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diff --git a/40634-0.txt b/40634-0.txt index ae96d8a..e4992bd 100644 --- a/40634-0.txt +++ b/40634-0.txt @@ -1,41 +1,4 @@ -Project Gutenberg's In Northern Mists (Volume 2 of 2), by Fridtjof Nansen - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: In Northern Mists (Volume 2 of 2) - Arctic Exploration in Early Times - -Author: Fridtjof Nansen - -Translator: Arthur G. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: In Northern Mists (Volume 2 of 2) - Arctic Exploration in Early Times - -Author: Fridtjof Nansen - -Translator: Arthur G. Chater - -Release Date: September 1, 2012 [EBook #40634] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IN NORTHERN MISTS (VOLUME 2 OF 2) *** - - - - -Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive.) - - - - - - - - - -IN NORTHERN MISTS - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - - IN NORTHERN MISTS - - ARCTIC EXPLORATION IN EARLY TIMES - - BY FRIDTJOF NANSEN - G.C.V.O., D.Sc., D.C.L., Ph.D., - PROFESSOR OF OCEANOGRAPHY IN THE - UNIVERSITY OF CHRISTIANIA, ETC. - - - TRANSLATED BY ARTHUR G. CHATER - - ILLUSTRATED - - VOLUME TWO - - LONDON: WILLIAM HEINEMANN: MCMXI - - - - - PRINTED BY - BALLANTYNE & COMPANY LTD - AT THE BALLANTYNE PRESS - TAVISTOCK STREET COVENT GARDEN - LONDON - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAP. PAGE - - IX. [CONTINUED] WINELAND THE GOOD, THE FORTUNATE ISLES, AND - THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 1 - - X. ESKIMO AND SKRÆLING 66 - - XI. THE DECLINE OF THE NORSE SETTLEMENTS IN GREENLAND 95 - - XII. EXPEDITIONS OF THE NORWEGIANS TO THE WHITE SEA, VOYAGES - IN THE POLAR SEA, WHALING AND SEALING 135 - - XIII. THE NORTH IN MAPS AND GEOGRAPHICAL WORKS OF THE MIDDLE - AGES 182 - - XIV. JOHN CABOT AND THE ENGLISH DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA 291 - - XV. THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES IN THE NORTH-WEST 345 - - CONCLUSION 379 - - LIST OF THE MORE IMPORTANT WORKS REFERRED TO 384 - - INDEX 397 - - - - -[Illustration: From an Icelandic MS., fourteenth century] - - -CHAPTER IX - -[continued] - -WINELAND THE GOOD, THE FORTUNATE ISLES, AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA - - -[Sidenote: Wineland == the African islands] - -A confirmation of the identity of Wineland and the Insulæ Fortunatæ, which -in classical legend lay to the west of Africa, occurs in the Icelandic -geography (in MSS. of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) which may -partly be the work of Abbot Nikulás of Thverá (ob. 1159) (although perhaps -not the part here quoted), where we read: - - "South of Greenland is 'Helluland,' next to it is 'Markland,' and then - it is not far to 'Vínland hit Góða,' which some think to be connected - with Africa (and if this be so, then the outer ocean [i.e., the ocean - surrounding the disc of the earth] most fall in between Vinland and - Markland)."[1] - -This idea of the connection with Africa seems to have been general in -Iceland; it may appear surprising, but, as will be seen, it finds its -natural explanation in the manner here stated. It also appears in Norway. -Besides a reference in the "King's Mirror," the following passage in the -"Historia Norwegiæ" relating to Greenland is of particular importance: - - "This country was discovered and settled by the Telensians [i.e., the - Icelanders] and strengthened with the Catholic faith; it forms the end - of Europe towards the west, nearly touches the African Islands - ('Africanas insulas'), where the returning ocean overflows" [i.e., - falls in]. - -It is clear that "Africanæ Insulæ" is here used directly as a name instead -of Wineland, in connection with Markland and Helluland, as in the -Icelandic geography. But the African Islands (i.e., originally the Canary -Islands) were in fact the Insulæ Fortunatæ, in connection with the -Gorgades and the Hesperides; and thus we have here a direct proof that -they were looked upon as the same. - -[Illustration: The conception of the northern and western lands and -islands in Norse literature.] - - G. Storm [1890] and A. A. Björnbo [1909, pp. 229, ff.] have sought to - explain the connection of Wineland with Africa as an attempt on the - part of the Icelandic geographers to unite new discoveries of western - lands with the classical-mediæval conceptions of the continents as a - continuous disc of earth with an outer surrounding ocean. But even if - such "learned" ideas prevailed in Iceland and Norway (cf. the "King's - Mirror"), it would nevertheless be unnatural to unite Africa and - Wineland, which lay near Hvítramanna-land, six days' sail _west_ of - Ireland, unless there were other grounds for doing so. Although - agreeing on the main point, Dr. Björnbo maintains (in a letter to me) - that the Icelanders may have got their continental conception from - Isidore himself, who asserted the dogma of the threefold division of - the continental circle; and the question whether Wineland was African - or not depended upon whether it came south or north of the line - running east and west through the Mediterranean. But the same Isidore - also described the Insulæ Fortunatæ and other countries as islands in - the Ocean, and his dogma could not thus have hindered Wineland from - being regarded as an island like other islands (cf. Adam of Bremen's - islands), but why then precisely African? Besides, the Icelandic - geography and the Historia Norwegiæ represent two different - conceptions, one as a continent, the other as islands. It cannot, - therefore, have been Isidore's continental dogma that caused them both - to assume the country to be _African_. It seems to me that no other - explanation is here possible than that given above. - -[Sidenote: The vine North America] - -It might be objected to the view that "Vínland hit Góða" originally meant -"Insulæ Fortunatæ," that several sorts of wild grape are found on the east -coast of North America; it might therefore be believed that the -Greenlanders really went so far and discovered these. Storm, indeed, -assumed that the wild vine grew on the outer east coast of Nova Scotia; -but he is unable to adduce any certain direct evidence of this, although -he gives [1887, p. 48] a statement of the Frenchman Nicolas Denys in 1672, -which points to the wild vine having grown in the interior of the -country.[2] He also mentions several statements of recent date that -wild-growing vines of one kind or another have been observed near -Annapolis and in the interior of the country, but none on the south-east -coast. Professor N. Wille informs me that in the latest survey of the -flora of North America Vitis vulpina is specified as occurring in Nova -Scotia; but nothing is said as to locality. The American botanist, M. L. -Fernald [1910, pp. 19, f.], on the other hand, thinks that the wild vine -(Vitis vulpina) is not certainly known to the east of the valley of the -St. John in New Brunswick (see map, vol. i. p. 335), where it is rare and -only found in the interior. From this we may conclude that even if it -should really be found on the outer south-east coast of Nova Scotia, it -must have been very rare there, and could not possibly have been a -conspicuous feature which might have been especially mentioned along with -the wheat. But even if we might assume that the saga was borne out to this -extent, it would be one of those accidental coincidences which often -occur. It must, of course, be admitted to be a strange chance that the -world of classical legend should have fertile lands or islands far in the -western ocean, and that Isidore should describe the self-grown vine and -the unsown cornfields in these Fortunate Isles, and that long afterwards -fertile lands and islands, where wild vines and various kinds of wild corn -grew, should be discovered in the same quarter. Since we have the choice, -it may be more reasonable to assume that the Icelanders got their wine -from Isidore, or from the same vats that he drew his from, than that they -fetched it from America. Again, even if the Greenlanders and Icelanders -had found some berries on creepers in the woods--is it likely that they -would have known them to be grapes? They cannot be expected to have had -any acquaintance with the latter.[3] The author of the -"Grönlendinga-þáttr" in the Flateyjarbók is so entirely ignorant of these -things that he makes grapes grow in the winter and spring (like the fruits -all the year round on the trees in the myth of the fortunate land in the -west), and makes Leif's companion Tyrker intoxicate himself by eating -grapes (like the Irishmen in the Irish legends), and finally makes Leif -cut down vine-trees ("vínvið") and fell trees to load his ship, and at -last fill the long-boat with grapes (as in the Irish legends); in the -voyage of Thorvald Ericson they also collect grapes and vine-trees for a -cargo, and Karlsevne took home with him "many costly things: vine-trees, -grapes and furs." It is scarcely likely that seafaring Greenlanders about -380 years earlier had any better idea of the vine than this saga-writer, -and we hear nothing in Eric's Saga about Leif or his companions having -ever been in southern Europe. No doubt it is for this very reason that the -"Grönlendinga-þáttr" makes a "southman," Tyrker, find the grapes. - -[Sidenote: The wild wheat] - -Wheat is not a wild cereal native to America. It has therefore been -supposed that the "self-sown wheat-fields" of Wineland might have been the -American cereal maize. As this proved to be untenable, Professor -Schübeler[4] proposed that it might have been the "wild rice," also called -"water oats" (Zizania aquatica), an aquatic plant that grows by rivers and -lakes in North America. But apart from the fact that the plant grows in -the water and has little resemblance to wheat, although the ripe ear is -said to be like a wheat-ear, there is the difficulty that it is -essentially an inland plant, which is not known in Nova Scotia. "Though it -occurs locally in a few New England rivers, it attains its easternmost -known limit in the lower reaches of the St. John in New Brunswick, being -apparently unknown in Nova Scotia" [Fernald, 1910, p. 26]. For proving -that Wineland was Nova Scotia it is therefore of even less use than the -wine. - -It results in consequence that the attempts made hitherto to bring the -natural conditions of the east coast of North America into agreement with -the saga's description of Wineland[5] have not been able to afford any -natural explanation of the striking juxtaposition of the two leading -features of the latter, the wild vine and the self-sown wheat, which are -identical