845, p.
+63), and in 1849 Major Osborne Cross observed that "scarcely any were
+to be met with this side of the South Pass" (Cross, 1851, p. 178). The
+Major later wrote (p. 182):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Game in this section of the country is scarce, compared with
+the ranges passed over on the route. We had now gone nearly
+through the whole buffalo range, as but few are now met with on
+Bear River. Fifteen years ago they were to be seen in great
+numbers here, but have been diminishing greatly since that
+time.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Despite periodic forays to the east, the report of Indian Agent Wilson
+of Fort Bridger in 1849 indicates that the generally recognized area
+of Shoshone occupancy was substantially unchanged (J. Wilson, 1849, p.
+1002):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Their claim of boundary is to the east from the Red Buttes
+[near Casper, Wyoming], on the North Fork of the Platte, to its
+head in the Park, De-cay-a-que or Buffalo Bull-pen, in the
+Rocky Mountains; to the south, across the mountains, over to
+the Yam pa pa, till it enters Green or Colorado River; and then
+across to the Back bone or ridge of mts. called the Bear River
+mountains, running nearly due west towards the Salt Lake, so as
+to take in most of the Salt Lake, and thence on to the Sinks of
+Mary's or Humboldt River; thence north to the fisheries on the
+Snake river, in Oregon and thence south (their northern
+boundary) to the Red Buttes, including the source of Green
+River.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Joseph Lane, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Oregon territory
+also wrote in that year that "the Shoshonee or Snake Indians inhabit a
+section of country west of the Rocky mountains, from the summit of
+these mountains north along Wind river mountains to Henry's fork...."
+(Lane, 1857, p. 158).</p>
+
+<p>Continuing reference to the presence of Shoshone east of the
+Continental Divide is found in reports dating from the 1850's,
+although the Green River country continued as the central area of
+Eastern Shoshone occupation. Indian Agent Holeman sought to bring the
+Shoshone to a treaty conference at Fort Laramie in 1851 and reported
+(Holeman, 1852, p. 445):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>... met the village assembled on Sweet Water, about fifty miles
+east of the South pass. On the 21st of August I had a talk with
+them, which resulted in their selecting sixty of their
+headmen, fully authorized to act for the whole tribe....</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>In September, 1852, Brigham Young arranged a peace conference between
+the Ute and Shoshone. The Mormon governor reported (Young, 1852, p.
+438):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>I then asked the Shoshones how they would like to have us
+settle upon their lands at Green River. They replied that the
+land at Green River did not belong to them; that they lived and
+inhabited in the vicinity of the Wind River chain of mountains
+and the Sweet River (or Sugar Water, as they called it), but
+that if we would make a settlement on Green River they would be
+glad to come to trade with us.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Difficulties soon developed between the Mormons and the Indians on
+Green River (Holeman, 1858, pp. 159-160). The report of Lieutenant
+Fleming of Fort Laramie in 1854 suggests that the Shoshone had not
+relinquished the Green River country to the Mormon colonists, despite
+Young's claim (H. B. Fleming, 1858, p. 167):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The mountain men have wives and children among the Snake
+Indians, and therefore claim the right to the Green River
+country, in virtue of the grant given them by the Indians, to
+whom the country belongs, as no treaty has yet been made to
+extinguish their title.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The Morehead narrative in Connelley's edition of the Doniphan
+expedition notes that some two or three thousand Shoshone were camped
+on the Green River in the summer of 1857; Chief Washakie was present
+at this encampment (Connelley, 1907, p. 607). And Alter's biography of
+James Bridger states that in the winter of 1857-58 "Chief Washakie and
+two thousand Shoshone tribesmen at the crossing of the Green had no
+particular difficulty that winter" (Alter, 1925, p. 303). Forney, in
+June, 1858, wrote of his plans to establish the Shoshone "under Chief
+Wash-A-Kee" on the tributaries of the Green River (Forney, 1860<i>b</i>, p.
+45) and reported that the group was located on that river in May, 1858
+(Forney, 1859, p. 564).</p>
+
+<p>Albert H. Campbell, General Superintendent of the Pacific Wagon Roads,
+wrote in 1859 that the Shoshone were restricted to the area west of
+the Rockies (1859, p. 8):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The Snakes have received very little attention hitherto from
+the authorities of the United States, and frequent wars with
+their powerful neighbors, the Blackfeet and Crows, have
+compelled them in a manner to withdraw from the buffalo range
+and keep within the mountain fastnesses, where they derive a
+scanty subsistence from roots and the smaller game.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The total context of historical material indicates, however, that the
+Shoshone were hunting buffalo on the eastern side of the Continental
+Divide during this period and, in so doing, were following a pattern
+of transmontane hunting familiar to us among the Plateau tribes.
+Forney wrote in September, 1858 (1859, p. 564):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>I have heretofore spoken of a large tribe of Indians known as
+the Snakes. They claim a large tract of<span class="pagenum">[305]</span> country lying in the
+eastern part of this Territory, but are scarcely ever found
+upon their own land.</p>
+
+<p>They generally inhabit the Wind River country, in Oregon and
+Nebraska Territories, and they sometimes range as far east as
+Fort Laramie, in the latter Territory. Their principal
+subsistence is the buffalo, and it is for the purpose of
+hunting them that they range so far east of their own country.
+This tribe numbers about twelve hundred souls, all under one
+principal chief, Wash-a-kee. He has perfect command over them,
+and is one of the finest looking and most intellectual Indians
+I ever saw.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The duration of the previously mentioned peaceful interlude between
+the Crow and the Shoshone of Wyoming cannot be accurately determined.
+However, Lander reported them at war in 1858 (1859, p. 49):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The Crow and Shoshonee Indians having broken out into open war
+in the north, did not permit of my risking or exposing the
+large stock of mules of the expedition at the camp selected as
+the wintering ground of last year's expedition, on Wind River.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Lander encountered Washakie and "the whole of the great tribe of the
+eastern Shoshonees" hunting antelope on the headwaters of the Green
+River (p. 68). The Shoshone spent the winter on Wind River but "the
+last account from them say they are in a starving condition; they are
+at war with the Crows, and are afraid to go out to hunt for game" (p.
+69). The Shoshone had fought with the Crow on October 27, 1858, which
+had probably prevented them from attempting the fall buffalo hunt.
+They apparently undertook a hunt during the following spring, for Will
+H. Wagner, an engineer on the South Pass wagon road, observed in May
+of 1859 that only a few Shoshone lodges were found on Green River, the
+main body still being in the Wind River Valley (Wagner, 1861, p. 25).</p>
+
+<p>In February, 1860, Lander wrote a summary of Eastern Shoshone
+territorial use as of 1859 (1860, pp. 121-122):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The Eastern Snakes range from the waters of Wind river or
+latitude 43&deg; 30' on the north and from the South Pass to the
+headwaters of the North Platte on the east, and to Bear river
+near the mouth of Smith's Fork on the west. They extend south
+as far as Brown's Hole on Green River. Their principal
+subsistence is the roots and seeds of the wild vegetables of
+the region they inhabit, the mountain trout, with which all the
+streams of the country are abundantly supplied, and wild game.
+The latter is now very scarce in the vicinity of the new and
+old emigrant roads.</p>
+
+<p>The immense herds of antelope I remember having seen along the
+route of the new road in 1854 and 1857 seem to have
+disappeared. These Indians visit the border ground between
+their own country and the Crows and Blackfeet for the purpose
+of hunting Elk, Antelope and stray herds of buffalo. When these
+trips are made they travel only in large bands for fear of the
+Blackfeet and Crows. With the Bannacks and parties of Salt Lake
+Diggers they often make still longer marches into the
+northwestern buffalo ranges on the head waters of the Missouri
+and Yellow Stone.</p>
+
+<p>These excursions usually last over winter, the more western
+Indians who join them passing over a distance of twelve
+hundred miles on the out and return journey.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Under the leadership of Washakie, which dates from approximately the
+beginning of the period of heavy emigration to the Far West, the
+Shoshone of Wyoming had maintained amicable relations with the whites.
+The early 1860's, however, saw increased clashes between Indians and
+whites in the Bear River country and in southern Idaho. While the
+activities of Chief Pocatello's band and of other hostile groups will
+be further discussed in the section on Idaho, it would be well at this
+point to clarify relations between Washakie's followers and the people
+of Bear River. It is impossible to differentiate a Wyoming group as
+distinct from the Shoshone of Bear River in earlier periods, and, in
+view of the presence of buffalo in the country of the Green and Bear
+rivers until at least 1840, it is more than probable that southwestern
+Wyoming, northern Utah, and southeastern Idaho were common grounds
+roamed over by several nomadic hunting groups. Lander recognized the
+affinity between the areas, although he distinguished Washakie's
+Eastern Shoshone from the Utah residents on the basis of their
+respective relations with the whites (Lander, 1860, pp. 122-123):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The Salt Lake Diggers intermarry with the Eastern Snakes and
+are on good terms with them.</p>
+
+<p>Among these Indians [the "Salt Lake Diggers"] are some of the
+worst in the mountains. Washakie will not permit a horse thief
+or vagabond to remain in his band, but many of the Mormon
+Indians go about the country with minor chiefs calling
+themselves Eastern Snakes.</p>
+
+<p>Old Snag, a chief sometimes seen on Green River, who proclaims
+himself an Eastern Snake, and friend of the Americans, is of
+this class....</p>
+
+<p>Southern Indians pass, on their way "to buffalo," (a technical
+term,) through the lands of the Eastern Snakes and Bannocks,
+and the latter are often made to bear the blame of their
+horse-stealing proclivities.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Doty reported depredations on the road between Fort Laramie and Salt
+Lake City in 1862 (Doty, 1863, pp. 342, 355), and in the following
+year the Army attacked a large number of the hostiles on Bear River
+and inflicted very severe losses on them (War of the Rebellion, 1902,
+pp. 185-187). Doty reported from Box Elder, Utah, on July 30 of the
+same year (ibid., p. 219):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>A treaty of peace was this day concluded at this place by Gen.
+Connor [who led the Bear River attack] and myself with the
+bands of the Shoshones, of which Pocatello, San Pitch and
+Sagwich are the principal chiefs.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Earlier, on July 2, 1863, a treaty was entered into at Fort Bridger
+between Doty and the bands of "Waushakee," "Shauwuno," "Tibagan,"
+"Peoastoagah," "Totimee," "Ashingodimah," "Sagowitz," "Oretzimawik,"
+"Bazil," and "Sanpitz" (Doty, 1865, p. 319). Doty noted at this time
+that the Shoshone "claim their ... eastern boundary on the crest of
+the Rocky mountains; but it is certain that they, as well as the
+Bannacks, hunt buffalo below the Three Forks of the Missouri, and on
+the headwaters of the Yellowstone" (p. 318). Doty continued (pp.
+318-319):</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum">[306]</span></p><blockquote><p>As none of the Indians of this country have permanent places
+of abode, in their hunting excursions they wander over an
+immense region, extending from the fisheries at and below
+Salmon Falls, on the Shoshone [Snake] river, near the Oregon
+line, to the sources of that stream and to the Buffalo country
+beyond....</p>
+
+<p>The Shoshonees and Bannocks are the only nations which, to my
+knowledge hunt together over the same ground.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The Shoshone continued to hunt beyond the mountains after the Fort
+Bridger treaty. Superintendent Irish reported in September, 1864, that
+the "Shoshonees" were at Bear Lake awaiting their payment and were
+impatient to "go to their winter hunting grounds on Wind River"
+(Irish, 1865, p. 314). Three hundred Cheyenne lodges were reported in
+Wind River Valley in May, 1865, but the group subsequently withdrew to
+the "Sweetwater mountains and thence to Powder River" (Coutant, 1899,
+1:440). In September, 1865, Irish reported that the Shoshone
+frequented the Wind River country and the headwaters of the North
+Platte and Missouri rivers (Irish, 1866, p. 311). The Superintendent
+described the pattern of movement that had become established (ibid.):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Their principal subsistence is the buffalo, which they hunt
+during the fall, winter, and spring, on which they subsist
+during that time, and return in the summer to Fort Bridger and
+Great Salt Lake City.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Agent Luther Mann of Fort Bridger added (1865, p. 327):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>They spend about eight months of the year among the Wind River
+mountains and in the valley of the Wind River, Big Horn and
+Yellowstone....</p>
+
+<p>The Shoshonees are friendly with the Bannacks, their neighbor
+on the north ... but are hostile toward the tribes on their
+eastern boundaries, viz: Sioux, Arapahoes, Cheyennes, and
+Crows.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Mann observed that the Eastern Shoshone numbered some 150 lodges.
+However, he also noted that Washakie claimed to be too weak to fight
+his enemies. In his next year's report, Mann wrote that on September
+20, 1865, the Shoshone set out from Fort Bridger for the Wind River
+and Popo Agie valleys where they hunted buffalo, deer, elk, and
+mountain sheep and passed the winter. Only five to ten lodges remained
+on Green River for the winter (ibid., p. 126).</p>
+
+<p>The Shoshone had some difficulty with hostile tribes during their
+hunts in the Wind River Valley. The battle of Crowheart Butte (near
+Crowheart, Wyoming) has become a legend on the Wind River Reservation,
+and the facts of the event have become well embellished. More reliable
+informants claim that the Crow were encamped at the present site of
+Kinnear, Wyoming, on the north side of Big Wind River and were driven
+out after a strong attack by the Shoshone. The Crow detachment was
+evidently not merely a war party, for the men were accompanied by
+their women and children. Hebard, using documentary material
+unavailable to the writers, places the date of this battle as March,
+1866 (Hebard, 1930, p. 151). There is no further mention in the
+sources of Crow occupation of the Wind River Valley.</p>
+
+<p>This was not the end of the Shoshones' troubles, however, for in the
+following year (1867), Indian Agent Mann noted (1868, p. 182):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Immediately after the distribution of their annuity goods last
+year, they left this agency for their hunting grounds in the
+Popeaugie [Popo Agie River, near Lander, Wyo.] and Wind River
+valleys, the only portion of the country claimed by them where
+they can obtain buffalo.</p>
+
+<p>Early last spring the near approach of hostile Sioux and
+Cheyennes compelled them to leave before they could prepare
+their usual supply of dried meat for summer use.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Mann further reported that, after being paid the annuity on June 8,
+1867, "they have since gone to the valley of the Great Salt Lake, as
+is usual with them, preparatory to their return to their hunting
+grounds in autumn" (p. 183). These accounts further document the
+manner in which the Utah and Wyoming populations merged.</p>
+
+<p>The Sioux were apparently especially active east of the Wind River
+Range in these years and many other attacks were reported. The
+Shoshone went to Wind River in 1868 and were again attacked by the
+Sioux. Agent Mann reported that year that a few small bands of
+Shoshone had not hunted buffalo in two years for fear of attack (Mann,
+1869, pp. 616-618).</p>
+
+<p>The government had a good deal of difficulty in persuading the
+Shoshone to remain on the reservation established by the treaty of
+1868. Captain J. H. Patterson, the new agent, wrote in 1869 (1870, p.
+717): "So powerful are the Sioux, it is only after winter is far
+advanced, and from that time until early in the spring, that the
+Shoshones can remain on the reservation." They passed the winter of
+1868-69 at Wind River, but the Sioux attacked on April 26, 1869,
+before they broke winter camp (J. A. Campbell, 1870, p. 173). On
+September 14, 1869, Siouan warriors attempted another foray into Wind
+River Valley but were repulsed by troops. Fearful of another early
+attack and wary of their new reservation co-residents, the Northern
+Arapaho and Washakie left Wind River at the end of April of the
+following year (1870). The Shoshone departed with little stored meat,
+since they were unable to pursue the buffalo far out on the prairie
+(G. W. Fleming, 1871, p. 643).</p>
+
+<p>In the following years, we hear little of the hunting activities of
+the Shoshone. They were moved permanently to the Wind River
+Reservation, where, according to Agent James Irwin in 1873, they
+showed a strong desire to abandon their nomadic ways and to learn
+agriculture (Irwin, 1874, p. 612). Irwin claimed that, although the
+Bannock population of the "Shoshone and Bannock Agency" at Wind River
+was transferred in 1872 to Fort Hall, 216 still unsettled Shoshone had
+expressed intent in the following year to move to Wind River. The
+Shoshone experienced little success in their early attempts at
+farming, and the government food allotments were seldom adequate to
+last through the year. This, combined with the traditional value
+placed on the buffalo hunt, perpetuated the nomadic pattern for a
+number of years. As late as 1877, Agent Patten wrote (1878, p. 605):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>During the month of October last [1876], while the Shoshones
+were on one of their annual hunts, the village became divided;
+Washakie, with the greater portion, struck across the country
+from<span class="pagenum">[307]</span> the base of the Sierra Shoshone Mountains to the mouth of
+Owl Creek on Big Wind River; the smallest party, under two
+braves named Na-akie and Ta-goon-dum, started for the river
+above the mouth of Grey Bull, where having arrived the prospect
+of a successful hunt was propitious. Large herds of buffalo
+were everywhere in sight; but the next morning after their
+arrival this little band, comprising men, women, and children,
+were suddenly attacked by Dull Knife's band of hostile Cheyenne
+warriors.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The Plains were evidently still unsafe, and hunting parties traveled
+in strength. But the end of the buffalo period was not far off, for
+hide-hunters and settlers had already made massive inroads on the
+herds, and the open-range cattle-raising industry had begun. It is
+interesting to note, however, that the itinerary followed in 1876 was
+much the same as that related by Shimkin's informants and by ours.
+Except for that given in the one account by Hamilton, it has no
+antecedents in the historical literature.</p>
+
+<h3>EARLY RESERVATION PERIOD</h3>
+
+<p>Wind River Shoshone informants speak little of activities west of the
+Continental Divide and tend to place their early economic life almost
+entirely in the Missouri drainage. This is not surprising when it is
+considered that eighty-six years had passed between the signing of the
+Fort Bridger treaty of July 3, 1868, establishing the reservation, and
+the field work reported here. Almost seventy years had elapsed between
+that date and Shimkin's 1937-1938 field work. That informants have a
+one-dimensional view of earlier periods in Shoshone history may well
+be expected. The type of data that deals with locales and events, the
+movements of peoples and situational adaptation is history of a
+different kind from the traditional cultural material with which
+anthropologists usually work. It would be an understatement to say
+that it would tax the memory of any human being to ask exactly where
+and when his people hunted many years before he was born. One of the
+oldest living Shoshone, for example, responded to our question about
+the location of the chief's lodge in the camp by saying that the
+chiefs lived in log cabins near the Agency. And even this was quite a
+mnemonic feat.</p>
+
+<p>Most of the following data was obtained from informants and pertains
+primarily to the early reservation period. Even for such a relatively
+late time, the information is not wholly reliable and is often vague
+and fragmentary. Certain aspects of these data are perpetuated in Wind
+River tradition, however, and are valid for even earlier periods than
+the one discussed. These concern the yearly economic cycle, the rhythm
+of movement from buffalo prairies to the mountains, the coalescence
+and fragmentation of social groups, the types of fish and game taken
+and the technology involved&mdash;cultural facts not immediately linked to
+situational, historical factors. These comments on reliability of
+informants' data should be borne in mind throughout the account below.</p>
+
+<p>The stable center of Eastern Shoshone settlement pattern was the
+winter camp. All informants agreed that the chief winter camps were in
+the valleys of the Big and Little Wind rivers, in the region of the
+present Diversion Dam and Fort Washakie, respectively. There they
+were protected from winter storms, and the winds blew enough snow from
+the ground to allow the horses to graze. In the bottomlands by the
+streams they found water and firewood and enjoyed the protection of
+the cottonwood trees. In the period before the ending of intertribal
+hostilities in Wyoming camps were closely clustered to allow for
+mutual defense in the event of an attack, but after the pacification
+of the area, people pitched their tipis farther apart. Although never
+safe from attack, the Shoshone had greater security during the winter,
+since the cold and snows made their enemies relatively immobile also.</p>
+
+<p>Winter residence at Wind River was not obligatory. Smaller groups were
+said to camp on the western slope of the Wind River Mountains, in the
+vicinity of Pinedale, and others remained near Fort Bridger.
+Contemporary informants gave no confirmation of Shimkin's statement
+that a group of Shoshone, under Washakie, customarily wintered in the
+Absaroka Mountain foothills on the head of the Grey Bull River
+(Shimkin, 1947<i>a</i>, p. 247). Also, Shimkin's chart, which shows that
+Shoshone occasionally spent the winter in the Powder and Sweetwater
+River valleys (p. 279), probably indicates the true situation only for
+the period after the area became secure from attack, in the 1870's.
+All of these locales would be highly vulnerable to hostiles, as was
+the Wind River Valley in the pre-reservation era, and it is highly
+probable that Shimkin's informants spoke of post-reservation events
+and not of a traditional pattern.</p>
+
+<p>Subsistence during the winter was gained chiefly from the stored yield
+of the fall buffalo hunt. The meat was dried and pounded and placed in
+large rawhide bags. True pemmican was not manufactured, although the
+pulverized buffalo meat was mixed with dried roots and berries
+preparatory to being eaten.</p>
+
+<p>Stores frequently ran low towards the end of winter, and some hardship
+resulted. However, the stored food was supplemented by elk which had
+been driven out of the mountains by snow, and by antelope and deer
+meat. Rabbits were also snared.</p>
+
+<p>Some informants stated that the Shoshone went into winter camp as
+early as October. Others, however, reported that the winter camp was
+made as late as December. It would seem that November to December are
+the more probable times. Support for this date is found in Shimkin
+(1947<i>a</i>, p. 279).</p>
+
+<p>The winter camp broke up in February or March, and the spring buffalo
+hunt was then launched. This was a collective venture, as opposed to
+the sporadic and individual hunting that went on during the winter.
+Informants were extremely vague in saying whether all the winter camp
+went on the spring hunt together or whether they broke up into
+parties. Shimkin states that the Shoshone split into four bands when
+buffalo hunting (p. 247). Some of my own informants, however, said
+that all hunted in one group under Washakie. Others said that there
+were several chiefs, and each took his people where he chose.</p>
+
+<p>The buffalo in springtime were not of good quality, and the lean,
+tough meat was considered very inferior to the fat meat obtained in
+the fall. Informants said that the chief purpose of the spring hunt
+was to obtain hides for tipis (and all the other uses to which buffalo
+hide was put) and to get fresh meat. The spring hunt was generally
+pursued in the Big Horn Basin, although there were buffalo in the Wind
+River Valley itself, which were also hunted. Although the former
+locale is most frequently mentioned, it should<span class="pagenum">[308]</span> be assumed that the
+migratory habits of the buffalo imposed some variability.</p>
+
+<p>After the spring hunt, the Shoshone reconvened in Wind River Valley
+and in June held their Sun Dance. This was a period of general
+gathering and involved visits of people from other areas.</p>
+
+<p>After the Sun Dance was concluded, the participants withdrew from the
+valley lands and retired to the Green River country and the mountains
+until the autumn buffalo hunt. At this time, the larger buffalo-hunt
+and Sun Dance group broke into small units and scattered in several
+directions. Shimkin maps some of the trails followed by the summer
+hunting parties (p. 249). Although there was considerable deviation
+from the trails he indicates, they show a penetration of the
+Yellowstone and Jackson Hole country, the Owl Creek Mountains, and the
+Green River and Bear River regions.</p>
+
+<p>Shimkin's chart of the yearly subsistence cycle shows June and July as
+a period of intertribal rendezvous while August and early September
+were spent in family groups (p. 279). My informants indicated that
+small groups of families were the essential social and economic units
+from June to September; the trade rendezvous held in the Green River
+country ended by 1840. Some Shoshone said the summer group
+consisted of only one tipi, while others claimed that this was a
+post-reservation pattern. In earlier times, it was said, the need for
+security from attack caused groups of from six to ten tipis (this
+figure is highly uncertain) to travel together. These summer groups
+were probably the most stable and cohesive units in Eastern Shoshone
+society, although there was a good deal of interchange of members.</p>
+
+<p>Although each summer group often followed the same general route every
+year, other groups could and did hunt this territory. There was no
+sense of group or band ownership of the lands habitually visited, and
+a group could alter or change its route. In June many people went to
+the Sweetwater region and across South Pass to hunt antelope. Antelope
+were also hunted at various times of the year north of Wind River on
+the benches at the foot of the Owl Creek Range and in the Green River
+country. In the latter area, the Eastern Shoshone were frequently
+joined in September by Shoshone and Bannock from Idaho.</p>
+
+<p>There were several routes to the Jackson Hole and Yellowstone country.
+The Yellowstone does not seem to have been visited as frequently
+before the final pacification of the area, owing, no doubt, to the
+proximity of Crow and Blackfoot. Some groups followed the most direct
+route&mdash;through the Wind River Valley and across Togwatee Pass (the
+present route of U. S. Highway 287). Others hunted first in the Owl
+Creek Mountains and then crossed west into the Wind River Valley at
+Dubois and thence through Togwatee Pass. Still another route led
+through the "Rough Trail," now called Washakie Pass, in the Wind River
+Range and gave access to the Pinedale area and the western slope of
+the range. From that point, groups hunted in this immediate region or
+went northwest to Jackson Hole or south to the Fort Bridger area. Any
+one of these routes could be used for the return to Wind River and the
+subsequent fall buffalo hunt, but there was a tendency to return by a
+different trail than that used on the outward trip.</p>
+
+<p>Summer subsistence activities were varied, but none called for
+extensive co&ouml;peration beyond the immediate family or the small summer
+group. Antelope hunting west of the Continental Divide called for
+some joint endeavor, though not on the scale of the buffalo hunt.
+Moose and elk were hunted by smaller parties in the high mountain
+parks and forests of the Wind River, Grand Teton, and Owl Creek
+Mountains. The last range was especially noted for a plentiful supply
+of mountain sheep. Deer were killed and rabbits were taken throughout
+the year. Sage hens were snared in the spring, and duck were killed on
+Bull Lake in Wind River Valley in the fall. After 1840, there were
+almost no buffalo left on the west side of the Wind River Range,
+although before that time they were pursued there by the Shoshone.
+However, the Wind River Valley abounded in buffalo until relatively
+late, for the worst excesses of the white hide-hunters did not begin
+until after the Civil War. Buffalo were also killed in the Owl Creek
+and Wind River foothills and were taken also in Jackson Hole and
+Yellowstone Park. Also, a smaller variety of buffalo, called timber
+buffalo, which did not follow the migratory pattern of the larger
+Plains type, was killed in the high mountain parks.</p>
+
+<p>Fish were of fundamental importance, especially, according to Shimkin
+(1947<i>a</i>, p. 268), during the spring. Mountain trout were the main
+fish; the Eastern Shoshone did not join their colinguists in salmon
+fishing on the Columbia waters, at least during this later period.
+Shimkin specifically states that "no private ownership of good fishing
+places existed, and dams and weirs were not maintained from year to
+year" (ibid.). This accords with our own field data.</p>
+
+<p>Summer economic activities involved little estensive co&ouml;peration and,
+since game was scattered through the mountains rather than
+concentrated in large herds, the small groups of families were the
+most effective economic units. It is significant in this connection
+that, as soon as the security of the country was guaranteed by the
+presence of the whites, the one-or two-tipi summer camp displaced its
+somewhat larger predecessor. Game in the pre-treaty period was
+plentiful in the Wyoming mountains and a single family or small group
+of tipis could gain adequate subsistence; the principal reason for
+larger gatherings in the summer was defense. The yield probably became
+better after camp groups became smaller, for locales were not hunted
+out as rapidly.</p>
+
+<p>The only economic activity other than the buffalo hunt which called
+for the co&ouml;peration of a large group of men was antelope hunting.
+Antelope were usually surrounded by the hunters and run in circles by
+relays of mounted men. Unlike the Nevada population, the Eastern
+Shoshone did not build brush corrals or employ antelope shamans.</p>
+
+<p>Women's economic life could be pursued by individuals. In addition to
+cooking, dressing skins, and other household chores, women's efforts
+provided all the vegetable foods consumed by the Shoshone. This
+activity went on from summer into fall. Various berries were
+collected; gooseberries, currants, buffalo berries, and chokecherries
+being the most important. All these berries grew near streams and
+ripened about August. Gooseberries and chokecherries can be found in
+the mountains and foothills while buffalo berries and currants grow in
+the lower valleys. The berries were dried and stored for future use.</p>
+
+<p>Roots, also, were a valuable adjunct to the diet. Yamp, the principal
+root, was found in the mountains. Bitterroot was dug on prairie hills,
+wild potatoes were found in the foothills, and the wild onion grew in
+the valley floors. Although special trips were not<span class="pagenum">[309]</span> made to root
+grounds (in contrast to the congregations for camas in Idaho) the
+women dug them out with pointed sticks near favorable hunting camps.
+One informant spoke, for example, of the rich yamp grounds in the Big
+Horn Mountains. All the women of the camp group went out together to
+dig roots. This was for purposes of companionship; each woman dug and
+kept her own tubers.</p>
+
+<p>In September, the scattered camp groups reunited at Wind River for the
+fall buffalo hunt. The buffalo was a critical factor in Wind River
+subsistence, for it provided the margin of survival through the long
+winter. The Eastern Shoshone were frequently joined in the buffalo
+hunt by other Shoshone from the Bear River country and, less often, by
+Shoshone and Bannock from Idaho. The last two groups usually hunted
+buffalo in Montana with certain Plateau tribes, and their routes did
+not usually coincide. Informants uniformly said that all the Eastern
+Shoshone went out to hunt buffalo together, and Shimkin (1947<i>a</i>, p.
+280) states that "in full strength, often with Bannocks or others
+accompanying them, they would cross the Wind River Range" for the fall
+hunt. It seems certain that, insofar as they may have penetrated far
+north into the Big Horn Basin, numerical strength was necessary during
+the immediate pre-reservation period and shortly thereafter.</p>
+
+<p>As the buffalo camp moved out on the range, scouts were sent ahead to
+locate the herds. The actual techniques used by hunters were much the
+same as among the Plains tribes. Ideally, two horses were used, one
+for riding within reach of the herd, the other a swift horse trained
+to run close to the buffalo while avoiding the animal's horns. The
+herd was surrounded and run, and the flanking hunters shot arrows and
+launched spears at the prey. When a buffalo was killed, the hunter
+threw an arrow or some personal, identifying possession on the carcass
+to mark it as his.</p>
+
+<p>This was apparently the main technique for buffalo hunting. They were
+not stampeded over cliffs, as was the practice of some Indian tribes.
+One informant said that Chief Washakie would not permit it for reasons
+of conservation. Occasionally, hunters on foot stalked and killed
+buffalo with the bow and arrow, but such activities did not take place
+during the communal hunts.</p>
+
+<p>When on the fall hunt, individual hunters did not attack the herds,
+for the animals might stampede for long distances after only one or
+two were killed. The fall hunt was organized co&ouml;peratively, but
+informants denied the existence of the typical Plains police, or
+soldier, societies or any comparable form of institutionalized
+discipline to prevent individual hunting.</p>
+
+<p>The time spent in the fall hunt, including travel, appears to have
+been about two months&mdash;from mid-September to mid-November. Meat and
+hides were prepared by the women and packed back to winter camp.
+Shimkin doubts the efficiency of the buffalo hunt (1947<i>a</i>, p. 266).
+If it is assumed that each family had from five to ten horses, three
+of which were needed to drag the tipi and utensil-loaded travois and
+three for riding, only two horses were, according to his reasoning,
+available for packing. Since one would be loaded with hides for trade,
+only one was available for carrying meat. The supply carried was
+sufficient for no more than twenty days, Shimkin concludes.</p>
+
+<p>The mounted buffalo hunters were not the only Shoshone inhabitants of
+Wyoming, and one more group remains to be discussed. In the mountain
+chain extending from the Wind River Range northwest to the Teton and
+Gros Ventres ranges and northward into Yellowstone lived a Shoshone
+population known as the Dukarika, or Sheepeaters. These Dukarika are
+not to be confused with a Shoshone population of the same name in the
+mountains of Idaho. The two were socially and geographically separate;
+their common name is due only to the fact that there were mountain
+sheep in the habitats of both. The name thus has no more significance
+in terms of political organization than do the food names applied to
+Shoshone living in certain areas of Nevada and Idaho.</p>
+
+<p>There is little documentary information on the Dukarika, and
+contemporary Wind River informants knew very little about them. Our
+earliest reference to these secluded people is found in Bonneville's
+journals, when, in September, 1833, three Indians were sighted in the
+Wind River Range. Irving writes (1850, p. 139):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Captain Bonneville at once concluded that these belonged to a
+kind of hermit race, scanty in number, that inhabit the highest
+and most inaccessible fastnesses. They speak the Shoshone
+language and probably are offsets from that tribe, though they
+have peculiarities of their own, which distinguish them from
+all other Indians. They are miserably poor, own no horses, and
+are destitute of every convenience to be derived from an
+intercourse with the whites. Their weapons are bows and
+stone-pointed arrows, with which they hunt the deer, the elk,
+and the mountain sheep. They are to be found scattered about
+the countries of the Shoshone, Flathead, Crow, and Blackfeet
+tribes; but their residences are always in lonely places, and
+the clefts of rocks.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Osborne Russell, when trapping in Lamar Valley in Yellowstone Park in
+July, 1835, observed (1955, p. 26):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Here we found a few Snake Indians comprising six men, seven
+women, and eight or ten children who were the only inhabitants
+of this lonely and secluded spot. They were all neatly clothed
+in dressed deer and sheep skins of the best quality and seemed
+to be perfectly contented and happy.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The Indians had "about thirty dogs on which they carried their skins,
+clothing, provisions, etc., on their hunting excursions. They were
+well armed with bows and arrows pointed with obsidian" (ibid.).
+Russell also saw other "Mountain Snakes" near the headwaters of the
+Shoshone River (ibid., p. 64). Speaking of the Dukarika, Hiram
+Chittenden says (1933, p. 8):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>It was a humble branch of the Shoshone family which alone is
+known to have dwelt in the region of Yellowstone Park. They
+were called Tuakuarika, or more commonly Sheepeaters. They were
+found in the park country at the time of its discovery, and had
+doubtless long been there. The Indians were veritable hermits
+of the mountains, utterly unfit for warlike contention, and
+seem to have sought immunity from their dangerous neighbors by
+dwelling among the inaccessible fastnesses of the mountains.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Chittenden continues:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>We-Saw [an Indian who accompanied Capt. Jones in 1873] states
+that he had neither knowledge nor tradition of any permanent
+occupants of the Park sav<span class="pagenum">[310]</span>e the timid Sheepeaters.... He said
+that his people [Shoshone], the Bannocks, and the Crows,
+occasionally visited the Yellowstone Lake and River.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Captain W. A. Jones, when on his 1873 expedition to Yellowstone Park,
+commented that one of the Indians with him, a Sheepeater, knew the
+route back to Wind River (Jones, 1875, p. 39). Beyond these few
+citations, the Sheepeaters are almost unmentioned.</p>
+
+<p>In contrast to the previously described Shoshone, the Dukarika
+traveled mostly on foot, although a very few had horses. They hunted
+timber buffalo near the mountain lakes and killed elk, deer, and the
+mountain sheep for which they were named. Antelope were occasionally
+hunted near Pinedale by those who owned horses. The best hunting
+grounds were considered to be those near Pinedale and on the west
+slope of the Wind River Range. Although some Sheepeaters inhabited
+Yellowstone Park, their main hunting grounds were farther south. The
+Sheepeaters were by no means the only Indians who made use of the
+Yellowstone region. Hultkrantz also mentions entry by parties of
+"Kiowa, Plains Shoshoni, Lemhi Shoshoni, Bannock, Crow, Blackfoot and
+Nez Perc&eacute;" (Hultkrantz, 1954, p. 140).</p>
+
+<p>All game was tracked and cornered by dogs and dispatched with the bow
+and arrow; the buffalo lance was used only by mounted hunters of
+Plains buffalo. Dogs were also used for packing&mdash;both on back and by
+travois.</p>
+
+<p>In addition to their hunting activities, the Sheepeaters speared trout
+in the spring and summer. Nets, traps, and weirs were apparently not
+used. They also made use of the wild vegetables (previously listed)
+that grow in the mountains.</p>
+
+<p>The Sheepeaters stayed in the mountains during the winter and did not
+join the valley winter camps of the buffalo hunters. They lived on
+stored meat and also continued to take elk, rabbits, and deer. Hunting
+was usually done on snowshoes.</p>
+
+<p>Their camp groups were small, and, although no exact figure could be
+obtained, they never numbered more than the occupants of a few
+buffalo-hide tipis. Each such group had its leader who decided the
+hunting itinerary. The Dukarikas had no over-all political
+organization; each small camp group was politically and economically
+autonomous. "Dukarika," then, can be assumed to be a term defining a
+type of economic adaptation rather than a social unit.</p>
+
+<p>The discreet Dukarika social units did not assert hunting rights to
+particular territories. Any group could hunt where it pleased, and
+they in no way resisted or resented the entry of the mounted Shoshone
+during the summer. Although they undoubtedly had contact with the
+latter, they did not join the spring or fall buffalo hunts, nor did
+they at any time during the pre-treaty period acknowledge the
+political leadership of the valley people. After the reservation was
+established, however, they left the mountains and settled in the Trout
+Creek section of the Wind River Reservation.</p>
+
+<h3>EASTERN SHOSHONE TERRITORY</h3>
+
+<p>Thus far, we have presented the pertinent historical data on Shoshone
+ecology in Wyoming and adjacent parts of northern Utah and we have
+described the annual cycle of economic activities during the early
+reservation period. The following summary of information on Eastern
+Shoshone territory will consider both kinds of data but will not
+attempt to delineate the social and political affiliations of the
+peoples using the lands. This subject, as the previously cited
+statement by Shimkin suggests (p. 300), is extremely complex and will
+be reserved for further discussion.</p>
+
+<p>The most perplexing problem presented by the Eastern Shoshone is the
+extent of their penetration into the Missouri River waters. Although
+the Shoshone evidently undertook forays at least as far east as Fort
+Laramie, contemporary informants and historical sources agree that
+their main hunting grounds extended no farther east than the
+Sweetwater and other headwaters of the North Platte River. We have no
+certain information of Shoshone use of lands east of the upper
+Sweetwater River, and informants gave no data on this sector.</p>
+
+<p>Wind River Shoshone informants relate the itineraries of
+buffalo-hunting parties northward into the Big Horn Basin. The fall
+and spring buffalo hunts were said to have taken place in the region
+of Thermopolis, Wyoming, and as far north as Cody and Greybull,
+Wyoming. The region east of the Big Horn Mountains was thought by
+informants to have been occasionally visited, but was acknowledged as
+the hunting grounds of hostile tribes. The presence of a "mixed party
+of Shoshone and Flatheads" in the Big Horn Mountains was noted by the
+westward-bound Astoria party in 1811 (Irving, 1890, p. 196) and
+indicates some early penetration of the area, although the presence of
+Flathead Indians suggests that the party had entered the area via
+Idaho and Montana and not from Green River. However, pre-reservation
+historical data show that before the 1840's the Eastern Shoshone
+largely restricted their buffalo hunting to the region west of the
+Continental Divide and sporadically penetrated the Wind River and Big
+Horn basins only after the buffalo disappeared from the country beyond
+the Rockies. Their entry into the eastern buffalo range became more
+frequent in the 1850's, but it by no means constituted an exclusive
+monopoly on lands there. They depended upon their numbers for
+protection and were forced to compete with other tribes for the right
+to hunt on the land. Their hunting excursions were in the nature of
+forays and were unsuccessful in some years. They enjoyed security and
+some assurance of success in the hunt only after they had been placed
+under the protection of Federal troops and the Crow had been placed on
+reservations. That the center of Shoshone occupancy lay west of the
+Continental Divide was affirmed by Chief Washakie. Agent Head wrote in
+1867 (1868, p. 186):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Washakee said that the country east from the Wind river
+mountains, to the settled portions of eastern Nebraska and
+Kansas, had always been claimed by four principal Indian
+tribes&mdash;the Sioux, Arapahoes, Cheyennes, and Crows.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Further evidence that the valleys of the Big Horn and Wind rivers were
+used only for buffalo hunting and not stably occupied in the
+pre-reservation period is indicated by the Shoshones' ignorance of the
+hunting grounds in the surrounding mountains. Captain Jones used
+Shoshone guides from Camp Brown on the new Wind River Reservation when
+he undertook his exploration of Yellowstone Park in 1873. The captain
+and his party penetrated the Owl Creek Range, north of the reservation
+and found at the head of Owl Creek a lovely park (Jones, 1875, p.
+54):</p><p><span class="pagenum">[311]</span></p>
+
+<blockquote><p>This park bears many evidences of having been used as a hiding
+place. Our Indians knew nothing of it, and yet there are all
+through it numerous trails, old lodge poles, bleached bones of
+game, and old camps of Cheyennes and Arapahoes.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Shimkin (1947<i>a</i>, p. 248) notes that this park was one of the "foci"
+of Shoshone nomadic activity, a place to which Wind River people
+repaired for summer hunting. Although this is true for later times, it
+certainly was not so in the pre-reservation period when hunts on the
+Missouri waters were conducted only for limited periods and in the
+plains and valleys where buffalo were to be found.</p>
+
+<p>Until the late 1860's the Wind River Valley and the Big Horn Basin and
+Mountains were zones of penetration rather than occupation of the
+Eastern Shoshone. Another such zone is in the Tetons and Yellowstone.
+This is confirmed by the journal of Captain Jones, who commented upon
+the unfamiliarity of his Shoshone guides with the country around
+Yellowstone Lake (Jones, 1875, p. 23). He wrote (p. 34):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>... the Indians have failed to find the trail back to
+Yellowstone Lake.... The explanation of this is that they are
+"Plains Indians," and are wholly unaccustomed to travel among
+forests like these.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Later, the exploring party reached the upper Yellowstone River, above
+the lake, where Jones commented (p. 39):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>We have now reached a country from which one of our Indians
+says he knows the way back to Camp Brown by the head of Wind
+River. He belongs to a band of Shoshones called "Sheepeaters,"
+who have been forced to live for a number of years in the
+mountains away from the tribe.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The Yellowstone area was frequently entered by the Crow and was
+evidently not a Shoshone hunting territory, except for the
+Sheepeaters. Jackson Hole is more commonly mentioned by informants as
+a place of summer hunting activity, but the above information from
+Jones would suggest that parties entered it from the Green River
+country rather than from Wind River. The Eastern Shoshone apparently
+did not move west of the Tetons except when visiting the Shoshone and
+Bannock of Idaho. It should be mentioned at this point that the
+Shoshone and Bannock also hunted in the Jackson Hole and Yellowstone
+country, probably to a greater extent than did the Eastern Shoshone,
+and the frequent mention of parties of Blackfoot and other hostiles in
+the country both east and west of the Teton Range indicates that the
+weaker Shoshone experienced no little danger there.</p>
+
+<p>The valley of the Salt River in western Wyoming was used by both Idaho
+and Wyoming Shoshone. Idaho Shoshone and Bannock frequently entered
+the valleys of the Green River and its tributaries to hunt antelope in
+the fall. These people apparently mixed so frequently with the Eastern
+Shoshone in this area that it is most expedient to differentiate the
+respective populations according to where they wintered. On the west,
+Wind River Shoshone informants now make little mention of any use of
+the Bear River and Bear Lake country, despite the apparent
+interchangeability of population in the pre-reservation period; again,
+it must be assumed that informant data does not much antedate the
+move to Wind River.</p>
+
+<p>The southern and southeastern limits of the Shoshone range in Wyoming
+are most vague. They probably extended as far south as the Yampa River
+in Colorado and the Uinta Range in Utah; Lander places their southern
+limits at Brown's Hole, in northwestern Colorado on the Green River
+(Lander, 1860, p. 121).</p>
+
+<p>It is doubtful whether the country as far east as the North Platte and
+south to the Yampa was intensively exploited. Informants knew of no
+significant activities which went on in those areas, although they
+thought that antelope were occasionally hunted there. Most agreed that
+the Sweetwater River and Rawlins, Wyoming, were in Shoshone country,
+but Casper, Wyoming, and the Medicine Bow Mountains were excluded.
+Shimkin's map shows no regular utilization of the southeastern corner
+of Shoshone country (Shimkin, 1947<i>a</i>, map 1, p. 249), although my
+informants spoke of antelope hunts on the south side of South Pass. We
+can conclude that this whole area was, like many other sections, an
+area of occasional penetration. It is doubtful whether the poorly
+watered country between the Green and North Platte rivers was
+intensively used by any Indian group.</p>
+
+<h3>SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION</h3>
+
+<p>A good deal of Eastern Shoshone social organization has already been
+described in the section on the subsistence cycle and in the context
+of historical data. Although the summer was spent in scattered groups,
+the collective buffalo hunt and the large winter camp made these
+Shoshone among the best organized of all the Shoshone population.
+Horses, a richer game supply, and the constant need for protection
+caused the Eastern Shoshone to travel in much larger groups than those
+of Nevada and perhaps also of Idaho, and leadership was,
+correspondingly, more highly developed. We hear early of the "'Horn
+Chief,' a distinguished chief and warrier of the Shoshonee tribe," who
+was frequently encountered in the Bear River region (Ferris, 1940, pp.
+71-73). Ferris also tells of two other Shoshone chiefs, but does not
+localize them or their following (p. 309):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The principal chief of the Snakes is called the "<i>Iron
+Wristband</i>," a deceitful fellow, who pretends to be a great
+friend of the whites, and promises to punish his followers for
+killing them or stealing their horses. The "<i>Little Chief</i>" a
+brave young warrior, is the most noble and honorable character
+among them.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Ferris also mentions a Shoshone leader named "Cut Nose," who, he said,
+assumed white dress and left the tribe (p. 310).</p>
+
+<p>During the 1840's the name of Washakie is mentioned with increasing
+frequency in historical sources and thereafter this chief overshadows
+all other leaders. We first hear of him from the trapper Russell who
+recorded a conversation at Weber River, Utah, in which the Shoshone
+leaders were discussed (Russell, 1921, pp. 114-116).</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>One remarked that the Snake chief, Pah-da-hewak um da was
+becoming very unpopular and it was the opinion of the Snakes in
+general that Moh-woom-hah, his brother, would be at the head of
+affairs before<span class="pagenum">[312]</span> twelve months, as his village already amounted
+to more than three hundred lodges, and, moreover, he was
+supported by the bravest men in the nation, among whom were
+Ink-a-tosh-a-pop, Fibe-bo-un-to-wat-see and Who-sha-kik, who
+were the pillars of the nation and at whose names the Blackfeet
+quaked with fear.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The death of the first two brothers in 1842 and 1843 resulted in
+considerable disorganization, according to Russell, and "the tribe
+scattered in smaller villages over the country in consequence of
+having no chief who could control and keep them together" (pp.
+145-146).</p>
+
+<p>Washakie is next mentioned in Hamilton's journal as a Shoshone chief
+encountered on Wind River (Hamilton, 1905, p. 63). In 1849, Agent
+Wilson listed him among the chiefs of the mounted Shoshone (J. Wilson,
+1849, p. 1002).</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The principal chiefs of the Sho-sho-nies are Mono, about
+forty-five years old, so called from a wound in the face or
+cheek, from a ball that disfigures him; Wiskin, Cut-hair;
+Washikick, Gourd-rattle, (with whom I have had an interview;)
+and Oapichi, Big Man. Of the Sho-sho-nees Augatsira is the most
+noted.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Washakie maintained good relations with the whites and in 1852
+appeared in Salt Lake City to arrange peaceful trade with the Mormons.
+Also in 1852, Brigham Young's peace conference between the Ute and
+Shoshone included "Anker-howhitch (Arrow-pine being sick) and
+thirty-four lodges; on the part of the Shoshones, Wah-sho-kig,
+To-ter-mitch, Watchenamp, Ter-ret-e-ma, Pershe-go, and twenty-six
+lodges...." (Young, 1852, p. 437). Of these five Shoshone chiefs, only
+Washakie is subsequently mentioned in the literature. Brigham Young
+apparently recognized Washakie as the leader of the Eastern Shoshone,
+for in or about 1854 he sent a Mormon, Bill Hickman, to establish
+contact with Washakie in the Green River country (Hickman, 1872, p.
+105). Superintendent Forney reported of the Shoshone in 1859 (1860<i>a</i>,
+p. 731):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>One of these [the fourteen bands listed by Forney], by common
+consent, is denominated a tribe, and is under the complete
+control of Chief Was-a-kee, assisted by four to six sub-chiefs.
+These number, at least, twelve hundred.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>If this census is accurate, this number must have included most of the
+Eastern Shoshone population.</p>
+
+<p>Washakie gained fame as the friend of the white man. This reputation
+was well deserved, for the wagon route through southwestern Wyoming
+was made quite safe for the emigrants through his efforts.
+Furthermore, hostile, predatory bands never developed among the
+Eastern Shoshone as they did among the Shoshone and Paiute to the
+west. In a report dated February, 1860, Lander observed (1860, p.
+121): "No instance is on record of the Eastern Snakes having committed
+outrages upon the whites." We obtain a fuller description of Washakie
+in the same report (p. 122).</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Wash-ikeek, the principal Chief of the tribe, is half Flathead.
+He obtained his popularity in the nation by various feats as a
+warrior and, it is urged by some of the mountaineers, by his
+extreme severity. This has, in one or two instances, extended
+so far as taking life. The word Washikee or Washikiek signifies
+"Gambler's Gourd." He was originally called "Pina-qua-na" or
+"Smell of Sugar." "Push-i-can" or "Pur-chi-can," another war
+chief of the Snakes, bears upon his forehead the scar of a blow
+of the tomahawk given by Washikee in one of these altercations.
+Washikee, who is also known by the term of "the white man's
+friend," was many years ago in the employment of the American
+and Hudson's Bay Fur Companies. He was the constant companion
+of the white trappers, and his superior knowledge and
+accomplishments may be attributed to this fact.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Other names than that of Washakie are noted among the lists of chiefs
+in Wyoming and Utah during the early 1860's. Among the Indians
+reported killed at Bear River in 1863 were Bear Hunter, Sagwich, and
+Leight (War of the Rebellion, 1902, p. 187). In the same source, the
+chiefs Pocatello and San Pitch were said to be still at large. These
+chiefs were usually in Utah and were independent of Washakie's band,
+although the relations between Wyoming and Bear River would suggest
+considerable interchange, even inseparability, of population. The
+virtual impossibility of dividing bands and populations during this
+period is indicated by Doty's list of the participants in the Fort
+Bridger Treaty of 1863. Doty claimed that between three and four
+thousand Indians were represented by the signatories and over one
+thousand people were present at the treaty (1865, p. 319):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>They are known as Waushakee's band (who is the principal chief
+of the nation), Wonapitz's band, Shauwuno's band, Tibagan's
+band, Peoastogah's band, Totimee's band, Ashingodimah's band
+(he was killed at the battle on Bear River) Sagowitz's band
+(wounded at the same battle) Oretzimawik's band, Bazil's band,
+Sanpitz's band. The bands of this chief and of Sagowitz were
+nearly exterminated in the same battle.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>In a later compendium of chiefs Powell and Ingalls listed Sanpits as a
+Cache Valley chief over a group of 124, Sai-guits as the leader of 158
+Shoshone also in Cache Valley, Tav-i-wun-shean as headman at Bear Lake
+with 17 people, and Po-ka-tel-lo as chief over 101 Indians at Goose
+Creek (Powell and Ingalls, 1874, p. 419).</p>
+
+<p>Washakie evidently owed his position to a combination of his status as
+a war-leader, as a recognized intermediary with the whites, and as an
+unusually strong personality. However, as we shall see later, there
+were other chiefs among the Wyoming Shoshone, and Washakie's position,
+although always strong, was never completely unchallenged. Much of his
+strength derived from recognition by the whites, and the government
+officials made every effort to bolster Washakie's prestige actively.
+Lander, for example, urged: "Any steps which could be taken to augment
+the power of Washakee, who is perfectly safe in his attachment to the
+Americans and northern mountaineers, would also prove beneficial"
+(Lander, 1860, p. 123). Also, Agent Mann reported in 1868 the
+deviation of many Shoshone from Washakie's leadership in the following
+terms (1869, p. 618):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>This diminution of his strength is not satisfactory to
+Washakie; hence I have instructed all who have<span class="pagenum">[313]</span> the means and
+are not too aged belonging to these bands to follow Washakie,
+impressing them with the fact that he alone is recognized as
+their head, and assuring them that if they expect to share the
+reward they must participate in all dangers incident to the
+tribe. [Mann refers to residence on the often attacked Wind
+River Reservation.]</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>This situation grew worse shortly after the treaty. Mann reported in
+1869 (1870, p. 716): "A strong party is now separated from Washakie,
+and under the leadership of a half-breed, who has always sustained a
+good character, but who is, nevertheless, crafty and somewhat
+ambitious." Mann's successor. Captain J. H. Patterson, said in the
+same year. (Patterson, 1870, p. 717):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Washakie, the head chief, is rapidly losing his influence in
+the tribe, though he has yet the larger band under his
+immediate command; all or nearly all of the young men are with
+the other chiefs. This division looks badly.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>He goes on to identify some of these chiefs (ibid.):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Shortly after my arrival [June 24, 1869] Nar-kok's band of
+Shoshones came in to receive their goods. Washakie's,
+Tab-on-she-ya's, and Bazil's bands were near at hand.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The size of these bands is indicated in the following year, when Agent
+Fleming commented that Washakie's people "were joined by Tab-en-shen
+and Bazil, with about 64 lodges" (G. W. Fleming, 1871, p. 644).
+However, Washakie maintained his position of spokesman for the Eastern
+Shoshone. Governor J. A. Campbell claimed in 1870 (1871, p. 639):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Wash-a-kie ... has great influence with his tribe, which I have
+endeavored to retain for him by always recognizing him as their
+chief, and referring all others of his tribe to him as the only
+one through whom I can hold any communication with them.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Wind River Shoshone informants showed more confusion over
+chieftainship and patterns of leadership, in general, than on any
+other subject. All knew of Washakie and recognized his chieftaincy,
+but of those chiefs mentioned in sources confirmation was received
+only of Nar-kok, and this from but one informant. Shimkin mentions
+four main bands, each with its own chief (1947<i>a</i>, p. 247):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The band led by Ta'wunasia would go down the Sweetwater to the
+upper North Platte [for the buffalo hunt]. That led by
+Di'kandimp went straight east to the Powder River Valley; that
+led by No'oki skirted the base of the Big Horn Mountains,
+passing through Crow territory, then swung south again to the
+Powder River Valley. Washakie ascended Big Wind River, and then
+crossed the divide to winter near the headquarters of the
+Greybull.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Except for Washakie, No'oki was the only one of the above chiefs given
+also by our informants. Parenthetically, it should be emphasized that
+most of our informants stated that all the Eastern Shoshone hunted
+buffalo together for self-protection. The preceding historical
+account also suggests that Shimkin's data do not represent a stable
+traditional pattern, since the Plains were almost untenable until
+after the treaty, except for short hunts in strength.</p>
+
+<p>The following is a list of Wind River chiefs in the early reservation
+period, as given by informants. It should be remembered that a man
+might have more than one name, and phonetic transcriptions usually
+vary according to the recorder (and the informant).</p>
+
+<p>
+<span class="in2">Wantsea</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Wanhi (Wantni)</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Ohata (Ohotwe)</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Dupeship&ouml;oi (Dup&iacute;shibowoi)</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Dabunesiu</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Bohowansiye (Bohowosa)</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Witungak</span><br />
+<span class="in2">D&ouml;notsi</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Noki (No'oki of Shimkin)</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Wohowat</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Yohod&ouml;katsi</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Noiohugo</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Tagi</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Tishawa</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Wahawiichi</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Sunup</span><br />
+<span class="in2">Nakok (Narkok)</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>Washakie was mentioned by most informants as the head chief of the
+Eastern Shoshone. One old woman, however, said that he was more of a
+chief in the eyes of the whites than among the Shoshone; another
+commented that there were many chiefs, but that only Washakie was
+known by the whites. Washakie's most important function was to
+represent the Shoshone before the whites; this is understandable since
+the whites would deal with nobody else.</p>
+
+<p>It was also commonly agreed that Washakie led the collective buffalo
+hunt, although the oldest man on the reservation claimed that there
+were many chiefs and that there was no special leader for the buffalo
+hunt. Informants said, furthermore, that the head chief acted as such
+only during those times of the year when all the people were together.
+Some stated that he directed them to the winter encampment and told
+them where to go in springtime and summer. Washakie was said to have
+acted at these times in council with the lesser chiefs and decisions
+were made known to the camp through an announcer. One informant said
+that Noki (No'oki) acted as announcer. The statement that Washakie
+assigned summer hunting areas to bands is undoubtedly erroneous, for
+it conflicts with the testimony of most informants that each group
+went where it chose.</p>
+
+<p>There was also disagreement on the extent of Washakie's influence.
+According to some informants, the term "Buffalo Eaters," as applied to
+Washakie's Wind River band, did not denote the people in the Green
+River country. Wanhi was said to be the chief of the people in the
+Fort Bridger area and not Washakie, who was chief only in Wind River.
+This division probably refers to the split between those who chose to
+settle on the reservation and those who did not.</p>
+
+<p>Despite considerable confusion about the role of the subchiefs, or
+lesser chiefs, they appear to have been men of prestige who had their
+own small following, although they recognized the personal influence
+of Washakie during large gatherings and general band endeavors. When
+not on the buffalo hunt or in winter camp these smaller groups of
+families, led by one or two of the minor leaders, functioned
+autonomously. Their itineraries and activities have already been
+described.</p>
+
+<p>The small band was undoubtedly a much more basic unit in Eastern
+Shoshone society than the "tribe" as a whole. Intermarriage linked the
+small camp groups, although one could marry into his own unit if
+incest<span class="pagenum">[314]</span> rules, as determined by kinship bonds, were not violated.