with the two leading features in the description of the Insulæ -Fortunatæ. If it were permissible to prove in this way that the ancient -Norsemen reached the east coast of North America, then it might be -concluded with almost equal right that the Greeks and Romans of antiquity -were there; for they already had the same two features in their -descriptions of the fortunate isles in the west. It should be remembered -that wheat was not a commonly known cereal in the North, where it was not -cultivated, and it would hardly be natural for the Icelanders to use that -particular name for a wild species of corn. Both wheat and grapes or vines -were to them foreign ideas, and the remarkable juxtaposition of these very -two words shows that they came together from southern Europe, where, as -has been said, we find them in Isidore, and where wine and wheat were -important commercial products which one often finds mentioned together. - -[Sidenote: Encounters with the Skrælings in Wineland] - -If we now proceed further in the description of the Wineland voyages in -the Saga of Eric the Red, we come to the encounters with the Skrælings. -These encounters are, of course, three in number: first they come to see, -then to trade, and then to fight; this again recalls the fairy-tale. The -narrative itself of the battle with the Skrælings has borrowed features. -The Skrælings' catapults make one think of the civilised countries of -Europe, where catapults (i.e., engines for throwing stones, mangonels) -and Greek fire (?) were in use.[6] - -[Illustration: Icelandic representation of the northern and western lands -as connected with one another, by Sigurd Stefansson, circa 1590 (Torfæus, -1706). Cf. G. Storm, 1887, pp. 28, ff.] - - Catapults, which are also mentioned in the "King's Mirror," had a long - beam or lever-arm, at the outer end of which was a bowl or sling, - wherein was laid a heavy round stone, or more rarely a barrel of - combustible material or the like [cf. O. Blom, 1867, pp. 103, f.]. In - the "King's Mirror" it is also stated that mineral coal ("jarðkol") - and sulphur were thrown; the stones for casting were also made of - baked clay with pebbles in it. When these clay balls were slung out - and fell, they burst in pieces, so that the enemy had nothing to throw - back. The great black ball, which is compared to a sheep's paunch, and - which made such an ugly sound (report ?) when it fell that it - frightened the Greenlanders, also reminds one strongly on the - "herbrestr" (war-crash, report) which Laurentius Kálfsson's saga [cap. - 8 in "Biskupa Sögur," i. 1858, p. 798] relates that Þrándr Fisiler,[7] - from Flanders, produced at the court of Eric Magnusson in Bergen, at - Christmas 1294. It "gives such a loud report that few men can bear to - hear it; women who are with child and hear the crash are prematurely - delivered, and men fall from their seats on to the floor, or have - various fits. Thránd told Laurentius to put his fingers in his ears - when the crash came.... Thránd showed Laurentius what was necessary to - produce the crash, and there are four things: fire, brimstone, - parchment and tow.[8] Men often have recourse in battle to such a - war-crash, so that those who do not know it may take to flight." - Laurentius was a priest, afterwards bishop (1323-30) in Iceland; the - saga was probably written about 1350 by his friend and confidant, the - priest Einar Hafliðason. It seems as though we have here precisely the - same notions as appear in the description of the fight with the - Skrælings. It is true that this visit of Thránd to Bergen would be - later than the Saga of Eric the Red is generally assumed to have been - written; but this may have been about 1300. Besides, there is no - reason why the story of the "herbrestr" should not have found its way - to Iceland earlier.[9] In any case this part of the tale of the - Wineland voyages has quite a European air. - -For the rest, this feature too seems to have a connection with the -"Navigatio Brandani." It is there related that they approach an island of -smiths, where the inhabitants are filled with fire and darkness. Brandan -was afraid of the island; one of the inhabitants came out of his house "as -though on an errand of necessity"; the brethren want to sail away and -escape, but - - "the said barbarian runs down to the beach bearing a long pair of - tongs in his hand with a fiery mass in a skin[10] of immense size and - heat; he instantly throws it after the servants of Christ, but it did - not injure them, it went over them about a stadium farther off, but - when it fell into the sea, the water began to boil as though a - fire-spouting mountain were there, and smoke arose from the sea as - fire from a baker's oven." The other inhabitants then rush out and - throw their masses of fire, but Brendan and the brethren escape - [Schröder, 1871, p. 28]. - -In the narrative of Maelduin's voyage a similar story is told of the smith -who with a pair of tongs throws a fiery mass over the boat, so that the -sea boils, but he does not hit them, as they hastily fly out into the open -sea [cf. Zimmer, 1889, pp. 163, 329]. The resemblances to Karlsevne and -his people flying with all speed before the black ball of the Skrælings, -like a sheep's paunch, which is flung over them from a pole and makes an -ugly