+There was no obligatory rule of residence, but the couple more
+frequently resided after marriage with the bride's family. This was
+not necessarily a permanent arrangement, and visits were made to the
+families of either mate for extended periods. This, combined with
+individual freedom of choice of band membership, caused affiliations
+to be shifting and fluid. Ultimately these Shoshone were bilocal and
+neolocal. As has been said, the bands were not territory-owning units,
+and their chief functions were to provide economic co&ouml;peration and
+defense against enemies.</p>
+
+<p>Leadership was an attained status and was not transmitted by descent.
+Raynolds, however, refers to Cut-Nose as being the "hereditary chief
+of the Snakes," according to information received from Jim Bridger
+(Raynolds, 1868, p. 95), and the reservation chieftaincy passed
+patrilineally in Washakie's family until the Reorganization Act
+established the tribal council. However, all informants agreed that
+one became a chief owing to merit&mdash;primarily through renown as a
+warrior. That the chieftaincy was neither inherited nor permanent is
+indicated by the proliferation of chiefs' names in historical sources.
+Except for such figures as Washakie and Pocatello, a chief is rarely
+mentioned twice, and it can be hypothesized that many were the leaders
+of ephemeral predatory bands that arose for specific purposes of
+defense or agression against the whites and dissolved shortly after
+the period of emergency passed. Finally, any man who had achieved
+renown and prestige or was the leader of a camp group, was known as a
+"chief," for the lack of institutionalization and formalization of the
+office made its tenure most nebulous.</p>
+
+<p>It was not even necessary that a Shoshone chief be a Shoshone. During
+1858, we hear of a Delaware Indian named Ben Simons, undoubtedly a
+former fur trapper, who was at the head of some 150-400 Shoshone on
+the upper Bear River (Gove, 1928, pp. 133, 146, 277). And Washakie,
+himself, was born into the Flathead tribe. Washakie's Flathead father
+was killed by the Blackfoot, and his mother sought refuge with the
+Lemhi River Shoshone of Idaho. He eventually gained renown in the
+Green and Bear River country as a warrior and attained his final
+position as a successful mediator with the whites.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, Washakie's career gives additional evidence that there were
+no hard and fast lines between the so-called "Eastern Shoshone" and
+other Shoshone groups. Washakie's wanderings, according to Wilson,
+took him into Utah, Idaho, and Montana (E. N. Wilson, 1926, pp.
+68-73). This was consistent with the general Shoshone pattern of
+visiting between areas for short or extended periods. The unique
+character of Washakie's leadership can best be explained in terms of
+contact with the whites and the Shoshones' need to expand into the
+buffalo grounds east of the Rocky Mountains. First, Washakie united
+and represented all those Shoshone who did not choose to join their
+fellows in northern Utah and southern Idaho in hostilities against the
+whites. Second, Washakie was an able and vigorous war leader under
+whom the embattled Shoshone could rally. Although at no time a
+separate, territorially distinct and exclusive group, the Eastern
+Shoshone evidently became somewhat differentiated from their people to
+the west by the latter's long distance from the shrinking buffalo
+grounds and by their distaste for the warlike activities of their Utah
+and Idaho fellows. The Eastern Shoshone, however, did not attempt to
+maintain the area over which they roamed to the exclusion of other
+Shoshone and of the Bannock. Their neighbors and colinguists to the
+west, if they were properly mounted, could and did join with them in
+buffalo hunting.</p><hr class="chap" /><p><span class="pagenum">[315]</span></p>
+
+<h2 id="III">III. THE SHOSHONE AND BANNOCK OF IDAHO</h2>
+
+<p>The Shoshone of western Wyoming were a mobile population whose primary
+subsistence was provided by buffalo herds. The Shoshone of Idaho
+showed no such unity of ecological adaptation, for the region was
+inhabited by mounted buffalo hunters and by less prosperous Shoshone
+who fished and gathered wild vegetables for a livelihood. While the
+buffalo hunters tended to be located in the southeastern part of Idaho
+and the fishing and gathering peoples in the southwestern, the mounted
+hunters traveled throughout the southern part of the state and, at
+certain times of the year, mingled with the poorer, footgoing Indians.</p>
+
+<p>Because of this diversity we have divided Idaho into six subregions
+and present the historical and ethnographic data pertinent to each
+area under a separate heading. Indians mentioned in the historical
+sources are not always easily identifiable as Shoshone, Bannock, or
+Northern Paiute, and a great deal of confusion between the last two is
+inherent in their linguistic bond. We shall use the name Bannock in
+its most common sense to designate the mounted, buffalo-hunting
+Mono-Bannock speakers of Idaho; Northern Paiute refers specifically to
+the Mono-Bannock population to the west of the Shoshone. In many
+instances we cannot be certain that the Indians encountered by one or
+another traveler were permanent residents of the area. Permanency, in
+any event, is a rather doubtful attribute of this highly nomadic
+people; the term cannot be used except as a designation for the people
+who customarily spend the winter in a certain area, and even with this
+limitation it must be used with caution.</p>
+
+<h3>LINGUISTICS</h3>
+
+<p>All of the groups discussed in this chapter except the Bannock speak
+the Shoshone-Comanche, or Shoshone, language. While there were only
+minor differences of dialect between Shoshone speakers, the Bannock
+language was almost identical with Northern Paiute. Informants found
+an especially close affinity between Bannock and the language of the
+Oregon Paiute, who were frequently referred to as "Bannock" also and
+were sometimes distinguished from the Fort Hall Bannock only by the
+statement that "they live in Burns" (a town in Oregon). While some
+informants referred to the Oregon speakers of Mono-Bannock as
+"Paiute," this term was generally reserved for the population of
+west-central Nevada, and "Pyramid Lake" was the locale in which the
+Idaho Shoshone generally placed the "Paiute." The inhabitants of Duck
+Valley Indian Reservation were not so vague; they readily
+distinguished between Shoshone and "Paiute" on linguistic and other
+grounds. This is understandable because the Shoshone had lived a long
+time on the same reservation as the Oregon speakers of Mono-Bannock,
+who were officially designated as Paiute. While no vocabularies were
+collected on the Fort Hall Reservation among either the Shoshone or
+Bannock populations, data from informants on the similarity of Paiute
+and Bannock more than confirm Steward's statement (1938, p. 198):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The linguistic similarity of the Bannock and Northern Paiute
+(see vocabularies, pp. 274-275) leaves no doubt that they once
+formed a single group, though within historic times they have
+been separated by 200 miles.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The vocabularies to which Steward refers were taken from Northern
+Paiute at Mill City, a town southwest of Winnemucca, Nevada, and at
+George's Creek, in Owens Valley, California. It is probable that
+correspondences would have been even closer if vocabularies had been
+taken among the Northern Paiute of Oregon, for Fort Hall Bannock
+informants specifically stated that their language was more akin to
+that of the Oregon Paiute; the Pyramid Lake people were said to "talk
+fast" or "talk funny." The frequent designation of the Oregon Paiute
+as "Bannock" by both Bannock and Shoshone at Fort Hall Reservation
+bespeaks the linguistic similarity or virtual identity of the
+languages of the respective groups.</p>
+
+<p>As for Shoshone and Bannock, the two languages were not sufficiently
+similar to be mutually intelligible, although there are a great many
+cognate words. However, they were not so far removed from one another
+as to make bilingualism difficult. There was considerable bilingualism
+among the population of the Fort Hall plains.</p>
+
+<h3>GENERAL DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION</h3>
+
+<p>The following division of the Shoshone-Bannock population of Idaho
+into six main groups is admittedly arbitrary, although to a certain
+extent the sectors conform to actual sociopolitical groups or to
+populations designated by certain characteristics recognized by the
+Indians themselves. Proceeding from west to east, these are: (1) the
+population of the Boise and Weiser River valleys; (2) the Shoshone
+Indians of the middle course of the Snake River between Glenn's Ferry
+and Shoshone Falls and in the interior on both sides of the river; (3)
+the Shoshone of the Sawtooth Mountains, west of the Lemhi River,
+Idaho; (4) the population of Bannock Creek, Idaho, and south therefrom
+to Bear River; (5) the Shoshone and Bannock of the Fort Hall plains on
+the upper Snake River; and (6) the Shoshone Indians of the Lemhi
+River.</p>
+
+<p>It will be seen that the Shoshone population of Idaho was by no means
+a unitary one, either socially or culturally. The people of these six
+areas were not politically interrelated, nor were the populations of
+each area integrated social or political units, although the Fort Hall
+and Lemhi River people were more highly organized than those of other
+areas. On the contrary, the Indians subsumed under each of the six
+divisions primarily consist of people who lived under similar
+ecological conditions and dwelt in geographical contiguity. Some
+shared roughly the same nomadic pattern and united upon occasion for
+diverse reasons. The populations represented by our sixfold division
+interacted more frequently for economic, social, and religious
+purposes with people within the area than they did with those from
+other areas.</p><p><span class="pagenum">[316]</span></p>
+
+<p>Although strong patterns of leadership and a tightly nucleated society
+were alien to the Shoshone in general, the Shoshone gave verbal
+recognition to the more frequent interaction that existed between
+neighboring families or camp groups, especially when such
+neighborhoods were geographically discontinuous with other
+neighborhoods. Also, differences in food resources and habits of
+peoples of certain demarcated ecological provinces apparently
+impressed other Shoshone as significant criteria by which the people
+of these neighborhoods could be named. This is the only logical
+explanation for the common pattern among Northern Paiute and Shoshone
+of the Great Basin of food names applied to the people of certain
+neighborhoods. Thus we have "Wada Seed Eaters," "Salmon Eaters," etc.
+In fact, it was quite common for the populations so designated to call
+themselves by these names, although this was not always so. In any
+event, it would be erroneous to say that such appellations implied
+membership in any social group, whether defined by united political
+leadership or by kinship. That individual families subsumed under some
+name, usually derived from food habits, tended to act more frequently
+together than with more distant neighbors cannot be denied, nor can we
+ignore the fact that common environment tended to induce a
+common subsistence pattern. That such groups were organized,
+territory-holding units cannot be simply assumed without supporting
+evidence, and this evidence is lacking. This view is shared by
+Steward, who summarizes the political significance of the food names
+in the following passage (Steward, 1939, p. 262):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The emphasis, I think, is clearly upon the territory rather
+than upon any unified group of people occupying it. The extent
+of the people so designated depended upon the extent of the
+geographical feature or food in question. A name might apply to
+a single village, a valley, or a number of valleys. Some Snake
+River Shoshone vaguely called all Nevada Shoshone Pine Nut
+Eaters, the pinyon nut not occurring in Idaho. Furthermore,
+several names might be used for the same people. This system of
+nomenclature served in a crude way to identify people by their
+habitat. Upon moving to new localities, they acquired new
+names.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>In general, the remarks above apply to our Boise-Weiser, Bannock
+Creek, middle Snake River, and Sawtooth Mountains populations and to
+the Shoshone of Nevada. The Indians of the Fort Hall plains and the
+Lemhi River were somewhat different. Both had horses at a relatively
+early period, were involved in frequent wars, and pursued the buffalo.
+These factors tended to promote a somewhat different sociopolitical
+organization than we find farther west. Band organization, however
+fluid and shifting, did exist in the Fort Hall and Lemhi areas.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, it should be remembered that the Indians of our six regions
+frequently wandered far from the areas designated. The areas, then,
+were centers of gravity in a migratory life. They were areas where
+subsistence was commonly obtained by the populations in question and,
+more important, where winter, the most sedentary season of the year,
+was passed.</p>
+
+<h3>THE BOISE AND WEISER RIVERS</h3>
+
+<p>The region of the Boise, Payette, and Weiser rivers and the near-by
+shores of the Snake River are of considerable importance because of
+the contiguity of Shoshone and Northern Paiute populations in this
+area. We will present the historical data pertinent to an
+understanding of the mode and extent of Shoshone ecology there and
+will then give the material gathered through recent ethnographic
+investigation.</p>
+
+<p>Our earliest information on this region comes from the Stuart diary of
+the Astoria party. Stuart wrote of the Boise River (1935, p. 83):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>... the most renowned Fishing place in this Country. It is
+consequently the resort of the majority of the Snakes, where
+immense numbers of Salmon are taken.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The Hunt party arrived at the Boise River on November 21, 1811, and
+met well-clad and mounted Indians there (ibid., p. 295). One week
+later, the party came to Mann's Creek, a tributary of the Weiser
+River, and there found "some huts of Chochonis" (p. 296):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>They had just killed two young horses to eat. It is their only
+food except for the seed of a plant which resembles hemp and
+which they pound very fine.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>In the mountains between Mann's Creek and the Snake River some dozen
+huts of "Chochonies" were encountered (p. 299); the journals use Snake
+and "Chochoni" or "Shoshonie" interchangeably.</p>
+
+<p>The 1818-19 journals of Alexander Ross gave considerable
+attention to hostilities between the "Snakes" and the Sahaptin
+("Shaw-ha-ap-tens")-speaking peoples (Ross, 1924, pp. 171, 210, 214).
+Part of this action took place in southwestern Idaho. Ross attempted
+to arrange peace between the hostile populations and wrote of a
+council held there under the chiefs "Pee-eye-em" and "Ama-qui-em" and
+participated in by the "Shirry-dikas," "War-are-ree-kas," and
+"Ban-at-tees" (p. 243). The two chiefs, said by Ross to be brothers,
+were previously mentioned as the "principal chiefs" of "the great
+Snake nation" (p. 238). They belonged to the people called
+"Shirry-dika," a buffalo-hunting population, for Ross spoke of the
+acquiescence of "Ama-ketsa," a chief of the "War-are-ree-kas"
+(fish-eaters, according to Ross), in the maintenance of peace and the
+cowing of the "Ban-at-tees" by the two leaders (p. 246). Ross
+represents the Shoshone as having a very large population; those at
+the peace conference were said to have stretched their camps along
+both sides of a stream for a distance of seven miles. The
+"Shirry-dikas" are depicted as the most powerful, and the
+"War-are-ree-kas," though numerous, are said to lack power and unity.
+The "Ban-at-tees, or Mountain Snakes" are described as a fragmented
+population, living in the mountain fastnesses and preying upon the
+trappers. This seems to characterize the Northern Paiute of Oregon
+more accurately than the mounted buffalo-hunting Bannock of
+southeastern Idaho.</p>
+
+<p>The journal of John Work in June, 1832, mentioned (Work, 1923, pp.
+165-167) "Snake" Indians on the Payette River, immediately below the
+mouth of Big Willow Creek; on Little Willow Creek; on the Weiser
+River; and on the east bank of the Snake River, between the mouths of
+the Payette and the Weiser. Work used the term Snake in a broad sense
+and we cannot identify this population as Shoshone with certainty. The
+Indians had horses, and may thus have been a buffalo-hunting group
+that had traveled west for salmon. Nathaniel Wyeth entered one of the
+western Idaho valleys in<span class="pagenum">[317]</span> October of the same year and observed
+"extensive camps of Indians about one month old. Here they find salmon
+in a creek running through it and dig the Kamas root but not an Indian
+was here at this time" (Wyeth, 1899, p. 172). Wyeth was on the Boise
+River in August, 1834, and encountered "a small village of Snakes."
+His party proceeded on to the Snake River where they found "a few
+lodges of very impudent Pawnacks" (p. 229). "Bannock" Indians were
+also encountered on the Boise River in 1833 by Bonneville's party
+(Irving, 1837, 2:38) and in the following year his journals noted that
+"formidable bands of the Banneck Indians were lying on the Bois&eacute;e and
+Payette Rivers" (p. 194). The Bannock, or the Indians so termed by our
+sources, evidently lived near the confluence of these streams with the
+Snake River, for John Townsend, a young naturalist who joined Wyeth's
+party, reported several groups of about twenty Indians fishing in the
+Boise River each of which identified itself as Shoshone (Townsend,
+1905, pp. 206-207). Farther down the Boise River the party "came to a
+village consisting of thirty willow lodges of the Pawnees (Bannocks)"
+(p. 210). The Shoshone and the Mono-Bannock speakers did not maintain
+complete separateness, however, for Townsend wrote (1905, p. 266) that
+the party met some ten lodges of "Snakes and Bannecks" on the west
+side of the Snake River, near Burnt River.</p>
+
+<p>The identity of the above-mentioned Bannock is somewhat doubtful.
+Farnham met a number of Shoshone Indians engaged in fishing the Boise
+River in September, 1839 (Farnham, 1843, pp. 75-76). Some thirty
+traveling miles downstream from Boise, however, he noted in apparent
+contradiction of Townsend, that there were no more "Shoshonie," for
+"they dare not pass the boundary line between themselves and the
+Bonacks." The Bannock are described as a "fierce, warlike, and
+athletic tribe inhabiting that part of Saptin or Snake River which
+lies between the mouth of Boisais or Reed's River and the Blue
+Mountains." The question arises whether the Bannock mentioned in the
+sources were the buffalo-hunting Mono-Bannock speakers who regularly
+inhabited the upper Snake River or whether they followed the fishing
+and seed-collecting pattern of the Mono-Bannock speakers of Oregon.
+Townsend's report of their use of willow lodges suggests that they
+were Mono-Bannock, but Farnham observed that the Bannock found on the
+Snake River made war on the Crow and Blackfoot (p. 76). This would
+definitely suggest life during part of the year in southeastern Idaho
+and, also, the pursuit of the buffalo. Later historical data and the
+testimony of contemporary informants suggest that both the Oregon and
+eastern Idaho populations of Mono-Bannock speakers fished on the Snake
+River and in the lower reaches of the Boise and Weiser rivers. There
+was no clear boundary between the Shoshone and the Oregon people
+termed Northern Paiute, and the mounted buffalo-hunting Bannock also
+visited western Idaho to fish for salmon. It is thus doubtful whether
+the ambiguities of the historical sources will ever be resolved.</p>
+
+<p>The subsequent historical references to the native population of this
+region cover the outbreak of hostilities against the white emigrants
+on the Oregon Trail and the subsequent attempts to establish peace
+with the Indians and place them on reservations. In 1862 Special
+Indian Agent Kirkpatrick surveyed the southwestern Idaho Indians and
+reported: "The Winnas band of Snakes inhabit the country north of
+Snake river, and are found principally on the Bayette, Boise and
+Sickley Rivers" (Kirkpatrick, 1863, p. 412). He reported them as
+warlike and numbering some 700 to 800 people. Kirkpatrick's "Winnas
+band" probably corresponds to the designation of the "Wihinasht" in
+the Handbook of American Indians; these are said to be "a division of
+Shoshoni, formerly in western Idaho, north of Snake River and in the
+vicinity of Boise City" (Hodge, 1910, 2:951). During our field work,
+we found that the term "Wihinait" was often applied generically to the
+Shoshone population of Fort Hall Reservation.</p>
+
+<p>In later years, other bands are reported in southwestern Idaho.
+Governor Caleb Lyon made a treaty with "San-to-me-co and the headmen
+of the Boise Shoshonees" on October 10, 1864 (Lyon, 1866, p. 418) and
+in the following year placed some 115 "Boise Shoshone" at Fort Boise
+(Lyon, 1867, p. 187). Special Indian Agent Hough mentioned Boise,
+Bruneau, and Kammas bands of Shoshone in 1866 and commented: "The
+Bruneau and Boise are so intermarried that they are in fact all one
+people and are closely connected by blood, visiting each other as
+frequently as they dare pass over the country" (Hough, 1867, p. 189).
+Governor Ballard, in the same year, reported that the "Boise
+Shoshones" numbered 200; insecurity due to Indian-white hostilities
+kept them from camas-root digging during the summer (Ballard, 1867, p.
+190). In 1867 many Shoshone of the Boise and Bruneau rivers and a
+group of Bannock were placed temporarily on the Boise River, some
+thirty miles upstream from Boise (Powell, 1868, p. 252). The Bannock
+were said to have been under the leadership of a chief named "Bannock
+John"; the report, dated July 31, 1867, also mentioned that these
+Bannock engaged in salmon fishing in the Boise River and camas
+collection on Camas Prairie during the summer, but intended to go east
+for the buffalo hunt in the fall. That the above Bannock were mounted
+buffalo hunters rather than Oregon Paiute seems manifest from this
+statement. This was not the only Bannock band, however, for on July
+15, 1867, Agent Mann of Fort Bridger, Wyoming, reported a conversation
+with "Tahjee, the chief of the Bannacks" in which he learned that
+"there does exist a very large band of Bannacks, numbering more than
+100 lodges" (Mann, 1868, p. 189). Mann stated that 50 lodges of these
+Indians were present that year. This and other references to the
+diverse, but simultaneous, locations of the Bannock suggest that they
+were not a unitary political entity.</p>
+
+<p>References to the Bannock and to the Shoshone on the Boise and Bruneau
+rivers continue during the next two years. Powell gave their numbers
+in 1868 as 100, 283, and 300, respectively, and stated (C. F. Powell,
+1869, p. 662):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>... [the Bannock] remained under my charge for several months,
+when they were permitted to go on their regular buffalo hunt,
+their country ranging through eastern Idaho and Montana. When
+through their hunt they return to the Boise and Bruneau camp;
+they and the Boise and Bruneau are on the best of terms, all
+being more or less intermarried.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Ballard reported that on August 26, 1867, a treaty was signed by
+Tygee, Peter, To-so-copy-natey, Pah Vissigin, McKay, and Jim, in which
+the Bannock agreed to settle on Fort Hall (Ballard, 1869, p. 658); the
+Bannock and also the Bruneau and Boise Shoshone were removed from the
+Boise Valley on December 2, 1868, and brought to Fort Hall (C. F.
+Powell, 1870,<span class="pagenum">[318]</span> p. 728). They were joined there by 500 Bannock under
+Tygee, who had just returned from a joint buffalo hunt with the
+Eastern Shoshone in Wind River Valley (p. 729). Indian Agent Danilson
+of Fort Hall wrote that in 1869 there were 600 Bannock, 200 Boise
+Shoshone, 100 Bruneau Shoshone, and 200 Western Shoshone on the
+reservation (Danilson, 1870, p. 729). The beginning of the reservation
+period marks the effective end of the independent occupancy of the
+Idaho area by the Shoshone and Bannock. The rest of this section deals
+with ethnographic data. In regard to extent of Shoshone settlement,
+Omer Stewart has reported that eastern Oregon, about the mouths of the
+Malheur and Owyhee rivers, and southwest Idaho as far east as a line
+well past Boise, were the territory of a Northern Paiute band called
+the Koa'agaitoka (Stewart, 1939, p. 133). Blythe places a Northern
+Paiute band called "Yapa Eaters" in the Boise River Valley (Blythe,
+1938, p. 396) and mentions data given by one informant to the effect
+that a mixed band of Paiute and Shoshone called "People Eaters" lived
+to the north of the Yapa Eaters (p. 404). Neither historical research
+nor ethnographic investigation among the Shoshone confirms the
+existence of such bands in the area described. On the contrary,
+Steward writes (1938, p. 172):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Shoshone seem to have extended westward about to the Snake
+River which forms the boundary between Idaho and Oregon. They
+also occupied the Boise River Valley and probably to some
+extent the valleys of the Payette and Weiser Rivers. They
+probably never penetrated Oregon beyond the Blue Mountains.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>But the area nearer the Snake River was not occupied exclusively by
+Shoshone, for Steward continues (ibid.):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>This population was neither well defined politically nor
+territorially. It was scattered in small independent villages
+of varying prosperity and tribal composition. Along the lower
+Snake, Boise, and Payette Rivers Shoshone were intermixed with
+Northern Paiute who extended westward through the greater
+portion of southern and eastern Oregon. Slightly to the north
+they were probably mixed somewhat with their Nez Perc&eacute;
+neighbors.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Our own field work, as presented below, tends to confirm Steward's
+data on most points and is in accord with historical information.</p>
+
+<p>Although there were salmon-yielding streams in Oregon, the Boise and
+Weiser rivers were richer in these fish, and salmon could be caught on
+the Boise River upstream to its headwaters. During the spring and fall
+salmon runs, many Northern Paiute evidently crossed the Snake River
+and fished in the Boise and Weiser. Relations seem to have been
+friendly, and there was considerable intermarriage. Many Paiute
+evidently wintered in this area and could therefore be said to be as
+regular residents as the Shoshone. They maintained separate winter
+villages and tended to remain along the downstream stretches of the
+Boise and Weiser rivers. Informants disagreed on the extent of this
+interpenetration. Some characterized the population, especially of the
+Weiser Valley, as "mixed," while others said that only a very few
+Northern Paiute remained through the winter. More reliable and older
+informants characterized the population as mostly Shoshone. One old
+woman, a present resident of Duck Valley Reservation, identified
+herself as a Northern Paiute from the Weiser country. Her
+conversation, however, immediately revealed that she was actually
+speaking in the Shoshone language and that this was her first
+language. This attempted deception is partially explained by the
+somewhat greater prestige enjoyed by the Northern Paiute on that
+reservation.</p>
+
+<p>As has been mentioned, the composition of the population of this
+region is further confused by the fact that some camp groups of
+Bannock passed by the more commonly used fishing sites below Shoshone
+Falls and fished on the Boise and Weiser rivers. An added inducement
+to the Bannock was the possibility of trade with the Nez Perc&eacute; Indians
+in the upper valley of the Weiser River. The Bannock did not stay long
+in the area, however, and never wintered there.</p>
+
+<p>The Boise-Weiser country is relatively rich. The streams gave a good
+yield of fish, roots abounded in the valleys, and game was found in
+the near-by mountains. The floors of the valleys are well below 3,000
+feet, and winters are comparatively mild. Although the Shoshone
+residents of the area wandered far on occasion, a full subsistence
+could be obtained within the immediate area. Stretches of mountainous
+and barren lands tended to mark off this population from other
+Shoshone to the east. The testimony of informants is somewhat
+contradictory to Steward's statement (1938, p. 172) that the
+Boise-Weiser Shoshone "imperceptibly merged with the Agaid&uuml;ka of the
+Snake River and the Tukad&uuml;ka of the mountains to the north." It is
+true that there were no concepts of territorial boundaries and that
+the above-mentioned populations interacted, interchanged, and
+interpenetrated, but the locus of movement of each of the above three
+populations, especially their wintering places, did differ.</p>
+
+<p>While Steward reports that the rubric "Yahand&uuml;ka," or "Groundhog
+Eaters," was applied to the residents of the Boise-Weiser areas, we
+were unable to obtain this name. Yahandika was variously reported by
+Fort Hall informants as referring to a district in Nevada; by others
+as applied to certain Oregon Northern Paiute. Another informant said
+that it was an alternate term for the Shoshone of the middle Snake
+River, who are more generally called "Summer Salmon Eaters." The
+latter, stated this informant, had very close relations with the Boise
+population. All of the informants were probably right in a sense; only
+the uncertainty of these appellations is indicated.</p>
+
+<p>Steward obtained "Su:woki" as the name of the Boise-Weiser country. My
+informants applied this name to the people of the region also, who
+were called "S&ouml;huwawki," or "Row of Willows." The place name had
+evidently been transferred to the people or, more accurately, the
+place name was applied to whatever people used the locale. The name
+was especially used to denote the people and country of the Weiser
+River, although one informant thought the name covered the Boise
+people also. Another name given to the Weiser Shoshone was
+"Woviagaidika," or "Driftwood Salmon Eaters." This name is derived
+from the salmon's habit of lying under the driftwood in small streams.
+Only one informant reported a name for the dwellers of the Boise
+Valley, "Pa avi."</p>
+
+<p>Informants sometimes spoke of the Boise-Weiser Shoshone as being "just
+one bunch." Certainly the populations of this section of Idaho merged,
+shifted, and interacted to such an extent that it would be difficult
+to distinguish them, although "one bunch," two chiefs, Captain Jim and
+Eagle Eye, were reported for the<span class="pagenum">[319]</span> area. The former was said to be
+chief of those who usually wintered in the vicinity of Boise; the
+latter was chief of the winter residents of the Weiser valley. No
+clear delineation of the functions of these chiefs could be obtained.</p>
+
+<p>The actual nature of Boise-Weiser Shoshone society can be understood
+better from their subsistence patterns. Winter was spent in small
+camps scattered along the valleys of the streams. There was little
+danger from hostile intruders, and camp grounds were not the larger
+population nuclei that we find in the Fort Hall area. Favorite winter
+camp sites were at the present site of the city of Boise, near
+present-day Emmett on the Payette River, and on the lower Weiser
+River, near the mouth of Crane Creek. Some families were said to have
+wintered on both sides of the near-by Snake River. While it was common
+for the same families to form winter camp groups, there was
+considerable shifting and changing each year, dictated by personal
+preference. Also, it was not necessary for the camps to spend every
+winter in the same place, and changes occurred constantly.</p>
+
+<p>Winter was spent by their caches of roots and salmon; the dried and
+jerked game meat was said to have been kept in the lodge. The common
+type of winter dwelling was a sort of tipi made of rye grass. Stored
+food supplied the main subsistence during the winter, but sagehens,
+blue grouse, and snowshoe rabbits were also taken. Antelope were
+chased on horses (probably by the surround method), and deer
+frequently came down from the mountains and were killed while
+floundering in deep snow.</p>
+
+<p>Springtime brought no extensive migrations. Some roots were available
+in the area, but the chief source of springtime subsistence was the
+salmon run, which began in approximately March or April. A second run
+followed immediately upon the first and continued until the end of
+spring. Fish traps were made on the Payette River, in the vicinity of
+Long Valley, and on the lower Weiser River. Salmon were also taken in
+the Boise River. According to informants, the people of this area did
+not resort to the great salmon fisheries in the vicinity of Glenn's
+Ferry and upstream to Shoshone Falls. The abundance of fish in local
+waters made this unnecessary. Although the population divided and went
+to various fishing sites, the salmon runs were periods during which
+stable residence in small villages was possible.</p>
+
+<p>At the end of spring and in early summer, many of the Indians of the
+Boise-Weiser country traveled to Camas Prairie, where roots of various
+kinds were dug. These people stayed there through part of the summer,
+and during this time roots were collected and dried. This was also a
+time of dances and festivities, for a large part of the Shoshone and
+Bannock population of Idaho, plus a sprinkling of the Nez Perc&eacute; and
+Flathead, resorted at the same time to these root grounds. These were
+probably the largest gatherings of people among all the Shoshone.
+There was no large, single encampment, but families and camp groups
+were in such close contiguity that social interaction was intense.</p>
+
+<p>At the conclusion of the root-collecting season at Camas Prairie, the
+inhabitants of the Boise and Weiser region wandered back to their
+customary area and set out upon their late summer and fall activities.
+Fish were taken during the fall run and dried for winter provisions,
+but the chief activity was hunting. Both hunting and fishing could be
+pursued at the same time in the upper waters of the Boise and Payette
+rivers, although salmon did not ascend far up the Weiser. Hunting was
+done by small camp groups of 3 to 4 lodges, and the population
+scattered throughout the mountain country surrounding the river
+valleys. The principal game taken was deer, elk, bear, and some
+bighorn sheep. None required the collective efforts of a large number
+of men, and all were found throughout the mountain area. The small
+camp group was, therefore, the most effective social unit for the fall
+hunt, as it was for the summer wanderings of the Wyoming Shoshone.</p>
+
+<p>The hunters ranged up the Boise and Payette valleys into the Sawtooth
+Mountains as far as the beginnings of the Salmon River watershed.
+Though the Salmon River country was entered, the hunting parties did
+not penetrate very far. A favored hunting territory was in the Stanley
+Basin, at the headwaters of the Salmon River and in the vicinity of
+the present-day village of Stanley. The kill of game was dried in the
+mountains and packed down to the winter quarters in the valleys of the
+Boise, Payette, and Weiser rivers.</p>
+
+<p>In general, it is difficult to define the social organization of the
+Boise-Weiser Shoshone. While Shoshone social organization is
+characteristically amorphous, some groups developed a closer
+integration owing to such factors as warfare and collective economic
+activities, which demanded leadership. But warfare was rare in this
+region, and hunting and root-and berry-collecting were essentially
+carried on by families. The building and operation of fish traps and
+the distribution of the catch undoubtedly called forth some leadership
+functions, but not on the band level. Also, the presence of other
+groups which fished the same streams during the appropriate seasons
+seems to argue against the consolidation of either the Boise or Weiser
+people into territorially delimited bands. It was impossible to elicit
+exact information from informants on the functions of leaders, and it
+can only be inferred that they probably served as intermediaries with
+the whites or were simply local men enjoying some prestige as dance
+directors or leaders of winter villages.</p>
+
+<p>The Shoshone of this area were poorer in horses than the buffalo
+hunters, but they did possess some. The valleys of the Boise, Payette,
+and Weiser evidently afforded adequate grazing for small herds, and
+the natives enjoyed a greater mobility than did their neighbors to the
+northeast and southeast. The resulting ease of communication would
+perhaps be conducive to band organization, but neither living
+informants nor historical sources offer any confirmation of this. That
+such sociopolitical groups did exist is suggested by mention of
+chiefs, but the groups did not have clearly defined territories which
+excluded other peoples, and they could only have been most loosely
+organized.</p>
+
+<h3>THE MIDDLE SNAKE RIVER</h3>
+
+<p>This area includes all of Idaho south of the Sawtooth Mountains
+between American Falls and the Bruneau River. It has been seen that
+the area of the Boise, Payette, and Weiser rivers was entered
+regularly by populations that did not customarily winter there; this
+is true also of the area of the middle Snake, and to a much greater
+degree. First, the salmon run did not extend above Shoshone Falls, and
+the population living upstream from that point resorted<span class="pagenum">[320]</span> regularly to
+favored fishing places below the Falls. Second, the prairies about the
+locale of present-day Fairfield, Idaho, were the richest camas-root
+grounds in this section of the Basin-Plateau area and large numbers of
+Indians convened every summer to gather the roots. Historical sources
+testify to the numbers of Indians found in the area during certain
+times of the year, but it is usually impossible to determine the
+geographical locus of these people during the remainder of the year.</p>
+
+<p>Travelers observed small, impoverished groups of Indians and also
+larger camps of mounted people. Near Glenn's Ferry, Idaho, Stuart on
+August 23, 1812, noted (1935, p. 108):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>... a few Shoshonie (or Snake) Camps were passed today, who
+have to struggle hard for a livelihood, even though it is the
+prime of the fishing season in the Country.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Stuart encountered some 100 lodges of Shoshone fishing at Salmon Falls
+(p. 109). In 1826 Peter Skene Ogden met a camp of 200 "Snakes" bearing
+60 firearms and a quantity of ammunition at Raft River, above the
+limit of the salmon run (Ogden, 1909, p. 357). In October of the
+following year he visited Camas Prairie, the camas grounds in the
+vicinity of Fairfield, and noted a pattern of movement that is still
+reported by informants (p. 263):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>It is from near this point the Snakes form into a body prior to
+their starting point for buffalo; they collect camasse for the
+journey across the mountains. Their camp is 300 tents. In
+Spring they scattered from this place for the salmon and horse
+thieving expeditions.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Buffalo were formerly found on the plains of the upper Snake River,
+but American Falls was apparently their approximate western limit.
+Wyeth was at American Falls in August, 1832, and wrote (1899, p. 163):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>We found here plenty of Buffaloe sign and the Pawnacks come
+here to winter often on account of the Buffaloe we now find no
+buffaloe.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The Wyeth party then turned up the Raft River where they "met a
+village of the Snakes of about 150 persons having about 75 horses" and
+farther upstream found "the banks lined with Diggers Camps and Trails
+but they are shy and can seldom be spoken." On Rock Creek, the party
+met some 120 Indians who evidently had fresh salmon, and farther on
+their journey on this stream they found "Diggers," "Sohonees," and
+"Pawnacks" (ibid., pp. 166-168). A chief and some sub-chiefs were
+mentioned at one of these camps. Small and scattered camps of Indians
+were mentioned throughout Wyeth's journeys on the southern tributaries
+of the Snake River.</p>
+
+<p>Fewer Indians were encountered in the salmon-yielding sections of the
+Snake River during the winter. Bonneville's party met only footgoing
+Indians near Salmon Falls in the winter of 1834; the Indians lived in
+a scattered fashion and groups of no more than three or four grass
+huts were found (Irving, 1873, p. 300), although large numbers of
+Indians were seen in the same area during the salmon season (p. 444).
+Crawford met numbers of Indians along the Oregon Trail in southern
+Idaho in August, 1842 (Crawford, 1897, pp. 15-17) and in October of
+the following year Talbot observed of Indians near Shoshone Falls
+(1931, p. 53):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>These Indians speak the same language as the Snakes but are far
+poorer and are distinguished by the name of Shoshoccos,
+"Diggers," or "Uprooters." They have very few, and indeed most
+of them, have no horses....</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Near Glenn's Ferry, however, Talbot met a large number of Indians of
+the "Waptico band of the Shoshonees," who had many horses (ibid., p.
+55). Talbot drew the following conclusion from his experience on the
+Snake River (p. 56):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>It seems that there is a monopoly of the fisheries on the Snake
+River. The Banak Indians who are the most powerful, hold them
+in the spring when the salmon and other fishes are in best
+condition&mdash;later on different tribes of Shoshonees hord the
+monopoly. Last, and of course weakest of all, the miserable
+creatures such as are with us now, come, like gleaners after
+the harvest, to gather up the leavings of their richer and more
+powerful brethren.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Other sources contradict Talbot's observations, however, and give a
+picture of simultaneous use of the abundant salmon run by people of
+diverse locality and condition. But it is possible that mounted and
+more powerful people occupied the choicest sites.</p>
+
+<p>During the late 1850's, the hostilities that broke out throughout Utah
+and Idaho also affected the Snake River. Wallen reported Indians
+peacefully fishing at Shoshone Falls in 1859, but commented that the
+Bannock upstream were well armed and formidable (Wallen, 1859, pp.
+220, 223). In the same year. Will Wagner met on Goose Creek "several
+men of the band under the chief Ne-met-tek" (Wagner, 1861, p. 25) and
+encountered both Shoshone and Bannock in the high country between the
+Humboldt and Snake rivers (p. 26). Not all the Indians met exhibited
+hostile intentions in 1859 or in 1862 and 1863, when punitive forces
+were sent against the hostiles. Colonel Maury noted that "those
+perhaps who are more hostile are near Salmon Falls, or on the south
+side of Snake River" (War of the Rebellion, 1902, p. 217). Actually
+the hostiles were raiding along the Oregon Trail south of the Snake
+River, and it is probable that many of the peaceful Indians
+encountered also indulged in occasional attacks when in the
+neighborhood of the whites. Seventeen lodges and about 200 Indians
+were found near Shoshone Falls in August, 1863; these people reported
+that "the bad Indians are all gone to the buffalo country" (ibid, p.
+218).</p>
+
+<p>Further information from the military forces indicates a continuation
+of the older nomadic patterns. Colonel Maury said of Camas Prairie
+(ibid., p. 226):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>All the Indians living northwest of Salt Lake visit the grounds
+in the spring and summer, putting up their winter supply of
+camas, and after the root season is over, resort to the falls
+and other points on the Snake to put up fish.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>In October, 1863, after the mounted people had left the fishing sites,
+Colonel Maury reported on the population along the Snake River (ibid.,
+p. 224):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>They live a family in a place, on either side of the river for
+a distance of thirty or forty miles; have<span class="pagenum">[321]</span> no arms and a very
+small number of Indian ponies; not an average of one to each
+family.... There are from 80 to 100 of this party, all
+Shoshones, and, aware of the treaties made at Salt Lake,
+scattered along the river from the great falls to the mouth of
+this stream [the Bruneau River], a distance of 100 miles.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>A party of 20 Indians was attacked by the military on the Bruneau
+River and there were signs in the upper part of the valley of a large
+force. Maury commented: "All the roaming Indians of the country visit
+the Bruneau River more or less." Further evidence of the mobility of
+the population is given in the report of attacks in the vicinity of
+Salmon Falls Creek by Indians from the Owyhee River under a medicine
+man named Ebigon (ibid., p. 388).</p>
+
+<p>With the cessation of hostilities, most of the Shoshone and Bannock of
+Idaho were rapidly rounded up by the military and a few years later
+were settled at Fort Hall. Governor Lyon reported visiting the "great
+Kammas Prairie tribe of Indians" in 1865 (Lyon, 1867, p. 418), and
+Commissioner of Indian Affairs Cooley described the latter's territory
+as the "area around Fort Hall and the northern part of Utah" (Cooley,
+1866, p. 198). Evidently the Indians who congregated annually at Camas
+Prairie were mistaken as a single tribe, and there is little further
+reference to such a group.</p>
+
+<p>While it is almost impossible to identify Indians in the southwest
+Idaho region, west of the Bruneau River, Ballard's 1866 report of a
+mixed Paiute and Shoshone population probably represents the real
+situation (1867, p. 190).</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The southwest portion of Idaho, including the Owyhee country
+and the regions of the Malheur, are infested with a roving band
+of hostile Pi-utes and outlawed Shoshones, numbering, from the
+best information, some 300 warriors.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The reports of Indian Agents already cited in the section on the Boise
+River region indicate that the Bruneau River population was Shoshone.
+Their numbers are given as 400 in 1866 (ibid.) and 300 in 1868, after
+they had been brought to the Boise River (C. F. Powell, 1869, p. 661).</p>
+
+<p>The frequent mention of a band of Bruneau Shoshone in the later
+reports of the Indian agents is somewhat misleading. Information from
+contemporary informants indicates that there was no distinct and
+separate population of the Bruneau River, as opposed to near-by
+stretches of the Snake River. Furthermore, the fisheries of the
+Bruneau River were often used by mounted Indians from the Fort Hall
+prairies.</p>
+
+<p>There were no boundaries, as such, in southwest Idaho. Stewart's
+Tagotoka band of Northern Paiute is represented as occupying most of
+southwestern Idaho (Stewart, 1939, map 1, facing p. 127), while
+Blythe's equivalent "Tagu Eaters" are placed in the Owyhee River
+Valley (Blythe, 1938, p. 404). Blythe notes that east of this
+population there were "no pure Paiute bands." Steward's map places the
+limit between the Paiute and the Shoshone about equidistant between
+the Owyhee and Bruneau Rivers (Steward, 1938, fig. 1, facing p. ix).
+There was no hard and fast line between Shoshone and Paiute, and the
+high country south of Snake River was usually entered only in the
+summer when hunting parties of either linguistic group wandered
+through southwest Idaho. Further information the pattern of
+occupation of the Snake River and southwestern Idaho is given in the
+following ethnographic material.</p>
+
+<p>Despite the extent of the region in question, there were not many
+permanent, or winter-dwelling, inhabitants. Greater use was made of
+the natural products of this region by the more numerous Shoshone and
+Bannock, who wintered elsewhere, than by the small local population.
+The two chief resources were the extremely rich root grounds at Camas
+Prairie, in the vicinity of Fairfield, Idaho, and the fishing sites
+scattered between Glenn's Ferry and Shoshone Falls. Camas Prairie was
+used by the Bannock and, to varying degrees, by all the Shoshone of
+Idaho, as well as occasionally by other tribes, like the Flathead and
+the Nez Perc&eacute;; the fisheries were used by the Bannock and all the
+Shoshone of the upper Snake River above Shoshone Falls, the limit of
+the salmon run.</p>
+
+<p>Some large stretches of territory were used very little, if at all. We
+were unable to obtain information on use or occupancy of the country
+north of the Snake River and south of the Sawtooths between Camas
+Prairie and Idaho Falls. This is extremely arid and infertile country,
+strewn with lava beds and containing little water. It was often
+traversed, but little subsistence was drawn from it. Also, scanty
+information was available on the territory west of the Bruneau River.
+One informant said that Silver City, Idaho, was within the limits of
+Paiute territory; according to other informants, the Bruneau River
+Valley was definitely within the Shoshone migratory range. It seems
+evident that southwest Idaho was not much used by either the Paiute or
+Shoshone, and, while both groups entered the area on occasion,
+boundaries could hardly have been narrowly defined.</p>
+
+<p>The population which wintered in the general area of the middle Snake
+River and drew year-round subsistence from the resources of the region
+was usually referred to by the term Taza agaidika, or "Summer Salmon
+Eaters." Other terms used were Yahandika, or "Groundhog Eaters," and
+Pia agaidika, or "Big Salmon Eaters." Steward reports the use of the
+terms Agaid&uuml;ka and Yahand&uuml;ka for the area (Steward, 1938, p. 165). One
+informant said that these were alternate terms which, however, did not
+change with the season or activities of the people designated. Lowie's
+Kuembed&uuml;ka (Lowie, 1909, pp. 206-208) were not reported by our
+informants. Apparently, the names covered any and all people who
+wintered in the region and who were more or less permanent residents.
+The population included in these terms did not form a social or
+political group, nor did they unite for any collective purposes.</p>
+
+<p>The Shoshone of the middle Snake River resemble the Nevada Shoshone in
+social, political, and economic characteristics more than does any
+other part of the Idaho population, and Steward lists them with the
+Western Shoshone for this reason. They had few horses and took no part
+in the buffalo-hunting activities of their neighbors of the Fort Hall
+plains, and warfare was virtually nonexistent. Property in natural
+resources was absent, and other Shoshone and the Bannock availed
+themselves freely of the fishing sites on the Snake River without
+interference or resentment on the part of the local population.</p>
+
+<p>While chiefs are reported from most parts of Idaho, we were unable to
+obtain the name of a leader from the middle Snake River. Not only were
+there no band chiefs, but the winter villages lacked headmen. The<span class="pagenum">[322]</span>
+principal informant for the area merely commented that everybody was
+equal.</p>
+
+<p>Especially pronounced among the Shoshone of this area is the practice
+of splitting into a number of scattered and very small winter camps.
+Among the winter camps were: Akongdimudza, a camp at King Hill, Idaho,
+named for a hill which abounded in sunflowers; Bi&euml;soniogwe, a winter
+camp near Glenn's Ferry; Koa agai, near the hamlet of Hot Spring,
+Idaho, on the Bruneau River; and Paguiyua, a camp on Clover Creek near
+a hot spring, immediately up the Snake River from the town of Bliss,
+Idaho.</p>
+
+<p>Winter camps were commonly located on the Snake River bottoms, where
+there was wood and shelter. The camps consisted of two or three
+lodges, each of which housed a family and a few relatives. The list of
+winter camps above is by no means complete; Steward gives three, two
+of which were below the town of Hagerman, a third near Bliss (Steward,
+1938, pp. 165-166). There were undoubtedly several more, but it should
+be remembered that the place names above referred to sites which were
+not necessarily inhabited every winter.</p>
+
+<p>The composition of the winter camps varied. While it was common for
+kinsmen to camp together, they by no means always did so. Also, the
+same people did not camp together every winter. Each family head
+decided each year where to spend the winter, and families were free to
+shift from one site to another annually. Steward's data confirm this
+practice (ibid., p. 169):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>... it is apparent that the true political unit was the
+village, a small and probably unstable group. Virtually the
+only factor besides intervillage marriage that allied several
+villages was dancing. Dances, however, were so infrequent and
+the participants so variable that they produced no real unity
+in any group.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The Shoshone of the middle Snake River relied heavily on the salmon
+runs for food and fished during spring, summer, and fall. One fish
+weir, maintained on the Bruneau River, was frequently visited by Fort
+Hall Bannock, with whom the catch was shared. Glenn's Ferry was one of
+the better fishing sites; the waters between the three islands in the
+Snake River at this point were shallow enough for weirs to be used.
+Immediately above Hagerman, on the Snake River, the Indians caught
+salmon by spearing, although the water was too deep for weirs.
+Basketry traps were used in small creeks.</p>
+
+<p>The Shoshone of this area took part in root gathering and festivities
+every summer on Camas Prairie. During the fall, deer were taken on
+Camas Prairie and in the country immediately south of the Snake River.
+Deer and elk were taken in the fall in the mountain country north of
+Hailey, and bighorn sheep were also pursued in the mountainous crags
+of this area.</p>
+
+<p>In the great expanse of territory between Shoshone Falls and Bannock
+Creek only one small group is reported. These people were referred to
+as Paraguitsi, a word denoting the budding willow tree, and were said
+to inhabit Goose Creek and vicinity. Goose Creek is above the limit of
+the salmon run and only trout could be caught in its waters. Whether
+they fished below Shoshone Falls is uncertain. The area of the Goose
+Creek Mountains was entered also by people who wintered in other
+sections and was a frequent resort of Idaho and Nevada Shoshone in
+search of pine nuts.</p>
+
+<p>Informants agreed that the Paraguitsi were a wild and timid people who
+remained isolated in the fastnesses of Goose Creek and the Goose Creek
+Mountains. This range provided them with deer and pine nuts, but their
+economy was meager and they were reported to resort to cannibalism in
+the winter. Other Shoshone avoided them because of this abhorrent
+practice.</p>
+
+<p>One informant reported a category of "Mountain Dwellers," or
+Toyarivia. This was evidently a generic term for mountaineers as
+opposed to those who dwell in valleys, or Yewawgone. The Mountain
+Dwellers customarily spent the winter on the Snake River bottoms in
+the same area as the people generally called Taza agaidika. They
+joined in the salmon fishing at Glenn's Ferry and above, but hunted in
+the highlands on the Idaho-Nevada border during the fall. This
+division of mountain and valley people seems thus to have been
+occasionally used to distinguish Shoshone who hunted south of the
+Snake River from those who roamed to the north.</p>
+
+<h3>THE SHOSHONE OF THE SAWTOOTH MOUNTAINS</h3>
+
+<p>All informants agreed that the Sawtooth Mountains west of the Lemhi
+River and south of the Salmon River were inhabited by a Shoshone
+population designated as Tukurika (Dukarika and other variants). No
+Tukurika, or "Sheepeater," informants were interviewed on the Fort
+Hall Reservation, and we obtained only fragmentary information from
+Lemhi Shoshone and other Idaho Shoshone and Bannock.</p>
+
+<p>Historical information on the Sheepeaters is scanty and mostly
+concerned with later periods. The earliest reference available comes
+from Ferris' journals. The Ferris party was in the Sawtooth Mountains,
+probably in or near Stanley Basin, in July, 1831. Ferris wrote (1940,
+p. 99):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Here we found a party of "Root Diggers," or Snake Indians
+without horses. They subsist upon the flesh of elk, deer and
+bighorns, and upon salmon which ascend to the fountain sources
+of this river, and are here taken in great numbers.... We found
+them extremely anxious to exchange salmon for buffalo meat, of
+which they are very fond, and which they never procure in this
+country, unless by purchase from their friends who occasionally
+come from the plains to trade with them.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The Stanley Basin region, it will be remembered, was a fall hunting
+range of the Shoshone of Boise River and was probably entered by
+others from Snake River. But as this was salmon season on both the
+Boise and Snake rivers, it is probable that Indians mentioned by
+Ferris were part of the more permanent population of the Sawtooths,
+i.e., Sheepeaters. The southern Sawtooths were no doubt utilized, like
+so many of our other areas, by people who customarily wintered in
+diverse places.</p>
+
+<p>In June, 1832, John Work met "a party of Snakes consisting of three
+men and three women" near Meadow Creek on the Salmon River waters
+(Work, 1923, p. 160). Later references to the Sheepeaters indicate
+that they impinged upon the Shoshone of the Boise River on the west
+and the Lemhi on the east. Indian Agent Hough reported from the Boise
+River in 1868: "The Sheep<span class="pagenum">[323]</span> Eaters have also behaved quite well; they
+are more isolated from the settlement, occupy a more sterile country,
+and are exceedingly poor" (Hough, 1869, p. 660). The Sheepeaters seem
+to have had their closest affiliations with the Shoshone of the Lemhi
+River, however, and they eventually moved to the agency founded there
+(Viall, 1872, p. 831; Shanks et al., 1874, p. 2).</p>
+
+<p>The Tukurika were not a single group, but consisted of scattered
+little hunting groups having no over-all political unity or internal
+band organization. They had few horses and hunted mountain sheep and
+deer on foot. Salmon were taken in the waters of the Salmon River. The
+Tukurika had their closest contacts with the Lemhi Shoshone, although
+some occasionally visited the valleys of the Boise and Weiser rivers.
+I have no evidence of Tukurika trips to Camas Prairie for roots,
+although such visits are indicated by Steward's map (Steward, 1938, p.
+136).</p>
+
+<p>Steward lists five winter villages in the Sawtooth Mountains (ibid.,
+pp. 188-189). These are:</p>
+
+<p>1. Pasasigwana: This is the largest of the winter villages. It
+consisted of thirty families under the leadership of a headman who
+acted as director of salmon-fishing activities on the Salmon River. In
+the summer, the thirty families split into small groups and hunted on
+the Salmon River and its East Fork and in the Lost River and Salmon
+ranges. Steward reports that they obtained horses during a trip to
+Camas Prairie and thereafter joined the buffalo hunt. The village was
+situated north of Clayton.</p>
+
+<p>2. Sohodai: Steward places this small village of six families on the
+upper reaches of the Middle Fork of the Salmon River.</p>
+
+<p>3. Bohodai: This, the second largest Tukurika village, was on the
+Middle Fork of the Salmon near its confluence with the Salmon.</p>
+
+<p>4. Another winter village was on the upper Salmon River and was merely
+an alternate camp for people who ordinarily wintered in Sohodai.</p>
+
+<p>5. Pasimadai: This village, consisting of only two families, was on
+the upper Salmon River. It is the only one of the five listed that had
+no headman, although in another context Steward says (p. 193) that
+formal village chiefs were lacking before the consolidation with the
+Lemhi people.</p>
+
+<p>The distribution of the Shoshone of the Sawtooth Mountains demarcates
+the northern limits of the Shoshone range. Steward's map of villages
+and subsistence areas in Idaho places the Shoshone on the Salmon River
+and the Middle Fork of the Salmon, while the lower parts of the Salmon
+River, below its junction with the South Fork, are assigned to the Nez
+Perc&eacute; (p. 136). In his general map of the Basin-Plateau area (ibid.,
+fig. 1, facing p. ix), Steward extends the Shoshone zone to the east
+side of Lost Trail Pass in Montana.</p>
+
+<p>The data above represent substantial agreement with our own findings.
+Moving from west to east, the Snake River north of its junction with
+the Powder River (Oregon) is in precipitous canyon country and was no
+doubt little used. Mixed Shoshone and Mono-Bannock-speaking groups
+occupied the lower part of the Weiser River, but, as has been here
+stated, traded with the Nez Perc&eacute; in the upper part of the valley.
+Some of the action of the Sheepeaters' War of 1878 took place in the
+mountains between the middle and south forks of the Salmon River, and
+there is no evidence of Shoshone use of the country north of the
+Salmon River. However, other groups apparently reached the Salmon
+River and its southern tributaries. Ferris met a village of Nez Perc&eacute;
+on the Lemhi River in October, 1831 (Ferris, 1940, p. 120), and Wyeth
+reported a Nez Perc&eacute; camp on the Salmon River in May 1833 (Wyeth,
+1899, p. 194). The Nez Perc&eacute; were also reported camped on Salmon River
+waters only one day from Fort Hall in August, 1839 (Farnham, 1906, p.
+29). In the northeast corner of the area in question, Lewis and Clark
+first met the Flathead on the far side of Lost Trail Pass near
+present-day Sula, Montana, in August, 1805 (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06,
+3:52). Shoshone no doubt crossed the pass occasionally and hunted
+there also, but this encounter and those reported in the preceding
+references indicate that the northern region of Shoshone nomadic
+activities was an area frequently entered and used by other peoples.
+Again, there is no strict boundary, but a zone of interpenetration.</p>
+
+<h3>THE SHOSHONE OF BANNOCK CREEK AND NORTHERN UTAH</h3>
+
+<p>There is little historic information on the specific area of Bannock
+Creek, Idaho. Almost all references to those Shoshone who were later
+found to have ranged through the area during part of the year is under
+the heading of Pocatello's band. This band was a hostile group under
+Chief Pocatello that raided white settlers and emigrants in the late
+1850's and early 1860's. Pocatello's followers were mentioned along
+many points on the Oregon Trail through southern Idaho and were just
+as frequently reported in Box Elder and Cache counties in northern
+Utah.</p>
+
+<p>The Fort Hall Indian Reservation is today effectively divided into two
+parts by the Portneuf River and the city of Pocatello. Most of the
+population, including the descendents of the Bannock and of the Lemhi,
+Fort Hall, Boise-Weiser, and Snake River Shoshone, live on the larger
+and more fertile northeastern section. On the southwestern half live
+many Shoshone Indians from northern Utah and from the area of Bannock
+Creek, which runs through this part of the reservation. The two
+populations mix to only a limited degree; each holds its own Sun
+Dance, and the people of the northern part of the reservation feel a
+true difference between themselves and those of the southern half.
+This separateness evidently goes back to pre-reservation times. The
+Bannock Creek Shoshone did not merge or interact very closely with the
+Shoshone of Fort Hall, and Bannock informants claim that they never
+had much to do with the latter.</p>
+
+<div>
+<p>The Bannock Creek Shoshone, as they are often called today, have been
+assigned a number of names. The most common, and the one most
+frequently used, is Hukandika or, as Hoebel transcribes it,
+H<img src="images/glyph.jpg" width="12" height="22" alt="" />kandika
+(Hoebel, 1938, p. 410). Steward also reported this name for the
+Bannock Creek people, but since the Shoshone of Promontory Point were
+also so designated, Steward uses the alternate food name of Kumuduka,
+or "jackrabbit eaters," for the residents of Bannock Creek (Steward,
+1938, p. 217). Other names are Yahandika (also applied to the
+salmon-fishing population of the middle Snake River), Yambarika
+("yamp-root eaters"), and Sonivedika ("wheat eaters"). This last term
+is, of course, post-white and illustrates the adaptability of these
+names. Hukandika, or variants thereof, were reported in earlier times,
+although as<span class="pagenum">[324]</span> a group living in northern Utah. Dunn wrote of the
+"Ho-kan-di-ka" of the Salt Lake Valley and Bear River (Dunn, 1886, p.
+277), and Lander reported the "Ho-kanti'-kara, or Diggers on Salt
+Lake, Utah" (Wheeler, 1875, p. 409). For purposes of convenience, we
+shall refer to these Indians in this report as Bannock Creek Shoshone,
+although the range of their activities extended to the south well
+beyond this valley and into Utah.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>More than any other Shoshone group in Idaho, the Bannock Creek people
+developed in the immediate post-contact period all the characteristics
+of the "predatory band," familiar to us from the Oregon Paiute and the
+Nevada Shoshone. The "predatory band" as illustrated among the latter
+population and among certain Ute and Nevada Shoshone groups, was a
+response to contact with the whites. The aborigines saw the sources of
+their subsistence threatened and were forced to defend themselves
+against the whites. Through trade and hostilities they acquired horses
+and thereby achieved the increased mobility and ease of communication
+necessary to a centrally led band organization. Plunder from wagon
+trains and ranches opened up new sources of wealth to them and made
+warfare attractive, over and above the needs of self defense. But
+always the nucleating force behind the bands was warfare and the
+prestige of certain war leaders.</p>
+
+<p>The war leader of the Bannock Creek Shoshone was Pocatello, a name
+given him by the whites. Pocatello's band was listed among the
+"Western Snakes" by Lander in 1860: "Po-ca-ta-ra's band. Goose Creek
+Mountains, head of Humboldt, Raft Creek, and Mormon settlements horses
+few" (Lander, 1860, p. 137). Pocatello was also one of the signers of
+a treaty with Governor Doty at Box Elder on July 30, 1863; this treaty
+was an aftermath of General Connor's slaughter of the Shoshone on Bear
+River in January of the same year (Doty, 1865, p. 319). There was very
+little difficulty with the band after the Bear River battle.
+Superintendent Irish wrote in 1865 (1866, p. 311):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>There are three bands of Indians known as the northwestern
+bands of the Shoshonees, commanded by three chiefs, Pocatello,
+Black Beard, and San Pitch, not under the control of
+Wash-a-kee; they are very poor and number about fifteen
+hundred; they range through the Bear River lake, Cache and
+Malade valleys, and Goose Creek mountains, Idaho Territory.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Superintendent Head's report of 1866, however, indicates a continuing
+relation between the Indians of southern Idaho and northern Utah and
+those of Wyoming (Head, 1867, p. 123).</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>A considerable number of these Indians [those of northern Utah
+and southern Idaho known as Northwestern Shoshone after the
+treaty of 1863], including the two chiefs Pokatello and Black
+Beard, have this season accompanied Washakee to the Wind River
+valley on his annual buffalo hunt.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>In the following year, Head summarized the distribution of mixed
+groups of Shoshone and Bannock in the region (1868, p. 176).</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>They inhabit, during about six months in each year, the valleys
+of the Ogden, Weber, and Bear rivers, in this territory. A
+considerable portion of their numbers remain there also during
+the whole year, while others accompany the Eastern Shoshone to
+the Wind River valley to hunt buffalo. They claim as their
+country also a portion of southern Idaho, and often visit that
+region, but game being there scarce and the country mostly
+barren, their favorite haunts are as before stated.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>According to Steward, Pocatello's band was an innovation in Bannock
+Creek (1938, p. 217):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Apparently there were several independent villages in this
+district in aboriginal days, but when the people acquired many
+horses and the white man entered the country they began to
+consolidate under Pocatello, whose authority was extended over
+people at Goose Creek to the west and probably at Grouse Creek
+[Utah].</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Actual war parties were led by Pocatello and numbered only ten to
+twenty men, according to one informant. Hostile activities were
+conducted especially on the Oregon Trail, which ran through southern
+Idaho, and his band was responsible also for the attack at Massacre
+Rocks (near the Snake River) and for various raids in northern Utah.</p>
+
+<p>When not on the warpath, the Bannock Creek Shoshone followed a more
+prosaic round of native subsistence activities. Information on the
+winter quarters of the Bannock Creek people is uncertain. There were
+some winter camps on Bannock Creek, and one informant reported that
+Pocatello also wintered on the Portneuf River between Pocatello and
+McCammon. Others said that Pocatello wintered at times on the Bear
+River near the Utah-Idaho line.</p>
+
+<p>Pocatello was not the only chief among the Bannock Creek people. Two
+others were named Pete and Tom Pocatello, although their relation to
+Pocatello himself was doubtful. These chiefs had their own followers,
+who were nonetheless known as Hukandika by informants. Tom Pocatello
+remained in the general area of Malade City, Idaho, and Washakie,
+Utah, and wintered on the Bear River.</p>
+
+<p>When they were not engaged in or threatened by hostilities, the
+Bannock Creek Shoshone split into small camp groups much as they did
+in pre-white days. At least part of the band went to Glenn's Ferry on
+the Snake River in the springtime, where they remained throughout the
+salmon run. Similarly, many went&mdash;probably as individual families and
+camp groups&mdash;to Camas Prairie for summer root digging. Others might
+travel into the Bear River and Bear Lake country, while still others
+journeyed to Nevada to visit or to be present for the September
+pine-nut harvests. Those who were mounted even traveled into Wyoming
+and visited and hunted buffalo with the Eastern Shoshone.</p>
+
+<p>With the previously mentioned Paraguitsi, the Bannock Creek people
+were the only Idaho Shoshone who depended upon the pine nut for an
+important part of their winter's provisions. These nuts could be
+obtained in the Goose Creek and Grouse Creek Mountains in late
+September. One informant reported that, if the harvest failed, many
+people went into the mountains west of Wendover and Ibapah, Utah, for
+the gathering there. A family could gather sufficient pine nuts in the
+fall, it was claimed, to last it until March.</p>
+
+<p>The general round of migrations of the Bannock Creek people brought
+them into contact with the Shoshone<span class="pagenum">[325]</span> of Nevada and with the small and
+scattered Shoshone groups of northern Utah, from whom they are almost
+indistinguishable. Buffalo hunting and common use of the Bear River
+region resulted in considerable interaction with the Eastern Shoshone,
+who also made use of this area in pre-reservation times. There was
+extensive intermarriage between the Eastern Shoshone and those of
+Bannock Creek and northern Utah, and one informant reports that their
+dialects were much alike. This affinity between the two groups finds
+further documentation in the belief of one of Steward's informants
+that the Bannock Creek people must have come from Wyoming (Steward,
+1938, p. 217).</p>
+
+<h3>FORT HALL BANNOCK AND SHOSHONE</h3>
+
+<p>Above American Falls, the native population consisted of both Shoshone
+and Bannock Indians who were mounted and seasonally pursued the
+buffalo. Population aggregations were, in general, considerably larger
+than in any of the foregoing areas of Idaho. Ogden saw a "Snake" camp
+of 300 tents, 1,300 people and 3,000 horses on Little Lost River in
+November, 1827 (Ogden, 1910, p. 364), and Beckwourth claimed that he
+had met thousands of mounted and hostile Indians at the mouth of the
+Portneuf River in the spring of 1826 (Beckwourth, 1931, pp. 64-65).</p>
+
+<p>The journal of Warren Angus Ferris contains many references to the
+population in eastern Idaho in the period 1831-1833. The area
+evidently was frequently entered by warlike Blackfoot parties and by
+more peaceful groups of Flathead, Nez Perc&eacute;, and Pend Oreille trappers
+and buffalo hunters (cf. Ferris, 1940, pp. 87, 146, 153-155, 185).
+Buffalo were still to be found and Ferris encountered large herds on
+the upper Snake River (ibid., p. 87); Nez Perc&eacute; and Flathead Indians
+were seen on the divide between Birch Creek and the Lemhi River en
+route to hunt buffalo (ibid., p. 146). But the Indians most frequently
+encountered in the region were Bannock and Shoshone. On the Snake
+River plains near Three Buttes Ferris noted (p. 132):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>In the evening two hundred Indians passed our camp, on their
+way to the village, which was situated at the lower butte. They
+were Ponacks, as they are generally called by the hunters, or
+Po-nah-ke as they call themselves. They were generally mounted
+on poor jaded horses, and were illy clad.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>In November, 1832, it was reported that "a village of Snakes and
+Ponacks amounting to about two hundred lodges on Gordiez [Big Lost]
+River" was attacked by a party of Blackfoot (ibid., pp. 185-186). The
+"Snakes" drove them off, but the "Horn Chief" was killed. The Horn
+Chief was reported on the Bear River in 1830 (ibid., pp. 71-73). This
+group may have been the same one mentioned a month later as being in
+winter camp on the Portneuf River (ibid., p. 188). Another Bannock
+camp was found in December, 1832, on the Blackfoot River. Ferris wrote
+(ibid., pp. 189-190):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>I visited their village on the 20th and found these miserable
+wretches to the number of eighty or one hundred families,
+half-naked, and without lodges, except in one or two instances.
+They had formed, however, little huts of sage roots, which were
+yet so open and ill calculated to shield them from the extreme
+cold, that I could not conceive how they were able to endure
+such severe exposure.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Ferris' description does not seem typical of the Plainslike Bannock
+Indians. There are two possible explanations: these Bannock had been
+attacked by hostiles and had lost their possessions; or they had
+recently moved westward from Oregon. The latter possibility cannot be
+ruled out, for the Bannock and the Northern Paiute were in contact
+during the salmon season and the Oregon people drifted over to join
+their colinguists on the upper Snake River until much later in the
+century.</p>
+
+<p>The presence of the Horn Chief on the Big Lost River in Idaho and the
+Bear River in Utah bespeaks the fact that the residents of eastern
+Idaho entered the northern Utah region quite as frequently as did the
+Shoshone of western Wyoming. Zenas Leonard reported meeting Bannock
+Indians some four days' travel west of the Green River. Depending on
+their speed, the trappers may have been in southern Idaho or some part
+of northern Utah. Leonard wrote of the Bannock (1934, p. 105):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>On the fourth day of our Journey we arrived at the huts of some
+Bawnack Indians. These Indians appear to live very poor and in
+the most forlorn condition. They generally make but one visit
+to the buffaloe country during the year, where they remain
+until they jerk as much meat as their females can lug home on
+their backs. They then quit the mountains and return to the
+plains where they subsist on fish and small game the remainder
+of the year. They keep no horses and are always easy prey for
+other Indians provided with guns and horses.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>It would be difficult to imagine a people without horses traveling
+across the Continental Divide for buffalo, and it must be assumed that
+the near-by herds that then existed were used.</p>
+
+<p>Bonneville met a Bannock winter camp in January, 1833, near the Snake
+River, in the vicinity of Three Buttes (Irving, 1850, p. 88). They
+numbered 120 lodges and were said to be deadly enemies of the
+Blackfoot, whom they easily overcame when their forces were equal. In
+the following winter the Bannock camp was at the mouth of the Portneuf
+River, near the last season's site (Irving, 1837, 2:41). And in
+August, 1834, Townsend saw two lodges of some twenty "Snakes" who were
+"returning from the fisheries and traveling towards the buffalo on the
+'big river' (Shoshone's) [Snake River]" (Townsend, 1905, p. 245).</p>
+
+<p>Russell's journal provides further description of buffalo hunting on
+the upper Snake River. He himself hunted buffalo out of the newly
+established Fort Hall post in 1834 (Russell, 1955, pp. 7-8). On
+October 1 of that year a village of 60 lodges of "Snakes" was
+found on Blackfoot River; the chief was "Iron wristbands" or
+"Pah-da-her-wak-un-dah." On October 20 a camp of 250 "Bonnak" lodges
+arrived at Fort Hall. Russell met some 332 lodges, of six persons
+each, hunting buffalo in the vicinity of Birch Creek in October, 1835
+(p. 36). Their chief was "Aiken-lo-ruckkup," a brother of the late
+Horn Chief. The trapper also found 15 lodges of "Snakes" in the same
+area (p. 37). Twenty-five miles east of the Bannock camp, Russell
+found a buffalo-hunting camp of 15 "Snake" lodges under "Chief Comb
+Daughter," or the "Lame Chief"<span class="pagenum">[326]</span> (p. 38). Presumably, Russell's
+"Snakes" were Shoshone. The buffalo evidently disappeared from the
+Snake River drainage by 1840, for the last reference to their presence
+in this region is in January, 1839, when Russell mentions the presence
+of buffalo bulls on the upper Snake River (p. 93).</p>
+
+<p>Lieutenant John Mullan encountered two "Banax" Indians in December,
+1853, on the Jefferson River in Montana. They had crossed the
+mountains from the Salmon River country in hopes of meeting other
+Bannock returning from the buffalo hunt. He noted the inroads on their
+numbers made by smallpox and the Blackfoot and commented (Mullan,
+1855, p. 329. "The most of them now inhabit the country near the
+Salmon River, where, in their solitude and security, they live
+perfectly contented in spearing the salmon, and living on roots and
+berries.") Across the divide between Montana and Idaho, in the
+vicinity of Camas Creek, they met a single Bannock lodge en route to
+the mountains (p. 333). North of Fort Hall, the party came upon three
+or four families of "Root Digger Indians" whose destitute condition
+was described by Mullan (p. 334).</p>
+
+<p>The Bannock had visited Fort Bridger for purposes of trade over a
+period of many years and continued the practice after the end of the
+fur boom. Superintendent Jacob Forney reported that some 500 Bannock
+under chief "Horn" appeared there in 1859 and claimed a home in the
+Utah Territory (Forney, 1860a, p. 31). Forney granted them permission
+to remain in the region claimed by Washakie. A body of Bannock was in
+the vicinity of Fort Bridger in 1867, but Washakie refused to share
+the Eastern Shoshone allotment with them. It will be remembered that a
+part of the Bannock population had been collected on the Boise River
+prior to this time. Indians denominated as Bannock were evidently to
+be found in a number of places during this period. Commissioner of
+Indian Affairs Taylor reported in 1868 (1869, p. 683):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The other tribes in Montana are the Bannock and the Shoshones,
+ranging about the headwaters of the Yellowstone, and reported
+to be in a miserable and destitute condition. These Indians it
+is believed are parties to a treaty made by Gov. Doty on the
+14th of Oct., 1863, at Soda Springs, not proclaimed. As they
+occupy a part of the country claimed by the Crows, I think it
+advisable ... to induce them to remove to the Shoshone country,
+in the valley of the Shoshone (Snake) River.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>In the same year Mann assembled 800 Bannock for a treaty conference,
+but one-half of this number left the gathering in June, 1868, when the
+commissioner failed to appear (Mann, 1869, p. 617). The 800 Bannock
+were gathered by Chief "Taggie" (Tygee), who was also mentioned in the
+1869 report of the Fort Hall Agent (Danilson, 1870, p. 730).</p>
+
+<p>Unless the Bannock were an amazingly mobile people, they must have
+traveled in a number of groups during the late 1860's. Superintendent
+Sully of Montana wrote in September, 1869 (Sully, 1870, p. 731):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>... [the Bannock] are a very small tribe of Indians, not
+mustering over five hundred souls. They claim the southwestern
+portion of Montana as their land, containing some of the
+richest portions of the territory, in which are situated
+Virginia City, Boseman City, and many other places of note.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>However, Superintendent Floyd-Jones of Idaho reported in 1869 (1870,
+p. 721):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The Bannacks, about six hundred strong, have always claimed
+this country, and promise that this winter's hunt in the Wind
+River Mountains shall be their last ...</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Groups of Bannock were variously reported in Wyoming, Montana, and
+Idaho during these years, and it is to be assumed that they sought
+both buffalo and rations. Governor Campbell of Wyoming wrote in
+October, 1870, that the Bannock had spent the summer with the Crow
+Indians (J. A. Campbell, 1871, p. 639) after leaving Wind River. The
+Bannock were evidently the most difficult to settle of all the Idaho
+Indians, and their nomadic propensities were restrained only after the
+conclusion of the Bannock War of 1878. The data that follow were
+gathered through ethnographic means and continue and summarize the
+foregoing historical account.</p>
+
+<p>The Bannock population of the Fort Hall plains was undoubtedly
+resident in that area for a considerable period. Living on the western
+slope of the Continental Divide, they crossed the mountains frequently
+to hunt in the buffalo country of the Missouri drainage. In the
+process they came into contact with tribes of the Plains and borrowed
+a good deal of culture from them. However, contact with the Paiute of
+Oregon continued. During the Bannock War of 1878 the Fort Hall
+insurgents were joined by the rebellious inmates of the Malheur Agency
+in eastern Oregon. Also, genealogies given by informants indicate that
+many Northern Paiute were still leaving their Oregon habitat as late
+as the time of the treaty and thereafter and were joining the Bannock
+in their more abundant and exciting life of warfare and buffalo
+hunting. In effect, these migrants became "Bannock" when they began to
+live with the Bannock. The formation of the Bannock in southeastern
+Idaho from Oregon Paiute who managed to get horses and were attracted
+by the buffalo hunt was not a single occurrence at some indefinite
+time in the past; it was a continuing process that lasted into the
+reservation period. There is no evidence placing the Bannock in the
+Fort Hall area before the introduction of the horse. It is doubtful
+that they predated this time, given the fact that buffalo hunting on
+horse was one of the main attractions of eastern Idaho.</p>
+
+<p>The relation of the Bannock to neighboring Shoshone groups,
+denominated by the generic term, "Wihinait," is somewhat problematic
+and can best be understood from detailed consideration of the two
+populations. Steward says that "the Fort Hall Bannock and Shoshoni
+were probably comparatively well amalgamated into a band by 1840"
+(Steward, 1938, p. 202), but also notes (p. 10) that "Bannock and
+Shoshoni, though closely cooperating and living on terms of equality,
+were politically distinct in that each had its band chief." Our
+evidence indicates that there was a good deal of social intercourse
+and intermarriage and co&ouml;peration in the buffalo hunt between the two
+groups, but except when engaged in some joint endeavor each appears to
+have maintained its autonomy. Although there were organized bands,
+their lines were not very clear-cut because of their frequent fission
+(ibid., p. 202):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Even with the advantage of the horse, it was not always
+expedient for the combined Bannock-Shoshoni band to move as a
+unit. They frequently split<span class="pagenum">[327]</span> into small subdivisions, each of
+which travelled independently through Southern Idaho to procure
+different foods, to trade, and occasionally to carry on
+warfare.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Despite the presence of many Plains Indian culture elements, the
+social structure of the Fort Hall people was basically that of the
+Shoshonean population of the Basin-Plateau. While they grouped into
+larger units for certain defined purposes, these units functioned only
+during part of the year. The internal organization of the bands was
+fluid, amorphous, and shifting.</p>
+
+<p>The question of the constitution of the bands also remains: was there
+one large Fort Hall Shoshone and Bannock band, were there one Fort
+Hall Bannock and one Fort Hall Shoshone band, or were both populations
+split into smaller groups? Both Steward and Hoebel reject the first
+possibility, and the answer seems to lie somewhere between the second
+and third. Hoebel names four Bannock bands (1938, p. 412): Cottonwood
+Salmon Eaters, Deer Eaters, Squirrel Eaters, Plant (?) Eaters. One
+informant told us also of four food names among the Bannock. These
+were: Biviadzugarika ("root [?] eaters,") Topihabirika ("root [?]
+eaters"), Tohocharika ("deer eaters"), and Yaparika ("yamp eaters").
+Only part of the Fort Hall Bannock population bore these names. The
+names did not refer to band groupings of any type, and their bearers
+were of various bands. Our informant did not know the origin of this
+nomenclature. It is possible that the names designated Oregon food
+areas and were applied to more recent migrants from the Oregon Paiute,
+but the names do not bear sufficiently close correspondence to those
+given by Blythe and Stewart to validate this assumption.</p>
+
+<p>Bannock informants claimed that there was a head chief of all the
+Bannock, Tahgee, and that subchiefs under him were leaders of smaller
+groups at certain times of the year. The subchiefs were said to have
+attended the treaty conference at Fort Bridger with Tahgee. Their
+names were Patsagumudu Po'a, Kusagai, Totowa, Pagoit, and Tahee.
+Tahgee represented the Bannock in their affairs with the whites and
+was the leader of the buffalo hunt. Otherwise, he seems to have
+exerted little direct authority over his people, although he had great
+influence in council. Bannock informants all asserted that people went
+where they wished when they wished and did not necessarily travel
+under any form of leadership.</p>
+
+<p>Bannock chieftainship was nonhereditary and was assigned by general
+agreement to a man noted for wisdom and courage.</p>
+
+<p>Among the Shoshone of the Fort Hall region, leadership was more
+clearly a function of interaction with the whites. One man was said to
+have become chief "because he helped the whites." Two chiefs were
+reported, Aidamo and Aramun; the bands of both roamed through
+southeastern Idaho and into northern Utah. These Shoshone were called
+by the Bannock, "Winakwat," or "Wihinait" in Shoshone. The name
+evidently did not refer to a single band but designated all
+Shoshone-speaking people of the immediate area. I could find no
+confirmation of Hoebel's Elk Eaters, Groundhog Eaters, and Minnow
+Eaters, all of whom were said to live in the area roamed over by the
+various Fort Hall Shoshone and Bannock groups (Hoebel, 1938, pp.
+410-413).</p>
+
+<p>In the Fort Hall area, as in the rest of Idaho, winter habitat
+supplies the only stable criterion for identifying the several groups
+or populations. The Bannock customarily wintered on the Snake River
+bottoms above Idaho Falls and at the mouth of Henry's Fork near
+Rexburg, Idaho. They also wintered downstream in the vicinity of the
+modern town of Blackfoot, Idaho; historical sources mention Bannock
+winter camps at the mouth of the Portneuf River. The Snake
+River&mdash;Henry's Fork sites were favored because of the abundance of the
+mule-tailed deer, which came into the bottomlands in the winter.
+Another source of subsistence in winter was cottontail rabbits, which
+were caught among the willows in the bottoms with a noose snare or by
+surrounding them and killing them with the bow and arrow.</p>
+
+<p>The main winter subsistence, and the food source that provided the
+margin of survival, was the dried meat of buffalo, elk, and deer taken
+in the fall hunts, supplemented by dried roots and berries. Food
+caches were maintained near camp, but they were generally resorted to
+only in the spring, when the dried food kept in the lodges was
+exhausted. The location of the cache was known only to the family that
+made it. Caches and their contents were considered private property.
+Dried roots, berries, and salmon were generally kept in the
+underground caches, but not meat.</p>
+
+<p>Bannock winter camps were spread out along the river; there was no
+central encampment. The population was predominantly Bannock, although
+many Shoshone lived among them either through in-marriage or by
+choice.</p>
+
+<p>Not all of the Bannock wintered on the Snake River. Those who crossed
+the divide for buffalo frequently did not return in time to cross the
+mountains before the snows blocked the high passes and so generally
+wintered in western Montana, not joining the rest until spring.</p>
+
+<p>The Wihinait, or Shoshone of the Fort Hall area, were said to have
+wintered apart from the Bannock on the Portneuf River. Winter camps
+ranged along the Portneuf between Pocatello and McCammon, and other
+places as far south as Malade City, Idaho, were sometimes occupied.
+Here, too, the population lived off stored food and whatever game
+could be taken.</p>
+
+<p>The winter quarters of the Shoshone were more secure from enemy
+attack, however, than were those of the Bannock. The only hostile
+tribe to enter southern Idaho with any frequency was the Blackfoot.
+They pressed their attacks vigorously, especially against the Bannock,
+and were a subject of some wonder owing to their practice of sending
+out war parties in the middle of winter. Blackfoot war parties,
+consisting only of men, frequently came south from Montana before the
+passes were closed by the winter snows and made camp on Henry's Fork,
+near the present site of St. Anthony, Idaho. From this convenient
+point they sent small raiding parties against the Bannock camps. The
+main purpose of these raids was to capture horses, which were driven
+north to the Blackfoot country when the passes opened in the spring.
+Although the Bannock were kept on the defensive, they were not the
+helpless prey of the Blackfoot. Defensive tactics were frequently too
+late, for the enemy drove off horses surreptitiously by night, but
+counterraids were made and pursuit was given in return. The Blackfoot
+occasionally pressed their raids farther downstream and entered the
+Portneuf Valley, but such forays were less frequent. Historical
+records, however, mention Blackfoot raids in Yellowstone Park and
+Jackson Hole and<span class="pagenum">[328]</span> as far south as the valleys of the Green and Bear
+rivers and Great Salt Lake.</p>
+
+<p>When spring arrived the winter camp broke up and both Shoshone and
+Bannock split up into small groups, each of which went their separate
+ways. Hunting was the first undertaking after breaking up winter camp.
+The spring hunt was usually conducted in Idaho rather than in more
+distant places, since most people wished to return later in the spring
+for salmon fishing at Glenn's Ferry. Small parties of only a few
+lodges each roamed through the mountains of Caribou County, Idaho, in
+search of deer and elk, while others went southwards into the Bear
+River and Bear Lake country. Chub were caught in Bear River, and duck
+eggs were gathered and ducks killed in the marshes at the north end of
+Bear Lake. During the spring wanderings, roots were dug also.</p>
+
+<p>The route to Bear River went through much the same country as modern
+U.S. Highway 30 N. Parties ascended the Portneuf River and crossed the
+divide to the Bear River at the site of Soda Springs. They continued
+south on the Bear River to Montpelier. Those who did not intend to
+return for salmon but wished to visit the Eastern Shoshone ascended
+the Bear River to Cokeville and Sage and crossed the Bear River
+Divide, passing the fossil-fish beds en route.</p>
+
+<p>As has been mentioned, not all the Shoshone and Bannock went to
+Glenn's Ferry to take salmon; those who did went in small groups
+rather than in a body. Parties followed the Snake River down to
+Glenn's Ferry, where they fished with harpoons. The Fort Hall people
+apparently did not make fish weirs. The weirs were usually the work of
+the winter population of the salmon areas, but one informant stated
+that the Bannock shared in the catch.</p>
+
+<p>Some Bannock continued downstream past Glenn's Ferry and fished in the
+Bruneau River, while others went to the Boise and Weiser rivers. Trade
+was conducted with the Nez Perc&eacute; in the Weiser Valley; informants did
+not believe that the Bannock or the Shoshone took part in the trade
+with the Columbia River tribes in the Grand Ronde Valley in
+northeastern Oregon. This trade was, however, before the memories of
+any of our informants (or of their fathers).</p>
+
+<p>At the conclusion of the spring salmon run, the scattered camp grounds
+of Fort Hall Shoshone and Bannock went to Camas Prairie, where they
+dug camas, yamp, and other roots and fattened their horses for the
+fall hunt. Roots could also be dug in other areas, like the Weiser
+Valley and the plains and foothills near Fort Hall, and some families
+did not go to Camas Prairie.</p>
+
+<p>In most years Camas Prairie served as the marshalling grounds for the
+annual buffalo hunt. On these occasions, Bannock and mounted Shoshone
+of the Fort Hall area joined forces. While it is possible that these
+groups combined also with the Lemhi Shoshone for the buffalo hunt, we
+could obtain no corroboration of this grouping from informants.
+Informants generally stated that the buffalo party was composed
+chiefly of Bannock and was led by the Bannock chief. While many Fort
+Hall Shoshone took part, most hunted elk, moose, and deer on the
+western side of the Continental Divide. Furthermore, some Bannock did
+not take part in the hunt and similarly hunted in Idaho and
+southwestern Wyoming.</p>
+
+<p>It should be noted that information on the entry of Shoshone or
+Bannock groups into the buffalo grounds of Montana occurs very early
+in the historical period in the reports of Lewis and Clark, and also
+very late in this period. It is true that there is little pertinent
+historical data on southwestern Montana, but there is a distinct
+possibility that the Shoshone and Bannock did not cross the Divide
+annually. Buffalo were found on the upper Snake River prairie until
+about 1840, and the presence of the Blackfoot in Montana made ventures
+there risky. It is noteworthy that in the early reservation period the
+Bannock crossed the Divide into the Big Horn drainage in company with
+the Eastern Shoshone; the trip through Green River and thus to Wind
+River was not by any means the shortest route to the buffalo country.
+On the other hand, informants gave highly detailed information on the
+trail to the Montana buffalo grounds and showed detailed traditional
+knowledge of it. Without more continuous historical data such as is
+available on transmontane hunting patterns in Wyoming, any question of
+historical changes in hunting itineraries must remain open.</p>
+
+<p>From Camas Prairie, contemporary informants say, the buffalo party
+skirted the southern end of the Sawtooth Mountains and went up the
+Little Lost River, crossing over to the Lemhi River. They then
+traveled down the Lemhi and across the Divide via Lemhi Pass.
+Descending the east side of the mountains, the buffalo party arrived
+on the Beaverhead River at a point close to Armstead, Montana. They
+then traveled down the Beaverhead past Twin Bridges to the point where
+the Beaverhead becomes the Jefferson River and thence downstream to
+the Three Forks of the Missouri. One informant said that the
+Beaverhead Valley contained buffalo in earlier times, but by the
+period preceding the treaty it was necessary to go much farther east.
+From Three Forks, Montana, the buffalo route followed the present line
+of U.S. Highway 10 through Bozeman and over Bozeman Pass. The party
+pressed eastwards until it arrived in the country called Buffalo Heart
+by the Bannock because a near-by mountain supposedly had the shape of
+a buffalo heart; this was the fall and winter hunting grounds of the
+Idaho Shoshone and Bannock. It was near the Yellowstone River between
+Big Timber and Billings, Montana, though the migratory habits of
+buffalo and buffalo hunters would dictate considerable movement within
+the region.</p>
+
+<p>The buffalo hunters remained to the west of the Bighorn River and,
+presumably, they did not encroach too heavily upon the Crow. While the
+Crow considered the Eastern Shoshone enemies, we have no information
+on hostilities between them and the Idaho people. The Bannock actually
+camped with the Crow in the late 1860's and early 1870's.</p>
+
+<p>To return to the route to the buffalo country, some alternate trails
+must be noted. After leaving Camas Prairie the party sometimes passed
+through Arco and Idaho Falls, Idaho, and then headed north over the
+Divide, via Monida Pass. They followed Red Rock Creek down to its
+confluence with the Beaverhead and followed the previously described
+trail.</p>
+
+<p>Also, the buffalo party did not always reach Bozeman Pass via the
+Three Forks of the Missouri. The alternate route crossed from the
+Beaverhead River to the Madison River via Virginia City. The party
+continued down the Madison a short distance and then went east to
+Bozeman where the trail joined the one already outlined. There were
+undoubtedly several other routes that are no longer remembered by
+informants.</p>
+
+<p>The buffalo hunt was conducted by much the same techniques as already
+described for the Eastern Shoshone. Two scouts were sent out to
+report upon the presence of buffalo, and the party surrounded and
+pursued the herd as a group. No police societies to prevent hunting by
+individuals were reported by our Idaho Shoshone and Bannock
+informants, nor is there historic evidence of the institution. Guns,
+spears, and the bow and arrow were used.</p>
+
+<p>Meat was jerked and dried on the plains and the slain buffalo were
+skinned and their hides dried. When as much of these commodities as
+the pack horses could carry was accumulated, the party struck out for
+home. Owing to the great distance between the Snake River Valley and
+the buffalo country, winter usually overtook the party en route. If
+the passes were still open when the hunters reached the Divide, they
+went into winter quarters on the Snake River. If the heavy snows
+caught the party while still far from the mountains, they kept
+traveling slowly westward and attempted to encamp in one of the well
+wooded and sheltered valleys on the east side of the Divide. When the
+passes opened in the spring, they crossed into Idaho.</p>
+
+<p>During the winter the party subsisted upon the dried buffalo meat and
+whatever game could be killed. An important product of the hunt, the
+most important according to one informant, was the buffalo hides from
+which tipis and robes were made. Since there was no spring hunt and
+other game was plentiful in eastern Idaho and western Wyoming in the
+fall, the hides may well have been the primary attraction of the
+buffalo country.</p>
+
+<p>Those Shoshone and Bannock who did not follow the buffalo party
+carried on the fall hunt in southeastern Idaho, northern Utah, and
+western Wyoming. The elk and deer hunted could best be taken by small
+groups, hence hunting parties were not large and communal techniques
+were not necessary. Also, since these animals were scattered
+throughout the region and did not travel in the huge herds
+characteristic of the buffalo, the population had to spread out
+accordingly. Somewhat larger groups gathered to hunt antelope, but
+these were temporary aggregations. The actual size of the fall hunting
+groups is uncertain. One informant said that each consisted of about
+fifteen tipis, while another said that groups of two to four tipis
+were common. These smaller camp groups were known as <i>nanogwa</i>. Their
+size was said to have made them more vulnerable to attack than the
+somewhat larger concentrations.</p>
+
+<p>Some locales were known to have a plentiful supply of certain game
+animals. Caribou County in southeastern Idaho was considered good for
+deer hunting, while Jackson Hole and Yellowstone Park were noted for
+elk. The arid highlands of southwestern Wyoming abounded in antelope.
+Of course, all of these areas contained other types of game, and wild
+vegetables could be obtained in all.</p>
+
+<p>The fall hunt began at the end of August or in early September when
+the game was growing fat. Some parties went from Camas Prairie to
+Jackson Hole and Yellowstone via Idaho Falls and the Snake River. The
+route used was much the same as that followed by U.S. Highway 26. One
+informant spoke of Targhee Pass and West Yellowstone, Idaho, as being
+a point of entry to and departure from the Yellowstone country. The
+Snake River Trail was more commonly used to enter Jackson and
+Yellowstone, although West Yellowstone seems to have been more
+frequently traveled on the homeward journey. The<span class="pagenum">[329]</span> west slope of the
+Tetons, the area drained by Teton River, was used also by hunting
+parties.</p>
+
+<p>Other Bannock and Shoshone camp groups went southward through the
+Portneuf Valley and over to the Bear River at Soda Springs; they
+followed the Bear River until they bore eastward to Kemmerer, Wyoming.
+Most camps of the Idaho Indians remained on the west side of the Green
+River. The chief game of the area was the antelope herds which were
+found on affluents of the Green River, northeast of Kemmerer. The
+Idaho Shoshone and Bannock were joined in the antelope hunt by the
+Eastern Shoshone of Wyoming and by the Ute, some of whom crossed the
+Uinta Range in early autumn for this purpose. Whether all these people
+actually combined for communal hunts is uncertain. It is more probable
+that small groups from each population amalgamated. Another attraction
+of the Green River country was Fort Bridger, where many of the Indians
+went for trade.</p>
+
+<p>A few camps might remain to winter in the Green River country, but
+most of them continued their hunt in other parts while returning to
+winter quarters. Some camps retraced their outward route, but others
+traveled northward through Star Valley in western Wyoming and thence
+up the Snake River to Jackson Hole. It must be kept in mind that there
+was no central camp group nor were there fixed hunting trails that
+each group had to follow and that were recognized as their rightful
+grounds. Camp groups could travel where they pleased and when they
+pleased. Proprietary rights to hunting grounds were not recognized.</p>
+
+<p>The individual camp groups changed in composition and membership
+annually. A small camp of only a few tipis might consist of
+consanguineally and affinally related people, but such association was
+not a fixed rule. Also, a family could leave one hunting group and
+join another at will.</p>
+
+<p>The hunting season ended with the advent of winter. Camp groups
+drifted into the previously described winter quarters and awaited
+spring, when the cycle would begin again.</p>
+
+<h3>LEMHI SHOSHONE</h3>
+
+<p>One of the most cohesive of all Shoshone groups lived in the valley of
+the Lemhi River on the western slope of the Continental Divide. The
+Lemhi Shoshone were commonly known by the term Agaidika, or "salmon
+eaters." Like the people of the Fort Hall plains they had fairly large
+herds of horses, which enabled them to take part in the transmontane
+buffalo hunt.</p>
+
+<p>Excellent data on the early historic period in Lemhi Valley is found
+in the journals of Lewis and Clark, who crossed the Continental Divide
+to the Lemhi River on August 13, 1805. A certain amount of information
+on the Shoshone penetration of Montana can be derived from this
+source. Sacajawea, the young Shoshone woman who acted as guide and
+interpreter for Lewis and Clark, said that she had been kidnaped
+during an attack upon the Shoshone at a camp at the Three Forks of the
+Missouri River (Lewis and Clark, 1804-06, 2:283). On their return
+journey from the Pacific the explorers passed through Big Hole Valley,
+slightly above the present town of Wisdom, Montana, where it was noted
+that they were "in the great plain where Shoshonees gather Quawmash
+and cows etc." (ibid., 5:250-251). The party proceeded westward up
+the<span class="pagenum">[330]</span> Beaverhead River, where Sacajawea claimed the Shoshone were
+sometimes found (p. 321) and above Dillon saw one mounted Indian
+thought to be Shoshone (p. 329). No other Indians were sighted,
+although there were indications on the upper Beaverhead River that
+Indians had been digging roots (pp. 332, 334). Apparently the buffalo
+had been receding to the east even at that early time, for Sacajawea
+said that they used to come to the very head of the Beaverhead River;
+apparently they had been hunted out by the Shoshone, who tried to
+avoid the trip to the plains by killing as many buffalo as possible in
+the mountains (p. 261). It seems evident that the Indians' acquisition
+of the horse resulted in some depletion of the buffalo long before the
+American hide hunters arrived in the West.</p>
+
+<p>The main body of Shoshone was encountered by Lewis and Clark on their
+westward trip in the Lemhi River Valley. The natives were fishing at
+the time, and their camps were found scattered along the stream. Camps
+of seven families and of one family (ibid., 3:6, 11), and another of
+25 lodges (ibid., 2:175) serve as examples of the residence units met.
+Lewis estimated the population of the valley as 100 warriors and 300
+women and children (ibid., p. 372). They possessed some 700 mounts,
+including 40 colts and 20 mules; this, it would seem, was not an
+adequate number for the needs of extensive buffalo hunting beyond the
+Continental Divide.</p>
+
+<p>The social needs of buffalo hunting evidently produced some degree of
+band political integration among the Shoshone. But the "principal
+Chief," Ca-me-ah-wait (ibid., p. 340) had only limited powers. Lewis
+writes (ibid., p. 370):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>... each individual is his own sovereign master, and acts from
+the dictates of his own mind; the authority of the Chief being
+nothing more than mere admonition supported by the influence
+which the propriety of his own exemplary conduct may have
+acquired him in the minds of the individuals who compose the
+band.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The title of chief was nonhereditary, and, in fact, everybody was to
+varying degrees a "chief," Lewis noted; the most influential of the
+men was recognized by the others as the "principal chief."</p>
+
+<p>The Shoshone had been pushed westward by the incursions of Indian
+tribes armed by the Canadian traders. Ca-me-ah-wait told Lewis that
+the Shoshone would be able to remain on the Missouri waters if
+equipped with firearms, but under the circumstances had to live part
+of the year on the Columbia waters, where they ate only fish, roots,
+and berries (ibid., p. 383). A few Shoshone in the Lemhi Valley had
+firearms that they obtained from the Crow Indians of the Yellowstone
+River (ibid., p. 341). The winter quarters of the Lemhi Shoshone are
+not described in the journals, but Lewis wrote that they remained on
+the Columbia waters during the time of the salmon run, from May to
+September, and then crossed the Divide to the Missouri waters where
+they spent the winter (p. 373). The presence of powerful and hostile
+tribes in the buffalo country forced the Lemhi Shoshone to travel in
+numbers. They were joined by Shoshone from other areas in the Lemhi
+Valley and were reinforced by more Shoshone groups and the Flathead at
+the Three Forks of the Missouri (p. 324).</p>
+
+<p>The Lemhi Shoshone were preparing to leave for the buffalo hunt on
+August 23, 1805. The salmon run was dwindling at the time of the
+explorers' visit, for Clark noted that the Indians were living largely
+on berries and roots and were quite hungry (ibid., p. 367). Antelope
+were hunted by horsemen pursuing the animals in relays, but it was
+observed that 40 to 50 men might spend a half-day in this activity and
+take only two or three antelope (ibid., p. 346).</p>
+
+<p>The relations of the Shoshone with the outer world gives some
+indication of their pattern of movement. They ranged southward to the
+Spanish settlements, for some of their mules were obtained from the
+Spaniards and articles of Spanish manufacture were noted (ibid., p.
+347). The Shoshone were already suffering from smallpox and venereal
+disease (ibid., p. 373).</p>
+
+<p>Enemy tribes inflicted losses upon the Shoshone. The "Minetaree of
+Fort de prairie" had attacked them and stolen horses and tipis (ibid.,
+p. 343), and they had but recently made peace with the Cayuse and
+Walla Walla (ibid., 5:157-158). The Nez Perc&eacute; also had frequent
+clashes with the Shoshone (ibid., pp. 24, 55-56, 113); the territorial
+situation between the Shoshone and Nez Perc&eacute; was evidently the same as
+in later times, for Ca-me-ah-wait stated that the Nez Perc&eacute; lived on
+the Salmon River, "below the mountains" (ibid., 2:382). Friendly
+relations were maintained with the Flathead, who, according to the
+journals, lived on the Bitterroot River, but fished on the Salmon
+River (ibid., 3:22).</p>
+
+<p>Later references to the Lemhi River region and adjacent portions of
+Montana are few. Ferris hunted on the Ruby River in Montana in the
+early fall of 1831 and mentioned no Shoshone. He did, however, meet a
+Nez Perc&eacute; camp of 25 lodges (Ferris, 1940, p. 118). Another Nez Perc&eacute;
+camp was encountered after Ferris crossed the Divide to the Lemhi
+River (ibid., p. 120). Ferris went to the Ruby River again in 1832 and
+again found no Shoshone. His party was attacked by the Blackfoot and
+the trappers found refuge in a camp on the Beaverhead River consisting
+of 150 lodges of "Flatheads, Pen-d'oreilles, and others" (ibid., pp.
+177-178). In 1831, Ferris crossed over Deer Lodge Pass to Big Hole
+River, where he noted that they were on the edge of Blackfoot country
+(ibid, p. 109). However, he met 100 lodges of Pend Oreilles on Big
+Hole River who were en route from Salish House to the buffalo country.
+Ferris then joined the Pend Oreille and some Flathead lodges in a
+buffalo hunt on the Beaverhead River (ibid., p. 113).</p>
+
+<p>An obvious conclusion from the preceding data is that the Shoshone did
+hunt in southwestern Montana, but so also did other peoples. The flux
+of various hunting parties in the area was undoubtedly increased
+during the fur-trapping period. The extent of their entry into Montana
+remains undetermined, but their range undoubtedly shifted during the
+historic period as a direct result of the recession eastward of the
+buffalo herds. It is uncertain what proportion of the Lemhi population
+went on the buffalo hunt, and we lack historical information on their
+winter camps across the Divide. However, casual entry of small parties
+into southwestern Montana for winter residence would have been most
+dangerous throughout the historic period because of the continual
+threat of Blackfoot attacks.</p>
+
+<p>Leadership patterns were well developed among the Lemhi people. In
+1859 Lander mentioned "Tentoi" who "is not a chief, but has very great
+influence with the tribe, and has distinguished himself in wars with
+the Blackfeet" (Lander, 1860, p. 125). Tendoy was subsequently<span class="pagenum">[331]</span> said
+by Agent Rainsford to be the head chief at Lemhi (Rainsford, 1873, p.
+666), and Agent Fuller later noted Tendoy as the chief of the entire
+reservation population, which included some 200 Bannock, 500 Shoshone,
+and 300 Sheepeaters (Fuller, CD 1639, p. 572). Further information on
+Tendoy was obtained from informants, but it is obvious that the
+establishment of a reservation in Lemhi Valley resulted in an eclectic
+population and the chieftaincy was part of the Indian Office pattern
+of reservation administration. There is no doubt, however, that a
+pre-reservation chieftaincy did exist, although for different
+purposes.</p>
+
+<p>Informants agreed that the Agaidika formed a unified band under
+Tendoy. No other chiefs were named, although there were said to be a
+number of minor leaders. Tendoy acted as leader in such communal
+pursuits as the making of salmon traps or in the annual buffalo hunt.
+Informants said that he called a council of leading men of the band
+when any decision affecting the whole group was to be made, and the
+results were announced to the people by a man who held the office of
+"announcer." Councils might be held before the salmon season and the
+buffalo hunt or to plot strategy when on the buffalo hunt.</p>
+
+<p>While the Lemhi Shoshone intermarried with other Shoshone and with
+Bannock, there was a clear-cut geographical separation between them
+and the above groups. Some Shoshone wintered in Montana on the other
+side of the Divide, but they were generally considered to be of the
+Lemhi band. To the west was the Sawtooth Range and the Tukurika.
+Although the Tukurika had some contact with the Lemhi people, there
+were considerable cultural differences between them, owing to the
+proximity of Plains Indian tribes to the Agaidika and to the different
+subsistent cycles of the two groups. North of the Lemhi country was
+the land of the Flathead; to the south the arid Snake River plains
+intervened between them and the Fort Hall plains population. The Lemhi
+Shoshone were by no means isolated, but there was considerably less
+overlapping of activities than in southeastern Idaho.</p>
+
+<p>Winter was usually spent in the valley of the Lemhi River in the area
+between the modern town of Salmon and the old Mormon post of Fort
+Lemhi. One informant said that the population was distributed in
+villages of about a dozen buffalo-hide tipis, each village having a
+leader. During the winter the population subsisted upon dried stores
+of berries, roots, and the meat of buffalo and other game. The Lemhi
+Valley was secure from enemy attack in the winter, for the Blackfoot
+concentrated their attention on the Bannock encampments on the Snake
+River.</p>
+
+<p>Other Shoshone were said to have wintered occasionally on the
+Beaverhead River in Montana. Steward notes that "possibly a few
+families lived in the vicinity of Dillon, Montana" (1938, p. 188). He
+lists a large winter camp of some forty families named "Unauvump,"
+which was situated along Red Rock Creek from Lima, Montana, to Red
+Rock Lake (ibid.). Steward notes that this name refers to the
+"locomotive" and thus to the Union Pacific Railroad, which follows the
+Beaverhead River. We obtained the same name, but our informant thought
+it was merely a place name and not a camp site. Also the site was a
+short distance up the Beaverhead River from Dillon, Montana. In any
+case, the reference to the locomotive established the recency of the
+name. In view of the Blackfoot incursions in that area it is doubtful
+whether the camp on Red Rock Creek much pre-dated the treaty. However,
+Bannock and Shoshone buffalo-hunting parties were frequently forced to
+spend the winter in Montana, although the exact location of these
+camps is not known.</p>
+
+<p>When winter ended, the Lemhi population did not move far afield in
+search of subsistence, but hunted and awaited the spring salmon run in
+April. The Indians fished with harpoons, set basketry traps, and made
+fish weirs. Most fishing was done in the Lemhi River, but some
+families fished in the Pahsimeroi River, an affluent of the Salmon
+River which flowed west of and parallel to the Lemhi. Some fishing
+took place on the main stream of the Salmon River below its confluence
+with the Lemhi, but only harpooning was effective owing to the depth
+of the water.</p>
+
+<p>The weirs were put in the water each spring and dismantled in the fall
+and stored. Certain men were considered especially proficient in the
+construction and operation of fish weirs and assumed supervision over
+the operation.</p>
+
+<p>When the salmon runs had ended, many of the Lemhi people went to Camas
+Prairie. Some preferred to dig roots in the Lemhi country or to hunt
+deer in the ranges on either side of the valley. These hunting groups
+were quite small and usually numbered only two to four tipis. The
+sojourn on Camas Prairie lasted only about a month and the Lemhi
+people returned for the summer-fall salmon run. When this was over at
+the end of August, preparations were made for the trip to the buffalo
+country.</p>
+
+<p>At least three horses were required for the buffalo hunt: one for the
+hunter, another for his wife, and a third for packing purposes. Even
+this number was inadequate, since children also needed mounts and one
+pack horse was not enough to transport a good take of meat and hides.
+Also, the hunter should preferably have a specially trained buffalo
+horse, which he would ride only while the buffalo herd was being
+chased. While the Lemhi were richer in horses than were most Shoshone,
+some people were forced to stay at home. These hunted game in the
+mountains of the Lemhi region and adjoining areas on the Montana side
+of the Divide and depended to some extent on the largesse of the
+returning buffalo party.</p>
+
+<p>The buffalo hunters crossed the Divide through Lemhi Pass to the
+Beaverhead River and went out to the hunting grounds along the
+previously described routes. Our informants had no recollection of
+alliances with other Shoshone or with other tribes on the buffalo hunt
+except for one who said that the Lemhi Shoshone hunted with Nez Perc&eacute;
+parties after an earlier period of hostility. At this earlier time the
+Nez Perc&eacute; and the Flathead were said to have been enemies of the Lemhi
+people. Lemhi informants claimed that the buffalo parties usually
+succeeded in reaching winter quarters on the Lemhi River before the
+snows closed the passes. In view of Lewis and Clark's information and
+our data from Fort Hall, however, it might be supposed that they were
+often forced to remain in Montana for the winter.</p><hr class="chap" /><p><span class="pagenum">[332]</span></p>
+
+<h2 id="IV">IV. ECOLOGY AND SOCIAL SYSTEM</h2>
+
+<p>Out of the mass of detailed data presented in the preceding chapters,
+certain constant features in the life of the buffalo-hunting Shoshone
+and Bannock may be discerned. First, there is no doubt of the
+importance of buffalo in the economy of these people. During an early
+period, when the Shoshone were among the first tribes of the Northern
+Plains to adopt the horse, they occupied large areas of the Missouri
+drainage and extensive buffalo herds were also to be found west of the
+Continental Divide. Even after tribal pressures from the north forced
+the Shoshone into residence west of the Rockies part of the time,
+advantage was still taken of the buffalo in that region. And regular
+sorties were made over the mountains in search of the more abundant
+herds there. But no sector of the mounted Shoshone population, at
+least after 1800, was completely dependent upon the buffalo nor were
+their principal social connections with the east. Rather, their
+firmest social ties were with their colinguists to the west, and their
+economy also was strongly oriented in that direction.</p>
+
+<p>This fact has been a major source of difficulty in our attempt to
+isolate social groupings among the Bannock and Shoshone. The Bannock,
+usually accompanied by many Idaho Shoshone, ranged east to central
+Montana, or into the Big Horn Basin, with the Eastern Shoshone. Part
+of the year, however, saw them in western Idaho and in Oregon, where
+they visited and intermarried with the Northern Paiute. Although we
+have no information on persons shifting membership from the Bannock to
+the Northern Paiute, such relocations no doubt took place, even if
+only temporarily. There are ample data, however, to document the
+reverse process, for Northern Paiute were continually joining the
+Bannock in order to take part in buffalo hunting.</p>
+
+<p>The same fluidity of movement of individuals and families may be noted
+among the mounted Shoshone of Idaho, Utah, and Wyoming. Those buffalo
+hunters whom we have somewhat arbitrarily assigned to Idaho
+customarily wintered on the Portneuf and upper Snake rivers. But they
+could be found in different seasons and during various years in
+northern Utah, on the waters of the Bear River and east of Great Salt
+Lake, and in western Wyoming. Families occasionally went to the Goose
+Creek Mountains in the fall for pine nuts, and almost all went down
+the Snake River in spring and early summer to take part in salmon
+fishing. In all these places they interacted with and could trace
+kinship bilaterally to the unmounted, more permanent inhabitants.</p>
+
+<p>This is true also for the so-called Eastern Shoshone. We have shown
+that these mounted people wintered on the Bear and Green rivers until
+their final establishment on the Wind River Reservation; in fact, the
+first Eastern Shoshone Agency was at Fort Bridger. Annual trips were
+made to Salt Lake City, after its settlement by the Mormons, and
+visits into Idaho were frequent. Moreover, Shoshone not generally
+associated with Washakie's leadership who possessed horses joined the
+latter for buffalo hunting. Evidence for this is most clear in the
+case of Pocatello's followers. This particular band, found at various
+times buffalo hunting in central Wyoming, wintering in northern Utah
+or southeastern Idaho, and fishing or raiding on the Snake River, is
+an excellent example of the social continuity between Plains and
+Basin-Plateau. That there was such social continuity, merging, and
+interpenetration indicates a common set of social understandings, of
+great similarity in social structure. It may be further argued that
+this continuity and exchange of population served in some degree to
+preserve a more amorphous Basin-type society among the buffalo
+hunters.</p>
+
+<p>It is clear that larger political units existed among the mounted
+Shoshone and Bannock than among their fellows to the east. We believe,
+however, that it would be erroneous to attribute great stability or
+cohesiveness to these aggregates, for the seasonal amalgamation and
+splitting of other Plains populations is even more pronounced among
+the Shoshone. The reason for this is partly the fact that the Shoshone
+spent long periods of the year west of the Rockies and within the
+range itself. Buffalo hunting did unite most of the mounted people
+every fall and to a lesser extent in the spring. There is considerable
+variation of evidence on whether the people crossing the Divide from
+Wyoming and Idaho formed two large parties or several smaller ones. It
+may be surmised that the large parties were common in earlier times
+owing to the threat of enemies, but the smaller ones seem to have been
+more common later in the nineteenth century, especially after the
+establishment of the Wind River Reservation. The time spent in the
+buffalo hunt was closely correlated with the distance to the herds.
+Our fragmentary accounts suggest that in the upper Green and Snake
+rivers before 1840, smaller groups hunted for shorter periods. The Big
+Horn Basin, however, is more than 200 miles from the Green River area,
+and the bands were forced to travel longer distances and to kill their
+winter meat supply in one prolonged hunt. Although the Wyoming
+Shoshone usually were able to return for the winter to the Green and
+Bear rivers, this was not true of those Idaho Shoshone and Bannock who
+sought buffalo in Montana. The distance from Camas Prairie in Idaho to
+the buffalo country of Montana was almost 500 miles, making a winter
+return to Idaho most difficult and aggravating the problem of packing
+meat. Many of the Idaho people chose not to make this long and
+difficult journey and found adequate fall hunting in the local
+mountains. A buffalo party could thus be on the move for a few days or
+a week, for two months or seven months, depending on the itinerary
+followed. Cohesion was closest during actual traveling and hunting.
+Winter camps were not tightly nucleated settlements of an entire
+buffalo party, for hunting during the winter required some dispersal.
+This point deserves some elaboration. Shimkin has stressed the
+inadequacy of buffalo hunting for a complete winter subsistence
+(Shimkin, 1947<i>a</i>, p. 266) and this is borne out by the testimony of
+our informants also. Buffalo meat no doubt supplied the margin of
+survival, but considerable dependence was placed on elk, deer, moose,
+rabbits, and other animals during the winter. A very large and compact
+winter camp would soon exhaust the game in its immediate vicinity.<span class="pagenum">[333]</span>
+Moreover, the winter location had to be in places where these animals
+could be found. Camps were thus generally [not] located in river
+valleys, where wood, water, and protection from storms could be found,
+but in the vicinity of the high mountains inhabited by the game.</p>
+
+<p>Large population concentrations broke down completely during the
+summer. Buffalo hunting was restricted to strays and to the small
+timber buffalo. But the principal game was taken in the mountain
+country west of the Continental Divide. Large camp groups could not be
+adapted to the scattered resources used during this period, and people
+gathered mainly for reasons of defense. Summer groupings of a minimum
+size seem to have been positively preferred by the Shoshone, as our
+data from the post-reservation period indicate.</p>
+
+<p>This ecological adaptation and mode of social interaction with other
+groups had a profound effect on the structure of Shoshone society.
+Shimkin analyzes the fluctuations in economy and local grouping among
+the Wind River Shoshone and states (1947<i>a</i>, p. 280):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>It also strengthened the cross-currents of individualism and
+collective discipline: individual prestige in war honors and
+hunting versus united military societies and collective bison
+hunts.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>But the basic structure of Shoshone society remained diffuse and
+atomistic. Institutions productive of centralization were weak. Lowie,
+for example, reports on police, or soldier, societies among the
+Eastern Shoshone (Lowie, 1915, pp. 813-814). There were two such
+groups, called the Yellow Noses and the Logs. The former used inverted
+speech and were expected to be more courageous. They accordingly were
+responsible for leading the band when on the march, while the Logs
+formed the rear guard. Each of these groups had a headman, but Lowie
+states that the tribal chief was a member of neither. Membership was
+attained through the candidate's own initiative or by invitation;
+purchase and age-grading were not criteria, and societies using such
+means of recruitment were evidently absent among the Eastern Shoshone.
+Although Lowie did not report the functions of the police societies in
+detail, he says that the Yellow Nose society, in addition to its
+responsibility of protecting the traveling bands and maintaining order
+among them, also policed the hunt. Lowie further writes that the horse
+of a deviant hunter would be beaten and that any buffalo hides taken
+by him would be destroyed.</p>
+
+<p>Lowie's information on the Idaho is more fragmentary. We learn only
+that among the Lemhi Shoshone: "At a dance of hunt, he [the chief] was
+assisted by di'rak&#x014d;&#x0144;e policemen, armed with quirts" (Lowie,
+1909, p. 208). Regarding the Lemhi, one of Steward's informants told
+him that the police institution had been recently introduced (Steward,
+1938, p. 194). Steward's data on the police in Idaho is more complete
+(ibid., p. 211):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The institution of police, which was obviously borrowed from
+Wyoming, is of unknown antiquity. It was largely civil and
+consisted of four or five middle-aged men, Bannock or Shoshoni,
+who had a civic spirit. They were selected and instructed by
+the council.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Actual soldier societies were not present in Idaho. The policemen were
+primarily responsible for keeping the traveling band together and were
+secondarily concerned with the buffalo hunt.</p>
+
+<p>We specifically queried our Shoshone and Bannock informants on the
+presence of police societies or of any techniques for control of
+impulsive buffalo hunters. The responses were all negative, nor is
+there any historical reference to police societies. The Shoshone and
+Bannock, we learned from contemporary Indians, needed no coercion to
+keep them from premature and individual preying upon a buffalo herd.
+Such action would not be to any individual's self-interest, it was
+said, and the censure of the community imposed sufficient control over
+individual behavior. But we cannot deny the existence of the two
+societies or of the dances associated with them. Rather, we would
+surmise that the police societies were not important elements in
+social control nor were they ever a key element in Shoshone social
+structure; the fact that they have been only imperfectly preserved in
+traditional knowledge is, itself, of some significance. We
+hypothesize, then, that the symbolic content of soldier societies had
+reached the Shoshone without major effects on the ordering of personal
+and group relations. These conclusions are much akin to Wallace and
+Hoebel's for the Comanche, who were, it seems, able to hunt buffalo
+quite effectively without institutionalized coercive restraints
+(Wallace and Hoebel, 1952, pp. 56-57).</p>
+
+<p>Chieftaincy was more highly developed in the eastern sectors of the
+Shoshone occupancy than among the people farther west. But even among
+the mounted bands, the authority of the chiefs was limited. Lewis and
+Clark commented on the essentially egalitarian nature of Shoshone
+society, and later travelers present evidence leading to the same
+conclusion. The wealth differentiation characteristic of the later
+history of other Plains tribes never became a significant factor among
+the Shoshone. This is no doubt owing in part to their weak military
+position and the consequent heavy losses of horses to enemy tribes.