noise when it falls, is obvious; but at the same time it looks as -though this incident of the Irish myth--which is an echo of the classical -Cyclopes of the Æneid and Odyssey (cf. Polyphemus and the Cyclopes), and -the great stones that were thrown at Odysseus--had been "modernised" by -the saga-writer, who has transferred mediæval European catapults and -explosives to the Indians. - -The curious expression--used when the Skrælings come in the spring for the -second time to Karlsevne's settlement--that they came rowing in a -multitude of hide canoes, "as many as though [the sea] had been sown with -coal before the Hóp" [i.e., the bay], seems to find its explanation in -some tale like that of the "Imram Brenaind" [cf. Zimmer, 1889, p. 138], -where Brandan and his companions come to a small deserted land, and the -harbour they entered was immediately filled with "demons in the form of -pygmies and dwarfs, who were as black as coal." - -The "hellustein" (flat stone) which lay fixed in the skull of the fallen -Thorbrand Snorrason is a curious missile, and reminds one of trolls (cf. -Arab myth, chapter xiii.). Features such as that of the Skrælings being -supposed to know that white shields meant peace and red ones war have an -altogether European effect.[11] - -Another purely legendary feature in the description of the fight is that -of Freydis frightening the Skrælings by taking her breasts out of her sark -and whetting the sword on them ("ok slettir á sverdit"). As it stands in -the saga this incident is not very comprehensible, and appears to have -been borrowed from elsewhere. Possibly, as Moltke Moe thinks, it may be -connected in some way with the legend of the wood-nymph with the long -breasts who was pursued by the hunter. The mention of Unipeds and -"Einfötinga-land" shows that classical myths have also been adopted. The -idea was, moreover, widely current in the Middle Ages. Thus in the -so-called Nancy map of Claudius Clavus (of about 1426) we find "unipedes -maritimi" in the extreme north-east of Greenland. In the "Heimslýsing" in -the Hauksbók [F. Jónsson, 1892, p. 166] and in the "Rymbegla" [1780] -"Einfötingar" are mentioned with a foot "so large that they shade -themselves from the sun with it while asleep" (cf. also Adam of Bremen, -vol. i. p. 189). But in the Saga of Eric the Red the incident of the -Uniped and the pursuit of him are described as realistically as the -encounters with the Skrælings. Einfötinga-land is also mentioned in the -same manner as Skrælinga-land in its vicinity. - -[Sidenote: The Skrælings are originally mythical beings] - -In reading the Icelandic sagas and narratives about Wineland and Greenland -one cannot avoid being struck by the remarkable, semi-mythical way in -which the natives, the Skrælings, are always spoken of;[12] even Are -Frode's mention of them appears strange. Through finding the connection -between Wineland the Good and the Fortunate Isles, and between the latter -again and the lands of the departed, the "huldrelands," fairylands, and -the lands of the Irish "síd," I arrived at the kindred idea that perhaps -Skræling was originally a name for those gnomes or brownies or mythical -beings, and that it was these that Are Frode meant by the people who "were -inhabiting Wineland"--and further, that when the Icelanders in Greenland -found a strange, small, foreign-looking people, with hide canoes and -implements of stone, bone and wood, which also looked strange to them, -they naturally regarded them as these same Skrælings; and then they may -afterwards have found similar people (Eskimo, and perhaps Indians) on the -coast of America. It agrees with the view of the Skrælings as a small -people that elves and brownies in Norway were small, often only two or -three feet high, and that the underground or huldre-folk in Skåne were -called "Pysslingar" (dwarfs). This idea that the Skræling was originally -a brownie was strengthened by the discovery of the above-mentioned -probable connection between many features in the description of the -Skrælings' appearance in Wineland and the demons, like pygmies and dwarfs, -that Brandan meets with in a land in the sea (see p. 10), and the smiths -(or Cyclopes) in another island who throw masses of fire at Brandon and -Maelduin (see p. 9). That Unipeds and Skrælings are both mentioned as -equally real inhabitants of the new countries, and that a Uniped even -kills Thorvald Ericson near Wineland, and is pursued, points in the same -direction. - -[Illustration: Eskimos cutting up a whale. Woodcut from Greenland, -illustrating a fairy-tale; drawn and engraved by a native] - -I then asked Professor Alf Torp whether he knew of anything that might -confirm such an interpretation of the word Skræling; he at once mentioned -the German word "walt-schreckel" for a wood-troll, and afterwards wrote to -me as follows: - - "The word I spoke about is found in modern German dialects: - 'schrähelein' 'ein zauberisches Wesen, Wichtlein'; cf. Middle High - German 'walt-schreckel,' which is translated by 'faunus.' This - 'schrähelein' (from the Upper Palatinate) agrees entirely both in form - and meaning with 'skrælingr': the only difference is that one has the - diminutive termination '*-ilîn' (primary form '* skrahilîn'), the - other the diminutive termination '-iling' (primary form '* - skrahiling'). The