+Moreover, the Shoshone were only marginally involved in the
+buffalo-hide trade, and large horse herds and extensive polygyny did
+not have the utility that they did among, for example, the Blackfoot,
+who employed women as an essential part of the labor force (cf. Lewis,
+1942).</p>
+
+<p>The absence of strong tendencies to stratification and the type of
+ecological adaptation present acted to inhibit the development of
+strong authority patterns. Leadership over a large population, such as
+that exerted by Chief Washakie, was necessarily temporary in nature
+and was largely restricted to periods when people united for the
+common enterprises of war and buffalo hunting. During the summer and
+most of winter and spring a host of minor chiefs of varying influence
+and prestige were responsible for directing the activities of clusters
+of followers. Even war and the spring and fall hunts did not
+necessarily entail the participation of an entire tribe. The buffalo
+hunters frequently split into smaller hunting parties when out on the
+plains. And warfare, if offensive, usually was carried on by small
+raiding parties. Even in defensive warfare attacks were swift and
+without warning, and large numbers of people could not be gathered to
+repel the invaders.</p>
+
+<p>"Tribal" chiefs did exist in Idaho and Wyoming, but they exercised
+discontinuous influence on a group of followers, who might only
+infrequently all gather as a unit. And since it is impossible to
+isolate Shoshone or Bannock tribes as stable membership units, the
+great chiefs may be more profitably viewed as the men of highest
+prestige within a certain area. The positions of these leaders became
+more clearly defined in later times, when first traders and then
+government agents sought them out as representatives of their people.
+That the white man's image of the chieftaincy was erroneous may be
+seen in the examples cited of disaffection and the subsequent efforts
+of the agents to shore up the authority of their delegated chiefs.</p><p><span class="pagenum">[334]</span></p>
+
+<p>Chiefs acted in consultation with councils of distinguished men and
+lesser chiefs, and the familiar Plains role of camp announcer is also
+present among the Shoshone. The chief in any area achieved his status
+through general consensus and recognition of his high prestige.
+Generosity, wisdom, bravery, and skill in hunting were key criteria
+for the selection of headmen. The position was neither hereditary nor
+for life. Although it is not possible to speak of a chief being
+"deposed," many a chief was replaced by a man whose star was in the
+ascendancy. And it was also possible for two or three men to have
+almost equivalent claim to the role within the same district. Despite
+the nonhereditary nature of the office, we sometimes find it shared by
+brothers, or sometimes one brother succeeded another. Such cases may
+be explained as the result of general family prestige or of common
+upbringing and ideals of conduct.</p>
+
+<p>One important limiting factor on the power of chiefs was the mobility
+of the population. Individuals could and did move to other areas or
+join other leaders, and the chief who wished to maintain his influence
+over his followers could not carry out policy greatly opposed to their
+wishes. The mobility of the population is a function of several
+important facts. First, the bands were not corporate units in the
+sense of groups holding rights over strategic resources. As we have
+seen, there were no such limits within the general range of
+Shoshone-speaking people. Band territoriality would have been directly
+contradictory to the enormous distances traversed by the mounted
+people. The region, as a whole, presented the possibility of a
+balanced diet and annual subsistence cycle, but smaller subdivisions
+of it could not do so, though they provided overabundance of a limited
+number of foods in certain seasons. Even the area of Shoshone
+occupation, as compared with other peoples' territory, was vague and
+ill defined. Territory, as such, was not a matter of great concern in
+the relations of the Shoshone with hostile tribes. Rather, they
+vigorously defended their horses and their own lives during enemy
+invasions. The buffalo country east of the mountains was roamed over
+by several groups, as were the mountain areas of western Wyoming and
+Montana. And peaceful groups of the Basin-Plateau merged and
+intermingled with the Shoshone in the areas in which they had contact.</p>
+
+<p>The individual, the family, or the group of families that elected to
+change leaders within an area or to shift from one area to another did
+not give up vested rights and prerogatives. And, given the loose
+nature of Shoshone social structure and the diffuse and widespread
+network of social relationships, the person or group seeking a change
+could usually count upon acceptance elsewhere. The reservation system
+tended to tighten political organization and to define groupings more
+closely, since reservation membership did constitute a vested interest
+and government legitimation and stabilization of a central chieftaincy
+restricted the choices open to the individual.</p>
+
+<p>The principal item in the productive apparatus of the mounted Shoshone
+was the horse. Without sufficient horses to pursue the buffalo hunt,
+the Indian was relegated to "digger" status and had to remain within
+the Great Basin. But horses were individual, private property, and a
+man could locate under any leadership as long as he was mounted. His
+primary economic dependency was thus shifted from the larger social
+group to his own herd. Each man was to a large extent his own master
+and acted accordingly.</p>
+
+<p>The loose bilaterality of the Shoshone was ideally adapted to their
+mode of existence. Our data show some tendency toward matrilocality,
+but Steward states that, in Idaho, this is true primarily of the early
+years of marriage, after which the couple could exercise a bilocal
+option (Steward, 1938, p. 214). The direction of the choice depended
+on such situational factors as the prestige of either mate's parents
+or their wealth in horses. In any event, there was no marked
+preferential weighting of either line. Our informants reported that
+the married couple often shifted back and forth for varying periods of
+time. Ultimately, the mounted Shoshone may be just as profitably
+looked on as neolocal, as were the western Shoshone, for the couple
+did not necessarily live with or adjacent to either mate's parents.
+People were quite free to join other relatives or to associate closely
+with unrelated persons. This, and the periodic splitting up and
+reamalgamation of larger groups, inhibited any development of large,
+solidary nuclei of bilateral kinsmen. Relationships were traced
+bilaterally and widely, but ties were amorphous and weak. Lacking
+bounded and corporate kin groups, persons were highly individuated and
+possessed maximum geographical mobility.</p>
+
+<p>We may well conclude that, from the point of view of social structure,
+the mounted Shoshone were typologically much like the Great Basin
+people with whom they had close relations. Easily diffused items of
+culture, such as their material inventory, many religious beliefs, and
+their mode of warfare, establish their intimate historical connection
+with the Plains. But the higher levels of social integration found
+among the Shoshone are of a situational nature and are not well
+integrated with the fundamental facts of family life and more stable
+modes of grouping. It would be erroneous to conclude from this,
+however, that this amorphous, Basinlike social structure was
+nonadaptive to the Plains. That it is not at all atypical of the area
+is indicated by Eggan's statement (1955, pp. 518-519):</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Plains Indian society, despite its lack of lineage and clan,
+still has a social structure. This structure is "horizontal" or
+generational in character and has little depth. The extended
+family groupings in terms of matrilocal residence or centered
+around a sibling group are amorphous but flexible. The
+bilateral or composite band organization, centered around a
+chief and his close relatives, may change its composition
+according to various circumstances&mdash;economic or political. The
+camp-circle encompasses the tribe, provides a disciplined
+organization for the communal hunt, and a center for the Sun
+Dance and other tribal ceremonies which symbolized the renewed
+unity of the tribe and the renewal of nature. The seasonal
+alternation between band and tribal camp-circle is related to
+ecological changes in the environment, and particularly to the
+behavior of the buffalo ...</p>
+
+<p>The working hypothesis proposed earlier ... that "tribes coming
+into the Plains with different backgrounds and social systems,"
+can be tentatively extended to Plains social structure as a
+whole, despite the variations noted. That this is in large
+measure an internal adjustment to the uncertain and changing
+conditions of Plains environment&mdash;ecological and social&mdash;rather
+than a result of borrowing and diffusion, is still highly
+probable.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The loose bilaterality seen by Eggan as a characteristic of Plains
+society was part of the earlier Shoshone social background. But more
+centralized political units and predominantly "horizontal"
+organizations, such as age-grade and soldier societies, were more
+weakly developed than among many other tribes of the northern Plains.
+This fact, as well as the acquisition of firearms by the northern
+tribes, may have been responsible for the manifest military weakness
+of the Shoshone and their westward retreat beyond the Rocky
+Mountains.</p><hr class="chap" /><p><span class="pagenum">[335]</span></p>
+
+<h2 id="Bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY</h2>
+
+<p class="h3"><i>Abbreviations</i></p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Bibliography">
+<tr><td align="left">AA</td><td align="left">American Anthropologist</td></tr>
+<tr><td align="left">AMNH-AP</td><td align="left">American Museum of Natural History, Anthropological Papers. New York</td></tr>
+<tr><td align="left">BAE-B</td><td align="left">Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin</td></tr>
+<tr><td align="left">CD</td><td align="left">Congressional Document, Washington</td></tr>
+<tr><td align="left">MPUS</td><td align="left">Report of the President of the United States. Washington</td></tr>
+<tr><td align="left">RCIA</td><td align="left">Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Washington</td></tr>
+<tr><td align="left">RSI</td><td align="left">Report of the Secretary of the Interior. Washington</td></tr>
+<tr><td align="left">RSW</td><td align="left">Report of the Secretary of War. Washington</td></tr>
+<tr><td align="left">UC</td><td align="left">University of California Publications. Berkeley and Los Angeles</td></tr>
+<tr><td align="left">-AAE</td><td align="left">American Archaeology and Ethnology</td></tr>
+<tr><td align="left">-AR</td><td align="left">Anthropological Records</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p class="spacer">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Alter, J. Cecil</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1925. James Bridger. Salt Lake City, Utah.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Ballard, D. W.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284, pp. 190-192.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 656-659.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Beckwith, Lieut. E. G.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1855. Report of Explorations for a Route for the Pacific Railroad, of the Line of the Forty-First Parallel of North Latitude 1854. CD 792, 1B, 1854-55. Washington.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Beckwourth, James P.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1931. The Life and Adventures of J. P. Beckwourth. T. D. Bonner, ed. New York.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Blythe, Beatrice</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1938. "Northern Paiute Bands in Oregon," AA 40:402-405.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Bryant, Edwin</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1885. Rocky Mountain Adventures. Hurst and Co., New York.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Burpee, L. J. (ed.)</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1927. Journals and Letters of Pierre Gaultier de Varennes de La V&eacute;rendrye and His Sons. Toronto.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Burton, Richard F.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1861. The City of the Saints. London.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Campbell, Albert H.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1859. RSI 1859, CD 984, pp. 3-12.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Campbell, J. A.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 171-173.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1871. RCIA 1870, CD 1449, pp. 638-642.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Chittenden, Hiram Martin</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1933. Yellowstone National Park, Stanford, Calif.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Connelley, William Elsay</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1907. Doniphan's Expedition and the Conquest of Mexico and New California. Topeka, Kan.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Cooley, D. N.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1866. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 169-225.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Coutant, C.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1899. History of Wyoming. Laramie, Wyo.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Crawford, Medorem</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1897. Journal of M. Crawford. Sources of the History of Oregon, Vol. 1, No. 1. Eugene, Ore.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Cross, Major Osborne</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1851. RSW 1850, CD 587, pp. 128-231.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Dale, Harrison Clifford</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1918. The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of a Central Route to the Pacific, 1822-1829. Cleveland, Ohio.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Danilson, W. H.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 729-730.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">De Smet, Pierre Jean</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1905. Life, Letters, and Travels of Father Jean De Smet, S.J., 1801-1873. New York.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1906. Letters and Sketches. <i>In</i> Early Western Travels, 1748-1846, Vol. 27. R. G. Thwaites, ed. Cleveland, Ohio.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Doty, James Duane</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1863. RCIA 1862, CD 1157, pp. 342-344, 354-358.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1865. RCIA 1864, CD 1220, pp. 317-320.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Dunn, J. P.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1886. Massacres of the Mountains. New York.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Eggan, Fred</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1955. Social Anthropology: Methods and Results. <i>In</i> Social Anthropology of North American Indian Tribes. F. Eggan, ed. (2d ed.). Chicago.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Ewers, John C.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1955. The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture. BAE-B 159.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Farnham, Thomas J.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1843. Travels in the Great Western Prairies, the Anahuac and Rocky Mountains, and in the Oregon Territory. New York.<span class="pagenum">[336]</span></p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1906. Travels in the Great Western Prairies, the Anahuac and Rocky Mountains, and in the Oregon Territory. <i>In</i> Early Western Travels, 1748-1846. Vol. 28. R. G. Thwaites, ed. Cleveland, Ohio.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Ferris, Warren Angus</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1940. Life in the Rocky Mountains. Paul C. Phillips, ed. Denver, Colo.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Fleming, G. W.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1871. RCIA 1870, CD 1449, pp. 642-644.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Fleming, H. B.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1858. MPUS 1857, CD 956, p. 167.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Floyd-Jones, De L.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 719-721.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1871. RCIA 1870, CD 1449, pp. 645-647.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Forney, Jacob</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1859. RCIA 1858, CD 974, pp. 561-565.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1860<i>a</i>. RCIA 1859, CD 1023, pp. 730-741.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1860<i>b</i>. MPUS 1859, CD 1033, pp. 44-45, 52-53, 59-60, 117-118.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Fremont, John Charles</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1845. Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in the Year 1842, and to Oregon and North California in the Years 1843-1844.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Fuller, Harrison</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1875. RCIA 1874, CD 1639, pp. 572-573.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Gove, Captain Jesse A.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1928. The Utah Expedition, 1857-58. New Hampshire Historical Society Collections, Vol. 12. Otis G. Hammond, ed. Concord, N. H.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Haines, Francis</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1938. The Northward Spread of Horses among the Plains Indians, AA 40:429-437.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Hale, Horatio</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1848. Hale's Indians of Northwest America and Vocabularies of North America. Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, Vol. 2. New York.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Hamilton, W. T.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1905. My Sixty Years on the Plains. E. T. Sieber, ed. New York.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Head, F. H.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284, pp. 122-126.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1868. RCIA 1867, CD 1326, pp. 173-180, 186-188.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 608-614.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Hebard, Grace R.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1930. Washakie. Cleveland, Ohio.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Hickman, Bill</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1872. Brigham's Destroying Angel. New York.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Hodge, Frederick Webb (ed.)</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1910. Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. BAE-B 30, Pt. 2.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Hoebel, E. Adamson</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1938. Bands and Distributions of the Eastern Shoshone. AA 40:410-413.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Holeman, John H.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1852. RCIA 1852, CD 613, pp. 444-446.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1854. RCIA 1853, CD 690, pp. 443-447.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1858. MPUS 1857, CD 956, pp. 139-148, 151-155, 158-161.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Hough, George C.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 660-661.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Hultkrantz, A.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1949. Kulturbildningen hos Wyomings Shoshoni-indianer. Ymer, pp. 134-157. Stockholm.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1954. Indianerna i Yellowstone Park. Ymer, h. 2. Stockholm.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1958. Tribal Divisions within the Eastern Shoshoni of Wyoming, Proceedings, 32nd International Congress of Americanists, Copenhagen, pp. 148-154.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Hurt, Garland</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1856. RCIA 1855, CD 810, pp. 517-521.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Irish, O. H.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1865. RCIA 1864, CD 1220, pp. 313-315.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1866. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 310-316.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Irving, Washington</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1837. The Rocky Mountains, <i>In</i> The Journal of Captain B. L. E. Bonneville. Philadelphia.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1850. Astoria. Covent Garden.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1873. The Adventures of Captain Bonneville, U. S. A. <i>In</i> The Rocky Mountains and the Far West. (Knickerbocker ed.). Philadelphia.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">[1890.]  Astoria. Thomas Y. Crowell and Co., New York.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Irwin, James</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1874. RCIA 1873, CD 1601, pp. 612-613.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Jones, Capt. W. A.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1875. Report upon the Reconnaissance of Northwestern Wyoming, chap. I, pp. 5-44. U. S. Engineer Dept., Washington.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Kirkpatrick, J. M.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1863. RCIA 1862, CD 1157, pp. 409-412.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Kroeber, A. L.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1909. The Bannock and Shoshoni Languages, AA 11:266-277.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1939. Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. UC-PAAE Vol. 38.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Lander, F. W.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1859. RSI 1859, CD 984, pp. 47-73.<span class="pagenum">[337]</span>  1860. RSW 1859, CD 1033, pp. 121-139.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Lane, Joseph</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1851. RCIA 1851, CD 587, pp. 156-168.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Langworthy, Franklin</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1932. Scenery of the Plains, Mountains and Mines. Paul C. Phillips, ed. Princeton, N. J.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Leonard, Zenas</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1934. Narrative of the Adventures of Zenas Leonard. Milo M. Quaife, ed. Chicago.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Lewis, Meriwether, and William Clark 1904-06. Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1804-06. 8 vols. R. G. Thwaites, ed. New York.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Lewis, Oscar</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1942. The Effects of White Contact upon Blackfoot Culture, with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade. American Ethnological Society, Philadelphia. 73 pp.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Lowie, Robert H.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1909. The Northern Shoshone. AMNH-AP 2:169-306.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1915. Dances and Societies of the Shoshone Indians. AMNH-AP 11 (pt. 10):803-835.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Lyon, Caleb</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1866. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 415-419.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284, p. 187.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Mann, Luther</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1865. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 326-328.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1868. RCIA 1867, CD 1326, pp. 182-184, 189.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 616-619.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 715-716.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Margry, P. (ed.)</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1888. Journal du voyage fait par le Chevalier de la V&eacute;rendrye. <i>In</i> D&eacute;couvertes et &eacute;tablissements des Francais dans l'Ouest et dans le Sud de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1614-1754, 6:598-601.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Mullan, Lieut. John</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1855. RSW 1854, CD 758, pp. 322-349.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Ogden, Peter Skene</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1909. Journals of the Snake Expeditions, 1825-1826. T. C. Elliott, ed. Oregon Historical Quarterly, 10 (no. 4):331-365.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1910. Journals of the Snake Expeditions, 1826-1827. T. C. Elliott, ed. Oregon Historical Quarterly, 11 (no. 2):201-222.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1950. Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals, 1824-1825 and 1825-1826. E. E. Rich, ed. The Hudson's Bay Record Society, Vol. 13. London.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Patten, James I.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1878. RCIA 1877, CD 1800, pp. 603-606.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Patterson, J. H.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 717-718.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Powell, Chas. F.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1868. RCIA 1867, CD 1326, pp. 251-253.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 661-663.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 728-729.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Powell, J. W., and G. W. Ingalls</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1874. RCIA 1873, CD 1601, pp. 409-442.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Rainsford, J. C.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1873. RCIA 1872, CD 1560, pp. 666-667.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Raynolds, W. F.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1868. RSW 1867, CD 1317, pp. 1-174.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Remy, Jules, and Julius Brenchley</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1861. A Journey to Great Salt Lake City. Vol. 1. London.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Ross, Alexander</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1924. The Fur Hunters of the Far West. Milo M. Quaife, ed. Chicago.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Russell, Osborne</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1921. Journal of a Trapper, or Nine Years in the Rocky Mountains, 1834-1843. Boise, Idaho.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1955. Journals of a Trapper. Aubrey L. Haines, ed. Oregon Historical Society.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Schoolcraft, H. R.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1860. Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge. Vol. I. Philadelphia.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Shanks, John P. C., T. W. Bennett, and Henry W. Reed</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1874. RSI 1873, CD 1608, pp. 2-4.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Shaw, Reuben C.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1948. Across the Plains in Forty-nine. M. M. Quaife, ed. Chicago.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Shimkin, D. B.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1938. "Wind River Shoshone Geography," AA 40:413-415. 1939. Shoshone-Comanche Origins and Migrations. Proceedings, Sixth Pacific Science Congress, 4:17-25.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1947<i>a</i>. Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography. UC-AR 5:245-288.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1947<i>b</i>. Childhood and Development among the Wind River Shoshone. UC-AR 5:289-325.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Simpson, George</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1931. Fur Trade and Empire. Frederick Merk, ed. Cambridge, Mass.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Stansbury, Howard</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1852. Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of Utah. Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 3, spec. sess., March, 1851. Philadelphia.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Steward, Julian H.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1937. Linguistic Distributions and Political Groups of the Great Basin Shoshoneans, AA 39:625-634.<span class="pagenum">[338]</span>  1938. Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups. BAE-B 120.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1939. Some Observations on Shoshonean Distributions, AA 41:261-265.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Stewart, Omer C.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1939. The Northern Paiute Bands. UC-AR 2:127-149.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Stuart, Robert</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1935. The Discovery of the Oregon Trail; Robert Stuart's Narrative of the Overland Trip Eastward from Astoria in 1812-13. New York.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Sully, Alf.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 731-735.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Talbot, Theodore</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1931. The Journals of Theodore Talbot, 1843 and 1849-52. Charles H. Carey, ed. Portland, Ore.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Taylor, N. G.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 683-684.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Thompson, R. R.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1855. RCIA 1854, CD 746, pp. 489-493.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Townsend, John K.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1905. Narrative of a Journey across the Rocky Mountains ... 1834. <i>In</i> Early Western Travels, 1748-1846. Vol. XXI. R. G. Thwaites, ed. Cleveland, Ohio.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Tyrell, J. B. (ed.)</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1916. David Thompson's Narrative of His Explorations in Western North America, 1784-1812. Publications of the Champlain Society, Vol. 12. Toronto.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Viall, J. A.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1872. RCIA 1871, CD 1505, pp. 825-833.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Wagner, Will. H.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1861. Letter from the Acting Secretary of the Interior,</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1860-61, CD 1100, pp. 20-26.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Wallace, Ernest, and E. Adamson Hoebel</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1952. The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains. Norman, Okla.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Wallen, H. D.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1859. Affairs in Oregon, CD 1051. Washington.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">War of the Rebellion</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1902. Series I, Vol. 50. Government Printing Office. Washington.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Wheeler, George M.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1875. Preliminary Report upon a Reconnaissance through Southern and Southeastern Nevada, 1869. U. S. Army Engineering Dept.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Wilkes, Charles (U.S.N.)</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1845. Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition during the Years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. Vol. 4. Philadelphia.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Wilson, E. N.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1926. The White Indian Boy. Yonkers-on-Hudson, N.Y.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Wilson, John</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1849. RCIA 1849, CD 570, pp. 1002-1004.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Wislizenus, F. A.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1912. A Journey to the Rocky Mountains in the Year 1839. St. Louis, Mo.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Wissler, Clark</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1910. Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians. AMNH-AP 5 (pt. 1):1-175.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1920. North American Indians of the Plains. New York.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Work, John</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1923. The Journal of John Work. Cleveland, Ohio.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1945. Fur Brigade to the Bonaventura. Alice B. Mahoney, ed. San Francisco.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Wyeth, Nathaniel J.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1899. The Correspondence and Journals of Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth. <i>In</i> Sources of the History of Oregon, Vol. 1, pts. 3-6. Eugene, Ore.</p>
+
+<p class="bibliography-1">Young, Brigham</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1852. RCIA 1852, CD 658, pp. 437-439.</p>
+<p class="bibliography-2">1858. RCIA 1857, CD 919, pp. 598-600.</p>
+
+<p class="spacer">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<div class="trnote">
+<p class="h4">Transcriber's Notes</p>
+
+<p>Inconsistent and archaic spelling and punctuation retained.</p>
+
+<p>p. 329: (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 2:283) changed to
+(Lewis and Clark, 1804-06, 2:283).</p>
+
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence and
+Society, by Robert F. Murphy and Yolanda Murphy
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE ***
+
+***** This file should be named 38884-h.htm or 38884-h.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        http://www.gutenberg.org/3/8/8/8/38884/
+
+Produced by Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper, Matthew Wheaton and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+
+</pre>
+
+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/38884-h/images/glyph.jpg b/38884-h/images/glyph.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..33a699f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/38884-h/images/glyph.jpg
diff --git a/38884-h/images/i1-large.jpg b/38884-h/images/i1-large.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4f80c04
--- /dev/null
+++ b/38884-h/images/i1-large.jpg
diff --git a/38884-h/images/i1.jpg b/38884-h/images/i1.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..228ab64
--- /dev/null
+++ b/38884-h/images/i1.jpg
diff --git a/38884.txt b/38884.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..51eed40
--- /dev/null
+++ b/38884.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,5773 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence and Society, by
+Robert F. Murphy and Yolanda Murphy
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence and Society
+
+Author: Robert F. Murphy
+        Yolanda Murphy
+
+Release Date: February 15, 2012 [EBook #38884]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper, Matthew Wheaton and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+    SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE AND SOCIETY
+
+    BY ROBERT F. and YOLANDA MURPHY
+
+
+    ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Vol. 16, No. 7
+
+
+    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
+
+    ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS
+
+    Editors (Berkeley): J. H. Rowe (C), R. F. Millon, D. M. Schneider
+
+    Volume 16, No. 7, pp. 293-338, 1 map
+
+
+    Submitted by editors September 4, 1959
+    Issued November 23, 1960
+    Price, $1.00
+
+
+    University of California Press
+    Berkeley and Los Angeles
+    California
+
+
+    Cambridge University Press
+    London, England
+
+
+    Manufactured in the United States of America
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+During the years 1954 to 1957, the authors engaged in ethnographic and
+historic research on the Shoshone and Bannock Indians under the
+sponsorship of the Lands Division of the Department of Justice in
+connection with one of a number of suits brought by Indian tribes for
+compensation for territory lost to the advancing frontier. The action
+was brought jointly by the Shoshone Indians of Wyoming, Idaho, Utah,
+and Nevada, and the Bannock of Idaho; it excluded the Shoshonean
+speakers of California, and the Bannock remained separate from the
+suit brought by their colinguists, the Northern Paiute of Oregon and
+Idaho.
+
+Most anthropologists are aware of the ethnographic issues involved in
+the Indian lands claims cases, for the profession has had an active
+role in them. Of central importance, of course, is the question of the
+extent of territory used and occupied by the tribe in litigation.
+Other basic problems include the determination of the nature and
+composition of the groups involved, the rhythm of their seasonal
+activity, their political identity, and the actual time at which they
+occupied and used the terrain. Beyond these specifically
+anthropological considerations, other professionals have had an
+equally important role in delivering expert testimony in the cases,
+and we wish only to note in passing that historians, land appraisers,
+attorneys, and others have had much to do with their outcome.
+
+The extent of the territory in question and the complexity of the
+historical period in point, that preceding the treaties of 1863 and
+1868, required considerable research. We spent the summer of 1954 on
+the Shoshone reservations at Wind River, Wyoming, Fort Hall, Idaho,
+and Duck Valley, Nevada. Some six weeks each were spent at Wind River
+and Fort Hall and a week at Duck Valley. At each of these places we
+spoke to the oldest informants available. Salvage ethnography of this
+type is generally an unrewarding and unsatisfying task, and it was
+complicated in this investigation by the fact that we were asking our
+informants to recall historical material that is often ill preserved
+in the oral tradition. Thus, an old Indian may well remember some
+custom connected with war or ceremony that he had either experienced
+or that had been told to him by an older person. But he would be less
+likely to recall the exact places where game could be found, the
+trails used, the organization and composition of the group that
+pursued the game, and so forth. This is especially true of the
+buffalo-hunting Shoshone, for any informant who actually took part in
+a hunt as a mature individual would have been in his late seventies,
+at least, at the time of our research. And informants did not, of
+course, distinguish clearly between pre-and post-reservation times.
+Only careful cross-checking would reveal whether the individual was
+speaking of the 1860's or the 1890's. As might be expected, it was
+virtually impossible to determine whether the data supposedly valid
+for the 1860's was true of the preceding decade or the one before
+that, and any student of Plains and Basin-Plateau history recognizes
+that such historical continuity cannot be assumed.
+
+Because of these limitations on the reliability of informants, most of
+our work was by necessity based on ethnohistoric research. Every
+attempt was made to examine the most important literature on the area
+and period. The total number of sources scrutinized far exceeded the
+bibliography at the end of this monograph, for many of them contained
+data that were at best scanty and superficial and at worst totally
+false. Despite our best efforts to approximate an adequate historical
+criticism, some of the data presented were found in works that can be
+used only with great caution. Alexander Ross, for example, has
+reported much material of doubtful authenticity, and one may labor
+long and hard in the accounts of Jim Beckwourth to separate fact from
+a delightful tendency to make the story exciting and his own personage
+more impressive. It is a wry commentary on the veracity of the
+mountain men that John Coulter's account of Yellowstone Park was long
+laughed at by his own peers as being simply an addition to a
+snowballing folklore of the fur country. Among other dubious sources,
+we can add W. T. Hamilton and the Irving account of Captain
+Bonneville's adventures. The problem of criticism becomes particularly
+difficult during the fur period from about 1810 to 1840 owing to the
+paucity of sources available for cross-checking particular data.
+Bonneville and Ross are especially rich in information, most of which
+cannot be easily verified. The choice became one of dismissing them
+altogether or using them. We elected to use them, but we have
+attempted restraint in drawing any important conclusions from them.
+
+The monograph follows substantially the report submitted to the Indian
+Claims Commission. It has been edited, and we have also shifted
+emphasis at certain points to our own special interests. These are
+concerned with the relations between the social groups of the Basin
+and those of the Plains and the impact of the ecology of either region
+upon the social structures of the native population. A few
+qualifications should be noted. The limitations imposed by our
+assignment and by time did not allow the collection of as full a range
+of material on social structure as would be wished. Also, we have
+excluded any discussion of the Shoshone of Nevada, for our field work
+there was far too brief. Our one week at Duck Valley only served to
+reinforce our opinion of the truly masterful ethnography represented
+by Steward's "Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups," and we
+could add little to his work.
+
+Finally, we wish to acknowledge our indebtedness to the Board of
+Editors of the University of California Publications in
+Anthropological Records for their valuable comments and to our many
+friends on the reservations visited for their friendship and
+cooperation. We have also profited greatly from discussions with Drs.
+Sven Liljeblad, Ake Hultkranz, and Julian Steward. This work owes much
+of whatever merit it may be found to have, and none of its
+shortcomings, to all these people.
+
+                                                    Robert F. Murphy
+                                                      Yolanda Murphy
+
+
+
+
+    CONTENTS
+
+
+    I. The Northern and Eastern Shoshone
+
+    II. The Eastern Shoshone
+        Eastern Shoshone history: 1800-1875
+        Early reservation period
+        Eastern Shoshone territory
+        Social and political organization
+
+    III. The Shoshone and Bannock of Idaho
+        Linguistics
+        General distribution of population
+        The Boise and Weiser Rivers
+        The middle Snake River
+        The Shoshone of the Sawtooth Mountains
+        The Shoshone of Bannock Creek and northern Utah
+        Fort Hall Bannock and Shoshone
+        Lemhi Shoshone
+
+    IV. Ecology and Social System
+
+    Bibliography
+
+    Map
+
+    Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence Areas                   facing
+
+
+[Illustration: SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE AREAS]
+
+
+
+
+SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE AND SOCIETY
+
+BY ROBERT F. and YOLANDA MURPHY
+
+
+
+
+I. THE NORTHERN AND EASTERN SHOSHONE
+
+
+The Rocky Mountain range was not an insuperable obstacle to
+communication between the Indian tribes east and west of the
+Continental Divide. The Arapaho, Cheyenne, Crow, Blackfoot, and other
+peoples of the Plains often crossed the range for purposes of hunting,
+warfare, and trade. And the tribes of the Basin-Plateau region also
+traversed the spine of the continent with much the same ends in mind.
+But their needs were more urgent, for in the late historic period the
+western part of the Great Plains of North America constituted the last
+reserve of the bison, the game staple of the Indian population of the
+western slope of the Rockies. Thus was established the pattern of
+transmontane buffalo hunting, first reported by Lewis and Clark and
+studied latterly by many anthropologists. The present volume
+represents a further contribution to this research.
+
+The Rocky Mountains are traversible by horse in all sections. In
+Montana, the passes are only 5,000 to 7,000 feet in elevation, and the
+Indians crossed over the same routes followed today by highways. The
+Wyoming Rockies similarly presented no serious problem to nomadic
+peoples. Although the Yellowstone Park area posed some difficulty for
+travel, a more southerly route led over South Pass at a gentle
+gradient only 7,550 feet in altitude. That the mountains were no great
+challenge is illustrated by the fact that Indians traveling from Green
+River to Wind River often preferred to take more direct routes through
+passes over 10,000 feet high rather than to follow the more circuitous
+trail over South Pass. Farther south, the Colorado Rockies and their
+passes are far more lofty, but even these high ranges did not totally
+prevent travel. None of these areas, of course, could be traversed in
+the winter. When the snow left the high country in late spring and
+early summer, however, the mountains were not only avenues of travel,
+but they were also hunting grounds. None of the buffalo hunters relied
+completely on that animal for food, and the high mountain parks
+abounded in elk, bighorn sheep, moose, and deer. Streams were fished,
+berries were gathered along their banks, and roots were dug in the
+surrounding hills. For the tribes living on their flanks, the
+mountains afforded an important source of subsistence.
+
+If the Rocky Mountains did not effectively isolate Plains societies
+from those of the Basin-Plateau, differences in environment certainly
+did. Plains economy was based upon two animals, the horse and the
+buffalo, both of which depended on sufficient grass for forage. The
+horse diffused northward along both sides of the mountains, and the
+richest herds were probably found among the Plateau tribes and not in
+the Plains (cf. Ewers, 1955, p. 28). The greatest herds of buffalo
+were found east of the Continental Divide, however, although smaller
+and more scattered herds roamed the regions of higher elevation and
+rainfall, immediately west of the Rockies, until about 1840. Thus,
+although the standard image of "Plains culture" is derived from the
+short-grass country east of the Divide, the tribes living west of the
+mountains were also mounted and also had access to buffalo. Their
+varying involvement in this subsistence pursuit and its associated
+technology, combined with the diffusion of other items of culture,
+resulted in what Kroeber has called "a late Plains overlay" of culture
+in the area (Kroeber, 1939, p. 52).
+
+The spread of Plains culture into the Basin-Plateau area has been
+described by Wissler, Lowie, and others, the emphasis usually being
+upon traits of material culture. Less research has been devoted to the
+impact of equestrian life and the pursuit of the buffalo on the social
+structure of the people of the Intermountain area. This is in itself
+surprising, for a great deal of conjecture has revolved around just
+this question, but in the course of research upon the societies of the
+Plains proper. Such inquiry has often attempted to compare Plains
+societies of the horse period with those of the pre-horse era,
+revealed through archaeology and ethnohistory. In this volume, we
+attempt to approach the problem through both ethnohistory and a type
+of controlled comparison. That is, using the mounted, buffalo-hunting
+Shoshone and Bannock as our example, we will relate their social and
+economic life not only to the Plains, but to the Basin-Plateau area to
+the west and to their unmounted colinguists who resided there. In this
+way, we may analyze similarities and differences and attempt to answer
+the question of whether certain basic social modifications did indeed
+follow from the buffalo hunt.
+
+The Indian inhabitants of western Wyoming and southeastern Idaho, the
+subjects of this study, have their closest linguistic affinities with
+the peoples to the west. The languages of this area are well known and
+we need only briefly recapitulate their relationships. Those peoples
+of the Basin-Plateau area known in the ethnographic literature as
+Shoshone, Gosiute, Northern Paiute, Bannock, Ute, and Southern Paiute
+all belong to the Uto-Aztecan linguistic stock and are thus related to
+the Hopi and Aztec to the south and the Comanche of the southern
+Plains. Within this larger grouping a number of subfamilies have been
+identified. Those with which this report is concerned are the
+Shoshone-Comanche and Mono-Bannock. The Shoshone-speaking peoples of
+the Basin-Plateau area include the Northern, Eastern, and Western
+Shoshone and the Gosiute, all of whom speak mutually intelligible
+dialects. The area occupied by this population extends from the
+Missouri waters on the east to beyond Austin, Nevada, on the west, and
+from the Sawtooth Mountains of Idaho to southern California. There are
+no sharp linguistic divisions within this vast region, and phonemic
+shifts are gradual throughout its extent. The Mono-Bannock division
+comprehends the speakers of Northern Paiute living in the region east
+of the Sierra Nevada from Owens Lake, California, to northeastern
+Oregon and the Bannock Indians of southeastern Idaho, who stem
+directly from the eastern Oregon Paiute.
+
+Despite the continuity of language between the Shoshone and Bannock of
+Wyoming and Idaho and the simple Basin people to the west, it has long
+been obvious that the first two were culturally marginal to the
+Plains. Wissler listed the Northern and Eastern Shoshone and the
+Bannock among the Plains tribes, but he excluded them from his
+category of groups typical of the area and described them as
+"intermediate" (Wissler, 1920, pp. 19-20). Kroeber, however, was more
+aware of the historical recency of Plains culture and described the
+Idaho Bannock and Shoshone and the Wind River (Eastern) Shoshone as
+forming "marginal subareas" of the Basin (Kroeber, 1939, p. 53). As
+such, they are included in his Intermediate and Intermountain Areas.
+Kroeber noted specifically of the Eastern Shoshone (p. 80):
+
+     These people, in turn, live in an area which belongs to the
+     Rocky Mountains physiographically, with the Basin
+     vegetationally: it is sagebrush, not grassland. Wind River
+     culture must have been of pretty pure Basin type until the
+     horse came in and they began to take on an overlay of Plains
+     culture. It was about this time, apparently, that the Comanche
+     moved south from them.
+
+Shimkin, who made an intensive study of the Eastern Shoshone of the
+Wind River Reservation, is inclined to emphasize their Plains
+affiliation (1947_a_, p. 245):
+
+     Wind River Shoshone culture has been essentially that of the
+     Plains for a good two hundred years; pioneer ethnographers have
+     vastly overemphasized the Basin affiliations.
+
+Assuming that this 200-year period dates approximately from the time
+of Shimkin's field work in 1937-1938, this would extend the Plains
+cultural position of the Shoshone back to the time at which the
+Blackfoot were just acquiring horses, a period in which the use of the
+horse had yet to reach the tribes north and east of the Missouri River
+(Haines, 1938, pp. 433-435). Although Shimkin rightly states (1939)
+that the Shoshone were among the earliest mounted buffalo hunters of
+the northern Plains, it is most questionable whether one can speak of
+a "Plains culture" at that time, in the sense that the term has been
+used in culture area classifications. It would seem that the
+resolution of this problem depends upon the questions of the degree of
+stability of Plains culture and of the extent to which it is
+autochthonous to the Plains.
+
+Implicit in the discussions above is the attempt to ascertain whether
+the buffalo-hunting Shoshone were one thing or another--as if the
+alternatives constituted in themselves homogeneous units--or how much
+their culture was a blend. Hultkrantz has taken a rather different
+approach to the problem in his statement (1949, p. 157):
+
+     The conclusion is that the culture of the Wind River Shoshoni
+     exhibits a strange conflicting situation. It belongs neither to
+     the foodgatherers of the west nor to the hunting cultures of
+     the east--it is something sui generis. To ascribe it to anyone
+     of its bordering cultures is to lose the dynamic aspect of the
+     cultural evolution of the tribe.
+
+He thus sees the eastern Shoshone as synthesizers and transformers of
+cultural material derived from both eastern and western sources; their
+culture is a blend of the two, but it is not a simple compound of
+them. The present work does not attempt to answer the question of the
+relation of the content of the culture of the equestrian Shoshone to
+that of peoples to the east and west but will focus attention upon
+social structure. And it will do this, not through a consideration of
+outside influences upon the Shoshone, but by analysis of their social
+institutions and the relationship of them to economic life.
+
+Our note on the length of involvement of the Shoshone in Plains Indian
+culture leads us to inquire briefly into the time depth of this
+culture and its relation to the expansion of the American frontier.
+Although it is quite probable that certain cultural traits and social
+institutions characteristic of later Plains life had antecedents in
+the pre-equestrian period, the possession of herds of horses was the
+basis of later patterns of amalgamation and incipient stratification.
+It also had much to do with the intensification of warfare. The horse,
+according to Haines (1938), spread from the Spanish Southwest to more
+northerly areas along both sides of the Rocky Mountains. Its diffusion
+along the western slope of the range was presumably the more rapid,
+and Haines gives evidence indicating that the Shoshone had horses
+about 1690 to 1700, at which time the animal was found no farther
+north than the Arkansas-Oklahoma border in the Plains (ibid., p. 435).
+From this Shoshone center, the use of the horse spread north to the
+Columbia River, the Plateau, and the northern plains. It followed an
+independent route north from Texas to the Missouri River and the
+fringe of the woodlands.
+
+Their early acquisition of the horse may have allowed the Shoshone to
+penetrate the northern plains as far as Saskatchewan in the early
+eighteenth century, for David Thompson's journals tell of warfare
+between the Blackfoot and Shoshone in that region at some time in the
+1720's or early 1730's (Tyrell, 1916, pp. 328 ff.). The northerly
+extension of the Shoshone in the early horse period, and perhaps
+before, has been discussed and generally accepted by many students of
+the area (cf. Wissler, 1910, p. 17; Shimkin, 1939, p. 22; Ewers, 1955,
+pp. 16-17; Hultkrantz, 1958, p. 150). There is little information on
+Shoshone population movements between this date and the journey of
+Lewis and Clark. In 1742 the de la Verendrye brothers undertook an
+expedition into the northern plains of the United States and reported
+upon the ferocity of a people known to them as the "Gens du Serpent,"
+presumably the Snake, or Shoshone. De la Verendrye wrote of these
+people (Margry, 1888, p. 601):
+
+     No nation is their friend. We are told that in 1741 they
+     entirely laid waste to seventeen villages, killed all the men
+     and old women, made slaves of the young women and traded them
+     to the sea for horses and merchandise.
+
+The Gens du Serpent are not precisely located, but the explorers were
+told by the "Gens de Chevaux" that they lie in the path to the western
+sea. Later, a "Gens d'Arc" chief invited them to join in an expedition
+against the Gens du Serpent on "the slopes of the great mountains
+that are near the sea" (p. 603). They later found an abandoned enemy
+village near the mountains, but returned without further contact.
+Shimkin believes that this village was in the Black Hills (Shimkin,
+1939, p. 22), but the journals are most hazy on geography. The
+previously cited information from the Gens d'Arc chief suggests that
+the group was located farther west, in the vicinity of the Rocky
+Mountains. It must be remembered, however, that there has been
+considerable contention among historians, not only over the route of
+the de la Verendrye brothers, but over the identification of the Gens
+du Serpent. L. J. Burpee has reviewed (1927, pp. 13-23) various
+conflicting interpretations of the journals, and the matter can hardly
+be considered settled.
+
+By this period, the Blackfoot and other northern tribes were already
+armed with guns (see Ewers, 1955, p. 16; Haines, 1938, p. 435),
+obtained through commerce with the French and English traders of
+Canada. They had also become mounted, and it may be surmised that the
+Shoshone lost their equestrian advantage at almost the same time that
+their enemies acquired guns. Thus the Shoshone retreat from the
+Canadian plains may well have begun before 1750, as Thompson's
+narrative indeed suggests (Tyrrell, 1916, pp. 334 ff.). The process
+was certainly complete by 1805, when Lewis and Clark found the Lemhi
+River Shoshone hiding in the fastnesses west of the Bitterroot Range
+and lamenting their loss of the Missouri River buffalo country to
+better-armed groups. The Shoshone, once masters of the northern
+Plains, had fallen upon bad times. They complained to the explorers
+that they were forced to reside on the waters of the Columbia River
+from the middle of May to the first of September for fear of the
+Blackfoot, who had driven them out of the buffalo country with
+firearms (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 2:373). Their forays into the
+Missouri drainage were made only in strength with other Shoshone and
+their Flathead allies (2:374). The Shoshone apparently were able to
+utilize areas of Montana adjacent to the Bitterroot Range, for signs
+of their root-digging activities were seen on the Beaverhead River
+(2:329-334). This pattern of transmontane buffalo hunting described by
+Lewis and Clark remained essentially the same until its final end
+after the establishment of the reservation, and will be described in
+detail later in this work.
+
+It is possible now to discern three periods in this early phase of
+Shoshone history. The first, the footgoing period, is unknown, and
+little can be inferred of Shoshone location and movements. The second
+period is characterized by the acquisition of the horse, and we would
+conjecture that a good deal of territorial expansion took place after
+that time. The Comanche differentiated from the main Shoshone group at
+the beginning of the eighteenth century. Although the Comanche
+maintained communication with their northern colinguists, the
+territories of the two groups were not contiguous by the end of the
+century, and their histories followed separate courses. The extension
+of the Shoshone into the northern Plains may possibly have predated
+the acquisition of the horse, for it seems quite likely that they
+occupied fairly extensive areas east of the Rockies in the footgoing
+period. But, on the other hand, it seems unlikely that in the period
+immediately preceding 1700, the most probable date for the acquisition
+of the horse, they extended from the Arkansas River on the south to
+the Bow River in Saskatchewan. This would be especially unlikely if
+later distribution of Shoshone-speakers in the Basin-Plateau was
+substantially the same in the earlier period also. We would
+conjecture, then, that equestrian life gave the Shoshone the mobility
+to extend into the Canadian buffalo grounds but that they were pushed
+back beyond the divide well before 1800. As Shimkin has noted, the
+ravages of smallpox and the resulting decline of population probably
+contributed to their territorial shrinkage (Shimkin, 1939, p. 22).
+
+By 1810, the early explorations of Thompson, Lewis and Clark, and
+others bore fruit in the commercial exploitation of the far Northwest.
+The fur trade had already reached the Plains and the Rockies in
+Canada, and a fierce competition was being waged by the Hudson's Bay
+Fur Company and the North West Company for the patronage of the
+Indians there. The British interests pushed southward from Canada, and
+in 1809 David Thompson established North West Company trading posts on
+Pend Oreille Lake at the mouth of the Clark Fork River and another
+farther up that stream within the borders of present-day Montana. At
+the same time, American traders were pushing westward, and Andrew
+Henry crossed the Continental Divide to locate his trading post on
+Henry's Fork of the Snake River in 1810. Also, John Jacob Astor's
+Pacific Fur Company established the ill-fated Astoria post at the
+mouth of the Columbia River in 1811. Although this particular American
+enterprise foundered, Manuel Lisa, the guiding spirit of the Missouri
+Fur Company, penetrated the Missouri River country and founded a post
+on the Yellowstone River at the mouth of the Big Horn in 1807. From
+this point his trappers spread into the near-by mountain country. The
+most famous of these mountain men was John Colter, who trapped the
+country of the Blackfoot and Crow and discovered Yellowstone Park.
+
+The northern Plains and Rockies had thus been entered and partially
+explored by 1812, and increasing numbers of trappers poured into the
+new Louisiana Purchase and the lands beyond. Astor stepped into the
+territory of the Missouri Fur Company after Lisa's death in 1820, and
+in 1822 the Western Division of his American Fur Company was
+established. Fort Union was built on the upper Missouri to serve as
+the headquarters of Astor's mountain realm, and steamboats served the
+post after 1832. A decade before this date, the Rocky Mountain Fur
+Company was established, and in the following year, 1823, the
+company's trappers began to exploit intensively the drainages of the
+Wind River and the upper Snake and Green rivers. The Rocky Mountain
+Company established a new pattern of trading. Eschewing the rigid and
+hierarchical organization of the British companies, it relied mainly
+upon the services of free trappers, who gathered once a year at agreed
+places to meet the company's supply trains. These gatherings, the
+famous trappers' rendezvous, were held in the summer at various places
+in Shoshone country--Pierre's Hole, Cache Valley, or the Green River.
+
+The trappers of the Rocky Mountain Company and later of the American
+Fur Company invested every fastness of the Shoshone hunting grounds in
+relentless pursuit of the beaver, the vital ingredient of the
+gentleman's top hat. The intense traffic in the Shoshone region was
+abetted by the penetration of the Snake River drainage by Donald
+McKenzie of the North West Company, beginning in 1818, and later by
+Peter Skene Ogden, under the auspices of the Hudson's Bay Company. The
+climax of fur trapping came in the middle of the decade of the
+1830's, for at the peak of activity the commerce collapsed.
+Competition between the various trading companies had been ruinous,
+the streams had been thoroughly trapped out, and the beaver hat went
+out of fashion. By 1840, the fur trade in the northwest part of the
+United States was substantially ended.
+
+During the period 1810-1840 the Shoshone and their neighbors lost the
+isolation they had formerly enjoyed and came into close contact with
+the whites. The latter were of a different type than those with whom
+the Indians later had to deal. They lived off the land, but at the
+same time they did not dispossess the Indians from their hunting
+grounds. Although there were sporadic clashes between the trappers and
+Shoshone and Bannock groups, relations were largely amicable. The
+trappers married Indian women and lived for varying periods with
+Indian bands. And both found a common enemy in the Blackfoot. The
+Indians also traded with the whites and through them obtained
+firearms, iron utensils, and other commodities, including the raw
+liquor of the frontier. But the American companies apparently did not
+attempt to utilize Indian labor to the same extent as did the British
+companies. The bulk of the fur yield was garnered by the free trappers
+and not by Indians. The Shoshone traded some small animal furs and
+buffalo robes to the whites, but they also sold meat, horses, and
+other commodities. They never became fur trappers in the same complete
+way as did the northern Algonkian and Athapaskan peoples.
+
+After the decline of the fur trade, the Shoshone did not return to
+their pristine state of isolation. In the early 1840's, shortly after
+the debacle of the beaver trade, a strong surge of immigration from
+the States to Oregon began. The road to Oregon followed trails well
+marked by the trappers. It ascended the Platte and North Platte rivers
+and thence to the South Pass via the Sweetwater. From South Pass the
+trail went down to Fort Bridger, established in 1843, and then turned
+to the northwest and Fort Hall on the Snake River. The California
+branch of the trail bent southwest before reaching Fort Hall and
+descended the Humboldt River. The initial trickle of emigration grew
+into a great stream, and after the discovery of gold in California the
+Oregon Trail became a great highway to the west.
+
+Busy though the trail was, the emigrants had but a single purpose.
+This was to cross the "Great American Desert," or the Plains, and
+reach the promised lands of the Pacific Coast. Except for the
+immediate environs of the emigrant road, the mountain country
+contained fewer whites than during the previous decade. This situation
+soon changed. In 1847 the Mormon migration reached the Salt Lake
+Valley, and during the following years Mormons settled adjacent areas
+of Wyoming and Idaho. Miners poured into the Sweetwater River country
+of Wyoming in the 1860's and in 1869 Fort Stambaugh was established at
+South Pass to protect them and the emigrant road. This route, however,
+had already seen its greatest days, for the Central Pacific Railroad
+was completed in the same year.
+
+The Wild West was substantially ended by this date, and the Shoshone
+signed treaties in 1868 which gave those of Wyoming the Wind River
+Reservation and those of Idaho the Fort Hall Reservation.
+Sedentarization of these buffalo-hunting nomads was completed during
+the 1870's, by which time the region was being settled by white
+ranchers and their Texas herds. Shortly after 1880, the buffalo herds
+had been almost completely exterminated, and so also had Plains Indian
+life.
+
+The era from 1700 to 1880 was thus one of great change for the
+Shoshone. We recapitulate its principal periods.
+
+1. The pre-horse period extended until approximately 1700.
+
+2. The early equestrian period, from 1700 to 1750 was distinguished by
+the expansion of Shoshone-speaking peoples into the Canadian plains to
+the north and southward toward Texas, where they became known as
+Comanche.
+
+3. After 1750, the northern tribes, especially the Blackfoot, acquired
+the horse and firearms and drove the Shoshone south and west, where
+they retreated beyond the Continental Divide, in contiguity with those
+Shoshone who had remained in the Great Basin. By this time, the
+Comanche had become differentiated from their northern colinguists.
+
+4. The fur period began about 1810, and from this time, Shoshone
+history became inextricably connected with that of the American
+frontiers. Although the game supply declined during this epoch, the
+Shoshone were not dispossessed from their hunting grounds and
+continued substantially the same subsistence cycle.
+
+5. The year 1840 saw the end of the fur trade and the beginning of
+westward emigration. As will be seen, the buffalo herds west of the
+Divide had disappeared by this date, and the Shoshone were
+increasingly forced to seek winter supplies on the Missouri waters.
+
+6. The Shoshone signed treaties in 1868 in which they were forced to
+accept reservation life. At about this time, gold miners entered the
+Sweetwater country, and the transcontinental railroad was completed.
+The following decade saw the end of the buffalo in the west and the
+introduction of open-range cattle grazing. Shoshone history then
+became merged with the history of the American West.
+
+During the periods of the fur trade and early emigration increasing
+amounts of information on Shoshonean and Mono-Bannock speakers became
+available. Political organization among these peoples was
+characteristically amorphous, and the early diarists and chroniclers
+had little basis for distinguishing subgroups in this vast region.
+With the exception of the Paiute-Shoshone split, language differences
+gave no firm basis for differentiation, and even this major division
+of the Uto-Aztecan stock was commonly not recognized. Accordingly,
+travelers classified the Indians of the region on the basis of their
+most obvious characteristic, whether or not they possessed horses and
+hunted buffalo. Alexander Ross observed (1924, pp. 239-240):
+
+     The great Snake nation may be divided into three divisions,
+     namely, the Shirry-dikas, or dog-eaters; the War-are-ree-kas,
+     or fish-eaters; and the Ban-at-tees, or robbers; but as a
+     nation they all go by the general appellation of Sho-sho-nes,
+     or Snakes. The word Sho-sho-nes means, in the Snake language,
+     "inland." The Snakes, on the west side of the Rocky Mountains,
+     are what the Sioux are on the east side--the most numerous and
+     powerful in the country. The Shirry-dikas are the real
+     Sho-sho-nes, and live in the plains, hunting the buffalo. They
+     are generally slender, but tall, well-made, rich in horses,
+     good warriors, well dressed, clean in their camps, and in their
+     personal appearance bold and independent.
+
+     The War-are-ree-kas are very numerous, but neither united nor
+     formidable. They live chiefly by fishing, and are to be found
+     all along the rivers, lakes, and water-pools throughout the
+     country. They are more corpulent, slovenly, and indolent than
+     the Shirry-dikas. Badly armed and badly clothed, they seldom go
+     to war. Dirty in their camp, in their dress, and in their
+     persons, they differed so far in their general habits from the
+     Shirry-dikas that they appeared as if they had been people
+     belonging to another country. These are the defenceless
+     wretches whom the Blackfeet and Piegans from beyond the
+     mountains generally make war upon. These foreign mercenaries
+     carry off the scalps and women of the defenseless
+     War-are-ree-kas and the horses of the Shirry-dikas, but are
+     never formidable nor bold enough to attack the latter in fair
+     and open combat.
+
+     The Ban-at-tees, or mountain Snakes, live a predatory and
+     wandering life in the recesses of the mountains, and are to be
+     found in small bands or single wigwams among the caverns and
+     rocks. They are looked upon by the real Sho-sho-nes themselves
+     as outlaws, their hand against every man, and every man's hand
+     against them. They live chiefly by plunder. Friends and foes
+     are alike to them. They generally frequent the northern
+     frontiers, and other mountainous parts of the country. In
+     summer they go almost naked, but during winter they clothe
+     themselves with the skins of rabbits, wolves, and other
+     animals.
+
+Ross's "Ban-at-tees" undoubtedly include the people now termed the
+Northern Paiute of Oregon; this seems confirmed by his placement of
+the western limits of the "Snakes" at the western end of the Blue
+Mountain Range in Oregon. The loose inclusion of the Oregon Northern
+Paiute as Snakes results in some obscurity in the early sources. They
+are frequently (and on valid linguistic grounds) lumped with the
+Bannock, as was done by Ross. It is noteworthy that contemporary Fort
+Hall informants still speak of the Oregon Paiute as Bannocks.
+
+The distinction between mounted and unmounted peoples continues in
+Zenas Leonard's journal (1934, p. 80):
+
+     The Snake Indians, or as some call them, the Shoshonie, were
+     once a powerful nation, possessing a glorious hunting ground on
+     the east side of the [Rocky] mountains; but they, like the
+     Flatheads, have been almost annihilated by the revengeful
+     Blackfeet, who, being supplied with firearms, were enabled to
+     defeat all Indian opposition. Their nation had been entirely
+     broken up and scattered throughout all this wild region. The
+     Shoshonies are a branch of the once powerful Snake tribe, as
+     are also the more abject and forlorn tribe of Shuckers, or,
+     more generally termed, Diggers and Root-eaters, who keep in the
+     most retired recesses of the mountains and streams, subsisting
+     on the most unwholesome food, and living the most like animals
+     of any race of beings.
+
+Russell also commented that half the Shoshone live in large villages
+and hunt buffalo, while the other half travel in small groups of two
+to ten families, have few horses, and live on roots, fish, seeds, and
+berries (Russell, 1955, p. 143). Wilkes follows this same dichotomy
+(1845, 4:471-472):
+
+     The Snakes, or Shoshones, are widely scattered tribes, and some
+     even assert that they are of the same race as the Comanches,
+     whose separation is said to be remembered by the Snakes: it has
+     been ascertained, in confirmation of this opinion, that they
+     both speak the same language. The hunters report that the
+     proper country of the Snakes is to the east of Youta Lake and
+     north of the Snake or Lewis River; but they are found in many
+     detached places. The largest band is located near Fort Boise on
+     the Snake River, to the north of the Bonacks. The Snakes have
+     horses and firearms, and derive their subsistence both from the
+     chase and from fishing. There are other bands of them, to the
+     north of the Bonacks, who have no horses, and live on acorns
+     and roots, their only arms being bows and arrows. In
+     consequence of the mode of gaining their subsistence, they are
+     called Diggers and are looked upon with great contempt.
+
+Wilkes further commented (p. 473) that there had been a general
+north-to-south tribal pressure in which the Blackfoot had occupied
+former Shoshone lands: "the country now in possession of the Snakes,
+belonged to the Bonacks, who have been driven to the Sandy Desert."
+
+Father De Smet reported that the "Shoshonees or Root-diggers" had a
+population of 10,000, divided into "several parties" (De Smet, 1906,
+27:163). The missionary claimed they were called Snakes because they
+burrowed into the earth and lived on roots, and commented (ibid.):
+
+     They would have no other food if some hunting parties did not
+     occasionally pass beyond the mountains in pursuit of the
+     buffalo, while a part of the tribe proceeds along the banks of
+     the Salmon River, to make provision for the winter, at the
+     season when the fish come up from the sea.
+
+Albert Gallatin described the various Shoshone populations and their
+orbits in 1848, as follows (Hale, 1848, p. 18):
+
+     Shoshonees or Snake Indians ... bounded north by Sahaptins,
+     west by the Waiilatpu, Lutuami, and Palaiks; extend eastwardly
+     east of the Rocky Mountains.... The country of the Shoshonees
+     proper is east of Snake River. The Western Shoshonees, or
+     Wihinasht, live west of it; and between them and the Shoshonees
+     proper, another branch of the same family, called Ponasht or
+     Bonnaks, occupy both sides of the Snake River and the valley of
+     its tributary, the Owyhee. The Eastern Shoshonees are at war
+     with the Blackfeet and the Opsarokas. The most northern of
+     these have no horses, live on acorns and roots, are called
+     diggers, and considered by our hunters the most miserable of
+     the Indians.
+
+Gallatin's division is the first, to our knowledge, to apply the terms
+Eastern and Western Shoshone.
+
+In Schoolcraft's Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge the Shoshone are
+described in terms consistent with previously published material
+(1860, 1:198):
+
+     The various tribes and bands of Indians of the Rocky Mountains,
+     south of latitude 43 deg., who are known under this general name
+     [Shoshonee], occupy the elevated area of the Utah basin. They
+     embrace all the territory of the Great South Pass between the
+     Mississippi Valley and the waters of the Columbia.... Traces of
+     them, in this latitude, are first found in ascending the
+     Sweetwater River of the north fork of the Platte, or Nebraska.
+     They spread over the sources of the Green River ... on the
+     summit south of the Great Wind river chain of mountains, and
+     thence westward, by the Bear river valley, to and down the
+     Snake river, or Lewis fork of the Columbia. Under the name of
+     Yampa-tick-ara, or Root-Eaters, and Bonacks, they occupy, with
+     the Utahs, the vast elevated basin of the Great Salt Lake,
+     extending south and west to the borders of New Mexico and
+     California.... They extend down the Sae-ap-tin or Snake River
+     valley, to north of latitude 44 deg., but this is not the limit to
+     which the nations speaking the Shoshonee language in its
+     several dialects, have spread. Ethnologically, the people
+     speaking it are one of the primary stocks of the Rocky Mountain
+     chain.
+
+Other general descriptions of the Shoshonean-speaking peoples of the
+Basin and Rocky Mountain areas are found in the literature of the
+period, but add little to the foregoing accounts, which give us a
+picture of a population sharing a common language (except the Bannock)
+and living in peaceful relations with one another. They were roughly
+divided into mounted and unmounted populations located in the eastern
+and western parts of the territory, respectively. While the mounted
+people appeared to have had some degree of political cohesion and
+military effectiveness, the "Diggers" are uniformly represented as
+politically atomistic, impoverished, and weak in the face of their
+enemies.
+
+Since a work of this type relies heavily upon identification of
+peoples mentioned in historical sources, it would be well to review
+the varying nomenclature applied to the Shoshone.
+
+Most early writers designated the Shoshonean-speaking population as
+"Shoshonees" or "Snake Indians." The term "Snake" was generally
+applied indiscriminately to the Northern Paiute of Oregon and to
+Bannock and Shoshone groups in southern Idaho. Frequently only the
+mounted people were considered true "Snakes," as in Wilkes's statement
+that "the proper country of the Snakes is to the east of the Youta
+Lake and north of the Snake or Lewis River; but they are found in many
+detached places" (Wilkes, 1845, 4:471). He goes on to say (p. 472)
+that some Snakes have no horses, but these he locates north of the
+Bannock.
+
+Although de la Verendrye's "Gens du Serpent" can only be presumed to
+be Shoshone, there is little doubt that the "Snake" of whom Thompson's
+Blackfoot informant spoke were Shoshone. Lewis and Clark were told by
+the Indians of the Columbia River that they lived in fear of the
+"Snake Indians," but this was in reference to a tribe of the Deschutes
+River in central Oregon (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 3:147). Those
+Indians whom they met on the Lemhi River in Idaho were, however,
+termed "Shoshonees." The name, "Snake," was rapidly applied to almost
+any Indians between South Pass and the Columbia River. In March, 1826,
+Peter Skene Ogden reported a "Snake" camp of two hundred on the Raft
+River (Ogden, 1909, 10 (4):357). These Indians were undoubtedly either
+Shoshone or Bannock, as their location indicates. Nathaniel Wyeth
+traveled in the Raft River country in August, 1832, and similarly
+spoke of seeing "Snakes" (Wyeth, 1899, p. 164). Without making any
+sharp distinctions between the Indians sighted, Wyeth, in the same
+region, mentioned "Diggers" (pp. 164, 167), "Pawnacks" (p. 168), and
+"Sohonees" (ibid.). In 1839, Farnham saw "a family of Root Digger
+Indians" on the Snake River, near the mouth of Raft River (Farnham,
+1843, p. 74). These Indians were no doubt Shoshone, but the term was
+also applied to Northern Paiute, for Ogden encountered "Snakes" while
+on a trapping expedition in the Harney Basin of Oregon in 1826 (Ogden,
+1910, 11 (2):206), as did John Work six years later (Work, 1945, p.
+6). The failure to recognize the Northern Paiute as being
+linguistically distinct from the Shoshone continued for some time. In
+1854, Indian Agent Thompson reported from the Oregon Territory that
+among the Indians under his jurisdiction were "Sho-sho-nies," who were
+divided into three major groups: the "Mountain Snakes," "Bannacks,"
+and "Diggers" (Thompson, 1855, p. 493).
+
+North of the present boundary of the state of Nevada, "Snake" and
+"Shoshone" or variations thereof were the names commonly applied to
+all the Indians. Frequently, "Snake" meant specifically Paiute and
+Bannock, or any mounted Indians, as distinguished from the footgoing
+"Diggers." From the fact that these terms were applied to Indians in
+widely separated regions and having different languages, it can only
+be concluded that the nomenclature designated no particular group
+having political, cultural, or linguistic unity.
+
+"Snake" was but infrequently applied to the Indians south of Oregon
+and Idaho, where the term "Shoshone" was more widely used. The
+unmounted Shoshonean-speaking peoples of Utah and Nevada were also
+commonly referred to as "Diggers" or "Root Diggers," a name frequently
+given to the unmounted Shoshone of Idaho. Washington Irving referred
+to those Indians seen on the Humboldt River by Walker's party in 1833
+as "Shoshokoes" (Irving, 1873, p. 384). Zenas Leonard, who was a
+member of Walker's expedition, referred to the Indians of the Humboldt
+River region as "Bawnack, or Shoshonies" (Leonard, 1934, p. 78), but
+Father De Smet spoke of all the unmounted people of the Great Basin as
+"Soshocos" and described their abject poverty (De Smet, 1905, 3:1032).
+In 1846, Edwin Bryant entered the Great Basin en route to California.
+Of the Shoshone he said: "The Shoshonees or Snakes occupy the country
+immediately west of the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains" (Bryant,
+1885, p. 137). He differentiated this powerful, mounted people from
+the "miserable Digger Indians, calling themselves Soshonees," whom he
+met west of Great Salt Lake (p. 168). As he continued down the
+Humboldt River in Nevada, he noted: "All the Digger Indians of this
+valley claim to be Shoshonees" (p. 195), but despite this affirmation,
+he continued to refer to them as "Diggers." Similarly, two Indians met
+by Bryant's party near Humboldt Sink in Northern Paiute territory were
+called "Digger Indians" (p. 211). Howard Stansbury, who explored the
+Great Salt Lake region in 1849, referred, however, to the Indians west
+of the lake as "Shoshonees or Snake Indians" (Stansbury, 1852, p. 97).
+
+The Western Shoshone were generally called "Diggers" by the emigrants
+who took part in the gold rush to California. One of them, Franklin
+Langworthy of Illinois, stated: "All the Indians along the Humboldt
+call themselves Shoshonees, but the whites call them Diggers, from the
+fact that they burrow under ground in the winter" (Langworthy, 1932,
+p. 119). Reuben Shaw, another "Forty-niner," referred to the Indians
+on the California road along the Humboldt as "Diggers" (Shaw, 1948,
+p. 123), "Root Diggers" (p. 119), and "Humboldt Indians" (p. 130). In
+1854 Lieutenant E. G. Beckwith explored the route of the forty-first
+parallel in search of a possible railroad route and encountered
+Gosiute, Western Shoshone, and Northern Paiute Indians. He referred to
+all of them as "Diggers," and he apparently used this term generically
+for all the impoverished, horseless Indians between Salt Lake City and
+the Sierra Nevada Mountains. At Deep Creek, in Utah, he "found a band
+of twenty Shoshonee Indians encamped, besides women and children. They
+are mounted, and contrast strikingly with their Goshoot neighbors
+(Diggers) ..." (Beckwith, 1855, p. 25). Beckwith classed only mounted
+Indians as Shoshone: in Butte Valley, Nevada, the inhabitants of a
+"Digger wick-e-up" fled from the party, "taking us for Shoshonees" (p.
+26). After leaving Western Shoshone territory he spoke of "Digger
+Indians, who call themselves Pah-Utah, however" (p. 34).
+
+The name "Shoshone" became more commonly applied to the Western
+Shoshone after they had had increased contact with the whites. The
+French traveler, Jules Remy, spoke of them as "Shoshones, or Snakes"
+in 1855 (Remy and Brenchley, 1861, p. 123), and the British explorer,
+Richard Burton, distinguished the "Shoshone" from the "Gosh-Yuta"
+(Burton, 1861, p. 567) and the "Pa Yuta," or Northern Paiute, in 1860
+(p. 591). The term "Shoshonee" was applied by Indian Agent Holeman to
+the Indians of Thousand Spring Valley, Nevada (Holeman, 1854, p.
+443), and to those of the Humboldt River (p. 444); However, on Willow
+Creek, Utah, Agent Garland Hurt met a group of mounted Indians whom he
+called "Shoshonees, or Snakes proper, from the Green River country"
+(Hurt, 1856, p. 517). He distinguished these from the "Diggers" of the
+Humboldt River (p. 779). Thus the distinction between the mounted
+Shoshone and the unmounted people of the more arid regions of the
+Great Basin continued, despite the recognition of their unity of
+language. This implicit recognition may be found in the statement made
+by Brigham Young (1858, p. 599):
+
+     The Shoshones are not hostile to travelers, so far as they
+     inhabit this territory, except perhaps a few called "Snake
+     diggers," who inhabit, as before stated, along the line of
+     travel west of the settlements.
+
+It is possible to document almost endlessly the ways in which the
+labels "Shoshone," "Digger," and "Snake" were applied in turn or at
+the same time to Shoshone-Comanche and Mono-Bannock speakers alike.
+Since political or social significance has frequently been attributed
+to Indians' names--both those bestowed by the whites and those by
+which the several sectors of the Shoshone population referred to each
+other--we will discuss this nomenclature in the context of each
+section of the following report.
+
+
+
+
+II. THE EASTERN SHOSHONE
+
+
+It is necessary to preface all discussions of Shoshone Indians with a
+clarification of what is implied by the names attached to Shoshone
+subgroups. The commonly used appellation "Wind River Shoshone" implies
+no more than reservation membership. Thus, we also have "Owyhee
+Shoshone" and "Fort Hall Shoshone" (and Bannock). Wind River residents
+of admitted descent from other groups are also referred to as "Wind
+River people," if they are on the agency rolls. They were, of course,
+not known by this name or a native equivalent in the pre-reservation
+period. The names, "Eastern Shoshones" and "Eastern Snakes," by which
+the Shoshone of Wyoming are also known in anthropology, were first
+consistently applied by government officials during the 1850's and
+1860's (cf. Lander, 1860, p. 131; Head, 1868, p. 179; Mann, 1869, p.
+616). Lander also referred to the Eastern Shoshone as the "Wash-i-kee
+band of the Snake Indians" (Lander, 1859, p. 66). This term came into
+common use after Chief Washakie rose to prominence in the eyes of the
+whites.
+
+Previous to this period the Eastern Shoshone were called Snakes and
+Shoshones (or variations thereof), indiscriminately. As has been
+mentioned, the only firm distinction was made according to whether or
+not the Indians in question owned horses and hunted buffalo. Although
+Lewis and Clark never visited the Wyoming lands, the tribal lists
+which they compiled at Fort Mandan before pushing west mention a
+group, said by Clark to be "Snake," called the "Cas-ta-ha-na" or "Gens
+de Vache" (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 6:102). They were said to number
+500 lodges having a population of about 5,000 people. The Shoshone
+identity of this people is somewhat obscured by Clark's report of an
+affinity between their language and that of the Minitaree, but, on the
+other hand, they were said to "rove on a S. E. fork of the Yellow Rock
+River called Big Horn, and the heads of the Loup" (ibid.). The
+"Cas-ta-ha-na" are mentioned also during the return trip of the
+expedition. Lewis and Clark noted of the Big Horn River: "It is
+inhabited by a great number of roving Indians of the Crow Nation, the
+paunch Nation (a band of Crows) and the Castahanas (a band of Snake
+In.)." The editor of the journals, Reuben Thwaites, identifies the
+latter as "Comanche." (Ibid., 5:297.)
+
+The paucity of boundary nomenclature found in the historical sources
+is continued in the ethnographic data, for the food-area terminology
+used by the Nevada and Idaho Shoshone is even more diffusely applied
+in Wyoming. One old Nevada Shoshone woman referred to the Eastern
+Shoshone as Kwichundoeka, while a native of Wind River referred to his
+people as Gwichundoeka, slight phonetic variants of the common term
+meaning "Buffalo eaters." This name appears in Hoebel (1938, p. 413)
+as Kutsindika. Hoebel also reports that the Idaho Shoshone referred to
+the Wyoming people as Pohogani, "Sage Brush Home" and Kogohoii, "Gut
+Eaters" (ibid.). (Hoebel's terms are here anglicized.)
+
+Whatever names may be applied to identify the Shoshone of Wyoming,
+none refer to any sort of political group maintaining a stable
+territory. As Shimkin says (1947_a_, p. 246):
+
+     The identification of the Wind River Shoshone and their
+     territory is not a simple matter. It is complicated by several
+     facts. These people had no developed national or tribal sense;
+     affiliation was fluid. Nor did they distinguish themselves by a
+     special name. They merely knew that others called them ... Sage
+     Brushers, ... Sage Brush Homes, or ... Buffalo Eating People.
+     Furthermore, they felt no clear-cut distinctions of private or
+     tribal territories.
+
+One may speak of an eastern population of Shoshone Indians, but it
+would be inaccurate to speak of one Eastern Shoshone band, despite the
+fact that leadership was better developed in Wyoming than in other
+parts of Shoshone territory.
+
+It is doubtful whether there was any accurate estimate of the Eastern
+Shoshone population until the post-reservation period. Burton (1861,
+p. 575) cited the no doubt exaggerated figure of 12,000 for the
+population led by Washakie. Forney numbers the total Shoshone
+population at 4,500 in 1859 (1860_a_, p. 733), while Doty raised this
+to 8,650 in 1863 (1865, p. 320). The more reliable estimate of 1,600
+Eastern Shoshone was given by Agent Mann in 1869 (1870, p. 715), after
+the establishment of the Wind River reservation. This number was later
+reduced to 1,250 in official reports (Patten, 1878, p. 646). Kroeber
+has estimated the Wind River Shoshone population at 2,500 (1939, p.
+137). These figures are not representative of earlier periods, for the
+ravages of smallpox and other new diseases made heavy inroads on the
+pre-treaty population, and it is probable that the population at the
+time of the treaty did not greatly exceed 1,500.
+
+
+EASTERN SHOSHONE HISTORY: 1800-1875
+
+According to Shoshone tradition, the winter camps of the Eastern
+Shoshone were in the valley of the Wind River, and their hunting
+territory extended north to Yellowstone Park and Cody and east to the
+Big Horn Mountains and beyond South Pass. Little is said by informants
+of excursions west of the Continental Divide, although historical
+evidence suggests that this was actually once their principal hunting
+grounds. In partial support of this contention, Shimkin says (1947_a_,
+p. 247): "The historical evidence gives some weight to the assumption
+that in 1835-1840 the Shoshones were mostly west of the Wind River
+Mountains." He also notes that hostilities between the Shoshone and
+Crow resulted in the westward withdrawal of the former again in the
+1850's (ibid.). In an earlier article Shimkin also stated (1938, p.
+415):
+
+     This [smallpox epidemics in the first half of the 19th
+     century], and probably the increased aggressiveness of other
+     Plains tribes with the spread of firearms as well, led to a
+     recession of the Shoshone and their retreat to the west in the
+     middle of the nineteenth century. A final wave of expansion
+     onto the Plains came with white aid, following the treaty at
+     Fort Bridger, July 3, 1868.
+
+While agreeing in part with these conclusions, we would not confine
+the Shoshone restriction to the territory west of the Continental
+Divide to such limited periods. The following data suggest, rather,
+that "the heart of this people's territory," as Shimkin describes the
+Wind River country, did not extend west of the Wind River Range from
+at least 1800 until the reservation period and that the Shoshone,
+while frequently entering the Missouri River drainage, did so only for
+brief periods and usually in considerable fear of attack.
+
+In Washington Irving's account of the Astoria party, one of our
+earliest reliable sources on the Wyoming Shoshone, the author tells
+how the Shoshone were pushed out of the Missouri River buffalo country
+after the North West and Hudson's Bay Companies put firearms in the
+hands of the Blackfoot (Irving, 1890, p. 197):
+
+     Thus by degrees the Snakes have become a scattered,
+     broken-spirited, impoverished people, keeping about lonely
+     rivers and mountain streams, and subsisting chiefly upon fish.
+     Such of them as still possess horses and occasionally figure as
+     hunters are called Shoshonies.
+
+The westward-bound Astoria party traveled up the Wind River Valley in
+the middle of September, 1811, without sighting any Indians (ibid.,
+pp. 199-200). This was exactly the time of year when, according to
+contemporary informants, the Shoshone buffalo party should have been
+gathering there. However, on the western side of the Wind River Range,
+they found "a party of Snakes who had come across the mountains on
+their autumnal hunting excursion to provide buffalo meat for the
+winter" (p. 202). In September of the following year, the
+eastward-bound party under Stuart encountered a party of "Upsarokas,
+or Crows" on the Bear River, who said that they intended to trade with
+the Shoshone (p. 289). This Crow party later ran off the trappers'
+horses. Throughout their trip to the Green River country, the trapping
+party was in continual fear of the Blackfoot (p. 298). Upon arriving
+on the Green River on October 17, 1812, they met a party of about 130
+"Snakes" living in some 40 "wigwams" made of pine branches (p. 306).
+The ostensibly peaceful Crow had run off all but one of the horses of
+this camp and had stolen some women also. The Astoria chronicle, then,
+documents a situation that appears consistently in later sources: the
+Shoshone were usually encountered west of the Continental Divide and
+were continually on the defensive against powerful tribes to the east
+and north that seemingly entered their hunting grounds at will.
+
+The activities of the early trappers in northern Utah and western
+Wyoming brought them into contact with a variety of Indian
+populations, not all of which are easily identifiable. This region is
+shown by the reports of the fur seekers to be characterized by a great
+fluidity of internal movement of Shoshone--and Bannock-speaking groups
+and by frequent entry by other tribes for purposes of war, trapping,
+and trade. The journal of J. P. Beckwourth gives a vivid, although not
+wholly reliable, account of the ebb and flow of population in the area
+under consideration. While camped near the east shore of the Great
+Salt Lake late in the year 1823, Beckwourth lost 80 horses to the
+"Punnaks [Bannocks], a tribe inhabiting the headwaters of the Columbia
+River" (Beckwourth, 1931, p. 60). His party pursued the Bannock to
+their village, some five days distant, and, after regaining part of
+the stolen herd, returned to camp to find some "Snake" (p. 61)
+(Shoshonean-speaking) Indians camped near by. He states that this
+group numbered 600 lodges and 2,500 warriors. The Indians were
+friendly and the locale was said to have been their winter camp
+(ibid.). Three years later, Beckwourth and his party were camped near
+the same site (today, Farmington, Utah) and encountered 16 Flathead
+Indians. Shortly thereafter the trappers were attacked by 500 mounted
+Blackfoot Indians, who were driven off (ibid., p. 66). Two days later,
+the fur party was joined by 4,000 Shoshone, who aided them in
+defeating another Blackfoot attack (pp. 70-71). (Beckwourth's
+population estimates are probably quite exaggerated.)
+
+While Beckwourth's journals are poorly dated, it was no doubt during
+the late 1820's that his party was attacked near Salt River in western
+Wyoming by a body of unidentified Indians who, he claims, were 500
+strong (p. 86). Shortly thereafter he fell in with friendly "Snake,"
+or Shoshone, Indians. Near their camp were 185 Bannock lodges, with
+whose occupants the hunters had some difficulties (pp. 87-88). While
+in this vicinity, the camp of the trappers and the friendly Shoshone
+was attacked by a Blackfoot party, after which the trappers and
+Shoshone moved to the Green River (p. 89). At the Green River camp,
+the combined trapper-Shoshone group was visited by a party of Crow
+Indians. Beckwourth comments that "the Snakes and Crows were extremely
+amicable." Beckwourth reported further on Shoshone-Crow relations (p.
+108):
+
+     At this time the Crows were incessantly at war with all the
+     tribes within their reach, with the exception of the Snakes and
+     the Flatheads and they did not escape frequent ruptures with
+     them [over horses].
+
+That this peace was extremely uneasy and manifestly ephemeral was
+clearly shown by later developments when the Shoshone, accompanied by
+some Ute, attacked a Crow trading party, which later mustered support
+and retaliated (pp. 183-184). However, at an even later date
+Beckwourth was able to report that 200 lodges of Shoshone had joined
+forces with the Crow, ostensibly because of the trading possibilities
+afforded by Beckwourth's presence among the latter (p. 249).
+
+The relations between the Shoshone and Crow during the 1820's
+apparently were not much unlike those that prevailed at the time of
+the passages of the Astoria parties. The Crow, although not relentless
+enemies of the Shoshone, as were the Blackfoot, constituted a constant
+source of danger. Beckwourth's journals give evidence of amicable
+relations between the American trappers and the Shoshone, although he
+described the more bellicose Bannock as "very bad Indians, and very
+great thieves" (p. 87). Other sources document more serious
+difficulties with "Snake" Indians. Peter Skene Ogden reported in 1826
+that the American trappers had suffered severe losses at the hands of
+the Snake Indians during the preceding three years (Simpson, 1931, p.
+285), but these mishaps probably occurred in Idaho. In 1824, however,
+Jedediah Smith and Fitzpatrick lost all of their horses to the
+"Snakes" on the headwaters of the Green River (Alter, 1925, pp. 38-39;
+Dale, 1918, p. 91), and some members of Etienne Provot's trapping
+party were killed by "Snakes" in the winter of 1824-25 (Dale, 1918, p.
+103).
+
+Little information is available from the eastern side of the Wind
+River Mountains during the 1820's. We do know, however, that Ashley
+entrusted his horses to the Crow Indians on the Wind River before
+setting out for the mountains in the spring of 1824 (ibid., p. 89).
+
+In 1831, an American Fur Company trapper, Warren Angus Ferris, noted
+that the two main Crow bands were located chiefly on the Yellowstone
+River and its tributaries, but their "war parties infest the countries
+of the Eutaws, Snakes, Arrapahoes, Blackfeet, Sious, and Chayennes"
+(Ferris, 1940, p. 305). He had this to say of the Eastern Shoshone (p.
+310):
+
+     Of the Snakes on the plains there are probably about four
+     hundred lodges, six hundred warriors, and eighteen hundred
+     souls. They range in the plains of Green River as far as the
+     Eut Mountains; southward from the source to the outlet of Bear
+     River, of the Big Lake; thence to the mouth of Porto-nuf
+     [Portneuf], on Snake River of the Columbia.... They are at war
+     with the Eutaws, Crows, and Blackfeet, but rob and steal from
+     all their neighbors.
+
+Ferris saw few Indians in his travels through the Jackson Hole area in
+1832 and 1833. However, in "Jackson's Little Hole," presumably at the
+south end of Hoback Canyon, he noted, in August, 1832, several large,
+abandoned camps, which he assumed were those of the "Grosventres of
+the prairies" (p. 158). The supposed Gros Ventre party was later seen
+on the Green River and was said to have consisted of 500 to 600
+warriors (pp. 158-159). These may well have been Blackfoot, for Zenas
+Leonard reported a Blackfoot attack on the upper Snake River in
+western Wyoming in July, 1832 (Leonard, 1934, p. 51). The Indians most
+frequently sighted in the Green River region, however, were the
+Shoshone. In June, 1833, Ferris saw "several squaws scattered over the
+prairie engaged in digging roots" (Ferris, 1940, p. 205). These women
+apparently belonged to "some fifty or sixty lodges of Snakes, ...
+encamped about the fort [Bonneville's] who were daily exchanging their
+skins and robes, for munitions, knives, ornaments, etc., with the
+whites" (ibid., p. 206).
+
+Further evidence of the virtual absence of the Shoshone from Missouri
+waters in the fur period comes from Zenas Leonard. When preparing to
+spend the winter of 1832-33 on the Green River, the trappers met a
+party of 70 to 80 Crow who said "they were going to war with the Snake
+Indians--whose country we were now in--and they said also they
+belonged to the Crow nation on the East side of the mountains"
+(Leonard, 1934, pp. 82-83). These Crow stole horses from the party,
+and the trappers pursued them to their village at the mouth of the
+Shoshone River, near modern Lovell, Wyoming. In the summer of 1834,
+Captain Bonneville's trappers, one of whom was Zenas Leonard, trapped
+on the waters of Wind River, but no mention is made of Shoshone
+(ibid., pp. 224-226). In October, however, they met the Crow in the
+Big Horn Basin, and they wintered on Wind River in their company (pp.
+255-256). No Shoshone were reported in the area.
+
+The Irving account of Captain Bonneville's adventures contains
+additional information on Eastern Shoshone settlement patterns. It is
+here also that we receive our first information on the Shoshone who
+later are known to us as the Dukarika and who inhabited the
+mountainous terrain of the Wind River Mountains and adjacent high
+country (Irving, 1850, p. 139). The journal also supplements Leonard's
+account of the trappers' sojurn in Wind River Valley, which, Irving
+wrote (1837, 2:17) was infested by Blackfoot and Crow Indians and was
+one of the favorite habitats of the latter (p. 22). One of the
+trapping party's members was taken captive by the Crow on the Popo
+Agie River, which flows past Lander, Wyoming, but was released
+unharmed (pp. 24-25). It is to be noted that the trappers were in the
+Wind River Valley at the end of September but saw no Shoshone,
+although this was approximately the time of the annual buffalo hunt.
+Upon leaving Wind River, Bonneville headed for the Sweetwater River,
+which, he stated, was beyond the limits of Crow country (p. 26). He
+then went to Hams Fork, a tributary of the Green River, and
+encountered a Shoshone encampment with the Fitzpatrick party (p. 27).
+
+It is doubtful whether Shoshonean peoples hunted extensively
+east of the Continental Divide in the period following their
+eighteenth-century retreat from the northern Plains and before the
+disappearance of the buffalo west of the Rockies. Although the great
+herds of the Missouri drainage were not found in the lands inhabited
+by the Shoshone, it is quite possible that there were sufficient
+buffalo there to meet the needs of the population. Bonneville met a
+group of twenty-five mounted Bannock in the neighborhood of Soda
+Springs, Idaho, in November, 1833, and, at their invitation, joined
+them in a buffalo hunt there (p. 33). After taking sufficient meat,
+the Bannock returned to their winter quarters at the mouth of the
+Portneuf River (p. 35). The winter of 1834-35 again found Bonneville
+on the Bear River, this time on its upper reaches, where he made
+winter camp with "a small band of Shoshonies" (p. 210). Farther
+upstream was an encampment of "Eutaw" Indians, who were hostile to the
+Shoshone (p. 213). Bonneville, however, managed to prevent conflict
+between the two groups. One advantage of this winter camp, and a
+possible source of attraction for the Ute Indians, was the presence of
+antelope during the winter. Bonneville witnessed one successful
+"surround" by horsemen, aided in their efforts by supernatural charms
+reminiscent of Great Basin antelope drives (pp. 214-215).
+
+Nathaniel Wyeth evidently saw few Shoshone in his travels through
+Wyoming, and his journals do not add greatly to our understanding of
+the area. He traveled from the Snake to the Green River in June and
+July, 1832, via the Teton country and mentioned no Shoshone except for
+a small encampment near Bonneville's post on the upper Green River
+(Wyeth, 1899, pp. 203-205). However, he reports that a white trapper
+was attacked in July, 1833, on the lower Wind River by a party of
+fifteen Shoshone who had left Green River shortly before (p. 207),
+and, in 1834, he found himself among "too many Indians ... for comfort
+or safety" while near Hams Fork, Wyoming (p. 225).
+
+The journals of Osborne Russell provide documentation of population
+movements in Wyoming during the years 1834-1840. Despite the decline
+of the fur trade during this period, the area was still turbulent. In
+November, 1834, a party of trappers was reported as having arrived at
+Fort Hall, Nathaniel Wyeth's new post, after having been routed by the
+Blackfoot on Hams Fork (Russell, 1955, p. 8). The spring of 1835 took
+Russell to the west side of Bear Lake, where he found "about 300
+lodges of Snake Indians" (p. 11) and in July of that year he
+encountered a small party of Shoshone hunting mountain sheep in
+Jackson Hole (p. 23). The lure of trade still attracted many other
+Indian groups into the Green River country during and preceding the
+time of the summer rendezvous. Russell reported an encampment of 400
+lodges of Shoshone and Bannock and 100 of Flathead and Nez Perce on
+the Bear River above the mouth of Smith's Fork on May 9, 1836. The
+congregation was so large that it was forced to fragment in order to
+seek subsistence; all planned to return on July 1, when supplies were
+expected (p. 41). Russell spent the winter of 1840-41 with some 20
+lodges of Shoshone in Cache Valley, Utah, and near Great Salt Lake (p.
+112).
+
+The general territorial situation had changed little by the end of the
+fur period. Wislizenus, who visited Wyoming in 1839, commented (1912,
+p. 76): "In the vicinity [of the Big Horn Mountains] live the
+Crows.... They often rove through the country between the Platte and
+the Sweet Waters, which are considered by the Indians as a common war
+ground." Tribes friendly to the Shoshone visited the week-long
+rendezvous on the Green River. Wislizenus notes that "of the Indians
+there had come chiefly Snakes, Flatheads, and Nez Perces, peaceful
+tribes, living beyond the Rocky Mountains" (p. 86).
+
+The journal of Thomas J. Farnham, written in 1839, documents the
+growing economic difficulties of the Shoshone of the Wyoming-northern
+Utah area. In July of that year, Farnham received news that the
+Shoshone on the Bear River were "starving" and subject to the
+depredations of marauding Blackfoot and Siouan war parties (Farnham,
+1906, p. 229). While on "Little Bear River" (a Bear River tributary),
+Farnham observed that, despite the present barrenness, he had heard
+that this area was formerly rich in buffalo and that game had abounded
+in the mountains (p. 233). Further indication of the growing poverty
+of the Shoshone country is seen in his comment that the Shoshone
+suffered less from enemy attacks because "the passes through which
+they enter the Snake country are becoming more and more destitute of
+game on which to subsist" (pp. 262-263).
+
+Poverty, it would seem, did not bestow complete immunity upon the
+Shoshone of Wyoming nor did it entirely inhibit occasional forays
+against their enemies. Father De Smet, who was present at the Green
+River rendezvous in 1840, wrote that the "Snakes" were then preparing
+a war party against the Blackfoot (De Smet, 1906, 27:164). But by
+1842, the Shoshone had other concerns than the traditionally hostile
+Blackfoot. Medorem Crawford noted that on July 23, 1842, the
+encampment of whites then situated near the Sweetwater River was
+joined by a party of over one hundred "Sues and Shians who had been to
+fight the Snakes" (Crawford, 1897, p. 13). The Shoshone had
+experienced previous armed encounters with Siouan groups to the east,
+but the pressure of the latter in these years was such that the Crow
+and Shoshone allied for defense against the powerful eastern tribes
+(Fremont, 1845, p. 146). The Crow, according to Fremont, had been
+present at the 1842 rendezvous on Green River (p. 50). Despite the
+alliance, Fremont regarded the Wind River Mountains as the eastern
+limit of Shoshone occupancy. He noted in 1843 that the Green River was
+twenty-five years earlier "familiarly known as the Seeds-ke-dee-agai,
+or Prairie Hen River; a name which it received from the Crows, to whom
+its upper waters belong" (p. 129), and both Farnham (1906, p. 261) and
+Russell (1921, pp. 144-146) placed the Shoshone no farther east than
+the Green River drainage in the years immediately preceding Fremont's
+observation.
+
+Siouan aggressions continued over an indefinite period, for Bryant
+reported in June, 1846, that about 3,000 Sioux had collected at Fort
+Laramie preparatory to an attack against the Shoshone and Crow
+(Bryant, 1885, p. 107). Bryant and his companions informed the
+Shoshone of the impending raid when they arrived at Fort Bridger on
+July 17, 1846. The approximately 500 Shoshone assembled there broke
+camp immediately, presumably to organize a defense (pp. 142-143).
+
+During the decade of the 1840's, accounts of the presence of Shoshone
+beyond the Continental Divide are found with increasing frequency. In
+1842 W. T. Hamilton, while on the Little Wind River, noted that the
+trappers and the Shoshone were in continual jeopardy in this region
+because of "Blackfeet, Bloods, Piegans and Crows" (Hamilton, 1905, p.
+52). Although his party was attacked by a Blackfoot group at this
+time, they sighted a Shoshone party shortly thereafter (p. 61) which
+was under the leadership of Chief Washakie (pp. 63-64). Other Shoshone
+joined this group, claiming that they had fought with Pend Oreille
+Indians near the Owl Creek Mountains on the north side of the Wind
+River Valley (p. 69). (The identification of this group may well have
+been erroneous in view of the northerly locale of the Pend Oreille.)
+The Shoshone met by Hamilton later gathered at Bull Lake to prepare an
+attack against the Blackfoot on the Big Wind River (p. 71); twenty
+"Piegans" were later encountered in the Owl Creek Range (p. 80).
+
+These events apparently transpired in the late spring or early summer
+of 1842, for summer found Washakie's people at Fort Bridger (p. 92),
+and later at Brown's Hole on the Green River in northwestern Colorado
+where a "few Ute and Navajos came up on their annual visit with the
+Shoshone, to trade and to race horses." The Shoshone left for their
+fall trapping in September (p. 97), but some were there in winter camp
+when Hamilton's party returned to Brown's Hole to winter (p. 118).
+
+Hamilton's later travels took him on a buffalo hunt into the Big Horn
+Basin with Washakie in October, 1843 (p. 182). At "Stinking Water"
+(Shoshone River) the party encountered Crow Indians on their way to
+visit the Shoshone (p. 183). The buffalo-hunting group returned to the
+Green River in November for the winter (p. 186). At this time Hamilton
+noted that Washakie claimed the Big Horn country as far as the
+Yellowstone River, but that the Crow, Flathead, and Nez Perce hunted
+upon it and it was regarded as neutral hunting ground by other tribes
+(p. 187). October, 1848, again found Hamilton in the Big Horn country,
+where he met a party of Shoshone in the Big Horn Mountains (p. 197).
+The group was in pursuit of a Cheyenne war party that had stolen
+horses from them; the offenders were overtaken on the North Platte
+River and the horses were recovered (p. 198). Hamilton was informed
+that Washakie was then on Greybull Creek, but planned to move to the
+Shoshone River (p. 199).
+
+Further information on the activities of the Shoshone east of the
+Continental Divide comes from Bryant, who, on July 14, 1846, sighted
+near Green River (Bryant, 1885, p. 136):
+
+     ... a party of some sixty or eighty Shoshone or Snake Indians,
+     who were returning from a buffalo hunt to the east of the South
+     Pass. The chief and active hunters of the party were riding
+     good horses. The others, among whom were some women, were
+     mounted generally upon animals that appeared to have been
+     nearly exhausted by fatigue. These, besides carrying their
+     riders, were freighted with dried buffalo meat, suspended in
+     equal divisions of bulk and weight from straps across the back.
+     Several pack animals were loaded entirely with meat and were
+     driven along as we drive pack mules.
+
+The apparent increase in the use of the Wind River Valley and adjacent
+areas was in part a result of Crow amity in the face of a common
+enemy, but it can also be explained in terms of the Shoshone need to
+seek their winter store of buffalo meat regardless of dangers. The
+buffalo herds west of the Continental Divide were greatly diminished
+by 1840, and, by the end of the decade, the intrusion of emigrants
+must have decimated the remaining stock. As early as 1842, Fremont
+commented that he saw no buffalo beyond South Pass (Fremont, 1845, p.
+63), and in 1849 Major Osborne Cross observed that "scarcely any were
+to be met with this side of the South Pass" (Cross, 1851, p. 178). The
+Major later wrote (p. 182):
+
+     Game in this section of the country is scarce, compared with
+     the ranges passed over on the route. We had now gone nearly
+     through the whole buffalo range, as but few are now met with on
+     Bear River. Fifteen years ago they were to be seen in great
+     numbers here, but have been diminishing greatly since that
+     time.
+
+Despite periodic forays to the east, the report of Indian Agent Wilson
+of Fort Bridger in 1849 indicates that the generally recognized area
+of Shoshone occupancy was substantially unchanged (J. Wilson, 1849, p.
+1002):
+
+     Their claim of boundary is to the east from the Red Buttes
+     [near Casper, Wyoming], on the North Fork of the Platte, to its
+     head in the Park, De-cay-a-que or Buffalo Bull-pen, in the
+     Rocky Mountains; to the south, across the mountains, over to
+     the Yam pa pa, till it enters Green or Colorado River; and then
+     across to the Back bone or ridge of mts. called the Bear River
+     mountains, running nearly due west towards the Salt Lake, so as
+     to take in most of the Salt Lake, and thence on to the Sinks of
+     Mary's or Humboldt River; thence north to the fisheries on the
+     Snake river, in Oregon and thence south (their northern
+     boundary) to the Red Buttes, including the source of Green
+     River.
+
+Joseph Lane, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Oregon territory
+also wrote in that year that "the Shoshonee or Snake Indians inhabit a
+section of country west of the Rocky mountains, from the summit of
+these mountains north along Wind river mountains to Henry's fork...."
+(Lane, 1857, p. 158).
+
+Continuing reference to the presence of Shoshone east of the
+Continental Divide is found in reports dating from the 1850's,
+although the Green River country continued as the central area of
+Eastern Shoshone occupation. Indian Agent Holeman sought to bring the
+Shoshone to a treaty conference at Fort Laramie in 1851 and reported
+(Holeman, 1852, p. 445):
+
+     ... met the village assembled on Sweet Water, about fifty miles
+     east of the South pass. On the 21st of August I had a talk with
+     them, which resulted in their selecting sixty of their
+     headmen, fully authorized to act for the whole tribe....
+
+In September, 1852, Brigham Young arranged a peace conference between
+the Ute and Shoshone. The Mormon governor reported (Young, 1852, p.
+438):
+
+     I then asked the Shoshones how they would like to have us
+     settle upon their lands at Green River. They replied that the
+     land at Green River did not belong to them; that they lived and
+     inhabited in the vicinity of the Wind River chain of mountains
+     and the Sweet River (or Sugar Water, as they called it), but
+     that if we would make a settlement on Green River they would be
+     glad to come to trade with us.
+
+Difficulties soon developed between the Mormons and the Indians on
+Green River (Holeman, 1858, pp. 159-160). The report of Lieutenant
+Fleming of Fort Laramie in 1854 suggests that the Shoshone had not
+relinquished the Green River country to the Mormon colonists, despite
+Young's claim (H. B. Fleming, 1858, p. 167):
+
+     The mountain men have wives and children among the Snake
+     Indians, and therefore claim the right to the Green River
+     country, in virtue of the grant given them by the Indians, to
+     whom the country belongs, as no treaty has yet been made to
+     extinguish their title.
+
+The Morehead narrative in Connelley's edition of the Doniphan
+expedition notes that some two or three thousand Shoshone were camped
+on the Green River in the summer of 1857; Chief Washakie was present
+at this encampment (Connelley, 1907, p. 607). And Alter's biography of
+James Bridger states that in the winter of 1857-58 "Chief Washakie and
+two thousand Shoshone tribesmen at the crossing of the Green had no
+particular difficulty that winter" (Alter, 1925, p. 303). Forney, in
+June, 1858, wrote of his plans to establish the Shoshone "under Chief
+Wash-A-Kee" on the tributaries of the Green River (Forney, 1860_b_, p.
+45) and reported that the group was located on that river in May, 1858
+(Forney, 1859, p. 564).
+
+Albert H. Campbell, General Superintendent of the Pacific Wagon Roads,
+wrote in 1859 that the Shoshone were restricted to the area west of
+the Rockies (1859, p. 8):
+
+     The Snakes have received very little attention hitherto from
+     the authorities of the United States, and frequent wars with
+     their powerful neighbors, the Blackfeet and Crows, have
+     compelled them in a manner to withdraw from the buffalo range
+     and keep within the mountain fastnesses, where they derive a
+     scanty subsistence from roots and the smaller game.
+
+The total context of historical material indicates, however, that the
+Shoshone were hunting buffalo on the eastern side of the Continental
+Divide during this period and, in so doing, were following a pattern
+of transmontane hunting familiar to us among the Plateau tribes.
+Forney wrote in September, 1858 (1859, p. 564):
+
+     I have heretofore spoken of a large tribe of Indians known as
+     the Snakes. They claim a large tract of country lying in the
+     eastern part of this Territory, but are scarcely ever found
+     upon their own land.
+
+     They generally inhabit the Wind River country, in Oregon and
+     Nebraska Territories, and they sometimes range as far east as
+     Fort Laramie, in the latter Territory. Their principal
+     subsistence is the buffalo, and it is for the purpose of
+     hunting them that they range so far east of their own country.
+     This tribe numbers about twelve hundred souls, all under one
+     principal chief, Wash-a-kee. He has perfect command over them,
+     and is one of the finest looking and most intellectual Indians
+     I ever saw.
+
+The duration of the previously mentioned peaceful interlude between
+the Crow and the Shoshone of Wyoming cannot be accurately determined.
+However, Lander reported them at war in 1858 (1859, p. 49):
+
+     The Crow and Shoshonee Indians having broken out into open war
+     in the north, did not permit of my risking or exposing the
+     large stock of mules of the expedition at the camp selected as
+     the wintering ground of last year's expedition, on Wind River.
+
+Lander encountered Washakie and "the whole of the great tribe of the
+eastern Shoshonees" hunting antelope on the headwaters of the Green
+River (p. 68). The Shoshone spent the winter on Wind River but "the
+last account from them say they are in a starving condition; they are
+at war with the Crows, and are afraid to go out to hunt for game" (p.
+69). The Shoshone had fought with the Crow on October 27, 1858, which
+had probably prevented them from attempting the fall buffalo hunt.
+They apparently undertook a hunt during the following spring, for Will
+H. Wagner, an engineer on the South Pass wagon road, observed in May
+of 1859 that only a few Shoshone lodges were found on Green River, the
+main body still being in the Wind River Valley (Wagner, 1861, p. 25).
+
+In February, 1860, Lander wrote a summary of Eastern Shoshone
+territorial use as of 1859 (1860, pp. 121-122):
+
+     The Eastern Snakes range from the waters of Wind river or
+     latitude 43 deg. 30' on the north and from the South Pass to the
+     headwaters of the North Platte on the east, and to Bear river
+     near the mouth of Smith's Fork on the west. They extend south
+     as far as Brown's Hole on Green River. Their principal
+     subsistence is the roots and seeds of the wild vegetables of
+     the region they inhabit, the mountain trout, with which all the
+     streams of the country are abundantly supplied, and wild game.
+     The latter is now very scarce in the vicinity of the new and
+     old emigrant roads.
+
+     The immense herds of antelope I remember having seen along the
+     route of the new road in 1854 and 1857 seem to have
+     disappeared. These Indians visit the border ground between
+     their own country and the Crows and Blackfeet for the purpose
+     of hunting Elk, Antelope and stray herds of buffalo. When these
+     trips are made they travel only in large bands for fear of the
+     Blackfeet and Crows. With the Bannacks and parties of Salt Lake
+     Diggers they often make still longer marches into the
+     northwestern buffalo ranges on the head waters of the Missouri
+     and Yellow Stone.
+
+     These excursions usually last over winter, the more western
+     Indians who join them passing over a distance of twelve
+     hundred miles on the out and return journey.
+
+Under the leadership of Washakie, which dates from approximately the
+beginning of the period of heavy emigration to the Far West, the
+Shoshone of Wyoming had maintained amicable relations with the whites.
+The early 1860's, however, saw increased clashes between Indians and
+whites in the Bear River country and in southern Idaho. While the
+activities of Chief Pocatello's band and of other hostile groups will
+be further discussed in the section on Idaho, it would be well at this
+point to clarify relations between Washakie's followers and the people
+of Bear River. It is impossible to differentiate a Wyoming group as
+distinct from the Shoshone of Bear River in earlier periods, and, in
+view of the presence of buffalo in the country of the Green and Bear
+rivers until at least 1840, it is more than probable that southwestern
+Wyoming, northern Utah, and southeastern Idaho were common grounds
+roamed over by several nomadic hunting groups. Lander recognized the
+affinity between the areas, although he distinguished Washakie's
+Eastern Shoshone from the Utah residents on the basis of their
+respective relations with the whites (Lander, 1860, pp. 122-123):
+
+     The Salt Lake Diggers intermarry with the Eastern Snakes and
+     are on good terms with them.
+
+     Among these Indians [the "Salt Lake Diggers"] are some of the
+     worst in the mountains. Washakie will not permit a horse thief
+     or vagabond to remain in his band, but many of the Mormon
+     Indians go about the country with minor chiefs calling
+     themselves Eastern Snakes.
+
+     Old Snag, a chief sometimes seen on Green River, who proclaims
+     himself an Eastern Snake, and friend of the Americans, is of
+     this class....
+
+     Southern Indians pass, on their way "to buffalo," (a technical
+     term,) through the lands of the Eastern Snakes and Bannocks,
+     and the latter are often made to bear the blame of their
+     horse-stealing proclivities.
+
+Doty reported depredations on the road between Fort Laramie and Salt
+Lake City in 1862 (Doty, 1863, pp. 342, 355), and in the following
+year the Army attacked a large number of the hostiles on Bear River
+and inflicted very severe losses on them (War of the Rebellion, 1902,
+pp. 185-187). Doty reported from Box Elder, Utah, on July 30 of the
+same year (ibid., p. 219):
+
+     A treaty of peace was this day concluded at this place by Gen.
+     Connor [who led the Bear River attack] and myself with the
+     bands of the Shoshones, of which Pocatello, San Pitch and
+     Sagwich are the principal chiefs.
+
+Earlier, on July 2, 1863, a treaty was entered into at Fort Bridger
+between Doty and the bands of "Waushakee," "Shauwuno," "Tibagan,"
+"Peoastoagah," "Totimee," "Ashingodimah," "Sagowitz," "Oretzimawik,"
+"Bazil," and "Sanpitz" (Doty, 1865, p. 319). Doty noted at this time
+that the Shoshone "claim their ... eastern boundary on the crest of
+the Rocky mountains; but it is certain that they, as well as the
+Bannacks, hunt buffalo below the Three Forks of the Missouri, and on
+the headwaters of the Yellowstone" (p. 318). Doty continued (pp.
+318-319):
+
+     As none of the Indians of this country have permanent places
+     of abode, in their hunting excursions they wander over an
+     immense region, extending from the fisheries at and below
+     Salmon Falls, on the Shoshone [Snake] river, near the Oregon
+     line, to the sources of that stream and to the Buffalo country
+     beyond....
+
+     The Shoshonees and Bannocks are the only nations which, to my
+     knowledge hunt together over the same ground.
+
+The Shoshone continued to hunt beyond the mountains after the Fort
+Bridger treaty. Superintendent Irish reported in September, 1864, that
+the "Shoshonees" were at Bear Lake awaiting their payment and were
+impatient to "go to their winter hunting grounds on Wind River"
+(Irish, 1865, p. 314). Three hundred Cheyenne lodges were reported in
+Wind River Valley in May, 1865, but the group subsequently withdrew to
+the "Sweetwater mountains and thence to Powder River" (Coutant, 1899,
+1:440). In September, 1865, Irish reported that the Shoshone
+frequented the Wind River country and the headwaters of the North
+Platte and Missouri rivers (Irish, 1866, p. 311). The Superintendent
+described the pattern of movement that had become established (ibid.):
+
+     Their principal subsistence is the buffalo, which they hunt
+     during the fall, winter, and spring, on which they subsist
+     during that time, and return in the summer to Fort Bridger and
+     Great Salt Lake City.
+
+Agent Luther Mann of Fort Bridger added (1865, p. 327):
+
+     They spend about eight months of the year among the Wind River
+     mountains and in the valley of the Wind River, Big Horn and
+     Yellowstone....
+
+     The Shoshonees are friendly with the Bannacks, their neighbor
+     on the north ... but are hostile toward the tribes on their
+     eastern boundaries, viz: Sioux, Arapahoes, Cheyennes, and
+     Crows.
+
+Mann observed that the Eastern Shoshone numbered some 150 lodges.
+However, he also noted that Washakie claimed to be too weak to fight
+his enemies. In his next year's report, Mann wrote that on September
+20, 1865, the Shoshone set out from Fort Bridger for the Wind River
+and Popo Agie valleys where they hunted buffalo, deer, elk, and
+mountain sheep and passed the winter. Only five to ten lodges remained
+on Green River for the winter (ibid., p. 126).
+
+The Shoshone had some difficulty with hostile tribes during their
+hunts in the Wind River Valley. The battle of Crowheart Butte (near
+Crowheart, Wyoming) has become a legend on the Wind River Reservation,
+and the facts of the event have become well embellished. More reliable
+informants claim that the Crow were encamped at the present site of
+Kinnear, Wyoming, on the north side of Big Wind River and were driven
+out after a strong attack by the Shoshone. The Crow detachment was
+evidently not merely a war party, for the men were accompanied by
+their women and children. Hebard, using documentary material
+unavailable to the writers, places the date of this battle as March,
+1866 (Hebard, 1930, p. 151). There is no further mention in the
+sources of Crow occupation of the Wind River Valley.
+
+This was not the end of the Shoshones' troubles, however, for in the
+following year (1867), Indian Agent Mann noted (1868, p. 182):
+
+     Immediately after the distribution of their annuity goods last
+     year, they left this agency for their hunting grounds in the
+     Popeaugie [Popo Agie River, near Lander, Wyo.] and Wind River
+     valleys, the only portion of the country claimed by them where
+     they can obtain buffalo.
+
+     Early last spring the near approach of hostile Sioux and
+     Cheyennes compelled them to leave before they could prepare
+     their usual supply of dried meat for summer use.
+
+Mann further reported that, after being paid the annuity on June 8,
+1867, "they have since gone to the valley of the Great Salt Lake, as
+is usual with them, preparatory to their return to their hunting
+grounds in autumn" (p. 183). These accounts further document the
+manner in which the Utah and Wyoming populations merged.
+
+The Sioux were apparently especially active east of the Wind River
+Range in these years and many other attacks were reported. The
+Shoshone went to Wind River in 1868 and were again attacked by the
+Sioux. Agent Mann reported that year that a few small bands of
+Shoshone had not hunted buffalo in two years for fear of attack (Mann,
+1869, pp. 616-618).
+
+The government had a good deal of difficulty in persuading the
+Shoshone to remain on the reservation established by the treaty of
+1868. Captain J. H. Patterson, the new agent, wrote in 1869 (1870, p.
+717): "So powerful are the Sioux, it is only after winter is far
+advanced, and from that time until early in the spring, that the
+Shoshones can remain on the reservation." They passed the winter of
+1868-69 at Wind River, but the Sioux attacked on April 26, 1869,
+before they broke winter camp (J. A. Campbell, 1870, p. 173). On
+September 14, 1869, Siouan warriors attempted another foray into Wind
+River Valley but were repulsed by troops. Fearful of another early
+attack and wary of their new reservation co-residents, the Northern
+Arapaho and Washakie left Wind River at the end of April of the
+following year (1870). The Shoshone departed with little stored meat,
+since they were unable to pursue the buffalo far out on the prairie
+(G. W. Fleming, 1871, p. 643).
+
+In the following years, we hear little of the hunting activities of
+the Shoshone. They were moved permanently to the Wind River
+Reservation, where, according to Agent James Irwin in 1873, they
+showed a strong desire to abandon their nomadic ways and to learn
+agriculture (Irwin, 1874, p. 612). Irwin claimed that, although the
+Bannock population of the "Shoshone and Bannock Agency" at Wind River
+was transferred in 1872 to Fort Hall, 216 still unsettled Shoshone had
+expressed intent in the following year to move to Wind River. The
+Shoshone experienced little success in their early attempts at
+farming, and the government food allotments were seldom adequate to
+last through the year. This, combined with the traditional value
+placed on the buffalo hunt, perpetuated the nomadic pattern for a
+number of years. As late as 1877, Agent Patten wrote (1878, p. 605):
+
+     During the month of October last [1876], while the Shoshones
+     were on one of their annual hunts, the village became divided;
+     Washakie, with the greater portion, struck across the country
+     from the base of the Sierra Shoshone Mountains to the mouth of
+     Owl Creek on Big Wind River; the smallest party, under two
+     braves named Na-akie and Ta-goon-dum, started for the river
+     above the mouth of Grey Bull, where having arrived the prospect
+     of a successful hunt was propitious. Large herds of buffalo
+     were everywhere in sight; but the next morning after their
+     arrival this little band, comprising men, women, and children,
+     were suddenly attacked by Dull Knife's band of hostile Cheyenne
+     warriors.
+
+The Plains were evidently still unsafe, and hunting parties traveled
+in strength. But the end of the buffalo period was not far off, for
+hide-hunters and settlers had already made massive inroads on the
+herds, and the open-range cattle-raising industry had begun. It is
+interesting to note, however, that the itinerary followed in 1876 was
+much the same as that related by Shimkin's informants and by ours.
+Except for that given in the one account by Hamilton, it has no
+antecedents in the historical literature.
+
+
+EARLY RESERVATION PERIOD
+
+Wind River Shoshone informants speak little of activities west of the
+Continental Divide and tend to place their early economic life almost
+entirely in the Missouri drainage. This is not surprising when it is
+considered that eighty-six years had passed between the signing of the
+Fort Bridger treaty of July 3, 1868, establishing the reservation, and
+the field work reported here. Almost seventy years had elapsed between
+that date and Shimkin's 1937-1938 field work. That informants have a
+one-dimensional view of earlier periods in Shoshone history may well
+be expected. The type of data that deals with locales and events, the
+movements of peoples and situational adaptation is history of a
+different kind from the traditional cultural material with which
+anthropologists usually work. It would be an understatement to say
+that it would tax the memory of any human being to ask exactly where
+and when his people hunted many years before he was born. One of the
+oldest living Shoshone, for example, responded to our question about
+the location of the chief's lodge in the camp by saying that the
+chiefs lived in log cabins near the Agency. And even this was quite a
+mnemonic feat.
+
+Most of the following data was obtained from informants and pertains
+primarily to the early reservation period. Even for such a relatively
+late time, the information is not wholly reliable and is often vague
+and fragmentary. Certain aspects of these data are perpetuated in Wind
+River tradition, however, and are valid for even earlier periods than
+the one discussed. These concern the yearly economic cycle, the rhythm
+of movement from buffalo prairies to the mountains, the coalescence
+and fragmentation of social groups, the types of fish and game taken
+and the technology involved--cultural facts not immediately linked to
+situational, historical factors. These comments on reliability of
+informants' data should be borne in mind throughout the account below.
+
+The stable center of Eastern Shoshone settlement pattern was the
+winter camp. All informants agreed that the chief winter camps were in
+the valleys of the Big and Little Wind rivers, in the region of the
+present Diversion Dam and Fort Washakie, respectively. There they
+were protected from winter storms, and the winds blew enough snow from
+the ground to allow the horses to graze. In the bottomlands by the
+streams they found water and firewood and enjoyed the protection of
+the cottonwood trees. In the period before the ending of intertribal
+hostilities in Wyoming camps were closely clustered to allow for
+mutual defense in the event of an attack, but after the pacification
+of the area, people pitched their tipis farther apart. Although never
+safe from attack, the Shoshone had greater security during the winter,
+since the cold and snows made their enemies relatively immobile also.
+
+Winter residence at Wind River was not obligatory. Smaller groups were
+said to camp on the western slope of the Wind River Mountains, in the
+vicinity of Pinedale, and others remained near Fort Bridger.
+Contemporary informants gave no confirmation of Shimkin's statement
+that a group of Shoshone, under Washakie, customarily wintered in the
+Absaroka Mountain foothills on the head of the Grey Bull River
+(Shimkin, 1947_a_, p. 247). Also, Shimkin's chart, which shows that
+Shoshone occasionally spent the winter in the Powder and Sweetwater
+River valleys (p. 279), probably indicates the true situation only for
+the period after the area became secure from attack, in the 1870's.
+All of these locales would be highly vulnerable to hostiles, as was
+the Wind River Valley in the pre-reservation era, and it is highly
+probable that Shimkin's informants spoke of post-reservation events
+and not of a traditional pattern.
+
+Subsistence during the winter was gained chiefly from the stored yield
+of the fall buffalo hunt. The meat was dried and pounded and placed in
+large rawhide bags. True pemmican was not manufactured, although the
+pulverized buffalo meat was mixed with dried roots and berries
+preparatory to being eaten.
+
+Stores frequently ran low towards the end of winter, and some hardship
+resulted. However, the stored food was supplemented by elk which had
+been driven out of the mountains by snow, and by antelope and deer
+meat. Rabbits were also snared.