primary meaning was doubtless 'shrunken figure, - dwarf.' From a synonymous verbal root come the synonymous M.H.G. words - 'schraz' and 'schrate,'[13] 'Waldteufel, Kobold.' This seems greatly - to strengthen your interpretation of 'skrælingr' as 'brownie' or the - like. Now, of course, 'skræling' means 'puny person' or the like, but - it is to be remarked that we do not find that meaning in the ancient - language." - -It seems to me that this communication is of great importance. It is -striking that the word Skræling is never used in the whole of Old Norse -literature as a term of reproach or to denote a wretched man, and there -must have been plenty of opportunity for this if it had been a word of -common application with its present meaning, and not a special designation -for brownies. It only occurs there as applied to the Skrælings of -Wineland, Markland and Greenland. Again, the Skrælings in Greenland are -called "troll" or "trollkonur" in the Icelandic narratives, and in the -descriptions of the Wineland voyages demoniacal properties are attributed -to them as to the underground folk. In the fight with the Skrælings they -frightened Karlsevne and his people not only with the great magic -ball,[14] but also by glamour. And in the "Grönlendinga-þattr" it is -related that when the Skrælings came for the second time to trade with -Karlsevne, - - "his wife Gudrid was sitting within the door by the cradle of her son - Snorre, and there walked in a woman in a black gown, rather low in - stature, and she had a band on her head, and light-brown hair, was - pale and big-eyed, so that no one had seen such big eyes in any human - head. She went up to where Gudrid sat, and said: What is thy name? - says she. My name is Gudrid, and what is thy name? My name is Gudrid, - says she. Then Gudrid, the mistress of the house, stretched out her - hand to her, and she sat down beside her; but then it happened at the - same time that Gudrid heard a great crash ['brest mikinn,' cf. the - noise or crash of the great ball in the Saga of Eric the Red] and that - the woman disappeared, and at the same moment a Skræling was slain by - one of Karlsevne's servants, because he had tried to take their - weapons, and they [the Skrælings] went away as quickly as possible; - but they left their clothes and wares behind them. No one had seen - this woman but Gudrid."[15] - -This phantasmal Gudrid is obviously a gnome or underground woman; and as -she makes both her appearance and disappearance together with the -Skrælings it is reasonable to suppose that they too were of the same kind, -like the illusions in the battle with the Skrælings. It is further to be -remarked that she is short, and has extraordinarily large eyes, exactly as -is said of the Skrælings and of huldre- and troll-folk (cf. vol. i. p. -327), and also of pygmies. - -[Illustration: Fight with mythical creatures (From an Icelandic MS.)] - -On account of the identity of name one might perhaps be tempted to think -that it was Gudrid's "fylgja" (fetch) coming to warn her. But she does -nothing of the kind in the saga, nor was there any reason for it, as the -Skrælings came to trade with peaceful intentions, and fled as soon as -there was disagreement. But the story is obscure and confused, and it is -probable that this is a borrowed incident, and that something of the -meaning or connection has dropped out in the transfer. Another remarkable -feature (which Moltke Moe has pointed out to me) is that while in Eric's -Saga Karlsevne pays for the Skrælings' furs and red cloth, in the -"Grönlendinga-þáttr" he makes "the women carry out milk-food ('búnyt') to -them" (it was placed outside the house or even outside the fence), "and as -soon as the Skrælings saw milk-food they would buy that and nothing else." -Now the natives of America cannot possibly have known milk-food; but on -the other hand it happens to be a characteristic of the underground folk -that they are fond of milk and porridge (cream-porridge), which is put out -for the mound-elves and the "nisse." Another underground feature comes out -in the incident of the five Skrælings in Markland, three of whom "escaped -and sank into the earth" ("ok sukku i jorð niðr"). Possibly the statement -that the people in Markland "lived in rock-shelters and caves" may have a -similar connection. - -As the Skrælings of Greenland were dark, it was quite natural that they -should become trolls, and not elves, which were fair. - -It may also be supposed that the troll-like nature of the Skrælings is -shown in the curious circumstance that Are Frode, speaking of them in -Greenland, only mentions dwelling-places and remains of boats and stone -implements that they had left behind (see vol. i. p. 260), as a sign that -they had been both in the east and west of the country, while the people -themselves are never mentioned; this is like troll-folk, who leave their -traces without being seen themselves. One might suppose that such a mode -of expression agreed best with the current Icelandic view of them as -trolls. In a similar way it might be related of the first discoverer of an -earlier Norway, inhabited only by supernatural beings, that he found -traces both in the east and the west of the land which showed that the -kind of folk ("þjóð") had been there that inhabit Risaland, and