+
+Some informants stated that the Shoshone went into winter camp as
+early as October. Others, however, reported that the winter camp was
+made as late as December. It would seem that November to December are
+the more probable times. Support for this date is found in Shimkin
+(1947_a_, p. 279).
+
+The winter camp broke up in February or March, and the spring buffalo
+hunt was then launched. This was a collective venture, as opposed to
+the sporadic and individual hunting that went on during the winter.
+Informants were extremely vague in saying whether all the winter camp
+went on the spring hunt together or whether they broke up into
+parties. Shimkin states that the Shoshone split into four bands when
+buffalo hunting (p. 247). Some of my own informants, however, said
+that all hunted in one group under Washakie. Others said that there
+were several chiefs, and each took his people where he chose.
+
+The buffalo in springtime were not of good quality, and the lean,
+tough meat was considered very inferior to the fat meat obtained in
+the fall. Informants said that the chief purpose of the spring hunt
+was to obtain hides for tipis (and all the other uses to which buffalo
+hide was put) and to get fresh meat. The spring hunt was generally
+pursued in the Big Horn Basin, although there were buffalo in the Wind
+River Valley itself, which were also hunted. Although the former
+locale is most frequently mentioned, it should be assumed that the
+migratory habits of the buffalo imposed some variability.
+
+After the spring hunt, the Shoshone reconvened in Wind River Valley
+and in June held their Sun Dance. This was a period of general
+gathering and involved visits of people from other areas.
+
+After the Sun Dance was concluded, the participants withdrew from the
+valley lands and retired to the Green River country and the mountains
+until the autumn buffalo hunt. At this time, the larger buffalo-hunt
+and Sun Dance group broke into small units and scattered in several
+directions. Shimkin maps some of the trails followed by the summer
+hunting parties (p. 249). Although there was considerable deviation
+from the trails he indicates, they show a penetration of the
+Yellowstone and Jackson Hole country, the Owl Creek Mountains, and the
+Green River and Bear River regions.
+
+Shimkin's chart of the yearly subsistence cycle shows June and July as
+a period of intertribal rendezvous while August and early September
+were spent in family groups (p. 279). My informants indicated that
+small groups of families were the essential social and economic units
+from June to September; the trade rendezvous held in the Green River
+country ended by 1840. Some Shoshone said the summer group
+consisted of only one tipi, while others claimed that this was a
+post-reservation pattern. In earlier times, it was said, the need for
+security from attack caused groups of from six to ten tipis (this
+figure is highly uncertain) to travel together. These summer groups
+were probably the most stable and cohesive units in Eastern Shoshone
+society, although there was a good deal of interchange of members.
+
+Although each summer group often followed the same general route every
+year, other groups could and did hunt this territory. There was no
+sense of group or band ownership of the lands habitually visited, and
+a group could alter or change its route. In June many people went to
+the Sweetwater region and across South Pass to hunt antelope. Antelope
+were also hunted at various times of the year north of Wind River on
+the benches at the foot of the Owl Creek Range and in the Green River
+country. In the latter area, the Eastern Shoshone were frequently
+joined in September by Shoshone and Bannock from Idaho.
+
+There were several routes to the Jackson Hole and Yellowstone country.
+The Yellowstone does not seem to have been visited as frequently
+before the final pacification of the area, owing, no doubt, to the
+proximity of Crow and Blackfoot. Some groups followed the most direct
+route--through the Wind River Valley and across Togwatee Pass (the
+present route of U. S. Highway 287). Others hunted first in the Owl
+Creek Mountains and then crossed west into the Wind River Valley at
+Dubois and thence through Togwatee Pass. Still another route led
+through the "Rough Trail," now called Washakie Pass, in the Wind River
+Range and gave access to the Pinedale area and the western slope of
+the range. From that point, groups hunted in this immediate region or
+went northwest to Jackson Hole or south to the Fort Bridger area. Any
+one of these routes could be used for the return to Wind River and the
+subsequent fall buffalo hunt, but there was a tendency to return by a
+different trail than that used on the outward trip.
+
+Summer subsistence activities were varied, but none called for
+extensive cooperation beyond the immediate family or the small summer
+group. Antelope hunting west of the Continental Divide called for
+some joint endeavor, though not on the scale of the buffalo hunt.
+Moose and elk were hunted by smaller parties in the high mountain
+parks and forests of the Wind River, Grand Teton, and Owl Creek
+Mountains. The last range was especially noted for a plentiful supply
+of mountain sheep. Deer were killed and rabbits were taken throughout
+the year. Sage hens were snared in the spring, and duck were killed on
+Bull Lake in Wind River Valley in the fall. After 1840, there were
+almost no buffalo left on the west side of the Wind River Range,
+although before that time they were pursued there by the Shoshone.
+However, the Wind River Valley abounded in buffalo until relatively
+late, for the worst excesses of the white hide-hunters did not begin
+until after the Civil War. Buffalo were also killed in the Owl Creek
+and Wind River foothills and were taken also in Jackson Hole and
+Yellowstone Park. Also, a smaller variety of buffalo, called timber
+buffalo, which did not follow the migratory pattern of the larger
+Plains type, was killed in the high mountain parks.
+
+Fish were of fundamental importance, especially, according to Shimkin
+(1947_a_, p. 268), during the spring. Mountain trout were the main
+fish; the Eastern Shoshone did not join their colinguists in salmon
+fishing on the Columbia waters, at least during this later period.
+Shimkin specifically states that "no private ownership of good fishing
+places existed, and dams and weirs were not maintained from year to
+year" (ibid.). This accords with our own field data.
+
+Summer economic activities involved little estensive cooperation and,
+since game was scattered through the mountains rather than
+concentrated in large herds, the small groups of families were the
+most effective economic units. It is significant in this connection
+that, as soon as the security of the country was guaranteed by the
+presence of the whites, the one-or two-tipi summer camp displaced its
+somewhat larger predecessor. Game in the pre-treaty period was
+plentiful in the Wyoming mountains and a single family or small group
+of tipis could gain adequate subsistence; the principal reason for
+larger gatherings in the summer was defense. The yield probably became
+better after camp groups became smaller, for locales were not hunted
+out as rapidly.
+
+The only economic activity other than the buffalo hunt which called
+for the cooperation of a large group of men was antelope hunting.
+Antelope were usually surrounded by the hunters and run in circles by
+relays of mounted men. Unlike the Nevada population, the Eastern
+Shoshone did not build brush corrals or employ antelope shamans.
+
+Women's economic life could be pursued by individuals. In addition to
+cooking, dressing skins, and other household chores, women's efforts
+provided all the vegetable foods consumed by the Shoshone. This
+activity went on from summer into fall. Various berries were
+collected; gooseberries, currants, buffalo berries, and chokecherries
+being the most important. All these berries grew near streams and
+ripened about August. Gooseberries and chokecherries can be found in
+the mountains and foothills while buffalo berries and currants grow in
+the lower valleys. The berries were dried and stored for future use.
+
+Roots, also, were a valuable adjunct to the diet. Yamp, the principal
+root, was found in the mountains. Bitterroot was dug on prairie hills,
+wild potatoes were found in the foothills, and the wild onion grew in
+the valley floors. Although special trips were not made to root
+grounds (in contrast to the congregations for camas in Idaho) the
+women dug them out with pointed sticks near favorable hunting camps.
+One informant spoke, for example, of the rich yamp grounds in the Big
+Horn Mountains. All the women of the camp group went out together to
+dig roots. This was for purposes of companionship; each woman dug and
+kept her own tubers.
+
+In September, the scattered camp groups reunited at Wind River for the
+fall buffalo hunt. The buffalo was a critical factor in Wind River
+subsistence, for it provided the margin of survival through the long
+winter. The Eastern Shoshone were frequently joined in the buffalo
+hunt by other Shoshone from the Bear River country and, less often, by
+Shoshone and Bannock from Idaho. The last two groups usually hunted
+buffalo in Montana with certain Plateau tribes, and their routes did
+not usually coincide. Informants uniformly said that all the Eastern
+Shoshone went out to hunt buffalo together, and Shimkin (1947_a_, p.
+280) states that "in full strength, often with Bannocks or others
+accompanying them, they would cross the Wind River Range" for the fall
+hunt. It seems certain that, insofar as they may have penetrated far
+north into the Big Horn Basin, numerical strength was necessary during
+the immediate pre-reservation period and shortly thereafter.
+
+As the buffalo camp moved out on the range, scouts were sent ahead to
+locate the herds. The actual techniques used by hunters were much the
+same as among the Plains tribes. Ideally, two horses were used, one
+for riding within reach of the herd, the other a swift horse trained
+to run close to the buffalo while avoiding the animal's horns. The
+herd was surrounded and run, and the flanking hunters shot arrows and
+launched spears at the prey. When a buffalo was killed, the hunter
+threw an arrow or some personal, identifying possession on the carcass
+to mark it as his.
+
+This was apparently the main technique for buffalo hunting. They were
+not stampeded over cliffs, as was the practice of some Indian tribes.
+One informant said that Chief Washakie would not permit it for reasons
+of conservation. Occasionally, hunters on foot stalked and killed
+buffalo with the bow and arrow, but such activities did not take place
+during the communal hunts.
+
+When on the fall hunt, individual hunters did not attack the herds,
+for the animals might stampede for long distances after only one or
+two were killed. The fall hunt was organized cooperatively, but
+informants denied the existence of the typical Plains police, or
+soldier, societies or any comparable form of institutionalized
+discipline to prevent individual hunting.
+
+The time spent in the fall hunt, including travel, appears to have
+been about two months--from mid-September to mid-November. Meat and
+hides were prepared by the women and packed back to winter camp.
+Shimkin doubts the efficiency of the buffalo hunt (1947_a_, p. 266).
+If it is assumed that each family had from five to ten horses, three
+of which were needed to drag the tipi and utensil-loaded travois and
+three for riding, only two horses were, according to his reasoning,
+available for packing. Since one would be loaded with hides for trade,
+only one was available for carrying meat. The supply carried was
+sufficient for no more than twenty days, Shimkin concludes.
+
+The mounted buffalo hunters were not the only Shoshone inhabitants of
+Wyoming, and one more group remains to be discussed. In the mountain
+chain extending from the Wind River Range northwest to the Teton and
+Gros Ventres ranges and northward into Yellowstone lived a Shoshone
+population known as the Dukarika, or Sheepeaters. These Dukarika are
+not to be confused with a Shoshone population of the same name in the
+mountains of Idaho. The two were socially and geographically separate;
+their common name is due only to the fact that there were mountain
+sheep in the habitats of both. The name thus has no more significance
+in terms of political organization than do the food names applied to
+Shoshone living in certain areas of Nevada and Idaho.
+
+There is little documentary information on the Dukarika, and
+contemporary Wind River informants knew very little about them. Our
+earliest reference to these secluded people is found in Bonneville's
+journals, when, in September, 1833, three Indians were sighted in the
+Wind River Range. Irving writes (1850, p. 139):
+
+     Captain Bonneville at once concluded that these belonged to a
+     kind of hermit race, scanty in number, that inhabit the highest
+     and most inaccessible fastnesses. They speak the Shoshone
+     language and probably are offsets from that tribe, though they
+     have peculiarities of their own, which distinguish them from
+     all other Indians. They are miserably poor, own no horses, and
+     are destitute of every convenience to be derived from an
+     intercourse with the whites. Their weapons are bows and
+     stone-pointed arrows, with which they hunt the deer, the elk,
+     and the mountain sheep. They are to be found scattered about
+     the countries of the Shoshone, Flathead, Crow, and Blackfeet
+     tribes; but their residences are always in lonely places, and
+     the clefts of rocks.
+
+Osborne Russell, when trapping in Lamar Valley in Yellowstone Park in
+July, 1835, observed (1955, p. 26):
+
+     Here we found a few Snake Indians comprising six men, seven
+     women, and eight or ten children who were the only inhabitants
+     of this lonely and secluded spot. They were all neatly clothed
+     in dressed deer and sheep skins of the best quality and seemed
+     to be perfectly contented and happy.
+
+The Indians had "about thirty dogs on which they carried their skins,
+clothing, provisions, etc., on their hunting excursions. They were
+well armed with bows and arrows pointed with obsidian" (ibid.).
+Russell also saw other "Mountain Snakes" near the headwaters of the
+Shoshone River (ibid., p. 64). Speaking of the Dukarika, Hiram
+Chittenden says (1933, p. 8):
+
+     It was a humble branch of the Shoshone family which alone is
+     known to have dwelt in the region of Yellowstone Park. They
+     were called Tuakuarika, or more commonly Sheepeaters. They were
+     found in the park country at the time of its discovery, and had
+     doubtless long been there. The Indians were veritable hermits
+     of the mountains, utterly unfit for warlike contention, and
+     seem to have sought immunity from their dangerous neighbors by
+     dwelling among the inaccessible fastnesses of the mountains.
+
+Chittenden continues:
+
+     We-Saw [an Indian who accompanied Capt. Jones in 1873] states
+     that he had neither knowledge nor tradition of any permanent
+     occupants of the Park save the timid Sheepeaters.... He said
+     that his people [Shoshone], the Bannocks, and the Crows,
+     occasionally visited the Yellowstone Lake and River.
+
+Captain W. A. Jones, when on his 1873 expedition to Yellowstone Park,
+commented that one of the Indians with him, a Sheepeater, knew the
+route back to Wind River (Jones, 1875, p. 39). Beyond these few
+citations, the Sheepeaters are almost unmentioned.
+
+In contrast to the previously described Shoshone, the Dukarika
+traveled mostly on foot, although a very few had horses. They hunted
+timber buffalo near the mountain lakes and killed elk, deer, and the
+mountain sheep for which they were named. Antelope were occasionally
+hunted near Pinedale by those who owned horses. The best hunting
+grounds were considered to be those near Pinedale and on the west
+slope of the Wind River Range. Although some Sheepeaters inhabited
+Yellowstone Park, their main hunting grounds were farther south. The
+Sheepeaters were by no means the only Indians who made use of the
+Yellowstone region. Hultkrantz also mentions entry by parties of
+"Kiowa, Plains Shoshoni, Lemhi Shoshoni, Bannock, Crow, Blackfoot and
+Nez Perce" (Hultkrantz, 1954, p. 140).
+
+All game was tracked and cornered by dogs and dispatched with the bow
+and arrow; the buffalo lance was used only by mounted hunters of
+Plains buffalo. Dogs were also used for packing--both on back and by
+travois.
+
+In addition to their hunting activities, the Sheepeaters speared trout
+in the spring and summer. Nets, traps, and weirs were apparently not
+used. They also made use of the wild vegetables (previously listed)
+that grow in the mountains.
+
+The Sheepeaters stayed in the mountains during the winter and did not
+join the valley winter camps of the buffalo hunters. They lived on
+stored meat and also continued to take elk, rabbits, and deer. Hunting
+was usually done on snowshoes.
+
+Their camp groups were small, and, although no exact figure could be
+obtained, they never numbered more than the occupants of a few
+buffalo-hide tipis. Each such group had its leader who decided the
+hunting itinerary. The Dukarikas had no over-all political
+organization; each small camp group was politically and economically
+autonomous. "Dukarika," then, can be assumed to be a term defining a
+type of economic adaptation rather than a social unit.
+
+The discreet Dukarika social units did not assert hunting rights to
+particular territories. Any group could hunt where it pleased, and
+they in no way resisted or resented the entry of the mounted Shoshone
+during the summer. Although they undoubtedly had contact with the
+latter, they did not join the spring or fall buffalo hunts, nor did
+they at any time during the pre-treaty period acknowledge the
+political leadership of the valley people. After the reservation was
+established, however, they left the mountains and settled in the Trout
+Creek section of the Wind River Reservation.
+
+
+EASTERN SHOSHONE TERRITORY
+
+Thus far, we have presented the pertinent historical data on Shoshone
+ecology in Wyoming and adjacent parts of northern Utah and we have
+described the annual cycle of economic activities during the early
+reservation period. The following summary of information on Eastern
+Shoshone territory will consider both kinds of data but will not
+attempt to delineate the social and political affiliations of the
+peoples using the lands. This subject, as the previously cited
+statement by Shimkin suggests (p. 300), is extremely complex and will
+be reserved for further discussion.
+
+The most perplexing problem presented by the Eastern Shoshone is the
+extent of their penetration into the Missouri River waters. Although
+the Shoshone evidently undertook forays at least as far east as Fort
+Laramie, contemporary informants and historical sources agree that
+their main hunting grounds extended no farther east than the
+Sweetwater and other headwaters of the North Platte River. We have no
+certain information of Shoshone use of lands east of the upper
+Sweetwater River, and informants gave no data on this sector.
+
+Wind River Shoshone informants relate the itineraries of
+buffalo-hunting parties northward into the Big Horn Basin. The fall
+and spring buffalo hunts were said to have taken place in the region
+of Thermopolis, Wyoming, and as far north as Cody and Greybull,
+Wyoming. The region east of the Big Horn Mountains was thought by
+informants to have been occasionally visited, but was acknowledged as
+the hunting grounds of hostile tribes. The presence of a "mixed party
+of Shoshone and Flatheads" in the Big Horn Mountains was noted by the
+westward-bound Astoria party in 1811 (Irving, 1890, p. 196) and
+indicates some early penetration of the area, although the presence of
+Flathead Indians suggests that the party had entered the area via
+Idaho and Montana and not from Green River. However, pre-reservation
+historical data show that before the 1840's the Eastern Shoshone
+largely restricted their buffalo hunting to the region west of the
+Continental Divide and sporadically penetrated the Wind River and Big
+Horn basins only after the buffalo disappeared from the country beyond
+the Rockies. Their entry into the eastern buffalo range became more
+frequent in the 1850's, but it by no means constituted an exclusive
+monopoly on lands there. They depended upon their numbers for
+protection and were forced to compete with other tribes for the right
+to hunt on the land. Their hunting excursions were in the nature of
+forays and were unsuccessful in some years. They enjoyed security and
+some assurance of success in the hunt only after they had been placed
+under the protection of Federal troops and the Crow had been placed on
+reservations. That the center of Shoshone occupancy lay west of the
+Continental Divide was affirmed by Chief Washakie. Agent Head wrote in
+1867 (1868, p. 186):
+
+     Washakee said that the country east from the Wind river
+     mountains, to the settled portions of eastern Nebraska and
+     Kansas, had always been claimed by four principal Indian
+     tribes--the Sioux, Arapahoes, Cheyennes, and Crows.
+
+Further evidence that the valleys of the Big Horn and Wind rivers were
+used only for buffalo hunting and not stably occupied in the
+pre-reservation period is indicated by the Shoshones' ignorance of the
+hunting grounds in the surrounding mountains. Captain Jones used
+Shoshone guides from Camp Brown on the new Wind River Reservation when
+he undertook his exploration of Yellowstone Park in 1873. The captain
+and his party penetrated the Owl Creek Range, north of the reservation
+and found at the head of Owl Creek a lovely park (Jones, 1875, p.
+54):
+
+     This park bears many evidences of having been used as a hiding
+     place. Our Indians knew nothing of it, and yet there are all
+     through it numerous trails, old lodge poles, bleached bones of
+     game, and old camps of Cheyennes and Arapahoes.
+
+Shimkin (1947_a_, p. 248) notes that this park was one of the "foci"
+of Shoshone nomadic activity, a place to which Wind River people
+repaired for summer hunting. Although this is true for later times, it
+certainly was not so in the pre-reservation period when hunts on the
+Missouri waters were conducted only for limited periods and in the
+plains and valleys where buffalo were to be found.
+
+Until the late 1860's the Wind River Valley and the Big Horn Basin and
+Mountains were zones of penetration rather than occupation of the
+Eastern Shoshone. Another such zone is in the Tetons and Yellowstone.
+This is confirmed by the journal of Captain Jones, who commented upon
+the unfamiliarity of his Shoshone guides with the country around
+Yellowstone Lake (Jones, 1875, p. 23). He wrote (p. 34):
+
+     ... the Indians have failed to find the trail back to
+     Yellowstone Lake.... The explanation of this is that they are
+     "Plains Indians," and are wholly unaccustomed to travel among
+     forests like these.
+
+Later, the exploring party reached the upper Yellowstone River, above
+the lake, where Jones commented (p. 39):
+
+     We have now reached a country from which one of our Indians
+     says he knows the way back to Camp Brown by the head of Wind
+     River. He belongs to a band of Shoshones called "Sheepeaters,"
+     who have been forced to live for a number of years in the
+     mountains away from the tribe.
+
+The Yellowstone area was frequently entered by the Crow and was
+evidently not a Shoshone hunting territory, except for the
+Sheepeaters. Jackson Hole is more commonly mentioned by informants as
+a place of summer hunting activity, but the above information from
+Jones would suggest that parties entered it from the Green River
+country rather than from Wind River. The Eastern Shoshone apparently
+did not move west of the Tetons except when visiting the Shoshone and
+Bannock of Idaho. It should be mentioned at this point that the
+Shoshone and Bannock also hunted in the Jackson Hole and Yellowstone
+country, probably to a greater extent than did the Eastern Shoshone,
+and the frequent mention of parties of Blackfoot and other hostiles in
+the country both east and west of the Teton Range indicates that the
+weaker Shoshone experienced no little danger there.
+
+The valley of the Salt River in western Wyoming was used by both Idaho
+and Wyoming Shoshone. Idaho Shoshone and Bannock frequently entered
+the valleys of the Green River and its tributaries to hunt antelope in
+the fall. These people apparently mixed so frequently with the Eastern
+Shoshone in this area that it is most expedient to differentiate the
+respective populations according to where they wintered. On the west,
+Wind River Shoshone informants now make little mention of any use of
+the Bear River and Bear Lake country, despite the apparent
+interchangeability of population in the pre-reservation period; again,
+it must be assumed that informant data does not much antedate the
+move to Wind River.
+
+The southern and southeastern limits of the Shoshone range in Wyoming
+are most vague. They probably extended as far south as the Yampa River
+in Colorado and the Uinta Range in Utah; Lander places their southern
+limits at Brown's Hole, in northwestern Colorado on the Green River
+(Lander, 1860, p. 121).
+
+It is doubtful whether the country as far east as the North Platte and
+south to the Yampa was intensively exploited. Informants knew of no
+significant activities which went on in those areas, although they
+thought that antelope were occasionally hunted there. Most agreed that
+the Sweetwater River and Rawlins, Wyoming, were in Shoshone country,
+but Casper, Wyoming, and the Medicine Bow Mountains were excluded.
+Shimkin's map shows no regular utilization of the southeastern corner
+of Shoshone country (Shimkin, 1947_a_, map 1, p. 249), although my
+informants spoke of antelope hunts on the south side of South Pass. We
+can conclude that this whole area was, like many other sections, an
+area of occasional penetration. It is doubtful whether the poorly
+watered country between the Green and North Platte rivers was
+intensively used by any Indian group.
+
+
+SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
+
+A good deal of Eastern Shoshone social organization has already been
+described in the section on the subsistence cycle and in the context
+of historical data. Although the summer was spent in scattered groups,
+the collective buffalo hunt and the large winter camp made these
+Shoshone among the best organized of all the Shoshone population.
+Horses, a richer game supply, and the constant need for protection
+caused the Eastern Shoshone to travel in much larger groups than those
+of Nevada and perhaps also of Idaho, and leadership was,
+correspondingly, more highly developed. We hear early of the "'Horn
+Chief,' a distinguished chief and warrier of the Shoshonee tribe," who
+was frequently encountered in the Bear River region (Ferris, 1940, pp.
+71-73). Ferris also tells of two other Shoshone chiefs, but does not
+localize them or their following (p. 309):
+
+     The principal chief of the Snakes is called the "_Iron
+     Wristband_," a deceitful fellow, who pretends to be a great
+     friend of the whites, and promises to punish his followers for
+     killing them or stealing their horses. The "_Little Chief_" a
+     brave young warrior, is the most noble and honorable character
+     among them.
+
+Ferris also mentions a Shoshone leader named "Cut Nose," who, he said,
+assumed white dress and left the tribe (p. 310).
+
+During the 1840's the name of Washakie is mentioned with increasing
+frequency in historical sources and thereafter this chief overshadows
+all other leaders. We first hear of him from the trapper Russell who
+recorded a conversation at Weber River, Utah, in which the Shoshone
+leaders were discussed (Russell, 1921, pp. 114-116).
+
+     One remarked that the Snake chief, Pah-da-hewak um da was
+     becoming very unpopular and it was the opinion of the Snakes in
+     general that Moh-woom-hah, his brother, would be at the head of
+     affairs before twelve months, as his village already amounted
+     to more than three hundred lodges, and, moreover, he was
+     supported by the bravest men in the nation, among whom were
+     Ink-a-tosh-a-pop, Fibe-bo-un-to-wat-see and Who-sha-kik, who
+     were the pillars of the nation and at whose names the Blackfeet
+     quaked with fear.
+
+The death of the first two brothers in 1842 and 1843 resulted in
+considerable disorganization, according to Russell, and "the tribe
+scattered in smaller villages over the country in consequence of
+having no chief who could control and keep them together" (pp.
+145-146).
+
+Washakie is next mentioned in Hamilton's journal as a Shoshone chief
+encountered on Wind River (Hamilton, 1905, p. 63). In 1849, Agent
+Wilson listed him among the chiefs of the mounted Shoshone (J. Wilson,
+1849, p. 1002).
+
+     The principal chiefs of the Sho-sho-nies are Mono, about
+     forty-five years old, so called from a wound in the face or
+     cheek, from a ball that disfigures him; Wiskin, Cut-hair;
+     Washikick, Gourd-rattle, (with whom I have had an interview;)
+     and Oapichi, Big Man. Of the Sho-sho-nees Augatsira is the most
+     noted.
+
+Washakie maintained good relations with the whites and in 1852
+appeared in Salt Lake City to arrange peaceful trade with the Mormons.
+Also in 1852, Brigham Young's peace conference between the Ute and
+Shoshone included "Anker-howhitch (Arrow-pine being sick) and
+thirty-four lodges; on the part of the Shoshones, Wah-sho-kig,
+To-ter-mitch, Watchenamp, Ter-ret-e-ma, Pershe-go, and twenty-six
+lodges...." (Young, 1852, p. 437). Of these five Shoshone chiefs, only
+Washakie is subsequently mentioned in the literature. Brigham Young
+apparently recognized Washakie as the leader of the Eastern Shoshone,
+for in or about 1854 he sent a Mormon, Bill Hickman, to establish
+contact with Washakie in the Green River country (Hickman, 1872, p.
+105). Superintendent Forney reported of the Shoshone in 1859 (1860_a_,
+p. 731):
+
+     One of these [the fourteen bands listed by Forney], by common
+     consent, is denominated a tribe, and is under the complete
+     control of Chief Was-a-kee, assisted by four to six sub-chiefs.
+     These number, at least, twelve hundred.
+
+If this census is accurate, this number must have included most of the
+Eastern Shoshone population.
+
+Washakie gained fame as the friend of the white man. This reputation
+was well deserved, for the wagon route through southwestern Wyoming
+was made quite safe for the emigrants through his efforts.
+Furthermore, hostile, predatory bands never developed among the
+Eastern Shoshone as they did among the Shoshone and Paiute to the
+west. In a report dated February, 1860, Lander observed (1860, p.
+121): "No instance is on record of the Eastern Snakes having committed
+outrages upon the whites." We obtain a fuller description of Washakie
+in the same report (p. 122).
+
+     Wash-ikeek, the principal Chief of the tribe, is half Flathead.
+     He obtained his popularity in the nation by various feats as a
+     warrior and, it is urged by some of the mountaineers, by his
+     extreme severity. This has, in one or two instances, extended
+     so far as taking life. The word Washikee or Washikiek signifies
+     "Gambler's Gourd." He was originally called "Pina-qua-na" or
+     "Smell of Sugar." "Push-i-can" or "Pur-chi-can," another war
+     chief of the Snakes, bears upon his forehead the scar of a blow
+     of the tomahawk given by Washikee in one of these altercations.
+     Washikee, who is also known by the term of "the white man's
+     friend," was many years ago in the employment of the American
+     and Hudson's Bay Fur Companies. He was the constant companion
+     of the white trappers, and his superior knowledge and
+     accomplishments may be attributed to this fact.
+
+Other names than that of Washakie are noted among the lists of chiefs
+in Wyoming and Utah during the early 1860's. Among the Indians
+reported killed at Bear River in 1863 were Bear Hunter, Sagwich, and
+Leight (War of the Rebellion, 1902, p. 187). In the same source, the
+chiefs Pocatello and San Pitch were said to be still at large. These
+chiefs were usually in Utah and were independent of Washakie's band,
+although the relations between Wyoming and Bear River would suggest
+considerable interchange, even inseparability, of population. The
+virtual impossibility of dividing bands and populations during this
+period is indicated by Doty's list of the participants in the Fort
+Bridger Treaty of 1863. Doty claimed that between three and four
+thousand Indians were represented by the signatories and over one
+thousand people were present at the treaty (1865, p. 319):
+
+     They are known as Waushakee's band (who is the principal chief
+     of the nation), Wonapitz's band, Shauwuno's band, Tibagan's
+     band, Peoastogah's band, Totimee's band, Ashingodimah's band
+     (he was killed at the battle on Bear River) Sagowitz's band
+     (wounded at the same battle) Oretzimawik's band, Bazil's band,
+     Sanpitz's band. The bands of this chief and of Sagowitz were
+     nearly exterminated in the same battle.
+
+In a later compendium of chiefs Powell and Ingalls listed Sanpits as a
+Cache Valley chief over a group of 124, Sai-guits as the leader of 158
+Shoshone also in Cache Valley, Tav-i-wun-shean as headman at Bear Lake
+with 17 people, and Po-ka-tel-lo as chief over 101 Indians at Goose
+Creek (Powell and Ingalls, 1874, p. 419).
+
+Washakie evidently owed his position to a combination of his status as
+a war-leader, as a recognized intermediary with the whites, and as an
+unusually strong personality. However, as we shall see later, there
+were other chiefs among the Wyoming Shoshone, and Washakie's position,
+although always strong, was never completely unchallenged. Much of his
+strength derived from recognition by the whites, and the government
+officials made every effort to bolster Washakie's prestige actively.
+Lander, for example, urged: "Any steps which could be taken to augment
+the power of Washakee, who is perfectly safe in his attachment to the
+Americans and northern mountaineers, would also prove beneficial"
+(Lander, 1860, p. 123). Also, Agent Mann reported in 1868 the
+deviation of many Shoshone from Washakie's leadership in the following
+terms (1869, p. 618):
+
+     This diminution of his strength is not satisfactory to
+     Washakie; hence I have instructed all who have the means and
+     are not too aged belonging to these bands to follow Washakie,
+     impressing them with the fact that he alone is recognized as
+     their head, and assuring them that if they expect to share the
+     reward they must participate in all dangers incident to the
+     tribe. [Mann refers to residence on the often attacked Wind
+     River Reservation.]
+
+This situation grew worse shortly after the treaty. Mann reported in
+1869 (1870, p. 716): "A strong party is now separated from Washakie,
+and under the leadership of a half-breed, who has always sustained a
+good character, but who is, nevertheless, crafty and somewhat
+ambitious." Mann's successor. Captain J. H. Patterson, said in the
+same year. (Patterson, 1870, p. 717):
+
+     Washakie, the head chief, is rapidly losing his influence in
+     the tribe, though he has yet the larger band under his
+     immediate command; all or nearly all of the young men are with
+     the other chiefs. This division looks badly.
+
+He goes on to identify some of these chiefs (ibid.):
+
+     Shortly after my arrival [June 24, 1869] Nar-kok's band of
+     Shoshones came in to receive their goods. Washakie's,
+     Tab-on-she-ya's, and Bazil's bands were near at hand.
+
+The size of these bands is indicated in the following year, when Agent
+Fleming commented that Washakie's people "were joined by Tab-en-shen
+and Bazil, with about 64 lodges" (G. W. Fleming, 1871, p. 644).
+However, Washakie maintained his position of spokesman for the Eastern
+Shoshone. Governor J. A. Campbell claimed in 1870 (1871, p. 639):
+
+     Wash-a-kie ... has great influence with his tribe, which I have
+     endeavored to retain for him by always recognizing him as their
+     chief, and referring all others of his tribe to him as the only
+     one through whom I can hold any communication with them.
+
+Wind River Shoshone informants showed more confusion over
+chieftainship and patterns of leadership, in general, than on any
+other subject. All knew of Washakie and recognized his chieftaincy,
+but of those chiefs mentioned in sources confirmation was received
+only of Nar-kok, and this from but one informant. Shimkin mentions
+four main bands, each with its own chief (1947_a_, p. 247):
+
+     The band led by Ta'wunasia would go down the Sweetwater to the
+     upper North Platte [for the buffalo hunt]. That led by
+     Di'kandimp went straight east to the Powder River Valley; that
+     led by No'oki skirted the base of the Big Horn Mountains,
+     passing through Crow territory, then swung south again to the
+     Powder River Valley. Washakie ascended Big Wind River, and then
+     crossed the divide to winter near the headquarters of the
+     Greybull.
+
+Except for Washakie, No'oki was the only one of the above chiefs given
+also by our informants. Parenthetically, it should be emphasized that
+most of our informants stated that all the Eastern Shoshone hunted
+buffalo together for self-protection. The preceding historical
+account also suggests that Shimkin's data do not represent a stable
+traditional pattern, since the Plains were almost untenable until
+after the treaty, except for short hunts in strength.
+
+The following is a list of Wind River chiefs in the early reservation
+period, as given by informants. It should be remembered that a man
+might have more than one name, and phonetic transcriptions usually
+vary according to the recorder (and the informant).
+
+    Wantsea
+    Wanhi (Wantni)
+    Ohata (Ohotwe)
+    Dupeshipoeoi (Dupishibowoi)
+    Dabunesiu
+    Bohowansiye (Bohowosa)
+    Witungak
+    Doenotsi
+    Noki (No'oki of Shimkin)
+    Wohowat
+    Yohodoekatsi
+    Noiohugo
+    Tagi
+    Tishawa
+    Wahawiichi
+    Sunup
+    Nakok (Narkok)
+
+Washakie was mentioned by most informants as the head chief of the
+Eastern Shoshone. One old woman, however, said that he was more of a
+chief in the eyes of the whites than among the Shoshone; another
+commented that there were many chiefs, but that only Washakie was
+known by the whites. Washakie's most important function was to
+represent the Shoshone before the whites; this is understandable since
+the whites would deal with nobody else.
+
+It was also commonly agreed that Washakie led the collective buffalo
+hunt, although the oldest man on the reservation claimed that there
+were many chiefs and that there was no special leader for the buffalo
+hunt. Informants said, furthermore, that the head chief acted as such
+only during those times of the year when all the people were together.
+Some stated that he directed them to the winter encampment and told
+them where to go in springtime and summer. Washakie was said to have
+acted at these times in council with the lesser chiefs and decisions
+were made known to the camp through an announcer. One informant said
+that Noki (No'oki) acted as announcer. The statement that Washakie
+assigned summer hunting areas to bands is undoubtedly erroneous, for
+it conflicts with the testimony of most informants that each group
+went where it chose.
+
+There was also disagreement on the extent of Washakie's influence.
+According to some informants, the term "Buffalo Eaters," as applied to
+Washakie's Wind River band, did not denote the people in the Green
+River country. Wanhi was said to be the chief of the people in the
+Fort Bridger area and not Washakie, who was chief only in Wind River.
+This division probably refers to the split between those who chose to
+settle on the reservation and those who did not.
+
+Despite considerable confusion about the role of the subchiefs, or
+lesser chiefs, they appear to have been men of prestige who had their
+own small following, although they recognized the personal influence
+of Washakie during large gatherings and general band endeavors. When
+not on the buffalo hunt or in winter camp these smaller groups of
+families, led by one or two of the minor leaders, functioned
+autonomously. Their itineraries and activities have already been
+described.
+
+The small band was undoubtedly a much more basic unit in Eastern
+Shoshone society than the "tribe" as a whole. Intermarriage linked the
+small camp groups, although one could marry into his own unit if
+incest rules, as determined by kinship bonds, were not violated.
+There was no obligatory rule of residence, but the couple more
+frequently resided after marriage with the bride's family. This was
+not necessarily a permanent arrangement, and visits were made to the
+families of either mate for extended periods. This, combined with
+individual freedom of choice of band membership, caused affiliations
+to be shifting and fluid. Ultimately these Shoshone were bilocal and
+neolocal. As has been said, the bands were not territory-owning units,
+and their chief functions were to provide economic cooperation and
+defense against enemies.
+
+Leadership was an attained status and was not transmitted by descent.
+Raynolds, however, refers to Cut-Nose as being the "hereditary chief
+of the Snakes," according to information received from Jim Bridger
+(Raynolds, 1868, p. 95), and the reservation chieftaincy passed
+patrilineally in Washakie's family until the Reorganization Act
+established the tribal council. However, all informants agreed that
+one became a chief owing to merit--primarily through renown as a
+warrior. That the chieftaincy was neither inherited nor permanent is
+indicated by the proliferation of chiefs' names in historical sources.
+Except for such figures as Washakie and Pocatello, a chief is rarely
+mentioned twice, and it can be hypothesized that many were the leaders
+of ephemeral predatory bands that arose for specific purposes of
+defense or agression against the whites and dissolved shortly after
+the period of emergency passed. Finally, any man who had achieved
+renown and prestige or was the leader of a camp group, was known as a
+"chief," for the lack of institutionalization and formalization of the
+office made its tenure most nebulous.
+
+It was not even necessary that a Shoshone chief be a Shoshone. During
+1858, we hear of a Delaware Indian named Ben Simons, undoubtedly a
+former fur trapper, who was at the head of some 150-400 Shoshone on
+the upper Bear River (Gove, 1928, pp. 133, 146, 277). And Washakie,
+himself, was born into the Flathead tribe. Washakie's Flathead father
+was killed by the Blackfoot, and his mother sought refuge with the
+Lemhi River Shoshone of Idaho. He eventually gained renown in the
+Green and Bear River country as a warrior and attained his final
+position as a successful mediator with the whites.
+
+Finally, Washakie's career gives additional evidence that there were
+no hard and fast lines between the so-called "Eastern Shoshone" and
+other Shoshone groups. Washakie's wanderings, according to Wilson,
+took him into Utah, Idaho, and Montana (E. N. Wilson, 1926, pp.
+68-73). This was consistent with the general Shoshone pattern of
+visiting between areas for short or extended periods. The unique
+character of Washakie's leadership can best be explained in terms of
+contact with the whites and the Shoshones' need to expand into the
+buffalo grounds east of the Rocky Mountains. First, Washakie united
+and represented all those Shoshone who did not choose to join their
+fellows in northern Utah and southern Idaho in hostilities against the
+whites. Second, Washakie was an able and vigorous war leader under
+whom the embattled Shoshone could rally. Although at no time a
+separate, territorially distinct and exclusive group, the Eastern
+Shoshone evidently became somewhat differentiated from their people to
+the west by the latter's long distance from the shrinking buffalo
+grounds and by their distaste for the warlike activities of their Utah
+and Idaho fellows. The Eastern Shoshone, however, did not attempt to
+maintain the area over which they roamed to the exclusion of other
+Shoshone and of the Bannock. Their neighbors and colinguists to the
+west, if they were properly mounted, could and did join with them in
+buffalo hunting.
+
+
+
+
+III. THE SHOSHONE AND BANNOCK OF IDAHO
+
+
+The Shoshone of western Wyoming were a mobile population whose primary
+subsistence was provided by buffalo herds. The Shoshone of Idaho
+showed no such unity of ecological adaptation, for the region was
+inhabited by mounted buffalo hunters and by less prosperous Shoshone
+who fished and gathered wild vegetables for a livelihood. While the
+buffalo hunters tended to be located in the southeastern part of Idaho
+and the fishing and gathering peoples in the southwestern, the mounted
+hunters traveled throughout the southern part of the state and, at
+certain times of the year, mingled with the poorer, footgoing Indians.
+
+Because of this diversity we have divided Idaho into six subregions
+and present the historical and ethnographic data pertinent to each
+area under a separate heading. Indians mentioned in the historical
+sources are not always easily identifiable as Shoshone, Bannock, or
+Northern Paiute, and a great deal of confusion between the last two is
+inherent in their linguistic bond. We shall use the name Bannock in
+its most common sense to designate the mounted, buffalo-hunting
+Mono-Bannock speakers of Idaho; Northern Paiute refers specifically to
+the Mono-Bannock population to the west of the Shoshone. In many
+instances we cannot be certain that the Indians encountered by one or
+another traveler were permanent residents of the area. Permanency, in
+any event, is a rather doubtful attribute of this highly nomadic
+people; the term cannot be used except as a designation for the people
+who customarily spend the winter in a certain area, and even with this
+limitation it must be used with caution.
+
+
+LINGUISTICS
+
+All of the groups discussed in this chapter except the Bannock speak
+the Shoshone-Comanche, or Shoshone, language. While there were only
+minor differences of dialect between Shoshone speakers, the Bannock
+language was almost identical with Northern Paiute. Informants found
+an especially close affinity between Bannock and the language of the
+Oregon Paiute, who were frequently referred to as "Bannock" also and
+were sometimes distinguished from the Fort Hall Bannock only by the
+statement that "they live in Burns" (a town in Oregon). While some
+informants referred to the Oregon speakers of Mono-Bannock as
+"Paiute," this term was generally reserved for the population of
+west-central Nevada, and "Pyramid Lake" was the locale in which the
+Idaho Shoshone generally placed the "Paiute." The inhabitants of Duck
+Valley Indian Reservation were not so vague; they readily
+distinguished between Shoshone and "Paiute" on linguistic and other
+grounds. This is understandable because the Shoshone had lived a long
+time on the same reservation as the Oregon speakers of Mono-Bannock,
+who were officially designated as Paiute. While no vocabularies were
+collected on the Fort Hall Reservation among either the Shoshone or
+Bannock populations, data from informants on the similarity of Paiute
+and Bannock more than confirm Steward's statement (1938, p. 198):
+
+     The linguistic similarity of the Bannock and Northern Paiute
+     (see vocabularies, pp. 274-275) leaves no doubt that they once
+     formed a single group, though within historic times they have
+     been separated by 200 miles.
+
+The vocabularies to which Steward refers were taken from Northern
+Paiute at Mill City, a town southwest of Winnemucca, Nevada, and at
+George's Creek, in Owens Valley, California. It is probable that
+correspondences would have been even closer if vocabularies had been
+taken among the Northern Paiute of Oregon, for Fort Hall Bannock
+informants specifically stated that their language was more akin to
+that of the Oregon Paiute; the Pyramid Lake people were said to "talk
+fast" or "talk funny." The frequent designation of the Oregon Paiute
+as "Bannock" by both Bannock and Shoshone at Fort Hall Reservation
+bespeaks the linguistic similarity or virtual identity of the
+languages of the respective groups.
+
+As for Shoshone and Bannock, the two languages were not sufficiently
+similar to be mutually intelligible, although there are a great many
+cognate words. However, they were not so far removed from one another
+as to make bilingualism difficult. There was considerable bilingualism
+among the population of the Fort Hall plains.
+
+
+GENERAL DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION
+
+The following division of the Shoshone-Bannock population of Idaho
+into six main groups is admittedly arbitrary, although to a certain
+extent the sectors conform to actual sociopolitical groups or to
+populations designated by certain characteristics recognized by the
+Indians themselves. Proceeding from west to east, these are: (1) the
+population of the Boise and Weiser River valleys; (2) the Shoshone
+Indians of the middle course of the Snake River between Glenn's Ferry
+and Shoshone Falls and in the interior on both sides of the river; (3)
+the Shoshone of the Sawtooth Mountains, west of the Lemhi River,
+Idaho; (4) the population of Bannock Creek, Idaho, and south therefrom
+to Bear River; (5) the Shoshone and Bannock of the Fort Hall plains on
+the upper Snake River; and (6) the Shoshone Indians of the Lemhi
+River.
+
+It will be seen that the Shoshone population of Idaho was by no means
+a unitary one, either socially or culturally. The people of these six
+areas were not politically interrelated, nor were the populations of
+each area integrated social or political units, although the Fort Hall
+and Lemhi River people were more highly organized than those of other
+areas. On the contrary, the Indians subsumed under each of the six
+divisions primarily consist of people who lived under similar
+ecological conditions and dwelt in geographical contiguity. Some
+shared roughly the same nomadic pattern and united upon occasion for
+diverse reasons. The populations represented by our sixfold division
+interacted more frequently for economic, social, and religious
+purposes with people within the area than they did with those from
+other areas.
+
+Although strong patterns of leadership and a tightly nucleated society
+were alien to the Shoshone in general, the Shoshone gave verbal
+recognition to the more frequent interaction that existed between
+neighboring families or camp groups, especially when such
+neighborhoods were geographically discontinuous with other
+neighborhoods. Also, differences in food resources and habits of
+peoples of certain demarcated ecological provinces apparently
+impressed other Shoshone as significant criteria by which the people
+of these neighborhoods could be named. This is the only logical
+explanation for the common pattern among Northern Paiute and Shoshone
+of the Great Basin of food names applied to the people of certain
+neighborhoods. Thus we have "Wada Seed Eaters," "Salmon Eaters," etc.
+In fact, it was quite common for the populations so designated to call
+themselves by these names, although this was not always so. In any
+event, it would be erroneous to say that such appellations implied
+membership in any social group, whether defined by united political
+leadership or by kinship. That individual families subsumed under some
+name, usually derived from food habits, tended to act more frequently
+together than with more distant neighbors cannot be denied, nor can we
+ignore the fact that common environment tended to induce a
+common subsistence pattern. That such groups were organized,
+territory-holding units cannot be simply assumed without supporting
+evidence, and this evidence is lacking. This view is shared by
+Steward, who summarizes the political significance of the food names
+in the following passage (Steward, 1939, p. 262):
+
+     The emphasis, I think, is clearly upon the territory rather
+     than upon any unified group of people occupying it. The extent
+     of the people so designated depended upon the extent of the
+     geographical feature or food in question. A name might apply to
+     a single village, a valley, or a number of valleys. Some Snake
+     River Shoshone vaguely called all Nevada Shoshone Pine Nut
+     Eaters, the pinyon nut not occurring in Idaho. Furthermore,
+     several names might be used for the same people. This system of
+     nomenclature served in a crude way to identify people by their
+     habitat. Upon moving to new localities, they acquired new
+     names.
+
+In general, the remarks above apply to our Boise-Weiser, Bannock
+Creek, middle Snake River, and Sawtooth Mountains populations and to
+the Shoshone of Nevada. The Indians of the Fort Hall plains and the
+Lemhi River were somewhat different. Both had horses at a relatively
+early period, were involved in frequent wars, and pursued the buffalo.
+These factors tended to promote a somewhat different sociopolitical
+organization than we find farther west. Band organization, however
+fluid and shifting, did exist in the Fort Hall and Lemhi areas.
+
+Finally, it should be remembered that the Indians of our six regions
+frequently wandered far from the areas designated. The areas, then,
+were centers of gravity in a migratory life. They were areas where
+subsistence was commonly obtained by the populations in question and,
+more important, where winter, the most sedentary season of the year,
+was passed.
+
+
+THE BOISE AND WEISER RIVERS
+
+The region of the Boise, Payette, and Weiser rivers and the near-by
+shores of the Snake River are of considerable importance because of
+the contiguity of Shoshone and Northern Paiute populations in this
+area. We will present the historical data pertinent to an
+understanding of the mode and extent of Shoshone ecology there and
+will then give the material gathered through recent ethnographic
+investigation.
+
+Our earliest information on this region comes from the Stuart diary of
+the Astoria party. Stuart wrote of the Boise River (1935, p. 83):
+
+     ... the most renowned Fishing place in this Country. It is
+     consequently the resort of the majority of the Snakes, where
+     immense numbers of Salmon are taken.
+
+The Hunt party arrived at the Boise River on November 21, 1811, and
+met well-clad and mounted Indians there (ibid., p. 295). One week
+later, the party came to Mann's Creek, a tributary of the Weiser
+River, and there found "some huts of Chochonis" (p. 296):
+
+     They had just killed two young horses to eat. It is their only
+     food except for the seed of a plant which resembles hemp and
+     which they pound very fine.
+
+In the mountains between Mann's Creek and the Snake River some dozen
+huts of "Chochonies" were encountered (p. 299); the journals use Snake
+and "Chochoni" or "Shoshonie" interchangeably.
+
+The 1818-19 journals of Alexander Ross gave considerable
+attention to hostilities between the "Snakes" and the Sahaptin
+("Shaw-ha-ap-tens")-speaking peoples (Ross, 1924, pp. 171, 210, 214).
+Part of this action took place in southwestern Idaho. Ross attempted
+to arrange peace between the hostile populations and wrote of a
+council held there under the chiefs "Pee-eye-em" and "Ama-qui-em" and
+participated in by the "Shirry-dikas," "War-are-ree-kas," and
+"Ban-at-tees" (p. 243). The two chiefs, said by Ross to be brothers,
+were previously mentioned as the "principal chiefs" of "the great
+Snake nation" (p. 238). They belonged to the people called
+"Shirry-dika," a buffalo-hunting population, for Ross spoke of the
+acquiescence of "Ama-ketsa," a chief of the "War-are-ree-kas"
+(fish-eaters, according to Ross), in the maintenance of peace and the
+cowing of the "Ban-at-tees" by the two leaders (p. 246). Ross
+represents the Shoshone as having a very large population; those at
+the peace conference were said to have stretched their camps along
+both sides of a stream for a distance of seven miles. The
+"Shirry-dikas" are depicted as the most powerful, and the
+"War-are-ree-kas," though numerous, are said to lack power and unity.
+The "Ban-at-tees, or Mountain Snakes" are described as a fragmented
+population, living in the mountain fastnesses and preying upon the
+trappers. This seems to characterize the Northern Paiute of Oregon
+more accurately than the mounted buffalo-hunting Bannock of
+southeastern Idaho.
+
+The journal of John Work in June, 1832, mentioned (Work, 1923, pp.
+165-167) "Snake" Indians on the Payette River, immediately below the
+mouth of Big Willow Creek; on Little Willow Creek; on the Weiser
+River; and on the east bank of the Snake River, between the mouths of
+the Payette and the Weiser. Work used the term Snake in a broad sense
+and we cannot identify this population as Shoshone with certainty. The
+Indians had horses, and may thus have been a buffalo-hunting group
+that had traveled west for salmon. Nathaniel Wyeth entered one of the
+western Idaho valleys in October of the same year and observed
+"extensive camps of Indians about one month old. Here they find salmon
+in a creek running through it and dig the Kamas root but not an Indian
+was here at this time" (Wyeth, 1899, p. 172). Wyeth was on the Boise
+River in August, 1834, and encountered "a small village of Snakes."
+His party proceeded on to the Snake River where they found "a few
+lodges of very impudent Pawnacks" (p. 229). "Bannock" Indians were
+also encountered on the Boise River in 1833 by Bonneville's party
+(Irving, 1837, 2:38) and in the following year his journals noted that
+"formidable bands of the Banneck Indians were lying on the Boisee and
+Payette Rivers" (p. 194). The Bannock, or the Indians so termed by our
+sources, evidently lived near the confluence of these streams with the
+Snake River, for John Townsend, a young naturalist who joined Wyeth's
+party, reported several groups of about twenty Indians fishing in the
+Boise River each of which identified itself as Shoshone (Townsend,
+1905, pp. 206-207). Farther down the Boise River the party "came to a
+village consisting of thirty willow lodges of the Pawnees (Bannocks)"
+(p. 210). The Shoshone and the Mono-Bannock speakers did not maintain
+complete separateness, however, for Townsend wrote (1905, p. 266) that
+the party met some ten lodges of "Snakes and Bannecks" on the west
+side of the Snake River, near Burnt River.
+
+The identity of the above-mentioned Bannock is somewhat doubtful.
+Farnham met a number of Shoshone Indians engaged in fishing the Boise
+River in September, 1839 (Farnham, 1843, pp. 75-76). Some thirty
+traveling miles downstream from Boise, however, he noted in apparent
+contradiction of Townsend, that there were no more "Shoshonie," for
+"they dare not pass the boundary line between themselves and the
+Bonacks." The Bannock are described as a "fierce, warlike, and
+athletic tribe inhabiting that part of Saptin or Snake River which
+lies between the mouth of Boisais or Reed's River and the Blue
+Mountains." The question arises whether the Bannock mentioned in the
+sources were the buffalo-hunting Mono-Bannock speakers who regularly
+inhabited the upper Snake River or whether they followed the fishing
+and seed-collecting pattern of the Mono-Bannock speakers of Oregon.
+Townsend's report of their use of willow lodges suggests that they
+were Mono-Bannock, but Farnham observed that the Bannock found on the
+Snake River made war on the Crow and Blackfoot (p. 76). This would
+definitely suggest life during part of the year in southeastern Idaho
+and, also, the pursuit of the buffalo. Later historical data and the
+testimony of contemporary informants suggest that both the Oregon and
+eastern Idaho populations of Mono-Bannock speakers fished on the Snake
+River and in the lower reaches of the Boise and Weiser rivers. There
+was no clear boundary between the Shoshone and the Oregon people
+termed Northern Paiute, and the mounted buffalo-hunting Bannock also
+visited western Idaho to fish for salmon. It is thus doubtful whether
+the ambiguities of the historical sources will ever be resolved.
+
+The subsequent historical references to the native population of this
+region cover the outbreak of hostilities against the white emigrants
+on the Oregon Trail and the subsequent attempts to establish peace
+with the Indians and place them on reservations. In 1862 Special
+Indian Agent Kirkpatrick surveyed the southwestern Idaho Indians and
+reported: "The Winnas band of Snakes inhabit the country north of
+Snake river, and are found principally on the Bayette, Boise and
+Sickley Rivers" (Kirkpatrick, 1863, p. 412). He reported them as
+warlike and numbering some 700 to 800 people. Kirkpatrick's "Winnas
+band" probably corresponds to the designation of the "Wihinasht" in
+the Handbook of American Indians; these are said to be "a division of
+Shoshoni, formerly in western Idaho, north of Snake River and in the
+vicinity of Boise City" (Hodge, 1910, 2:951). During our field work,
+we found that the term "Wihinait" was often applied generically to the
+Shoshone population of Fort Hall Reservation.
+
+In later years, other bands are reported in southwestern Idaho.
+Governor Caleb Lyon made a treaty with "San-to-me-co and the headmen
+of the Boise Shoshonees" on October 10, 1864 (Lyon, 1866, p. 418) and
+in the following year placed some 115 "Boise Shoshone" at Fort Boise
+(Lyon, 1867, p. 187). Special Indian Agent Hough mentioned Boise,
+Bruneau, and Kammas bands of Shoshone in 1866 and commented: "The
+Bruneau and Boise are so intermarried that they are in fact all one
+people and are closely connected by blood, visiting each other as
+frequently as they dare pass over the country" (Hough, 1867, p. 189).
+Governor Ballard, in the same year, reported that the "Boise
+Shoshones" numbered 200; insecurity due to Indian-white hostilities
+kept them from camas-root digging during the summer (Ballard, 1867, p.
+190). In 1867 many Shoshone of the Boise and Bruneau rivers and a
+group of Bannock were placed temporarily on the Boise River, some
+thirty miles upstream from Boise (Powell, 1868, p. 252). The Bannock
+were said to have been under the leadership of a chief named "Bannock
+John"; the report, dated July 31, 1867, also mentioned that these
+Bannock engaged in salmon fishing in the Boise River and camas
+collection on Camas Prairie during the summer, but intended to go east
+for the buffalo hunt in the fall. That the above Bannock were mounted
+buffalo hunters rather than Oregon Paiute seems manifest from this
+statement. This was not the only Bannock band, however, for on July
+15, 1867, Agent Mann of Fort Bridger, Wyoming, reported a conversation
+with "Tahjee, the chief of the Bannacks" in which he learned that
+"there does exist a very large band of Bannacks, numbering more than
+100 lodges" (Mann, 1868, p. 189). Mann stated that 50 lodges of these
+Indians were present that year. This and other references to the
+diverse, but simultaneous, locations of the Bannock suggest that they
+were not a unitary political entity.
+
+References to the Bannock and to the Shoshone on the Boise and Bruneau
+rivers continue during the next two years. Powell gave their numbers
+in 1868 as 100, 283, and 300, respectively, and stated (C. F. Powell,
+1869, p. 662):
+
+     ... [the Bannock] remained under my charge for several months,
+     when they were permitted to go on their regular buffalo hunt,
+     their country ranging through eastern Idaho and Montana. When
+     through their hunt they return to the Boise and Bruneau camp;
+     they and the Boise and Bruneau are on the best of terms, all
+     being more or less intermarried.
+
+Ballard reported that on August 26, 1867, a treaty was signed by
+Tygee, Peter, To-so-copy-natey, Pah Vissigin, McKay, and Jim, in which
+the Bannock agreed to settle on Fort Hall (Ballard, 1869, p. 658); the
+Bannock and also the Bruneau and Boise Shoshone were removed from the
+Boise Valley on December 2, 1868, and brought to Fort Hall (C. F.
+Powell, 1870, p. 728). They were joined there by 500 Bannock under
+Tygee, who had just returned from a joint buffalo hunt with the
+Eastern Shoshone in Wind River Valley (p. 729). Indian Agent Danilson
+of Fort Hall wrote that in 1869 there were 600 Bannock, 200 Boise
+Shoshone, 100 Bruneau Shoshone, and 200 Western Shoshone on the
+reservation (Danilson, 1870, p. 729). The beginning of the reservation
+period marks the effective end of the independent occupancy of the
+Idaho area by the Shoshone and Bannock. The rest of this section deals
+with ethnographic data. In regard to extent of Shoshone settlement,
+Omer Stewart has reported that eastern Oregon, about the mouths of the
+Malheur and Owyhee rivers, and southwest Idaho as far east as a line
+well past Boise, were the territory of a Northern Paiute band called
+the Koa'agaitoka (Stewart, 1939, p. 133). Blythe places a Northern
+Paiute band called "Yapa Eaters" in the Boise River Valley (Blythe,
+1938, p. 396) and mentions data given by one informant to the effect
+that a mixed band of Paiute and Shoshone called "People Eaters" lived
+to the north of the Yapa Eaters (p. 404). Neither historical research
+nor ethnographic investigation among the Shoshone confirms the
+existence of such bands in the area described. On the contrary,
+Steward writes (1938, p. 172):
+
+     Shoshone seem to have extended westward about to the Snake
+     River which forms the boundary between Idaho and Oregon. They
+     also occupied the Boise River Valley and probably to some
+     extent the valleys of the Payette and Weiser Rivers. They
+     probably never penetrated Oregon beyond the Blue Mountains.
+
+But the area nearer the Snake River was not occupied exclusively by
+Shoshone, for Steward continues (ibid.):
+
+     This population was neither well defined politically nor
+     territorially. It was scattered in small independent villages
+     of varying prosperity and tribal composition. Along the lower
+     Snake, Boise, and Payette Rivers Shoshone were intermixed with
+     Northern Paiute who extended westward through the greater
+     portion of southern and eastern Oregon. Slightly to the north
+     they were probably mixed somewhat with their Nez Perce
+     neighbors.
+
+Our own field work, as presented below, tends to confirm Steward's
+data on most points and is in accord with historical information.
+
+Although there were salmon-yielding streams in Oregon, the Boise and
+Weiser rivers were richer in these fish, and salmon could be caught on
+the Boise River upstream to its headwaters. During the spring and fall
+salmon runs, many Northern Paiute evidently crossed the Snake River
+and fished in the Boise and Weiser. Relations seem to have been
+friendly, and there was considerable intermarriage. Many Paiute
+evidently wintered in this area and could therefore be said to be as
+regular residents as the Shoshone. They maintained separate winter
+villages and tended to remain along the downstream stretches of the
+Boise and Weiser rivers. Informants disagreed on the extent of this
+interpenetration. Some characterized the population, especially of the
+Weiser Valley, as "mixed," while others said that only a very few
+Northern Paiute remained through the winter. More reliable and older
+informants characterized the population as mostly Shoshone. One old
+woman, a present resident of Duck Valley Reservation, identified
+herself as a Northern Paiute from the Weiser country. Her
+conversation, however, immediately revealed that she was actually
+speaking in the Shoshone language and that this was her first
+language. This attempted deception is partially explained by the
+somewhat greater prestige enjoyed by the Northern Paiute on that
+reservation.
+
+As has been mentioned, the composition of the population of this
+region is further confused by the fact that some camp groups of
+Bannock passed by the more commonly used fishing sites below Shoshone
+Falls and fished on the Boise and Weiser rivers. An added inducement
+to the Bannock was the possibility of trade with the Nez Perce Indians
+in the upper valley of the Weiser River. The Bannock did not stay long
+in the area, however, and never wintered there.
+
+The Boise-Weiser country is relatively rich. The streams gave a good
+yield of fish, roots abounded in the valleys, and game was found in
+the near-by mountains. The floors of the valleys are well below 3,000
+feet, and winters are comparatively mild. Although the Shoshone
+residents of the area wandered far on occasion, a full subsistence
+could be obtained within the immediate area. Stretches of mountainous
+and barren lands tended to mark off this population from other
+Shoshone to the east. The testimony of informants is somewhat
+contradictory to Steward's statement (1938, p. 172) that the
+Boise-Weiser Shoshone "imperceptibly merged with the Agaidueka of the
+Snake River and the Tukadueka of the mountains to the north." It is
+true that there were no concepts of territorial boundaries and that
+the above-mentioned populations interacted, interchanged, and
+interpenetrated, but the locus of movement of each of the above three
+populations, especially their wintering places, did differ.
+
+While Steward reports that the rubric "Yahandueka," or "Groundhog
+Eaters," was applied to the residents of the Boise-Weiser areas, we
+were unable to obtain this name. Yahandika was variously reported by
+Fort Hall informants as referring to a district in Nevada; by others
+as applied to certain Oregon Northern Paiute. Another informant said
+that it was an alternate term for the Shoshone of the middle Snake
+River, who are more generally called "Summer Salmon Eaters." The
+latter, stated this informant, had very close relations with the Boise
+population. All of the informants were probably right in a sense; only
+the uncertainty of these appellations is indicated.
+
+Steward obtained "Su:woki" as the name of the Boise-Weiser country. My
+informants applied this name to the people of the region also, who
+were called "Soehuwawki," or "Row of Willows." The place name had
+evidently been transferred to the people or, more accurately, the
+place name was applied to whatever people used the locale. The name
+was especially used to denote the people and country of the Weiser
+River, although one informant thought the name covered the Boise
+people also. Another name given to the Weiser Shoshone was
+"Woviagaidika," or "Driftwood Salmon Eaters." This name is derived
+from the salmon's habit of lying under the driftwood in small streams.
+Only one informant reported a name for the dwellers of the Boise
+Valley, "Pa avi."
+
+Informants sometimes spoke of the Boise-Weiser Shoshone as being "just
+one bunch." Certainly the populations of this section of Idaho merged,
+shifted, and interacted to such an extent that it would be difficult
+to distinguish them, although "one bunch," two chiefs, Captain Jim and
+Eagle Eye, were reported for the area. The former was said to be
+chief of those who usually wintered in the vicinity of Boise; the
+latter was chief of the winter residents of the Weiser valley. No
+clear delineation of the functions of these chiefs could be obtained.
+
+The actual nature of Boise-Weiser Shoshone society can be understood
+better from their subsistence patterns. Winter was spent in small
+camps scattered along the valleys of the streams. There was little
+danger from hostile intruders, and camp grounds were not the larger
+population nuclei that we find in the Fort Hall area. Favorite winter
+camp sites were at the present site of the city of Boise, near
+present-day Emmett on the Payette River, and on the lower Weiser
+River, near the mouth of Crane Creek. Some families were said to have
+wintered on both sides of the near-by Snake River. While it was common
+for the same families to form winter camp groups, there was
+considerable shifting and changing each year, dictated by personal
+preference. Also, it was not necessary for the camps to spend every
+winter in the same place, and changes occurred constantly.
+
+Winter was spent by their caches of roots and salmon; the dried and
+jerked game meat was said to have been kept in the lodge. The common
+type of winter dwelling was a sort of tipi made of rye grass. Stored
+food supplied the main subsistence during the winter, but sagehens,
+blue grouse, and snowshoe rabbits were also taken. Antelope were
+chased on horses (probably by the surround method), and deer
+frequently came down from the mountains and were killed while
+floundering in deep snow.
+
+Springtime brought no extensive migrations. Some roots were available
+in the area, but the chief source of springtime subsistence was the
+salmon run, which began in approximately March or April. A second run
+followed immediately upon the first and continued until the end of
+spring. Fish traps were made on the Payette River, in the vicinity of
+Long Valley, and on the lower Weiser River. Salmon were also taken in
+the Boise River. According to informants, the people of this area did
+not resort to the great salmon fisheries in the vicinity of Glenn's
+Ferry and upstream to Shoshone Falls. The abundance of fish in local
+waters made this unnecessary. Although the population divided and went
+to various fishing sites, the salmon runs were periods during which
+stable residence in small villages was possible.
+
+At the end of spring and in early summer, many of the Indians of the
+Boise-Weiser country traveled to Camas Prairie, where roots of various
+kinds were dug. These people stayed there through part of the summer,
+and during this time roots were collected and dried. This was also a
+time of dances and festivities, for a large part of the Shoshone and
+Bannock population of Idaho, plus a sprinkling of the Nez Perce and
+Flathead, resorted at the same time to these root grounds. These were
+probably the largest gatherings of people among all the Shoshone.
+There was no large, single encampment, but families and camp groups
+were in such close contiguity that social interaction was intense.
+
+At the conclusion of the root-collecting season at Camas Prairie, the
+inhabitants of the Boise and Weiser region wandered back to their
+customary area and set out upon their late summer and fall activities.
+Fish were taken during the fall run and dried for winter provisions,
+but the chief activity was hunting. Both hunting and fishing could be
+pursued at the same time in the upper waters of the Boise and Payette
+rivers, although salmon did not ascend far up the Weiser. Hunting was
+done by small camp groups of 3 to 4 lodges, and the population
+scattered throughout the mountain country surrounding the river
+valleys. The principal game taken was deer, elk, bear, and some
+bighorn sheep. None required the collective efforts of a large number
+of men, and all were found throughout the mountain area. The small
+camp group was, therefore, the most effective social unit for the fall
+hunt, as it was for the summer wanderings of the Wyoming Shoshone.
+
+The hunters ranged up the Boise and Payette valleys into the Sawtooth
+Mountains as far as the beginnings of the Salmon River watershed.
+Though the Salmon River country was entered, the hunting parties did
+not penetrate very far. A favored hunting territory was in the Stanley
+Basin, at the headwaters of the Salmon River and in the vicinity of
+the present-day village of Stanley. The kill of game was dried in the
+mountains and packed down to the winter quarters in the valleys of the
+Boise, Payette, and Weiser rivers.
+
+In general, it is difficult to define the social organization of the
+Boise-Weiser Shoshone. While Shoshone social organization is
+characteristically amorphous, some groups developed a closer
+integration owing to such factors as warfare and collective economic
+activities, which demanded leadership. But warfare was rare in this
+region, and hunting and root-and berry-collecting were essentially
+carried on by families. The building and operation of fish traps and
+the distribution of the catch undoubtedly called forth some leadership
+functions, but not on the band level. Also, the presence of other
+groups which fished the same streams during the appropriate seasons
+seems to argue against the consolidation of either the Boise or Weiser
+people into territorially delimited bands. It was impossible to elicit
+exact information from informants on the functions of leaders, and it
+can only be inferred that they probably served as intermediaries with
+the whites or were simply local men enjoying some prestige as dance
+directors or leaders of winter villages.
+
+The Shoshone of this area were poorer in horses than the buffalo
+hunters, but they did possess some. The valleys of the Boise, Payette,
+and Weiser evidently afforded adequate grazing for small herds, and
+the natives enjoyed a greater mobility than did their neighbors to the
+northeast and southeast. The resulting ease of communication would
+perhaps be conducive to band organization, but neither living
+informants nor historical sources offer any confirmation of this. That
+such sociopolitical groups did exist is suggested by mention of
+chiefs, but the groups did not have clearly defined territories which
+excluded other peoples, and they could only have been most loosely
+organized.
+
+
+THE MIDDLE SNAKE RIVER
+
+This area includes all of Idaho south of the Sawtooth Mountains
+between American Falls and the Bruneau River. It has been seen that
+the area of the Boise, Payette, and Weiser rivers was entered
+regularly by populations that did not customarily winter there; this
+is true also of the area of the middle Snake, and to a much greater
+degree. First, the salmon run did not extend above Shoshone Falls, and
+the population living upstream from that point resorted regularly to
+favored fishing places below the Falls. Second, the prairies about the
+locale of present-day Fairfield, Idaho, were the richest camas-root
+grounds in this section of the Basin-Plateau area and large numbers of
+Indians convened every summer to gather the roots. Historical sources
+testify to the numbers of Indians found in the area during certain
+times of the year, but it is usually impossible to determine the
+geographical locus of these people during the remainder of the year.
+
+Travelers observed small, impoverished groups of Indians and also
+larger camps of mounted people. Near Glenn's Ferry, Idaho, Stuart on
+August 23, 1812, noted (1935, p. 108):
+
+     ... a few Shoshonie (or Snake) Camps were passed today, who
+     have to struggle hard for a livelihood, even though it is the
+     prime of the fishing season in the Country.
+
+Stuart encountered some 100 lodges of Shoshone fishing at Salmon Falls
+(p. 109). In 1826 Peter Skene Ogden met a camp of 200 "Snakes" bearing
+60 firearms and a quantity of ammunition at Raft River, above the
+limit of the salmon run (Ogden, 1909, p. 357). In October of the
+following year he visited Camas Prairie, the camas grounds in the
+vicinity of Fairfield, and noted a pattern of movement that is still
+reported by informants (p. 263):
+
+     It is from near this point the Snakes form into a body prior to
+     their starting point for buffalo; they collect camasse for the
+     journey across the mountains. Their camp is 300 tents. In
+     Spring they scattered from this place for the salmon and horse
+     thieving expeditions.
+
+Buffalo were formerly found on the plains of the upper Snake River,
+but American Falls was apparently their approximate western limit.
+Wyeth was at American Falls in August, 1832, and wrote (1899, p. 163):
+
+     We found here plenty of Buffaloe sign and the Pawnacks come
+     here to winter often on account of the Buffaloe we now find no
+     buffaloe.
+
+The Wyeth party then turned up the Raft River where they "met a
+village of the Snakes of about 150 persons having about 75 horses" and
+farther upstream found "the banks lined with Diggers Camps and Trails
+but they are shy and can seldom be spoken." On Rock Creek, the party
+met some 120 Indians who evidently had fresh salmon, and farther on
+their journey on this stream they found "Diggers," "Sohonees," and
+"Pawnacks" (ibid., pp. 166-168). A chief and some sub-chiefs were
+mentioned at one of these camps. Small and scattered camps of Indians
+were mentioned throughout Wyeth's journeys on the southern tributaries
+of the Snake River.
+
+Fewer Indians were encountered in the salmon-yielding sections of the
+Snake River during the winter. Bonneville's party met only footgoing
+Indians near Salmon Falls in the winter of 1834; the Indians lived in
+a scattered fashion and groups of no more than three or four grass
+huts were found (Irving, 1873, p. 300), although large numbers of
+Indians were seen in the same area during the salmon season (p. 444).
+Crawford met numbers of Indians along the Oregon Trail in southern
+Idaho in August, 1842 (Crawford, 1897, pp. 15-17) and in October of
+the following year Talbot observed of Indians near Shoshone Falls
+(1931, p. 53):
+
+     These Indians speak the same language as the Snakes but are far
+     poorer and are distinguished by the name of Shoshoccos,
+     "Diggers," or "Uprooters." They have very few, and indeed most
+     of them, have no horses....
+
+Near Glenn's Ferry, however, Talbot met a large number of Indians of
+the "Waptico band of the Shoshonees," who had many horses (ibid., p.
+55). Talbot drew the following conclusion from his experience on the
+Snake River (p. 56):
+
+     It seems that there is a monopoly of the fisheries on the Snake
+     River. The Banak Indians who are the most powerful, hold them
+     in the spring when the salmon and other fishes are in best
+     condition--later on different tribes of Shoshonees hord the
+     monopoly. Last, and of course weakest of all, the miserable
+     creatures such as are with us now, come, like gleaners after
+     the harvest, to gather up the leavings of their richer and more
+     powerful brethren.
+
+Other sources contradict Talbot's observations, however, and give a
+picture of simultaneous use of the abundant salmon run by people of
+diverse locality and condition. But it is possible that mounted and
+more powerful people occupied the choicest sites.
+
+During the late 1850's, the hostilities that broke out throughout Utah
+and Idaho also affected the Snake River. Wallen reported Indians
+peacefully fishing at Shoshone Falls in 1859, but commented that the
+Bannock upstream were well armed and formidable (Wallen, 1859, pp.
+220, 223). In the same year. Will Wagner met on Goose Creek "several
+men of the band under the chief Ne-met-tek" (Wagner, 1861, p. 25) and
+encountered both Shoshone and Bannock in the high country between the
+Humboldt and Snake rivers (p. 26). Not all the Indians met exhibited
+hostile intentions in 1859 or in 1862 and 1863, when punitive forces
+were sent against the hostiles. Colonel Maury noted that "those
+perhaps who are more hostile are near Salmon Falls, or on the south
+side of Snake River" (War of the Rebellion, 1902, p. 217). Actually
+the hostiles were raiding along the Oregon Trail south of the Snake
+River, and it is probable that many of the peaceful Indians
+encountered also indulged in occasional attacks when in the
+neighborhood of the whites. Seventeen lodges and about 200 Indians
+were found near Shoshone Falls in August, 1863; these people reported
+that "the bad Indians are all gone to the buffalo country" (ibid, p.
+218).
+
+Further information from the military forces indicates a continuation
+of the older nomadic patterns. Colonel Maury said of Camas Prairie
+(ibid., p. 226):
+
+     All the Indians living northwest of Salt Lake visit the grounds
+     in the spring and summer, putting up their winter supply of
+     camas, and after the root season is over, resort to the falls
+     and other points on the Snake to put up fish.
+
+In October, 1863, after the mounted people had left the fishing sites,
+Colonel Maury reported on the population along the Snake River (ibid.,
+p. 224):
+
+     They live a family in a place, on either side of the river for
+     a distance of thirty or forty miles; have no arms and a very
+     small number of Indian ponies; not an average of one to each
+     family.... There are from 80 to 100 of this party, all
+     Shoshones, and, aware of the treaties made at Salt Lake,
+     scattered along the river from the great falls to the mouth of
+     this stream [the Bruneau River], a distance of 100 miles.
+
+A party of 20 Indians was attacked by the military on the Bruneau
+River and there were signs in the upper part of the valley of a large
+force. Maury commented: "All the roaming Indians of the country visit
+the Bruneau River more or less." Further evidence of the mobility of
+the population is given in the report of attacks in the vicinity of
+Salmon Falls Creek by Indians from the Owyhee River under a medicine
+man named Ebigon (ibid., p. 388).
+
+With the cessation of hostilities, most of the Shoshone and Bannock of
+Idaho were rapidly rounded up by the military and a few years later
+were settled at Fort Hall. Governor Lyon reported visiting the "great
+Kammas Prairie tribe of Indians" in 1865 (Lyon, 1867, p. 418), and
+Commissioner of Indian Affairs Cooley described the latter's territory
+as the "area around Fort Hall and the northern part of Utah" (Cooley,
+1866, p. 198). Evidently the Indians who congregated annually at Camas
+Prairie were mistaken as a single tribe, and there is little further
+reference to such a group.
+
+While it is almost impossible to identify Indians in the southwest
+Idaho region, west of the Bruneau River, Ballard's 1866 report of a
+mixed Paiute and Shoshone population probably represents the real
+situation (1867, p. 190).
+
+     The southwest portion of Idaho, including the Owyhee country
+     and the regions of the Malheur, are infested with a roving band
+     of hostile Pi-utes and outlawed Shoshones, numbering, from the
+     best information, some 300 warriors.
+
+The reports of Indian Agents already cited in the section on the Boise
+River region indicate that the Bruneau River population was Shoshone.
+Their numbers are given as 400 in 1866 (ibid.) and 300 in 1868, after
+they had been brought to the Boise River (C. F. Powell, 1869, p. 661).
+
+The frequent mention of a band of Bruneau Shoshone in the later
+reports of the Indian agents is somewhat misleading. Information from
+contemporary informants indicates that there was no distinct and
+separate population of the Bruneau River, as opposed to near-by
+stretches of the Snake River. Furthermore, the fisheries of the
+Bruneau River were often used by mounted Indians from the Fort Hall
+prairies.
+
+There were no boundaries, as such, in southwest Idaho. Stewart's
+Tagotoka band of Northern Paiute is represented as occupying most of
+southwestern Idaho (Stewart, 1939, map 1, facing p. 127), while
+Blythe's equivalent "Tagu Eaters" are placed in the Owyhee River
+Valley (Blythe, 1938, p. 404). Blythe notes that east of this
+population there were "no pure Paiute bands." Steward's map places the
+limit between the Paiute and the Shoshone about equidistant between
+the Owyhee and Bruneau Rivers (Steward, 1938, fig. 1, facing p. ix).
+There was no hard and fast line between Shoshone and Paiute, and the
+high country south of Snake River was usually entered only in the
+summer when hunting parties of either linguistic group wandered
+through southwest Idaho. Further information the pattern of
+occupation of the Snake River and southwestern Idaho is given in the
+following ethnographic material.
+
+Despite the extent of the region in question, there were not many
+permanent, or winter-dwelling, inhabitants. Greater use was made of
+the natural products of this region by the more numerous Shoshone and
+Bannock, who wintered elsewhere, than by the small local population.
+The two chief resources were the extremely rich root grounds at Camas
+Prairie, in the vicinity of Fairfield, Idaho, and the fishing sites
+scattered between Glenn's Ferry and Shoshone Falls. Camas Prairie was
+used by the Bannock and, to varying degrees, by all the Shoshone of
+Idaho, as well as occasionally by other tribes, like the Flathead and
+the Nez Perce; the fisheries were used by the Bannock and all the
+Shoshone of the upper Snake River above Shoshone Falls, the limit of
+the salmon run.
+
+Some large stretches of territory were used very little, if at all. We
+were unable to obtain information on use or occupancy of the country
+north of the Snake River and south of the Sawtooths between Camas
+Prairie and Idaho Falls. This is extremely arid and infertile country,
+strewn with lava beds and containing little water. It was often
+traversed, but little subsistence was drawn from it. Also, scanty
+information was available on the territory west of the Bruneau River.
+One informant said that Silver City, Idaho, was within the limits of
+Paiute territory; according to other informants, the Bruneau River
+Valley was definitely within the Shoshone migratory range. It seems
+evident that southwest Idaho was not much used by either the Paiute or
+Shoshone, and, while both groups entered the area on occasion,
+boundaries could hardly have been narrowly defined.
+
+The population which wintered in the general area of the middle Snake
+River and drew year-round subsistence from the resources of the region
+was usually referred to by the term Taza agaidika, or "Summer Salmon
+Eaters." Other terms used were Yahandika, or "Groundhog Eaters," and
+Pia agaidika, or "Big Salmon Eaters." Steward reports the use of the
+terms Agaidueka and Yahandueka for the area (Steward, 1938, p. 165). One
+informant said that these were alternate terms which, however, did not
+change with the season or activities of the people designated. Lowie's
+Kuembedueka (Lowie, 1909, pp. 206-208) were not reported by our
+informants. Apparently, the names covered any and all people who
+wintered in the region and who were more or less permanent residents.
+The population included in these terms did not form a social or
+political group, nor did they unite for any collective purposes.
+
+The Shoshone of the middle Snake River resemble the Nevada Shoshone in
+social, political, and economic characteristics more than does any
+other part of the Idaho population, and Steward lists them with the
+Western Shoshone for this reason. They had few horses and took no part
+in the buffalo-hunting activities of their neighbors of the Fort Hall
+plains, and warfare was virtually nonexistent. Property in natural
+resources was absent, and other Shoshone and the Bannock availed
+themselves freely of the fishing sites on the Snake River without
+interference or resentment on the part of the local population.
+
+While chiefs are reported from most parts of Idaho, we were unable to
+obtain the name of a leader from the middle Snake River. Not only were
+there no band chiefs, but the winter villages lacked headmen. The
+principal informant for the area merely commented that everybody was
+equal.
+
+Especially pronounced among the Shoshone of this area is the practice
+of splitting into a number of scattered and very small winter camps.
+Among the winter camps were: Akongdimudza, a camp at King Hill, Idaho,
+named for a hill which abounded in sunflowers; Biesoniogwe, a winter
+camp near Glenn's Ferry; Koa agai, near the hamlet of Hot Spring,
+Idaho, on the Bruneau River; and Paguiyua, a camp on Clover Creek near
+a hot spring, immediately up the Snake River from the town of Bliss,
+Idaho.
+
+Winter camps were commonly located on the Snake River bottoms, where
+there was wood and shelter. The camps consisted of two or three
+lodges, each of which housed a family and a few relatives. The list of
+winter camps above is by no means complete; Steward gives three, two
+of which were below the town of Hagerman, a third near Bliss (Steward,
+1938, pp. 165-166). There were undoubtedly several more, but it should
+be remembered that the place names above referred to sites which were
+not necessarily inhabited every winter.
+
+The composition of the winter camps varied. While it was common for
+kinsmen to camp together, they by no means always did so. Also, the
+same people did not camp together every winter. Each family head
+decided each year where to spend the winter, and families were free to
+shift from one site to another annually. Steward's data confirm this
+practice (ibid., p. 169):
+
+     ... it is apparent that the true political unit was the
+     village, a small and probably unstable group. Virtually the
+     only factor besides intervillage marriage that allied several
+     villages was dancing. Dances, however, were so infrequent and
+     the participants so variable that they produced no real unity
+     in any group.
+
+The Shoshone of the middle Snake River relied heavily on the salmon
+runs for food and fished during spring, summer, and fall. One fish
+weir, maintained on the Bruneau River, was frequently visited by Fort
+Hall Bannock, with whom the catch was shared. Glenn's Ferry was one of
+the better fishing sites; the waters between the three islands in the
+Snake River at this point were shallow enough for weirs to be used.
+Immediately above Hagerman, on the Snake River, the Indians caught
+salmon by spearing, although the water was too deep for weirs.
+Basketry traps were used in small creeks.
+
+The Shoshone of this area took part in root gathering and festivities
+every summer on Camas Prairie. During the fall, deer were taken on
+Camas Prairie and in the country immediately south of the Snake River.
+Deer and elk were taken in the fall in the mountain country north of
+Hailey, and bighorn sheep were also pursued in the mountainous crags
+of this area.
+
+In the great expanse of territory between Shoshone Falls and Bannock
+Creek only one small group is reported. These people were referred to
+as Paraguitsi, a word denoting the budding willow tree, and were said
+to inhabit Goose Creek and vicinity. Goose Creek is above the limit of
+the salmon run and only trout could be caught in its waters. Whether
+they fished below Shoshone Falls is uncertain. The area of the Goose
+Creek Mountains was entered also by people who wintered in other
+sections and was a frequent resort of Idaho and Nevada Shoshone in
+search of pine nuts.
+
+Informants agreed that the Paraguitsi were a wild and timid people who
+remained isolated in the fastnesses of Goose Creek and the Goose Creek
+Mountains. This range provided them with deer and pine nuts, but their
+economy was meager and they were reported to resort to cannibalism in
+the winter. Other Shoshone avoided them because of this abhorrent
+practice.
+
+One informant reported a category of "Mountain Dwellers," or
+Toyarivia. This was evidently a generic term for mountaineers as
+opposed to those who dwell in valleys, or Yewawgone. The Mountain
+Dwellers customarily spent the winter on the Snake River bottoms in
+the same area as the people generally called Taza agaidika. They
+joined in the salmon fishing at Glenn's Ferry and above, but hunted in
+the highlands on the Idaho-Nevada border during the fall. This
+division of mountain and valley people seems thus to have been
+occasionally used to distinguish Shoshone who hunted south of the
+Snake River from those who roamed to the north.
+
+
+THE SHOSHONE OF THE SAWTOOTH MOUNTAINS
+
+All informants agreed that the Sawtooth Mountains west of the Lemhi
+River and south of the Salmon River were inhabited by a Shoshone
+population designated as Tukurika (Dukarika and other variants). No
+Tukurika, or "Sheepeater," informants were interviewed on the Fort
+Hall Reservation, and we obtained only fragmentary information from
+Lemhi Shoshone and other Idaho Shoshone and Bannock.
+
+Historical information on the Sheepeaters is scanty and mostly
+concerned with later periods. The earliest reference available comes
+from Ferris' journals. The Ferris party was in the Sawtooth Mountains,
+probably in or near Stanley Basin, in July, 1831. Ferris wrote (1940,
+p. 99):
+
+     Here we found a party of "Root Diggers," or Snake Indians
+     without horses. They subsist upon the flesh of elk, deer and
+     bighorns, and upon salmon which ascend to the fountain sources
+     of this river, and are here taken in great numbers.... We found
+     them extremely anxious to exchange salmon for buffalo meat, of
+     which they are very fond, and which they never procure in this
+     country, unless by purchase from their friends who occasionally
+     come from the plains to trade with them.
+
+The Stanley Basin region, it will be remembered, was a fall hunting
+range of the Shoshone of Boise River and was probably entered by
+others from Snake River. But as this was salmon season on both the
+Boise and Snake rivers, it is probable that Indians mentioned by
+Ferris were part of the more permanent population of the Sawtooths,
+i.e., Sheepeaters. The southern Sawtooths were no doubt utilized, like
+so many of our other areas, by people who customarily wintered in
+diverse places.
+
+In June, 1832, John Work met "a party of Snakes consisting of three
+men and three women" near Meadow Creek on the Salmon River waters
+(Work, 1923, p. 160). Later references to the Sheepeaters indicate
+that they impinged upon the Shoshone of the Boise River on the west
+and the Lemhi on the east. Indian Agent Hough reported from the Boise
+River in 1868: "The Sheep Eaters have also behaved quite well; they
+are more isolated from the settlement, occupy a more sterile country,
+and are exceedingly poor" (Hough, 1869, p. 660). The Sheepeaters seem
+to have had their closest affiliations with the Shoshone of the Lemhi
+River, however, and they eventually moved to the agency founded there
+(Viall, 1872, p. 831; Shanks et al., 1874, p. 2).
+
+The Tukurika were not a single group, but consisted of scattered
+little hunting groups having no over-all political unity or internal
+band organization. They had few horses and hunted mountain sheep and
+deer on foot. Salmon were taken in the waters of the Salmon River. The
+Tukurika had their closest contacts with the Lemhi Shoshone, although
+some occasionally visited the valleys of the Boise and Weiser rivers.
+I have no evidence of Tukurika trips to Camas Prairie for roots,
+although such visits are indicated by Steward's map (Steward, 1938, p.
+136).
+
+Steward lists five winter villages in the Sawtooth Mountains (ibid.,
+pp. 188-189). These are:
+
+1. Pasasigwana: This is the largest of the winter villages. It
+consisted of thirty families under the leadership of a headman who
+acted as director of salmon-fishing activities on the Salmon River. In
+the summer, the thirty families split into small groups and hunted on
+the Salmon River and its East Fork and in the Lost River and Salmon
+ranges. Steward reports that they obtained horses during a trip to
+Camas Prairie and thereafter joined the buffalo hunt. The village was
+situated north of Clayton.
+
+2. Sohodai: Steward places this small village of six families on the
+upper reaches of the Middle Fork of the Salmon River.
+
+3. Bohodai: This, the second largest Tukurika village, was on the
+Middle Fork of the Salmon near its confluence with the Salmon.
+
+4. Another winter village was on the upper Salmon River and was merely
+an alternate camp for people who ordinarily wintered in Sohodai.
+
+5. Pasimadai: This village, consisting of only two families, was on
+the upper Salmon River. It is the only one of the five listed that had
+no headman, although in another context Steward says (p. 193) that
+formal village chiefs were lacking before the consolidation with the
+Lemhi people.
+
+The distribution of the Shoshone of the Sawtooth Mountains demarcates
+the northern limits of the Shoshone range. Steward's map of villages
+and subsistence areas in Idaho places the Shoshone on the Salmon River
+and the Middle Fork of the Salmon, while the lower parts of the Salmon
+River, below its junction with the South Fork, are assigned to the Nez
+Perce (p. 136). In his general map of the Basin-Plateau area (ibid.,
+fig. 1, facing p. ix), Steward extends the Shoshone zone to the east
+side of Lost Trail Pass in Montana.
+
+The data above represent substantial agreement with our own findings.
+Moving from west to east, the Snake River north of its junction with
+the Powder River (Oregon) is in precipitous canyon country and was no
+doubt little used. Mixed Shoshone and Mono-Bannock-speaking groups
+occupied the lower part of the Weiser River, but, as has been here
+stated, traded with the Nez Perce in the upper part of the valley.
+Some of the action of the Sheepeaters' War of 1878 took place in the
+mountains between the middle and south forks of the Salmon River, and
+there is no evidence of Shoshone use of the country north of the
+Salmon River. However, other groups apparently reached the Salmon
+River and its southern tributaries. Ferris met a village of Nez Perce
+on the Lemhi River in October, 1831 (Ferris, 1940, p. 120), and Wyeth
+reported a Nez Perce camp on the Salmon River in May 1833 (Wyeth,
+1899, p. 194). The Nez Perce were also reported camped on Salmon River
+waters only one day from Fort Hall in August, 1839 (Farnham, 1906, p.
+29). In the northeast corner of the area in question, Lewis and Clark
+first met the Flathead on the far side of Lost Trail Pass near
+present-day Sula, Montana, in August, 1805 (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06,
+3:52). Shoshone no doubt crossed the pass occasionally and hunted
+there also, but this encounter and those reported in the preceding
+references indicate that the northern region of Shoshone nomadic
+activities was an area frequently entered and used by other peoples.
+Again, there is no strict boundary, but a zone of interpenetration.
+
+
+THE SHOSHONE OF BANNOCK CREEK AND NORTHERN UTAH
+
+There is little historic information on the specific area of Bannock
+Creek, Idaho. Almost all references to those Shoshone who were later
+found to have ranged through the area during part of the year is under
+the heading of Pocatello's band. This band was a hostile group under
+Chief Pocatello that raided white settlers and emigrants in the late
+1850's and early 1860's. Pocatello's followers were mentioned along
+many points on the Oregon Trail through southern Idaho and were just
+as frequently reported in Box Elder and Cache counties in northern
+Utah.
+
+The Fort Hall Indian Reservation is today effectively divided into two
+parts by the Portneuf River and the city of Pocatello. Most of the
+population, including the descendents of the Bannock and of the Lemhi,
+Fort Hall, Boise-Weiser, and Snake River Shoshone, live on the larger
+and more fertile northeastern section. On the southwestern half live
+many Shoshone Indians from northern Utah and from the area of Bannock
+Creek, which runs through this part of the reservation. The two
+populations mix to only a limited degree; each holds its own Sun
+Dance, and the people of the northern part of the reservation feel a
+true difference between themselves and those of the southern half.
+This separateness evidently goes back to pre-reservation times. The
+Bannock Creek Shoshone did not merge or interact very closely with the
+Shoshone of Fort Hall, and Bannock informants claim that they never
+had much to do with the latter.
+
+The Bannock Creek Shoshone, as they are often called today, have been
+assigned a number of names. The most common, and the one most
+frequently used, is Hukandika or, as Hoebel transcribes it, Hzkandika
+(Hoebel, 1938, p. 410). Steward also reported this name for the
+Bannock Creek people, but since the Shoshone of Promontory Point were
+also so designated, Steward uses the alternate food name of Kumuduka,
+or "jackrabbit eaters," for the residents of Bannock Creek (Steward,
+1938, p. 217). Other names are Yahandika (also applied to the
+salmon-fishing population of the middle Snake River), Yambarika
+("yamp-root eaters"), and Sonivedika ("wheat eaters"). This last term
+is, of course, post-white and illustrates the adaptability of these
+names. Hukandika, or variants thereof, were reported in earlier times,
+although as a group living in northern Utah. Dunn wrote of the
+"Ho-kan-di-ka" of the Salt Lake Valley and Bear River (Dunn, 1886, p.
+277), and Lander reported the "Ho-kanti'-kara, or Diggers on Salt
+Lake, Utah" (Wheeler, 1875, p. 409). For purposes of convenience, we
+shall refer to these Indians in this report as Bannock Creek Shoshone,
+although the range of their activities extended to the south well
+beyond this valley and into Utah.
+
+More than any other Shoshone group in Idaho, the Bannock Creek people
+developed in the immediate post-contact period all the characteristics
+of the "predatory band," familiar to us from the Oregon Paiute and the
+Nevada Shoshone. The "predatory band" as illustrated among the latter
+population and among certain Ute and Nevada Shoshone groups, was a
+response to contact with the whites. The aborigines saw the sources of
+their subsistence threatened and were forced to defend themselves
+against the whites. Through trade and hostilities they acquired horses
+and thereby achieved the increased mobility and ease of communication
+necessary to a centrally led band organization. Plunder from wagon
+trains and ranches opened up new sources of wealth to them and made
+warfare attractive, over and above the needs of self defense. But
+always the nucleating force behind the bands was warfare and the
+prestige of certain war leaders.
+
+The war leader of the Bannock Creek Shoshone was Pocatello, a name
+given him by the whites. Pocatello's band was listed among the
+"Western Snakes" by Lander in 1860: "Po-ca-ta-ra's band. Goose Creek
+Mountains, head of Humboldt, Raft Creek, and Mormon settlements horses
+few" (Lander, 1860, p. 137). Pocatello was also one of the signers of
+a treaty with Governor Doty at Box Elder on July 30, 1863; this treaty
+was an aftermath of General Connor's slaughter of the Shoshone on Bear
+River in January of the same year (Doty, 1865, p. 319). There was very
+little difficulty with the band after the Bear River battle.
+Superintendent Irish wrote in 1865 (1866, p. 311):
+
+     There are three bands of Indians known as the northwestern
+     bands of the Shoshonees, commanded by three chiefs, Pocatello,
+     Black Beard, and San Pitch, not under the control of
+     Wash-a-kee; they are very poor and number about fifteen
+     hundred; they range through the Bear River lake, Cache and
+     Malade valleys, and Goose Creek mountains, Idaho Territory.
+
+Superintendent Head's report of 1866, however, indicates a continuing
+relation between the Indians of southern Idaho and northern Utah and
+those of Wyoming (Head, 1867, p. 123).
+
+     A considerable number of these Indians [those of northern Utah
+     and southern Idaho known as Northwestern Shoshone after the
+     treaty of 1863], including the two chiefs Pokatello and Black
+     Beard, have this season accompanied Washakee to the Wind River
+     valley on his annual buffalo hunt.
+
+In the following year, Head summarized the distribution of mixed
+groups of Shoshone and Bannock in the region (1868, p. 176).
+
+     They inhabit, during about six months in each year, the valleys
+     of the Ogden, Weber, and Bear rivers, in this territory. A
+     considerable portion of their numbers remain there also during
+     the whole year, while others accompany the Eastern Shoshone to
+     the Wind River valley to hunt buffalo. They claim as their
+     country also a portion of southern Idaho, and often visit that
+     region, but game being there scarce and the country mostly
+     barren, their favorite haunts are as before stated.
+
+According to Steward, Pocatello's band was an innovation in Bannock
+Creek (1938, p. 217):
+
+     Apparently there were several independent villages in this
+     district in aboriginal days, but when the people acquired many
+     horses and the white man entered the country they began to
+     consolidate under Pocatello, whose authority was extended over
+     people at Goose Creek to the west and probably at Grouse Creek
+     [Utah].
+
+Actual war parties were led by Pocatello and numbered only ten to
+twenty men, according to one informant. Hostile activities were
+conducted especially on the Oregon Trail, which ran through southern
+Idaho, and his band was responsible also for the attack at Massacre
+Rocks (near the Snake River) and for various raids in northern Utah.
+
+When not on the warpath, the Bannock Creek Shoshone followed a more
+prosaic round of native subsistence activities. Information on the
+winter quarters of the Bannock Creek people is uncertain. There were
+some winter camps on Bannock Creek, and one informant reported that
+Pocatello also wintered on the Portneuf River between Pocatello and
+McCammon. Others said that Pocatello wintered at times on the Bear
+River near the Utah-Idaho line.
+
+Pocatello was not the only chief among the Bannock Creek people. Two
+others were named Pete and Tom Pocatello, although their relation to
+Pocatello himself was doubtful. These chiefs had their own followers,
+who were nonetheless known as Hukandika by informants. Tom Pocatello
+remained in the general area of Malade City, Idaho, and Washakie,
+Utah, and wintered on the Bear River.
+
+When they were not engaged in or threatened by hostilities, the
+Bannock Creek Shoshone split into small camp groups much as they did
+in pre-white days. At least part of the band went to Glenn's Ferry on
+the Snake River in the springtime, where they remained throughout the
+salmon run. Similarly, many went--probably as individual families and
+camp groups--to Camas Prairie for summer root digging. Others might
+travel into the Bear River and Bear Lake country, while still others
+journeyed to Nevada to visit or to be present for the September
+pine-nut harvests. Those who were mounted even traveled into Wyoming
+and visited and hunted buffalo with the Eastern Shoshone.
+
+With the previously mentioned Paraguitsi, the Bannock Creek people
+were the only Idaho Shoshone who depended upon the pine nut for an
+important part of their winter's provisions. These nuts could be
+obtained in the Goose Creek and Grouse Creek Mountains in late
+September. One informant reported that, if the harvest failed, many
+people went into the mountains west of Wendover and Ibapah, Utah, for
+the gathering there. A family could gather sufficient pine nuts in the
+fall, it was claimed, to last it until March.
+
+The general round of migrations of the Bannock Creek people brought
+them into contact with the Shoshone of Nevada and with the small and
+scattered Shoshone groups of northern Utah, from whom they are almost
+indistinguishable. Buffalo hunting and common use of the Bear River
+region resulted in considerable interaction with the Eastern Shoshone,
+who also made use of this area in pre-reservation times. There was
+extensive intermarriage between the Eastern Shoshone and those of
+Bannock Creek and northern Utah, and one informant reports that their
+dialects were much alike. This affinity between the two groups finds
+further documentation in the belief of one of Steward's informants
+that the Bannock Creek people must have come from Wyoming (Steward,
+1938, p. 217).
+
+
+FORT HALL BANNOCK AND SHOSHONE
+
+Above American Falls, the native population consisted of both Shoshone
+and Bannock Indians who were mounted and seasonally pursued the
+buffalo. Population aggregations were, in general, considerably larger
+than in any of the foregoing areas of Idaho. Ogden saw a "Snake" camp
+of 300 tents, 1,300 people and 3,000 horses on Little Lost River in
+November, 1827 (Ogden, 1910, p. 364), and Beckwourth claimed that he
+had met thousands of mounted and hostile Indians at the mouth of the
+Portneuf River in the spring of 1826 (Beckwourth, 1931, pp. 64-65).
+
+The journal of Warren Angus Ferris contains many references to the
+population in eastern Idaho in the period 1831-1833. The area
+evidently was frequently entered by warlike Blackfoot parties and by
+more peaceful groups of Flathead, Nez Perce, and Pend Oreille trappers
+and buffalo hunters (cf. Ferris, 1940, pp. 87, 146, 153-155, 185).
+Buffalo were still to be found and Ferris encountered large herds on
+the upper Snake River (ibid., p. 87); Nez Perce and Flathead Indians
+were seen on the divide between Birch Creek and the Lemhi River en
+route to hunt buffalo (ibid., p. 146). But the Indians most frequently
+encountered in the region were Bannock and Shoshone. On the Snake
+River plains near Three Buttes Ferris noted (p. 132):
+
+     In the evening two hundred Indians passed our camp, on their
+     way to the village, which was situated at the lower butte. They
+     were Ponacks, as they are generally called by the hunters, or
+     Po-nah-ke as they call themselves. They were generally mounted
+     on poor jaded horses, and were illy clad.
+
+In November, 1832, it was reported that "a village of Snakes and
+Ponacks amounting to about two hundred lodges on Gordiez [Big Lost]
+River" was attacked by a party of Blackfoot (ibid., pp. 185-186). The
+"Snakes" drove them off, but the "Horn Chief" was killed. The Horn
+Chief was reported on the Bear River in 1830 (ibid., pp. 71-73). This
+group may have been the same one mentioned a month later as being in
+winter camp on the Portneuf River (ibid., p. 188). Another Bannock
+camp was found in December, 1832, on the Blackfoot River. Ferris wrote
+(ibid., pp. 189-190):
+
+     I visited their village on the 20th and found these miserable
+     wretches to the number of eighty or one hundred families,
+     half-naked, and without lodges, except in one or two instances.
+     They had formed, however, little huts of sage roots, which were
+     yet so open and ill calculated to shield them from the extreme
+     cold, that I could not conceive how they were able to endure
+     such severe exposure.
+
+Ferris' description does not seem typical of the Plainslike Bannock
+Indians. There are two possible explanations: these Bannock had been
+attacked by hostiles and had lost their possessions; or they had
+recently moved westward from Oregon. The latter possibility cannot be
+ruled out, for the Bannock and the Northern Paiute were in contact
+during the salmon season and the Oregon people drifted over to join
+their colinguists on the upper Snake River until much later in the
+century.
+
+The presence of the Horn Chief on the Big Lost River in Idaho and the
+Bear River in Utah bespeaks the fact that the residents of eastern
+Idaho entered the northern Utah region quite as frequently as did the
+Shoshone of western Wyoming. Zenas Leonard reported meeting Bannock
+Indians some four days' travel west of the Green River. Depending on
+their speed, the trappers may have been in southern Idaho or some part
+of northern Utah. Leonard wrote of the Bannock (1934, p. 105):
+
+     On the fourth day of our Journey we arrived at the huts of some
+     Bawnack Indians. These Indians appear to live very poor and in
+     the most forlorn condition. They generally make but one visit
+     to the buffaloe country during the year, where they remain
+     until they jerk as much meat as their females can lug home on
+     their backs. They then quit the mountains and return to the
+     plains where they subsist on fish and small game the remainder
+     of the year. They keep no horses and are always easy prey for
+     other Indians provided with guns and horses.
+
+It would be difficult to imagine a people without horses traveling
+across the Continental Divide for buffalo, and it must be assumed that
+the near-by herds that then existed were used.
+
+Bonneville met a Bannock winter camp in January, 1833, near the Snake
+River, in the vicinity of Three Buttes (Irving, 1850, p. 88). They
+numbered 120 lodges and were said to be deadly enemies of the
+Blackfoot, whom they easily overcame when their forces were equal. In
+the following winter the Bannock camp was at the mouth of the Portneuf
+River, near the last season's site (Irving, 1837, 2:41). And in
+August, 1834, Townsend saw two lodges of some twenty "Snakes" who were
+"returning from the fisheries and traveling towards the buffalo on the
+'big river' (Shoshone's) [Snake River]" (Townsend, 1905, p. 245).
+
+Russell's journal provides further description of buffalo hunting on
+the upper Snake River. He himself hunted buffalo out of the newly
+established Fort Hall post in 1834 (Russell, 1955, pp. 7-8). On
+October 1 of that year a village of 60 lodges of "Snakes" was
+found on Blackfoot River; the chief was "Iron wristbands" or
+"Pah-da-her-wak-un-dah." On October 20 a camp of 250 "Bonnak" lodges
+arrived at Fort Hall. Russell met some 332 lodges, of six persons
+each, hunting buffalo in the vicinity of Birch Creek in October, 1835
+(p. 36). Their chief was "Aiken-lo-ruckkup," a brother of the late
+Horn Chief. The trapper also found 15 lodges of "Snakes" in the same
+area (p. 37). Twenty-five miles east of the Bannock camp, Russell
+found a buffalo-hunting camp of 15 "Snake" lodges under "Chief Comb
+Daughter," or the "Lame Chief" (p. 38). Presumably, Russell's
+"Snakes" were Shoshone. The buffalo evidently disappeared from the
+Snake River drainage by 1840, for the last reference to their presence
+in this region is in January, 1839, when Russell mentions the presence
+of buffalo bulls on the upper Snake River (p. 93).
+
+Lieutenant John Mullan encountered two "Banax" Indians in December,
+1853, on the Jefferson River in Montana. They had crossed the
+mountains from the Salmon River country in hopes of meeting other
+Bannock returning from the buffalo hunt. He noted the inroads on their
+numbers made by smallpox and the Blackfoot and commented (Mullan,
+1855, p. 329. "The most of them now inhabit the country near the
+Salmon River, where, in their solitude and security, they live
+perfectly contented in spearing the salmon, and living on roots and
+berries.") Across the divide between Montana and Idaho, in the
+vicinity of Camas Creek, they met a single Bannock lodge en route to
+the mountains (p. 333). North of Fort Hall, the party came upon three
+or four families of "Root Digger Indians" whose destitute condition
+was described by Mullan (p. 334).
+
+The Bannock had visited Fort Bridger for purposes of trade over a
+period of many years and continued the practice after the end of the
+fur boom. Superintendent Jacob Forney reported that some 500 Bannock
+under chief "Horn" appeared there in 1859 and claimed a home in the
+Utah Territory (Forney, 1860a, p. 31). Forney granted them permission
+to remain in the region claimed by Washakie. A body of Bannock was in
+the vicinity of Fort Bridger in 1867, but Washakie refused to share
+the Eastern Shoshone allotment with them. It will be remembered that a
+part of the Bannock population had been collected on the Boise River
+prior to this time. Indians denominated as Bannock were evidently to
+be found in a number of places during this period. Commissioner of
+Indian Affairs Taylor reported in 1868 (1869, p. 683):
+
+     The other tribes in Montana are the Bannock and the Shoshones,
+     ranging about the headwaters of the Yellowstone, and reported
+     to be in a miserable and destitute condition. These Indians it
+     is believed are parties to a treaty made by Gov. Doty on the
+     14th of Oct., 1863, at Soda Springs, not proclaimed. As they
+     occupy a part of the country claimed by the Crows, I think it
+     advisable ... to induce them to remove to the Shoshone country,
+     in the valley of the Shoshone (Snake) River.
+
+In the same year Mann assembled 800 Bannock for a treaty conference,
+but one-half of this number left the gathering in June, 1868, when the
+commissioner failed to appear (Mann, 1869, p. 617). The 800 Bannock
+were gathered by Chief "Taggie" (Tygee), who was also mentioned in the
+1869 report of the Fort Hall Agent (Danilson, 1870, p. 730).
+
+Unless the Bannock were an amazingly mobile people, they must have
+traveled in a number of groups during the late 1860's. Superintendent
+Sully of Montana wrote in September, 1869 (Sully, 1870, p. 731):
+
+     ... [the Bannock] are a very small tribe of Indians, not
+     mustering over five hundred souls. They claim the southwestern
+     portion of Montana as their land, containing some of the
+     richest portions of the territory, in which are situated
+     Virginia City, Boseman City, and many other places of note.
+
+However, Superintendent Floyd-Jones of Idaho reported in 1869 (1870,
+p. 721):
+
+     The Bannacks, about six hundred strong, have always claimed
+     this country, and promise that this winter's hunt in the Wind
+     River Mountains shall be their last ...
+
+Groups of Bannock were variously reported in Wyoming, Montana, and
+Idaho during these years, and it is to be assumed that they sought
+both buffalo and rations. Governor Campbell of Wyoming wrote in
+October, 1870, that the Bannock had spent the summer with the Crow
+Indians (J. A. Campbell, 1871, p. 639) after leaving Wind River. The
+Bannock were evidently the most difficult to settle of all the Idaho
+Indians, and their nomadic propensities were restrained only after the
+conclusion of the Bannock War of 1878. The data that follow were
+gathered through ethnographic means and continue and summarize the
+foregoing historical account.
+
+The Bannock population of the Fort Hall plains was undoubtedly
+resident in that area for a considerable period. Living on the western
+slope of the Continental Divide, they crossed the mountains frequently
+to hunt in the buffalo country of the Missouri drainage. In the
+process they came into contact with tribes of the Plains and borrowed
+a good deal of culture from them. However, contact with the Paiute of
+Oregon continued. During the Bannock War of 1878 the Fort Hall
+insurgents were joined by the rebellious inmates of the Malheur Agency
+in eastern Oregon. Also, genealogies given by informants indicate that
+many Northern Paiute were still leaving their Oregon habitat as late
+as the time of the treaty and thereafter and were joining the Bannock
+in their more abundant and exciting life of warfare and buffalo
+hunting. In effect, these migrants became "Bannock" when they began to
+live with the Bannock. The formation of the Bannock in southeastern
+Idaho from Oregon Paiute who managed to get horses and were attracted
+by the buffalo hunt was not a single occurrence at some indefinite
+time in the past; it was a continuing process that lasted into the
+reservation period. There is no evidence placing the Bannock in the
+Fort Hall area before the introduction of the horse. It is doubtful
+that they predated this time, given the fact that buffalo hunting on
+horse was one of the main attractions of eastern Idaho.
+
+The relation of the Bannock to neighboring Shoshone groups,
+denominated by the generic term, "Wihinait," is somewhat problematic
+and can best be understood from detailed consideration of the two
+populations. Steward says that "the Fort Hall Bannock and Shoshoni
+were probably comparatively well amalgamated into a band by 1840"
+(Steward, 1938, p. 202), but also notes (p. 10) that "Bannock and
+Shoshoni, though closely cooperating and living on terms of equality,
+were politically distinct in that each had its band chief." Our
+evidence indicates that there was a good deal of social intercourse
+and intermarriage and cooperation in the buffalo hunt between the two
+groups, but except when engaged in some joint endeavor each appears to
+have maintained its autonomy. Although there were organized bands,
+their lines were not very clear-cut because of their frequent fission
+(ibid., p. 202):
+
+     Even with the advantage of the horse, it was not always
+     expedient for the combined Bannock-Shoshoni band to move as a
+     unit. They frequently split into small subdivisions, each of
+     which travelled independently through Southern Idaho to procure
+     different foods, to trade, and occasionally to carry on
+     warfare.
+
+Despite the presence of many Plains Indian culture elements, the
+social structure of the Fort Hall people was basically that of the
+Shoshonean population of the Basin-Plateau. While they grouped into
+larger units for certain defined purposes, these units functioned only
+during part of the year. The internal organization of the bands was
+fluid, amorphous, and shifting.
+
+The question of the constitution of the bands also remains: was there
+one large Fort Hall Shoshone and Bannock band, were there one Fort
+Hall Bannock and one Fort Hall Shoshone band, or were both populations
+split into smaller groups? Both Steward and Hoebel reject the first
+possibility, and the answer seems to lie somewhere between the second
+and third. Hoebel names four Bannock bands (1938, p. 412): Cottonwood
+Salmon Eaters, Deer Eaters, Squirrel Eaters, Plant (?) Eaters. One
+informant told us also of four food names among the Bannock. These
+were: Biviadzugarika ("root [?] eaters,") Topihabirika ("root [?]
+eaters"), Tohocharika ("deer eaters"), and Yaparika ("yamp eaters").
+Only part of the Fort Hall Bannock population bore these names. The
+names did not refer to band groupings of any type, and their bearers
+were of various bands. Our informant did not know the origin of this
+nomenclature. It is possible that the names designated Oregon food
+areas and were applied to more recent migrants from the Oregon Paiute,
+but the names do not bear sufficiently close correspondence to those
+given by Blythe and Stewart to validate this assumption.
+
+Bannock informants claimed that there was a head chief of all the
+Bannock, Tahgee, and that subchiefs under him were leaders of smaller
+groups at certain times of the year. The subchiefs were said to have
+attended the treaty conference at Fort Bridger with Tahgee. Their
+names were Patsagumudu Po'a, Kusagai, Totowa, Pagoit, and Tahee.
+Tahgee represented the Bannock in their affairs with the whites and
+was the leader of the buffalo hunt. Otherwise, he seems to have
+exerted little direct authority over his people, although he had great
+influence in council. Bannock informants all asserted that people went
+where they wished when they wished and did not necessarily travel
+under any form of leadership.
+
+Bannock chieftainship was nonhereditary and was assigned by general
+agreement to a man noted for wisdom and courage.
+
+Among the Shoshone of the Fort Hall region, leadership was more
+clearly a function of interaction with the whites. One man was said to
+have become chief "because he helped the whites." Two chiefs were
+reported, Aidamo and Aramun; the bands of both roamed through
+southeastern Idaho and into northern Utah. These Shoshone were called
+by the Bannock, "Winakwat," or "Wihinait" in Shoshone. The name
+evidently did not refer to a single band but designated all
+Shoshone-speaking people of the immediate area. I could find no
+confirmation of Hoebel's Elk Eaters, Groundhog Eaters, and Minnow
+Eaters, all of whom were said to live in the area roamed over by the
+various Fort Hall Shoshone and Bannock groups (Hoebel, 1938, pp.
+410-413).
+
+In the Fort Hall area, as in the rest of Idaho, winter habitat
+supplies the only stable criterion for identifying the several groups
+or populations. The Bannock customarily wintered on the Snake River
+bottoms above Idaho Falls and at the mouth of Henry's Fork near
+Rexburg, Idaho. They also wintered downstream in the vicinity of the
+modern town of Blackfoot, Idaho; historical sources mention Bannock
+winter camps at the mouth of the Portneuf River. The Snake
+River--Henry's Fork sites were favored because of the abundance of the
+mule-tailed deer, which came into the bottomlands in the winter.
+Another source of subsistence in winter was cottontail rabbits, which
+were caught among the willows in the bottoms with a noose snare or by
+surrounding them and killing them with the bow and arrow.
+
+The main winter subsistence, and the food source that provided the
+margin of survival, was the dried meat of buffalo, elk, and deer taken
+in the fall hunts, supplemented by dried roots and berries. Food
+caches were maintained near camp, but they were generally resorted to
+only in the spring, when the dried food kept in the lodges was
+exhausted. The location of the cache was known only to the family that
+made it. Caches and their contents were considered private property.
+Dried roots, berries, and salmon were generally kept in the
+underground caches, but not meat.
+
+Bannock winter camps were spread out along the river; there was no
+central encampment. The population was predominantly Bannock, although
+many Shoshone lived among them either through in-marriage or by
+choice.
+
+Not all of the Bannock wintered on the Snake River. Those who crossed
+the divide for buffalo frequently did not return in time to cross the
+mountains before the snows blocked the high passes and so generally
+wintered in western Montana, not joining the rest until spring.
+
+The Wihinait, or Shoshone of the Fort Hall area, were said to have
+wintered apart from the Bannock on the Portneuf River. Winter camps
+ranged along the Portneuf between Pocatello and McCammon, and other
+places as far south as Malade City, Idaho, were sometimes occupied.
+Here, too, the population lived off stored food and whatever game
+could be taken.
+
+The winter quarters of the Shoshone were more secure from enemy
+attack, however, than were those of the Bannock. The only hostile
+tribe to enter southern Idaho with any frequency was the Blackfoot.
+They pressed their attacks vigorously, especially against the Bannock,
+and were a subject of some wonder owing to their practice of sending
+out war parties in the middle of winter. Blackfoot war parties,
+consisting only of men, frequently came south from Montana before the
+passes were closed by the winter snows and made camp on Henry's Fork,
+near the present site of St. Anthony, Idaho. From this convenient
+point they sent small raiding parties against the Bannock camps. The
+main purpose of these raids was to capture horses, which were driven
+north to the Blackfoot country when the passes opened in the spring.
+Although the Bannock were kept on the defensive, they were not the
+helpless prey of the Blackfoot. Defensive tactics were frequently too
+late, for the enemy drove off horses surreptitiously by night, but
+counterraids were made and pursuit was given in return. The Blackfoot
+occasionally pressed their raids farther downstream and entered the
+Portneuf Valley, but such forays were less frequent. Historical
+records, however, mention Blackfoot raids in Yellowstone Park and
+Jackson Hole and as far south as the valleys of the Green and Bear
+rivers and Great Salt Lake.
+
+When spring arrived the winter camp broke up and both Shoshone and
+Bannock split up into small groups, each of which went their separate
+ways. Hunting was the first undertaking after breaking up winter camp.
+The spring hunt was usually conducted in Idaho rather than in more
+distant places, since most people wished to return later in the spring
+for salmon fishing at Glenn's Ferry. Small parties of only a few
+lodges each roamed through the mountains of Caribou County, Idaho, in
+search of deer and elk, while others went southwards into the Bear
+River and Bear Lake country. Chub were caught in Bear River, and duck
+eggs were gathered and ducks killed in the marshes at the north end of
+Bear Lake. During the spring wanderings, roots were dug also.
+
+The route to Bear River went through much the same country as modern
+U.S. Highway 30 N. Parties ascended the Portneuf River and crossed the
+divide to the Bear River at the site of Soda Springs. They continued
+south on the Bear River to Montpelier. Those who did not intend to
+return for salmon but wished to visit the Eastern Shoshone ascended
+the Bear River to Cokeville and Sage and crossed the Bear River
+Divide, passing the fossil-fish beds en route.
+
+As has been mentioned, not all the Shoshone and Bannock went to
+Glenn's Ferry to take salmon; those who did went in small groups
+rather than in a body. Parties followed the Snake River down to
+Glenn's Ferry, where they fished with harpoons. The Fort Hall people
+apparently did not make fish weirs. The weirs were usually the work of
+the winter population of the salmon areas, but one informant stated
+that the Bannock shared in the catch.
+
+Some Bannock continued downstream past Glenn's Ferry and fished in the
+Bruneau River, while others went to the Boise and Weiser rivers. Trade
+was conducted with the Nez Perce in the Weiser Valley; informants did
+not believe that the Bannock or the Shoshone took part in the trade
+with the Columbia River tribes in the Grand Ronde Valley in
+northeastern Oregon. This trade was, however, before the memories of
+any of our informants (or of their fathers).
+
+At the conclusion of the spring salmon run, the scattered camp grounds
+of Fort Hall Shoshone and Bannock went to Camas Prairie, where they
+dug camas, yamp, and other roots and fattened their horses for the
+fall hunt. Roots could also be dug in other areas, like the Weiser
+Valley and the plains and foothills near Fort Hall, and some families
+did not go to Camas Prairie.
+
+In most years Camas Prairie served as the marshalling grounds for the
+annual buffalo hunt. On these occasions, Bannock and mounted Shoshone
+of the Fort Hall area joined forces. While it is possible that these
+groups combined also with the Lemhi Shoshone for the buffalo hunt, we
+could obtain no corroboration of this grouping from informants.
+Informants generally stated that the buffalo party was composed
+chiefly of Bannock and was led by the Bannock chief. While many Fort
+Hall Shoshone took part, most hunted elk, moose, and deer on the
+western side of the Continental Divide. Furthermore, some Bannock did
+not take part in the hunt and similarly hunted in Idaho and
+southwestern Wyoming.
+
+It should be noted that information on the entry of Shoshone or
+Bannock groups into the buffalo grounds of Montana occurs very early
+in the historical period in the reports of Lewis and Clark, and also
+very late in this period. It is true that there is little pertinent
+historical data on southwestern Montana, but there is a distinct
+possibility that the Shoshone and Bannock did not cross the Divide
+annually. Buffalo were found on the upper Snake River prairie until
+about 1840, and the presence of the Blackfoot in Montana made ventures
+there risky. It is noteworthy that in the early reservation period the
+Bannock crossed the Divide into the Big Horn drainage in company with
+the Eastern Shoshone; the trip through Green River and thus to Wind
+River was not by any means the shortest route to the buffalo country.
+On the other hand, informants gave highly detailed information on the
+trail to the Montana buffalo grounds and showed detailed traditional
+knowledge of it. Without more continuous historical data such as is
+available on transmontane hunting patterns in Wyoming, any question of
+historical changes in hunting itineraries must remain open.
+
+From Camas Prairie, contemporary informants say, the buffalo party
+skirted the southern end of the Sawtooth Mountains and went up the
+Little Lost River, crossing over to the Lemhi River. They then
+traveled down the Lemhi and across the Divide via Lemhi Pass.
+Descending the east side of the mountains, the buffalo party arrived
+on the Beaverhead River at a point close to Armstead, Montana. They
+then traveled down the Beaverhead past Twin Bridges to the point where
+the Beaverhead becomes the Jefferson River and thence downstream to
+the Three Forks of the Missouri. One informant said that the
+Beaverhead Valley contained buffalo in earlier times, but by the
+period preceding the treaty it was necessary to go much farther east.
+From Three Forks, Montana, the buffalo route followed the present line
+of U.S. Highway 10 through Bozeman and over Bozeman Pass. The party
+pressed eastwards until it arrived in the country called Buffalo Heart
+by the Bannock because a near-by mountain supposedly had the shape of
+a buffalo heart; this was the fall and winter hunting grounds of the
+Idaho Shoshone and Bannock. It was near the Yellowstone River between
+Big Timber and Billings, Montana, though the migratory habits of
+buffalo and buffalo hunters would dictate considerable movement within
+the region.
+
+The buffalo hunters remained to the west of the Bighorn River and,
+presumably, they did not encroach too heavily upon the Crow. While the
+Crow considered the Eastern Shoshone enemies, we have no information
+on hostilities between them and the Idaho people. The Bannock actually
+camped with the Crow in the late 1860's and early 1870's.
+
+To return to the route to the buffalo country, some alternate trails
+must be noted. After leaving Camas Prairie the party sometimes passed
+through Arco and Idaho Falls, Idaho, and then headed north over the
+Divide, via Monida Pass. They followed Red Rock Creek down to its
+confluence with the Beaverhead and followed the previously described
+trail.
+
+Also, the buffalo party did not always reach Bozeman Pass via the
+Three Forks of the Missouri. The alternate route crossed from the
+Beaverhead River to the Madison River via Virginia City. The party
+continued down the Madison a short distance and then went east to
+Bozeman where the trail joined the one already outlined. There were
+undoubtedly several other routes that are no longer remembered by
+informants.
+
+The buffalo hunt was conducted by much the same techniques as already
+described for the Eastern Shoshone. Two scouts were sent out to
+report upon the presence of buffalo, and the party surrounded and
+pursued the herd as a group. No police societies to prevent hunting by
+individuals were reported by our Idaho Shoshone and Bannock
+informants, nor is there historic evidence of the institution. Guns,
+spears, and the bow and arrow were used.
+
+Meat was jerked and dried on the plains and the slain buffalo were
+skinned and their hides dried. When as much of these commodities as
+the pack horses could carry was accumulated, the party struck out for
+home. Owing to the great distance between the Snake River Valley and
+the buffalo country, winter usually overtook the party en route. If
+the passes were still open when the hunters reached the Divide, they
+went into winter quarters on the Snake River. If the heavy snows
+caught the party while still far from the mountains, they kept
+traveling slowly westward and attempted to encamp in one of the well
+wooded and sheltered valleys on the east side of the Divide. When the
+passes opened in the spring, they crossed into Idaho.
+
+During the winter the party subsisted upon the dried buffalo meat and
+whatever game could be killed. An important product of the hunt, the
+most important according to one informant, was the buffalo hides from
+which tipis and robes were made. Since there was no spring hunt and
+other game was plentiful in eastern Idaho and western Wyoming in the
+fall, the hides may well have been the primary attraction of the
+buffalo country.
+
+Those Shoshone and Bannock who did not follow the buffalo party
+carried on the fall hunt in southeastern Idaho, northern Utah, and
+western Wyoming. The elk and deer hunted could best be taken by small
+groups, hence hunting parties were not large and communal techniques
+were not necessary. Also, since these animals were scattered
+throughout the region and did not travel in the huge herds
+characteristic of the buffalo, the population had to spread out
+accordingly. Somewhat larger groups gathered to hunt antelope, but
+these were temporary aggregations. The actual size of the fall hunting
+groups is uncertain. One informant said that each consisted of about
+fifteen tipis, while another said that groups of two to four tipis
+were common. These smaller camp groups were known as _nanogwa_. Their
+size was said to have made them more vulnerable to attack than the
+somewhat larger concentrations.
+
+Some locales were known to have a plentiful supply of certain game
+animals. Caribou County in southeastern Idaho was considered good for
+deer hunting, while Jackson Hole and Yellowstone Park were noted for
+elk. The arid highlands of southwestern Wyoming abounded in antelope.
+Of course, all of these areas contained other types of game, and wild
+vegetables could be obtained in all.
+
+The fall hunt began at the end of August or in early September when
+the game was growing fat. Some parties went from Camas Prairie to
+Jackson Hole and Yellowstone via Idaho Falls and the Snake River. The
+route used was much the same as that followed by U.S. Highway 26. One
+informant spoke of Targhee Pass and West Yellowstone, Idaho, as being
+a point of entry to and departure from the Yellowstone country. The
+Snake River Trail was more commonly used to enter Jackson and
+Yellowstone, although West Yellowstone seems to have been more
+frequently traveled on the homeward journey. The west slope of the
+Tetons, the area drained by Teton River, was used also by hunting
+parties.
+
+Other Bannock and Shoshone camp groups went southward through the
+Portneuf Valley and over to the Bear River at Soda Springs; they
+followed the Bear River until they bore eastward to Kemmerer, Wyoming.
+Most camps of the Idaho Indians remained on the west side of the Green
+River. The chief game of the area was the antelope herds which were
+found on affluents of the Green River, northeast of Kemmerer. The
+Idaho Shoshone and Bannock were joined in the antelope hunt by the
+Eastern Shoshone of Wyoming and by the Ute, some of whom crossed the
+Uinta Range in early autumn for this purpose. Whether all these people
+actually combined for communal hunts is uncertain. It is more probable
+that small groups from each population amalgamated. Another attraction
+of the Green River country was Fort Bridger, where many of the Indians
+went for trade.
+
+A few camps might remain to winter in the Green River country, but
+most of them continued their hunt in other parts while returning to
+winter quarters. Some camps retraced their outward route, but others
+traveled northward through Star Valley in western Wyoming and thence
+up the Snake River to Jackson Hole. It must be kept in mind that there
+was no central camp group nor were there fixed hunting trails that
+each group had to follow and that were recognized as their rightful
+grounds. Camp groups could travel where they pleased and when they
+pleased. Proprietary rights to hunting grounds were not recognized.
+
+The individual camp groups changed in composition and membership
+annually. A small camp of only a few tipis might consist of
+consanguineally and affinally related people, but such association was
+not a fixed rule. Also, a family could leave one hunting group and
+join another at will.
+
+The hunting season ended with the advent of winter. Camp groups
+drifted into the previously described winter quarters and awaited
+spring, when the cycle would begin again.
+
+
+LEMHI SHOSHONE
+
+One of the most cohesive of all Shoshone groups lived in the valley of
+the Lemhi River on the western slope of the Continental Divide. The
+Lemhi Shoshone were commonly known by the term Agaidika, or "salmon
+eaters." Like the people of the Fort Hall plains they had fairly large
+herds of horses, which enabled them to take part in the transmontane
+buffalo hunt.
+
+Excellent data on the early historic period in Lemhi Valley is found
+in the journals of Lewis and Clark, who crossed the Continental Divide
+to the Lemhi River on August 13, 1805. A certain amount of information
+on the Shoshone penetration of Montana can be derived from this
+source. Sacajawea, the young Shoshone woman who acted as guide and
+interpreter for Lewis and Clark, said that she had been kidnaped
+during an attack upon the Shoshone at a camp at the Three Forks of the
+Missouri River (Lewis and Clark, 1804-06, 2:283). On their return
+journey from the Pacific the explorers passed through Big Hole Valley,
+slightly above the present town of Wisdom, Montana, where it was noted
+that they were "in the great plain where Shoshonees gather Quawmash
+and cows etc." (ibid., 5:250-251). The party proceeded westward up
+the Beaverhead River, where Sacajawea claimed the Shoshone were
+sometimes found (p. 321) and above Dillon saw one mounted Indian
+thought to be Shoshone (p. 329). No other Indians were sighted,
+although there were indications on the upper Beaverhead River that
+Indians had been digging roots (pp. 332, 334). Apparently the buffalo
+had been receding to the east even at that early time, for Sacajawea
+said that they used to come to the very head of the Beaverhead River;
+apparently they had been hunted out by the Shoshone, who tried to
+avoid the trip to the plains by killing as many buffalo as possible in
+the mountains (p. 261). It seems evident that the Indians' acquisition
+of the horse resulted in some depletion of the buffalo long before the
+American hide hunters arrived in the West.
+
+The main body of Shoshone was encountered by Lewis and Clark on their
+westward trip in the Lemhi River Valley. The natives were fishing at
+the time, and their camps were found scattered along the stream. Camps
+of seven families and of one family (ibid., 3:6, 11), and another of
+25 lodges (ibid., 2:175) serve as examples of the residence units met.
+Lewis estimated the population of the valley as 100 warriors and 300
+women and children (ibid., p. 372). They possessed some 700 mounts,
+including 40 colts and 20 mules; this, it would seem, was not an
+adequate number for the needs of extensive buffalo hunting beyond the
+Continental Divide.
+
+The social needs of buffalo hunting evidently produced some degree of
+band political integration among the Shoshone. But the "principal
+Chief," Ca-me-ah-wait (ibid., p. 340) had only limited powers. Lewis
+writes (ibid., p. 370):
+
+     ... each individual is his own sovereign master, and acts from
+     the dictates of his own mind; the authority of the Chief being
+     nothing more than mere admonition supported by the influence
+     which the propriety of his own exemplary conduct may have
+     acquired him in the minds of the individuals who compose the
+     band.
+
+The title of chief was nonhereditary, and, in fact, everybody was to
+varying degrees a "chief," Lewis noted; the most influential of the
+men was recognized by the others as the "principal chief."
+
+The Shoshone had been pushed westward by the incursions of Indian
+tribes armed by the Canadian traders. Ca-me-ah-wait told Lewis that
+the Shoshone would be able to remain on the Missouri waters if
+equipped with firearms, but under the circumstances had to live part
+of the year on the Columbia waters, where they ate only fish, roots,
+and berries (ibid., p. 383). A few Shoshone in the Lemhi Valley had
+firearms that they obtained from the Crow Indians of the Yellowstone
+River (ibid., p. 341). The winter quarters of the Lemhi Shoshone are
+not described in the journals, but Lewis wrote that they remained on
+the Columbia waters during the time of the salmon run, from May to
+September, and then crossed the Divide to the Missouri waters where
+they spent the winter (p. 373). The presence of powerful and hostile
+tribes in the buffalo country forced the Lemhi Shoshone to travel in
+numbers. They were joined by Shoshone from other areas in the Lemhi
+Valley and were reinforced by more Shoshone groups and the Flathead at
+the Three Forks of the Missouri (p. 324).
+
+The Lemhi Shoshone were preparing to leave for the buffalo hunt on
+August 23, 1805. The salmon run was dwindling at the time of the
+explorers' visit, for Clark noted that the Indians were living largely
+on berries and roots and were quite hungry (ibid., p. 367). Antelope
+were hunted by horsemen pursuing the animals in relays, but it was
+observed that 40 to 50 men might spend a half-day in this activity and
+take only two or three antelope (ibid., p. 346).
+
+The relations of the Shoshone with the outer world gives some
+indication of their pattern of movement. They ranged southward to the
+Spanish settlements, for some of their mules were obtained from the
+Spaniards and articles of Spanish manufacture were noted (ibid., p.
+347). The Shoshone were already suffering from smallpox and venereal
+disease (ibid., p. 373).
+
+Enemy tribes inflicted losses upon the Shoshone. The "Minetaree of
+Fort de prairie" had attacked them and stolen horses and tipis (ibid.,
+p. 343), and they had but recently made peace with the Cayuse and
+Walla Walla (ibid., 5:157-158). The Nez Perce also had frequent
+clashes with the Shoshone (ibid., pp. 24, 55-56, 113); the territorial
+situation between the Shoshone and Nez Perce was evidently the same as
+in later times, for Ca-me-ah-wait stated that the Nez Perce lived on
+the Salmon River, "below the mountains" (ibid., 2:382). Friendly
+relations were maintained with the Flathead, who, according to the
+journals, lived on the Bitterroot River, but fished on the Salmon
+River (ibid., 3:22).
+
+Later references to the Lemhi River region and adjacent portions of
+Montana are few. Ferris hunted on the Ruby River in Montana in the
+early fall of 1831 and mentioned no Shoshone. He did, however, meet a
+Nez Perce camp of 25 lodges (Ferris, 1940, p. 118). Another Nez Perce
+camp was encountered after Ferris crossed the Divide to the Lemhi
+River (ibid., p. 120). Ferris went to the Ruby River again in 1832 and
+again found no Shoshone. His party was attacked by the Blackfoot and
+the trappers found refuge in a camp on the Beaverhead River consisting
+of 150 lodges of "Flatheads, Pen-d'oreilles, and others" (ibid., pp.
+177-178). In 1831, Ferris crossed over Deer Lodge Pass to Big Hole
+River, where he noted that they were on the edge of Blackfoot country
+(ibid, p. 109). However, he met 100 lodges of Pend Oreilles on Big
+Hole River who were en route from Salish House to the buffalo country.
+Ferris then joined the Pend Oreille and some Flathead lodges in a
+buffalo hunt on the Beaverhead River (ibid., p. 113).
+
+An obvious conclusion from the preceding data is that the Shoshone did
+hunt in southwestern Montana, but so also did other peoples. The flux
+of various hunting parties in the area was undoubtedly increased
+during the fur-trapping period. The extent of their entry into Montana
+remains undetermined, but their range undoubtedly shifted during the
+historic period as a direct result of the recession eastward of the
+buffalo herds. It is uncertain what proportion of the Lemhi population
+went on the buffalo hunt, and we lack historical information on their
+winter camps across the Divide. However, casual entry of small parties
+into southwestern Montana for winter residence would have been most
+dangerous throughout the historic period because of the continual
+threat of Blackfoot attacks.
+
+Leadership patterns were well developed among the Lemhi people. In
+1859 Lander mentioned "Tentoi" who "is not a chief, but has very great
+influence with the tribe, and has distinguished himself in wars with
+the Blackfeet" (Lander, 1860, p. 125). Tendoy was subsequently said
+by Agent Rainsford to be the head chief at Lemhi (Rainsford, 1873, p.
+666), and Agent Fuller later noted Tendoy as the chief of the entire
+reservation population, which included some 200 Bannock, 500 Shoshone,
+and 300 Sheepeaters (Fuller, CD 1639, p. 572). Further information on
+Tendoy was obtained from informants, but it is obvious that the
+establishment of a reservation in Lemhi Valley resulted in an eclectic
+population and the chieftaincy was part of the Indian Office pattern
+of reservation administration. There is no doubt, however, that a
+pre-reservation chieftaincy did exist, although for different
+purposes.
+
+Informants agreed that the Agaidika formed a unified band under
+Tendoy. No other chiefs were named, although there were said to be a
+number of minor leaders. Tendoy acted as leader in such communal
+pursuits as the making of salmon traps or in the annual buffalo hunt.
+Informants said that he called a council of leading men of the band
+when any decision affecting the whole group was to be made, and the
+results were announced to the people by a man who held the office of
+"announcer." Councils might be held before the salmon season and the
+buffalo hunt or to plot strategy when on the buffalo hunt.
+
+While the Lemhi Shoshone intermarried with other Shoshone and with
+Bannock, there was a clear-cut geographical separation between them
+and the above groups. Some Shoshone wintered in Montana on the other
+side of the Divide, but they were generally considered to be of the
+Lemhi band. To the west was the Sawtooth Range and the Tukurika.
+Although the Tukurika had some contact with the Lemhi people, there
+were considerable cultural differences between them, owing to the
+proximity of Plains Indian tribes to the Agaidika and to the different
+subsistent cycles of the two groups. North of the Lemhi country was
+the land of the Flathead; to the south the arid Snake River plains
+intervened between them and the Fort Hall plains population. The Lemhi
+Shoshone were by no means isolated, but there was considerably less
+overlapping of activities than in southeastern Idaho.
+
+Winter was usually spent in the valley of the Lemhi River in the area
+between the modern town of Salmon and the old Mormon post of Fort
+Lemhi. One informant said that the population was distributed in
+villages of about a dozen buffalo-hide tipis, each village having a
+leader. During the winter the population subsisted upon dried stores
+of berries, roots, and the meat of buffalo and other game. The Lemhi
+Valley was secure from enemy attack in the winter, for the Blackfoot
+concentrated their attention on the Bannock encampments on the Snake
+River.
+
+Other Shoshone were said to have wintered occasionally on the
+Beaverhead River in Montana. Steward notes that "possibly a few
+families lived in the vicinity of Dillon, Montana" (1938, p. 188). He
+lists a large winter camp of some forty families named "Unauvump,"
+which was situated along Red Rock Creek from Lima, Montana, to Red
+Rock Lake (ibid.). Steward notes that this name refers to the
+"locomotive" and thus to the Union Pacific Railroad, which follows the
+Beaverhead River. We obtained the same name, but our informant thought
+it was merely a place name and not a camp site. Also the site was a
+short distance up the Beaverhead River from Dillon, Montana. In any
+case, the reference to the locomotive established the recency of the
+name. In view of the Blackfoot incursions in that area it is doubtful
+whether the camp on Red Rock Creek much pre-dated the treaty. However,
+Bannock and Shoshone buffalo-hunting parties were frequently forced to
+spend the winter in Montana, although the exact location of these
+camps is not known.
+
+When winter ended, the Lemhi population did not move far afield in
+search of subsistence, but hunted and awaited the spring salmon run in
+April. The Indians fished with harpoons, set basketry traps, and made
+fish weirs. Most fishing was done in the Lemhi River, but some
+families fished in the Pahsimeroi River, an affluent of the Salmon
+River which flowed west of and parallel to the Lemhi. Some fishing
+took place on the main stream of the Salmon River below its confluence
+with the Lemhi, but only harpooning was effective owing to the depth
+of the water.
+
+The weirs were put in the water each spring and dismantled in the fall
+and stored. Certain men were considered especially proficient in the
+construction and operation of fish weirs and assumed supervision over
+the operation.
+
+When the salmon runs had ended, many of the Lemhi people went to Camas
+Prairie. Some preferred to dig roots in the Lemhi country or to hunt
+deer in the ranges on either side of the valley. These hunting groups
+were quite small and usually numbered only two to four tipis. The
+sojourn on Camas Prairie lasted only about a month and the Lemhi
+people returned for the summer-fall salmon run. When this was over at
+the end of August, preparations were made for the trip to the buffalo
+country.
+
+At least three horses were required for the buffalo hunt: one for the
+hunter, another for his wife, and a third for packing purposes. Even
+this number was inadequate, since children also needed mounts and one
+pack horse was not enough to transport a good take of meat and hides.
+Also, the hunter should preferably have a specially trained buffalo
+horse, which he would ride only while the buffalo herd was being
+chased. While the Lemhi were richer in horses than were most Shoshone,
+some people were forced to stay at home. These hunted game in the
+mountains of the Lemhi region and adjoining areas on the Montana side
+of the Divide and depended to some extent on the largesse of the
+returning buffalo party.
+
+The buffalo hunters crossed the Divide through Lemhi Pass to the
+Beaverhead River and went out to the hunting grounds along the
+previously described routes. Our informants had no recollection of
+alliances with other Shoshone or with other tribes on the buffalo hunt
+except for one who said that the Lemhi Shoshone hunted with Nez Perce
+parties after an earlier period of hostility. At this earlier time the
+Nez Perce and the Flathead were said to have been enemies of the Lemhi
+people. Lemhi informants claimed that the buffalo parties usually
+succeeded in reaching winter quarters on the Lemhi River before the
+snows closed the passes. In view of Lewis and Clark's information and
+our data from Fort Hall, however, it might be supposed that they were
+often forced to remain in Montana for the winter.
+
+
+
+
+IV. ECOLOGY AND SOCIAL SYSTEM
+
+
+Out of the mass of detailed data presented in the preceding chapters,
+certain constant features in the life of the buffalo-hunting Shoshone
+and Bannock may be discerned. First, there is no doubt of the
+importance of buffalo in the economy of these people. During an early
+period, when the Shoshone were among the first tribes of the Northern
+Plains to adopt the horse, they occupied large areas of the Missouri
+drainage and extensive buffalo herds were also to be found west of the
+Continental Divide. Even after tribal pressures from the north forced
+the Shoshone into residence west of the Rockies part of the time,
+advantage was still taken of the buffalo in that region. And regular
+sorties were made over the mountains in search of the more abundant
+herds there. But no sector of the mounted Shoshone population, at
+least after 1800, was completely dependent upon the buffalo nor were
+their principal social connections with the east. Rather, their
+firmest social ties were with their colinguists to the west, and their
+economy also was strongly oriented in that direction.
+
+This fact has been a major source of difficulty in our attempt to
+isolate social groupings among the Bannock and Shoshone. The Bannock,
+usually accompanied by many Idaho Shoshone, ranged east to central
+Montana, or into the Big Horn Basin, with the Eastern Shoshone. Part
+of the year, however, saw them in western Idaho and in Oregon, where
+they visited and intermarried with the Northern Paiute. Although we
+have no information on persons shifting membership from the Bannock to
+the Northern Paiute, such relocations no doubt took place, even if
+only temporarily. There are ample data, however, to document the
+reverse process, for Northern Paiute were continually joining the
+Bannock in order to take part in buffalo hunting.
+
+The same fluidity of movement of individuals and families may be noted
+among the mounted Shoshone of Idaho, Utah, and Wyoming. Those buffalo
+hunters whom we have somewhat arbitrarily assigned to Idaho
+customarily wintered on the Portneuf and upper Snake rivers. But they
+could be found in different seasons and during various years in
+northern Utah, on the waters of the Bear River and east of Great Salt
+Lake, and in western Wyoming. Families occasionally went to the Goose
+Creek Mountains in the fall for pine nuts, and almost all went down
+the Snake River in spring and early summer to take part in salmon
+fishing. In all these places they interacted with and could trace
+kinship bilaterally to the unmounted, more permanent inhabitants.
+
+This is true also for the so-called Eastern Shoshone. We have shown
+that these mounted people wintered on the Bear and Green rivers until
+their final establishment on the Wind River Reservation; in fact, the
+first Eastern Shoshone Agency was at Fort Bridger. Annual trips were
+made to Salt Lake City, after its settlement by the Mormons, and
+visits into Idaho were frequent. Moreover, Shoshone not generally
+associated with Washakie's leadership who possessed horses joined the
+latter for buffalo hunting. Evidence for this is most clear in the
+case of Pocatello's followers. This particular band, found at various
+times buffalo hunting in central Wyoming, wintering in northern Utah
+or southeastern Idaho, and fishing or raiding on the Snake River, is
+an excellent example of the social continuity between Plains and
+Basin-Plateau. That there was such social continuity, merging, and
+interpenetration indicates a common set of social understandings, of
+great similarity in social structure. It may be further argued that
+this continuity and exchange of population served in some degree to
+preserve a more amorphous Basin-type society among the buffalo
+hunters.
+
+It is clear that larger political units existed among the mounted
+Shoshone and Bannock than among their fellows to the east. We believe,
+however, that it would be erroneous to attribute great stability or
+cohesiveness to these aggregates, for the seasonal amalgamation and
+splitting of other Plains populations is even more pronounced among
+the Shoshone. The reason for this is partly the fact that the Shoshone
+spent long periods of the year west of the Rockies and within the
+range itself. Buffalo hunting did unite most of the mounted people
+every fall and to a lesser extent in the spring. There is considerable
+variation of evidence on whether the people crossing the Divide from
+Wyoming and Idaho formed two large parties or several smaller ones. It
+may be surmised that the large parties were common in earlier times
+owing to the threat of enemies, but the smaller ones seem to have been
+more common later in the nineteenth century, especially after the
+establishment of the Wind River Reservation. The time spent in the
+buffalo hunt was closely correlated with the distance to the herds.
+Our fragmentary accounts suggest that in the upper Green and Snake
+rivers before 1840, smaller groups hunted for shorter periods. The Big
+Horn Basin, however, is more than 200 miles from the Green River area,
+and the bands were forced to travel longer distances and to kill their
+winter meat supply in one prolonged hunt. Although the Wyoming
+Shoshone usually were able to return for the winter to the Green and
+Bear rivers, this was not true of those Idaho Shoshone and Bannock who
+sought buffalo in Montana. The distance from Camas Prairie in Idaho to
+the buffalo country of Montana was almost 500 miles, making a winter
+return to Idaho most difficult and aggravating the problem of packing
+meat. Many of the Idaho people chose not to make this long and
+difficult journey and found adequate fall hunting in the local
+mountains. A buffalo party could thus be on the move for a few days or
+a week, for two months or seven months, depending on the itinerary
+followed. Cohesion was closest during actual traveling and hunting.
+Winter camps were not tightly nucleated settlements of an entire
+buffalo party, for hunting during the winter required some dispersal.
+This point deserves some elaboration. Shimkin has stressed the
+inadequacy of buffalo hunting for a complete winter subsistence
+(Shimkin, 1947_a_, p. 266) and this is borne out by the testimony of
+our informants also. Buffalo meat no doubt supplied the margin of
+survival, but considerable dependence was placed on elk, deer, moose,
+rabbits, and other animals during the winter. A very large and compact
+winter camp would soon exhaust the game in its immediate vicinity.
+Moreover, the winter location had to be in places where these animals
+could be found. Camps were thus generally located in river
+valleys, where wood, water, and protection from storms could be found,
+but in the vicinity of the high mountains inhabited by the game.
+
+Large population concentrations broke down completely during the
+summer. Buffalo hunting was restricted to strays and to the small
+timber buffalo. But the principal game was taken in the mountain
+country west of the Continental Divide. Large camp groups could not be
+adapted to the scattered resources used during this period, and people
+gathered mainly for reasons of defense. Summer groupings of a minimum
+size seem to have been positively preferred by the Shoshone, as our
+data from the post-reservation period indicate.
+
+This ecological adaptation and mode of social interaction with other
+groups had a profound effect on the structure of Shoshone society.
+Shimkin analyzes the fluctuations in economy and local grouping among
+the Wind River Shoshone and states (1947_a_, p. 280):
+
+     It also strengthened the cross-currents of individualism and
+     collective discipline: individual prestige in war honors and
+     hunting versus united military societies and collective bison
+     hunts.
+
+But the basic structure of Shoshone society remained diffuse and
+atomistic. Institutions productive of centralization were weak. Lowie,
+for example, reports on police, or soldier, societies among the
+Eastern Shoshone (Lowie, 1915, pp. 813-814). There were two such
+groups, called the Yellow Noses and the Logs. The former used inverted
+speech and were expected to be more courageous. They accordingly were
+responsible for leading the band when on the march, while the Logs
+formed the rear guard. Each of these groups had a headman, but Lowie
+states that the tribal chief was a member of neither. Membership was
+attained through the candidate's own initiative or by invitation;
+purchase and age-grading were not criteria, and societies using such
+means of recruitment were evidently absent among the Eastern Shoshone.
+Although Lowie did not report the functions of the police societies in
+detail, he says that the Yellow Nose society, in addition to its
+responsibility of protecting the traveling bands and maintaining order
+among them, also policed the hunt. Lowie further writes that the horse
+of a deviant hunter would be beaten and that any buffalo hides taken
+by him would be destroyed.
+
+Lowie's information on the Idaho is more fragmentary. We learn only
+that among the Lemhi Shoshone: "At a dance of hunt, he [the chief] was
+assisted by di'rak[=o][`n]e policemen, armed with quirts" (Lowie,
+1909, p. 208). Regarding the Lemhi, one of Steward's informants told
+him that the police institution had been recently introduced (Steward,
+1938, p. 194). Steward's data on the police in Idaho is more complete
+(ibid., p. 211):
+
+     The institution of police, which was obviously borrowed from
+     Wyoming, is of unknown antiquity. It was largely civil and
+     consisted of four or five middle-aged men, Bannock or Shoshoni,
+     who had a civic spirit. They were selected and instructed by
+     the council.
+
+Actual soldier societies were not present in Idaho. The policemen were
+primarily responsible for keeping the traveling band together and were
+secondarily concerned with the buffalo hunt.
+
+We specifically queried our Shoshone and Bannock informants on the
+presence of police societies or of any techniques for control of
+impulsive buffalo hunters. The responses were all negative, nor is
+there any historical reference to police societies. The Shoshone and
+Bannock, we learned from contemporary Indians, needed no coercion to
+keep them from premature and individual preying upon a buffalo herd.
+Such action would not be to any individual's self-interest, it was
+said, and the censure of the community imposed sufficient control over
+individual behavior. But we cannot deny the existence of the two
+societies or of the dances associated with them. Rather, we would
+surmise that the police societies were not important elements in
+social control nor were they ever a key element in Shoshone social
+structure; the fact that they have been only imperfectly preserved in
+traditional knowledge is, itself, of some significance. We
+hypothesize, then, that the symbolic content of soldier societies had
+reached the Shoshone without major effects on the ordering of personal
+and group relations. These conclusions are much akin to Wallace and
+Hoebel's for the Comanche, who were, it seems, able to hunt buffalo
+quite effectively without institutionalized coercive restraints
+(Wallace and Hoebel, 1952, pp. 56-57).
+
+Chieftaincy was more highly developed in the eastern sectors of the
+Shoshone occupancy than among the people farther west. But even among
+the mounted bands, the authority of the chiefs was limited. Lewis and
+Clark commented on the essentially egalitarian nature of Shoshone
+society, and later travelers present evidence leading to the same
+conclusion. The wealth differentiation characteristic of the later
+history of other Plains tribes never became a significant factor among
+the Shoshone. This is no doubt owing in part to their weak military
+position and the consequent heavy losses of horses to enemy tribes.
+Moreover, the Shoshone were only marginally involved in the
+buffalo-hide trade, and large horse herds and extensive polygyny did
+not have the utility that they did among, for example, the Blackfoot,
+who employed women as an essential part of the labor force (cf. Lewis,
+1942).
+
+The absence of strong tendencies to stratification and the type of
+ecological adaptation present acted to inhibit the development of
+strong authority patterns. Leadership over a large population, such as
+that exerted by Chief Washakie, was necessarily temporary in nature
+and was largely restricted to periods when people united for the
+common enterprises of war and buffalo hunting. During the summer and
+most of winter and spring a host of minor chiefs of varying influence
+and prestige were responsible for directing the activities of clusters
+of followers. Even war and the spring and fall hunts did not
+necessarily entail the participation of an entire tribe. The buffalo
+hunters frequently split into smaller hunting parties when out on the
+plains. And warfare, if offensive, usually was carried on by small
+raiding parties. Even in defensive warfare attacks were swift and
+without warning, and large numbers of people could not be gathered to
+repel the invaders.
+
+"Tribal" chiefs did exist in Idaho and Wyoming, but they exercised
+discontinuous influence on a group of followers, who might only
+infrequently all gather as a unit. And since it is impossible to
+isolate Shoshone or Bannock tribes as stable membership units, the
+great chiefs may be more profitably viewed as the men of highest
+prestige within a certain area. The positions of these leaders became
+more clearly defined in later times, when first traders and then
+government agents sought them out as representatives of their people.
+That the white man's image of the chieftaincy was erroneous may be
+seen in the examples cited of disaffection and the subsequent efforts
+of the agents to shore up the authority of their delegated chiefs.
+
+Chiefs acted in consultation with councils of distinguished men and
+lesser chiefs, and the familiar Plains role of camp announcer is also
+present among the Shoshone. The chief in any area achieved his status
+through general consensus and recognition of his high prestige.
+Generosity, wisdom, bravery, and skill in hunting were key criteria
+for the selection of headmen. The position was neither hereditary nor
+for life. Although it is not possible to speak of a chief being
+"deposed," many a chief was replaced by a man whose star was in the
+ascendancy. And it was also possible for two or three men to have
+almost equivalent claim to the role within the same district. Despite
+the nonhereditary nature of the office, we sometimes find it shared by
+brothers, or sometimes one brother succeeded another. Such cases may
+be explained as the result of general family prestige or of common
+upbringing and ideals of conduct.
+
+One important limiting factor on the power of chiefs was the mobility
+of the population. Individuals could and did move to other areas or
+join other leaders, and the chief who wished to maintain his influence
+over his followers could not carry out policy greatly opposed to their
+wishes. The mobility of the population is a function of several
+important facts. First, the bands were not corporate units in the
+sense of groups holding rights over strategic resources. As we have
+seen, there were no such limits within the general range of
+Shoshone-speaking people. Band territoriality would have been directly
+contradictory to the enormous distances traversed by the mounted
+people. The region, as a whole, presented the possibility of a
+balanced diet and annual subsistence cycle, but smaller subdivisions
+of it could not do so, though they provided overabundance of a limited
+number of foods in certain seasons. Even the area of Shoshone
+occupation, as compared with other peoples' territory, was vague and
+ill defined. Territory, as such, was not a matter of great concern in
+the relations of the Shoshone with hostile tribes. Rather, they
+vigorously defended their horses and their own lives during enemy
+invasions. The buffalo country east of the mountains was roamed over
+by several groups, as were the mountain areas of western Wyoming and
+Montana. And peaceful groups of the Basin-Plateau merged and
+intermingled with the Shoshone in the areas in which they had contact.
+
+The individual, the family, or the group of families that elected to
+change leaders within an area or to shift from one area to another did
+not give up vested rights and prerogatives. And, given the loose
+nature of Shoshone social structure and the diffuse and widespread
+network of social relationships, the person or group seeking a change
+could usually count upon acceptance elsewhere. The reservation system
+tended to tighten political organization and to define groupings more
+closely, since reservation membership did constitute a vested interest
+and government legitimation and stabilization of a central chieftaincy
+restricted the choices open to the individual.
+
+The principal item in the productive apparatus of the mounted Shoshone
+was the horse. Without sufficient horses to pursue the buffalo hunt,
+the Indian was relegated to "digger" status and had to remain within
+the Great Basin. But horses were individual, private property, and a
+man could locate under any leadership as long as he was mounted. His
+primary economic dependency was thus shifted from the larger social
+group to his own herd. Each man was to a large extent his own master
+and acted accordingly.
+
+The loose bilaterality of the Shoshone was ideally adapted to their
+mode of existence. Our data show some tendency toward matrilocality,
+but Steward states that, in Idaho, this is true primarily of the early
+years of marriage, after which the couple could exercise a bilocal
+option (Steward, 1938, p. 214). The direction of the choice depended
+on such situational factors as the prestige of either mate's parents
+or their wealth in horses. In any event, there was no marked
+preferential weighting of either line. Our informants reported that
+the married couple often shifted back and forth for varying periods of
+time. Ultimately, the mounted Shoshone may be just as profitably
+looked on as neolocal, as were the western Shoshone, for the couple
+did not necessarily live with or adjacent to either mate's parents.
+People were quite free to join other relatives or to associate closely
+with unrelated persons. This, and the periodic splitting up and
+reamalgamation of larger groups, inhibited any development of large,
+solidary nuclei of bilateral kinsmen. Relationships were traced
+bilaterally and widely, but ties were amorphous and weak. Lacking
+bounded and corporate kin groups, persons were highly individuated and
+possessed maximum geographical mobility.
+
+We may well conclude that, from the point of view of social structure,
+the mounted Shoshone were typologically much like the Great Basin
+people with whom they had close relations. Easily diffused items of
+culture, such as their material inventory, many religious beliefs, and
+their mode of warfare, establish their intimate historical connection
+with the Plains. But the higher levels of social integration found
+among the Shoshone are of a situational nature and are not well
+integrated with the fundamental facts of family life and more stable
+modes of grouping. It would be erroneous to conclude from this,
+however, that this amorphous, Basinlike social structure was
+nonadaptive to the Plains. That it is not at all atypical of the area
+is indicated by Eggan's statement (1955, pp. 518-519):
+
+     Plains Indian society, despite its lack of lineage and clan,
+     still has a social structure. This structure is "horizontal" or
+     generational in character and has little depth. The extended
+     family groupings in terms of matrilocal residence or centered
+     around a sibling group are amorphous but flexible. The
+     bilateral or composite band organization, centered around a
+     chief and his close relatives, may change its composition
+     according to various circumstances--economic or political. The
+     camp-circle encompasses the tribe, provides a disciplined
+     organization for the communal hunt, and a center for the Sun
+     Dance and other tribal ceremonies which symbolized the renewed
+     unity of the tribe and the renewal of nature. The seasonal
+     alternation between band and tribal camp-circle is related to
+     ecological changes in the environment, and particularly to the
+     behavior of the buffalo ...
+
+     The working hypothesis proposed earlier ... that "tribes coming
+     into the Plains with different backgrounds and social systems,"
+     can be tentatively extended to Plains social structure as a
+     whole, despite the variations noted. That this is in large
+     measure an internal adjustment to the uncertain and changing
+     conditions of Plains environment--ecological and social--rather
+     than a result of borrowing and diffusion, is still highly
+     probable.
+
+The loose bilaterality seen by Eggan as a characteristic of Plains
+society was part of the earlier Shoshone social background. But more
+centralized political units and predominantly "horizontal"
+organizations, such as age-grade and soldier societies, were more
+weakly developed than among many other tribes of the northern Plains.
+This fact, as well as the acquisition of firearms by the northern
+tribes, may have been responsible for the manifest military weakness
+of the Shoshone and their westward retreat beyond the Rocky
+Mountains.
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+    _Abbreviations_
+
+    AA        American Anthropologist
+    AMNH-AP   American Museum of Natural History, Anthropological
+              Papers. New York
+    BAE-B     Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin
+    CD        Congressional Document, Washington
+    MPUS      Report of the President of the United States. Washington
+    RCIA      Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Washington
+    RSI       Report of the Secretary of the Interior. Washington
+    RSW       Report of the Secretary of War. Washington
+    UC        University of California Publications. Berkeley and
+              Los Angeles
+      -AAE          American Archaeology and Ethnology
+      -AR           Anthropological Records
+
+
+Alter, J. Cecil
+  1925. James Bridger. Salt Lake City, Utah.
+
+Ballard, D. W.
+  1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284, pp. 190-192.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 656-659.
+
+Beckwith, Lieut. E. G.
+  1855. Report of Explorations for a Route for the Pacific Railroad, of
+        the Line of the Forty-First Parallel of North Latitude 1854. CD
+        792, 1B, 1854-55. Washington.
+
+Beckwourth, James P.
+  1931. The Life and Adventures of J. P. Beckwourth. T. D. Bonner, ed.
+        New York.
+
+Blythe, Beatrice
+  1938. "Northern Paiute Bands in Oregon," AA 40:402-405.
+
+Bryant, Edwin
+  1885. Rocky Mountain Adventures. Hurst and Co., New York.
+
+Burpee, L. J. (ed.)
+  1927. Journals and Letters of Pierre Gaultier de Varennes de La
+        Verendrye and His Sons. Toronto.
+
+Burton, Richard F.
+  1861. The City of the Saints. London.
+
+Campbell, Albert H.
+  1859. RSI 1859, CD 984, pp. 3-12.
+
+Campbell, J. A.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 171-173.
+  1871. RCIA 1870, CD 1449, pp. 638-642.
+
+Chittenden, Hiram Martin
+  1933. Yellowstone National Park, Stanford, Calif.
+
+Connelley, William Elsay
+  1907. Doniphan's Expedition and the Conquest of Mexico and New
+        California. Topeka, Kan.
+
+Cooley, D. N.
+  1866. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 169-225.
+
+Coutant, C.
+  1899. History of Wyoming. Laramie, Wyo.
+
+Crawford, Medorem
+  1897. Journal of M. Crawford. Sources of the History of Oregon, Vol.
+        1, No. 1. Eugene, Ore.
+
+Cross, Major Osborne
+  1851. RSW 1850, CD 587, pp. 128-231.
+
+Dale, Harrison Clifford
+  1918. The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of a Central
+        Route to the Pacific, 1822-1829. Cleveland, Ohio.
+
+Danilson, W. H.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 729-730.
+
+De Smet, Pierre Jean
+  1905. Life, Letters, and Travels of Father Jean De Smet, S.J.,
+        1801-1873. New York.
+  1906. Letters and Sketches. _In_ Early Western Travels, 1748-1846,
+        Vol. 27. R. G. Thwaites, ed. Cleveland, Ohio.
+
+Doty, James Duane
+  1863. RCIA 1862, CD 1157, pp. 342-344, 354-358.
+  1865. RCIA 1864, CD 1220, pp. 317-320.
+
+Dunn, J. P.
+  1886. Massacres of the Mountains. New York.
+
+Eggan, Fred
+  1955. Social Anthropology: Methods and Results. _In_ Social
+        Anthropology of North American Indian Tribes. F. Eggan, ed.
+        (2d ed.). Chicago.
+
+Ewers, John C.
+  1955. The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture. BAE-B 159.
+
+Farnham, Thomas J.
+  1843. Travels in the Great Western Prairies, the Anahuac and Rocky
+        Mountains, and in the Oregon Territory. New York.
+  1906. Travels in the Great Western Prairies, the Anahuac and Rocky
+        Mountains, and in the Oregon Territory. _In_ Early Western
+        Travels, 1748-1846. Vol. 28. R. G. Thwaites, ed. Cleveland,
+        Ohio.
+
+Ferris, Warren Angus
+  1940. Life in the Rocky Mountains. Paul C. Phillips, ed. Denver,
+        Colo.
+
+Fleming, G. W.
+  1871. RCIA 1870, CD 1449, pp. 642-644.
+
+Fleming, H. B.
+  1858. MPUS 1857, CD 956, p. 167.
+
+Floyd-Jones, De L.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 719-721.
+  1871. RCIA 1870, CD 1449, pp. 645-647.
+
+Forney, Jacob
+  1859. RCIA 1858, CD 974, pp. 561-565.
+  1860_a_. RCIA 1859, CD 1023, pp. 730-741.
+  1860_b_. MPUS 1859, CD 1033, pp. 44-45, 52-53, 59-60, 117-118.
+
+Fremont, John Charles
+  1845. Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in
+        the Year 1842, and to Oregon and North California in the Years
+        1843-1844.
+
+Fuller, Harrison
+  1875. RCIA 1874, CD 1639, pp. 572-573.
+
+Gove, Captain Jesse A.
+  1928. The Utah Expedition, 1857-58. New Hampshire Historical Society
+        Collections, Vol. 12. Otis G. Hammond, ed. Concord, N. H.
+
+Haines, Francis
+  1938. The Northward Spread of Horses among the Plains Indians, AA
+        40:429-437.
+
+Hale, Horatio
+  1848. Hale's Indians of Northwest America and Vocabularies of North
+        America. Transactions of the American Ethnological Society,
+        Vol. 2. New York.
+
+Hamilton, W. T.
+  1905. My Sixty Years on the Plains. E. T. Sieber, ed. New York.
+
+Head, F. H.
+  1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284, pp. 122-126.
+  1868. RCIA 1867, CD 1326, pp. 173-180, 186-188.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 608-614.
+
+Hebard, Grace R.
+  1930. Washakie. Cleveland, Ohio.
+
+Hickman, Bill
+  1872. Brigham's Destroying Angel. New York.
+
+Hodge, Frederick Webb (ed.)
+  1910. Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. BAE-B 30, Pt. 2.
+
+Hoebel, E. Adamson
+  1938. Bands and Distributions of the Eastern Shoshone. AA 40:410-413.
+
+Holeman, John H.
+  1852. RCIA 1852, CD 613, pp. 444-446.
+  1854. RCIA 1853, CD 690, pp. 443-447.
+  1858. MPUS 1857, CD 956, pp. 139-148, 151-155, 158-161.
+
+Hough, George C.
+  1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 660-661.
+
+Hultkrantz, A.
+  1949. Kulturbildningen hos Wyomings Shoshoni-indianer. Ymer, pp.
+        134-157. Stockholm.
+  1954. Indianerna i Yellowstone Park. Ymer, h. 2. Stockholm.
+  1958. Tribal Divisions within the Eastern Shoshoni of Wyoming,
+        Proceedings, 32nd International Congress of Americanists,
+        Copenhagen, pp. 148-154.
+
+Hurt, Garland
+  1856. RCIA 1855, CD 810, pp. 517-521.
+
+Irish, O. H.
+  1865. RCIA 1864, CD 1220, pp. 313-315.
+  1866. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 310-316.
+
+Irving, Washington
+  1837. The Rocky Mountains, _In_ The Journal of Captain B. L. E.
+        Bonneville. Philadelphia.
+  1850. Astoria. Covent Garden.
+  1873. The Adventures of Captain Bonneville, U. S. A. _In_ The Rocky
+        Mountains and the Far West. (Knickerbocker ed.). Philadelphia.
+  [1890.]  Astoria. Thomas Y. Crowell and Co., New York.
+
+Irwin, James
+  1874. RCIA 1873, CD 1601, pp. 612-613.
+
+Jones, Capt. W. A.
+  1875. Report upon the Reconnaissance of Northwestern Wyoming, chap.
+        I, pp. 5-44. U. S. Engineer Dept., Washington.
+
+Kirkpatrick, J. M.
+  1863. RCIA 1862, CD 1157, pp. 409-412.
+
+Kroeber, A. L.
+  1909. The Bannock and Shoshoni Languages, AA 11:266-277.
+  1939. Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. UC-PAAE
+        Vol. 38.
+
+Lander, F. W.
+  1859. RSI 1859, CD 984, pp. 47-73.
+  1860. RSW 1859, CD 1033, pp. 121-139.
+
+Lane, Joseph
+  1851. RCIA 1851, CD 587, pp. 156-168.
+
+Langworthy, Franklin
+  1932. Scenery of the Plains, Mountains and Mines. Paul C. Phillips,
+        ed. Princeton, N. J.
+
+Leonard, Zenas
+  1934. Narrative of the Adventures of Zenas Leonard. Milo M. Quaife,
+        ed. Chicago.
+
+Lewis, Meriwether, and William Clark 1904-06. Original Journals of the
+    Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1804-06. 8 vols. R. G. Thwaites, ed.
+    New York.
+
+Lewis, Oscar
+  1942. The Effects of White Contact upon Blackfoot Culture, with
+        Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade. American
+        Ethnological Society, Philadelphia. 73 pp.
+
+Lowie, Robert H.
+  1909. The Northern Shoshone. AMNH-AP 2:169-306.
+  1915. Dances and Societies of the Shoshone Indians. AMNH-AP 11 (pt.
+        10):803-835.
+
+Lyon, Caleb
+  1866. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 415-419.
+  1867. RCIA 1866, CD 1284, p. 187.
+
+Mann, Luther
+  1865. RCIA 1865, CD 1248, pp. 326-328.
+  1868. RCIA 1867, CD 1326, pp. 182-184, 189.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 616-619.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 715-716.
+
+Margry, P. (ed.)
+  1888. Journal du voyage fait par le Chevalier de la Verendrye. _In_
+        Decouvertes et etablissements des Francais dans l'Ouest et dans
+        le Sud de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1614-1754, 6:598-601.
+
+Mullan, Lieut. John
+  1855. RSW 1854, CD 758, pp. 322-349.
+
+Ogden, Peter Skene
+  1909. Journals of the Snake Expeditions, 1825-1826. T. C. Elliott,
+        ed. Oregon Historical Quarterly, 10 (no. 4):331-365.
+  1910. Journals of the Snake Expeditions, 1826-1827. T. C. Elliott,
+        ed. Oregon Historical Quarterly, 11 (no. 2):201-222.
+  1950. Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals, 1824-1825 and
+        1825-1826. E. E. Rich, ed. The Hudson's Bay Record Society,
+        Vol. 13. London.
+
+Patten, James I.
+  1878. RCIA 1877, CD 1800, pp. 603-606.
+
+Patterson, J. H.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 717-718.
+
+Powell, Chas. F.
+  1868. RCIA 1867, CD 1326, pp. 251-253.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 661-663.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 728-729.
+
+Powell, J. W., and G. W. Ingalls
+  1874. RCIA 1873, CD 1601, pp. 409-442.
+
+Rainsford, J. C.
+  1873. RCIA 1872, CD 1560, pp. 666-667.
+
+Raynolds, W. F.
+  1868. RSW 1867, CD 1317, pp. 1-174.
+
+Remy, Jules, and Julius Brenchley
+  1861. A Journey to Great Salt Lake City. Vol. 1. London.
+
+Ross, Alexander
+  1924. The Fur Hunters of the Far West. Milo M. Quaife, ed. Chicago.
+
+Russell, Osborne
+  1921. Journal of a Trapper, or Nine Years in the Rocky Mountains,
+        1834-1843. Boise, Idaho.
+  1955. Journals of a Trapper. Aubrey L. Haines, ed. Oregon Historical
+        Society.
+
+Schoolcraft, H. R.
+  1860. Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge. Vol. I. Philadelphia.
+
+Shanks, John P. C., T. W. Bennett, and Henry W. Reed
+  1874. RSI 1873, CD 1608, pp. 2-4.
+
+Shaw, Reuben C.
+  1948. Across the Plains in Forty-nine. M. M. Quaife, ed. Chicago.
+
+Shimkin, D. B.
+  1938. "Wind River Shoshone Geography," AA 40:413-415. 1939.
+        Shoshone-Comanche Origins and Migrations. Proceedings, Sixth
+        Pacific Science Congress, 4:17-25.
+  1947_a_. Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography. UC-AR 5:245-288.
+  1947_b_. Childhood and Development among the Wind River Shoshone.
+           UC-AR 5:289-325.
+
+Simpson, George
+  1931. Fur Trade and Empire. Frederick Merk, ed. Cambridge, Mass.
+
+Stansbury, Howard
+  1852. Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of
+        Utah. Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 3, spec. sess., March, 1851.
+        Philadelphia.
+
+Steward, Julian H.
+  1937. Linguistic Distributions and Political Groups of the Great
+        Basin Shoshoneans, AA 39:625-634.
+  1938. Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups. BAE-B 120.
+  1939. Some Observations on Shoshonean Distributions, AA 41:261-265.
+
+Stewart, Omer C.
+  1939. The Northern Paiute Bands. UC-AR 2:127-149.
+
+Stuart, Robert
+  1935. The Discovery of the Oregon Trail; Robert Stuart's Narrative of
+        the Overland Trip Eastward from Astoria in 1812-13. New York.
+
+Sully, Alf.
+  1870. RCIA 1869, CD 1414, pp. 731-735.
+
+Talbot, Theodore
+  1931. The Journals of Theodore Talbot, 1843 and 1849-52. Charles H.
+        Carey, ed. Portland, Ore.
+
+Taylor, N. G.
+  1869. RCIA 1868, CD 1366, pp. 683-684.
+
+Thompson, R. R.
+  1855. RCIA 1854, CD 746, pp. 489-493.
+
+Townsend, John K.
+  1905. Narrative of a Journey across the Rocky Mountains ... 1834.
+        _In_ Early Western Travels, 1748-1846. Vol. XXI. R. G. Thwaites,
+        ed. Cleveland, Ohio.
+
+Tyrell, J. B. (ed.)
+  1916. David Thompson's Narrative of His Explorations in Western North
+        America, 1784-1812. Publications of the Champlain Society,
+        Vol. 12. Toronto.
+
+Viall, J. A.
+  1872. RCIA 1871, CD 1505, pp. 825-833.
+
+Wagner, Will. H.
+  1861. Letter from the Acting Secretary of the Interior,
+  1860-61, CD 1100, pp. 20-26.
+
+Wallace, Ernest, and E. Adamson Hoebel
+  1952. The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains. Norman, Okla.
+
+Wallen, H. D.
+  1859. Affairs in Oregon, CD 1051. Washington.
+
+War of the Rebellion
+  1902. Series I, Vol. 50. Government Printing Office. Washington.
+
+Wheeler, George M.
+  1875. Preliminary Report upon a Reconnaissance through Southern and
+        Southeastern Nevada, 1869. U. S. Army Engineering Dept.
+
+Wilkes, Charles (U.S.N.)
+  1845. Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition during the
+        Years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. Vol. 4. Philadelphia.
+
+Wilson, E. N.
+  1926. The White Indian Boy. Yonkers-on-Hudson, N.Y.
+
+Wilson, John
+  1849. RCIA 1849, CD 570, pp. 1002-1004.
+
+Wislizenus, F. A.
+  1912. A Journey to the Rocky Mountains in the Year 1839. St. Louis,
+        Mo.
+
+Wissler, Clark
+  1910. Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians. AMNH-AP 5
+        (pt. 1):1-175.
+  1920. North American Indians of the Plains. New York.
+
+Work, John
+  1923. The Journal of John Work. Cleveland, Ohio.
+  1945. Fur Brigade to the Bonaventura. Alice B. Mahoney, ed. San
+        Francisco.
+
+Wyeth, Nathaniel J.
+  1899. The Correspondence and Journals of Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth.
+        _In_ Sources of the History of Oregon, Vol. 1, pts. 3-6. Eugene,
+        Ore.
+
+Young, Brigham
+  1852. RCIA 1852, CD 658, pp. 437-439.
+  1858. RCIA 1857, CD 919, pp. 598-600.
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes
+
+
+Inconsistent and archaic spelling and punctuation retained.
+
+p. 323: Hzkandika (The z was originally a glyph.)
+
+p. 329: (Lewis and Clark, 1904-06, 2:283) changed to
+        (Lewis and Clark, 1804-06, 2:283).
+
+p. 333: di'rak[=o][`n]e (Original characters not available.) [=o]
+means o with macron. [`n] means n with grave accent.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence and
+Society, by Robert F. Murphy and Yolanda Murphy
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SHOSHONE-BANNOCK SUBSISTENCE ***
+
+***** This file should be named 38884.txt or 38884.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        http://www.gutenberg.org/3/8/8/8/38884/
+
+Produced by Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper, Matthew Wheaton and
+the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
diff --git a/38884.zip b/38884.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..89729e2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/38884.zip
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6312041
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f49bfdb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #38884 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/38884)