that the -Norwegians call giants. In this way possibly this passage in Are may be -understood (but cf. p. 77); it might be objected that this expression: who -"inhabited Wineland" ("hefer bygt") does not suggest troll-folk, but real -human beings; if, however, the existence of these troll-folk is supported -by the actual finding of natives, in any case in Greenland (and doubtless -also in Markland), then such an expression cannot appear unreasonable. -Besides, there would be a general tendency on the part of the -rationalising Icelanders, with their pronounced sense of realistic -description, to make these trolls or brownies or "demons" into living -human beings in Wineland, while the designation of troll still persisted -for a long time in Greenland, side by side with Skræling--as a name -approximately synonymous therewith. The realistic description of the -Uniped affords a parallel to this. One is inclined to think that the -Skrælings of the saga have come about through a combination of the -original mythical creatures (like the síd-people in the Irish happy lands) -to whom at first the name belonged with the Eskimo that the Icelanders -found in Greenland, and perhaps the Eskimo and Indians that they found on -the north-east coast of North America. It is, as in fact Moltke Moe has -maintained in his lectures, by the fusing of materials taken from the -world of myth and from reality that the human imagination is rendered -most fertile and creative in the formation of legend. The points of -departure may often be pure accidents, resemblances of one kind or -another, which have a fructifying effect. - -That the Skrælings, from being originally living natives, should later -have become trolls or brownies, is an idea that Storm among others seems -to have entertained (cf. note, p. 11); but this would be the reverse of -what usually happens. That the Eskimo should have made a strange and -supernatural impression on the superstitious Norsemen when they first met -them is natural, and so it is that this impression should have persisted -so long, until it gradually wore off through more intimate acquaintance -with them in Greenland; but the contrary, that the supernatural ideas -about them should only have developed gradually, although they were -constantly meeting them, is incredible. - -In Scandinavian literature also we find mythical ideas attached to the -Skrælings of Greenland. In the Norwegian "Historia Norwegiæ" (thirteenth -century) it is said that when "they are struck with weapons while alive, -their wounds are white and do not bleed, but when they are dead the blood -scarcely stops running." The Dane Claudius Clavus (fifteenth century) -relates that there were pygmies in Greenland two feet high (like our elves -and brownies), and the same is reported in a letter to Pope Nicholas V. -(circa 1450), with the addition that they hide themselves in the caves of -the country like ants (see next chapter); that is, like underground -beings, although this trait may well be derived from knowledge of the -Eskimo. Mythical tales about the Greenland Eskimo also appear in Olaus -Magnus, and in Jacob Ziegler's Scondia (sixteenth century) [cf. Grönl. -hist. Mind., iii. pp. 465, 501]. - -[Sidenote: Borrowed features] - -A little touch like that of Thorvald Ericson drawing the Uniped's arrow -out of his intestines and saying: "There is fat in the bowels, a good land -have we found..." shows how the saga-writer embroidered his romance: -Thorvald was the son of a chief and naturally required a more honourable -death than other men. The Fosterbrothers' Saga and Snorre have the same -thing about Thormod Kolbrunarskald at the battle of Stiklestad, when he -drew out the arrow and said, "Well hath the king nourished us, there is -still fat about the roots of my heart." But of course there had to be a -slight difference; while Thormod receives the arrow in the roots of his -heart and has been well treated by the king, Thorvald gets it in his small -intestines and has been well nourished by the country. Similar features -are found in other Icelandic sagas. - -It is a characteristic point that both in the "Navigatio Brandani" and in -the "Imram Maelduin" three of the companions perish, or disappear, either -through demons or mythical beings. With this the circumstance that in -Karlsevne's voyage three of his companions fall, two by the Skrælings and -one by a Uniped, seems to correspond. We may also compare the incident in -the "Imram Brenaind" where Brandan and his companions come to a large, -lofty and beautiful island, where there are dwarfs ("luchrupán") like -monkeys, who instantly fill the beach and want to swallow them, and devour -one of the men (the "crosan") (cf. the circumstance that in the fight with -the Skrælings two men fell, of whom only one is mentioned by name). - -When it is related first that Karlsevne found five Skrælings asleep near -Wineland, whom they took for exiles (!) and therefore slew, and that in -the following year they again found five Skrælings, of whom, however, they -only took two boys, while the others escaped, we may probably regard these -as two variants of the same story. This feature also has an air of being -borrowed in its dubious form, especially in the former passage; but I have -not yet discovered from whence it may be derived. - - In the "Grönlendinga-þáttr" there is yet another variant. There - Thorvald Ericson and his men see three hide-boats on the beach, and - three men under each. "Then they divided their people, and took them - all except one who got away with his boat. They killed the eight...." - This is altogether improbable. Since one man could run away with his - boat, the hide-boats must be supposed to be kayaks, and the men - Eskimo; but in that case only one man would have been lying under - each; if they were larger boats (women's boats ?) it would be unlike - the Eskimo for three men to lie under each, and in any case one man - could not run away with a boat. - -The tale of the kidnapped Skræling children also shows incidents and ideas -from wholly different quarters that have been introduced into this saga. -That the grown-up Skræling was bearded ("skeggjaðr") agrees, of course, -neither with Eskimo nor Indians, but it agrees very well with trolls, -brownies and pygmies, and also with the hermits of the Irish legends who -were heavily clothed with hair. That this man, with the two women who -escaped, "sank down into the earth" has already been mentioned as an -underground feature. That the Skrælings of Markland had no houses, but -lived in caves, does not sound any more probable; unless indeed this -feature is taken from underground gnomes, it may come from the hermits in -Irish legends. Thus the holy Paulus [Schröder, 1871, p. 32] dwelt in a -cave and was covered with snow-white hair and beard (cf. the bearded -Skræling), whom Brandan met on an island a little while before he came to -the Terra Repromissionis (cf. the circumstance that Markland lay a little -to the north of Wineland). The myth of Hvítramanna-land is derived from -Ireland, and has of course nothing to do with the Skræling boys. Storm, it -is true, thought they might have told of a great country (Canada or New -Brunswick) with inhabitants in the west, which later became the Irish -mythical land; but this too is not very credible. The names they gave are -obviously not to be relied on: they may be later inventions, from which no -conclusion at all can be drawn as to the language of the Skrælings, as has -been attempted by earlier inquirers.[16] The two kings' names, -"Avalldamon" and "Avalldidida" (or "Valldidida"), which are attributed to -them, may be supposed to be connected with "Ívaldr" or "Ívaldi." He was of -elfin race, was the father of Idun, who guarded the apples of -rejuvenation, and his sons, "Ívalda synir," were the elves who made the -hair for Sif, the spear Gungner for Odin, and Skiðblaðnir for Frey. In -Bede he is called "Hewald," and in the Anglo-Saxon translation -"Heávold."[17] The name "Vætilldi" (nom. "Vætilldr" ?) of the mother of -the Skræling boys recalls Norse names; it might be a combination of "vætr" -or "vættr" (gnome, sprite, cf. modern Norwegian "vætt," a female sprite) -and "-hildr" (acc., dat. "-hildi"); the word is also written in some MSS. -"Vætthildi," "Vetthildi," "Vethildi," "Veinhildi." - -[Sidenote: The maggot-sea] - -The last tale of Bjarne Grimolfsson who got into the maggot-sea -("maðk-sjár") bears a stamp of travellers' tales as marked as those of the -Liver-sea. But even this feature seems to have prototypes in the Irish -legends; it resembles the incident in the tale of the voyage of the three -sons of Ua Corra (twelfth century ?), where the sea-monsters gnaw away the -second hide from under the boat (which originally had three hides) [cf. -Zimmer, 1889, pp. 193, 199]. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: The saga narrative a mosaic] - -It will therefore be seen that the whole narrative of the Wineland -voyages is a mosaic of one feature after another gathered from east and -west. Is there, then, anything left that may be genuine? To this it may be -answered that even if the romance of the voyages be for the most part -invented--to some extent perhaps from ancient lays--the chief persons -themselves may be more or less historical. It is nevertheless curious that -it should be reserved to father and son first to discover and settle -Greenland, and then accidentally to discover Wineland. That to Leif, the -young leader, should further be attributed the introduction of -Christianity, and that he should thus represent the new faith in -opposition to his father, the old leader, who represented heathendom, may -also seem a remarkable coincidence, but it may find an explanation in the -probability of a new faith being introduced by men of influence, and just -as in Norway it was done by kings, so in Greenland it was naturally the -work of the future chief of the free state. Although it is strange that -such a circumstance should not be mentioned when Leif's name occurs in the -oldest authorities ("Landnáma"), this may thus appear probable. On the -other hand, no such explanation can be found for the circumstance that he -of all others should accidentally discover America. It would be somewhat -different if, as in the "Grönlendinga-þáttr," Leif had of set purpose gone -out to find new land, like his father. It is also curious that in the saga -we hear no more either of Leif or his ship on the new voyages, after his -accidental discovery, while it is another, Karlsevne, who becomes the -hero. It looks as though the tale of Leif had been inserted without proper -connection. In the "Grönlendinga-þáttr," too, this discovery is attributed -to another man, Bjarne Herjolfsson, which shows that the tradition about -Leif was not firmly rooted. It may be supposed that there was a tradition -in Iceland of the discovery of new land to the south-west of Greenland, -and this became connected with the legends of the fortunate "Wineland the -Good." Popular belief then searched for a name with which to connect the -discovery, and as it could not take that of the discoverer of Greenland -itself, the aged Eric who was established at Brattalid, it occurred to -many to take that of his son; whilst others chose another. It is doubtless -not impossible that Leif was the man; but what is suggested above, coupled -with so much else that is legendary in connection with the voyages of him -and the others, does not strengthen the probability of it. - -But however this may be, it may in any case be regarded as certain that -the Greenlanders discovered the American continent, even though we are -without any means of determining how far south they may have penetrated. -The statements as to the length of the shortest day in Wineland, which are -given in the Flateyjarbók's "Grönlendinga-þáttr," are scarcely to be more -depended upon than other statements in this romantic tale. - -[Sidenote: Features that appear genuine] - -Incidents such as the bartering for skins with the Wineland Skrælings, and -the combat with unfortunate results, seem to refer to something that -actually took place; they cannot easily be explained from the legends of -the Fortunate Isles, nor can representations of fighting in which the -Norsemen were worsted be derived from Greenland. They must rather be due -to encounters with Indians; for it is incredible that the Greenlanders or -Icelanders should have described in this way fights with the unwarlike -Eskimo, or at all events with the Greenland Eskimo, who, even if they had -been of a warlike disposition, cannot have had any practice in the art of -war. This in itself shows that the Greenlanders must have reached America, -and come in contact with the natives there. - -The very mention of the countries to the south-west: first the treeless -and rocky Helluland (Labrador ?), then the wooded Markland (Newfoundland -?) farther south, and then the fertile Wineland south of that, may also -point to local knowledge. It must be admitted that this could be explained -away as having been put together from the general experience that -countries in the north are treeless, but become more fertile as one -proceeds southward; but the names Helluland and especially Markland have -in themselves an appearance of genuineness, as also has Kjalarnes. The -different saga-writers, in the Saga of Eric the Red and in the -Flateyjarbók's "Grönlendinga-þáttr," give different explanations of the -reason for the name of Kjalarnes, which shows that the name is an old one -and that the explanations have been invented later (cf. vol. i. p. 324). A -point which agrees remarkably well with the trend of the Labrador coast -and may point to a certain knowledge of it, is that Karlsevne steers well -to the south-east from Helluland; but this may possibly be connected with -the idea mentioned later in the saga, that Wineland became broader towards -the south, and the coast turned eastwards, which was evidently due to the -assumption that it was connected with Africa (cf. vol i. p. 326). - -[Illustration: Felling trees. Marginal decoration of the Jónsbók -(fifteenth century)] - -The oldest and most original part of Eric's Saga, as of most other sagas, -is probably the lays. Of special interest are the lays attributed to -Thorhall the Hunter; they give an impression of genuineness and do not -harmonise well with the prose text, which was evidently composed much -later. One of the lays, which describes the poet's disappointment at not -getting wine to drink in the new country instead of water, shows that a -notion was current that wine was abundant there, and this notion must have -come from the myth of the Fortunate Land or Wineland; for, if we confine -ourselves to this one saga, the notion cannot have been derived from the -single earlier voyage thither that is there mentioned--namely, Leif's: -during his short visit he cannot possibly have had time to make wine, even -if he had known how to do so. The lay seems therefore to show that men had -really reached a country which was taken to be the "Wineland," or -Fortunate Isles, of legend, but which turned out not to answer to the -ideas which had been formed of it. The second lay attributed to Thorhall -(see vol. i. p. 326) may also point to the country they had arrived at not -being so excessively rich, for they had to cook whales' flesh on -Furðustrandir (and consequently were obliged to support themselves by -whaling). This gives us an altogether more sober picture than the prose -version of the saga; the latter, moreover, says nothing of whales except -the one that made them ill and was thrown out. - -[Sidenote: Surest historical evidence] - -The surest historical evidence that voyages were made to America from -Greenland is the chance statement, referred to later, in the Icelandic -Annals: that in 1347 a ship from Greenland bound for Markland was driven -by storms to Iceland. This reveals the fact that, occasionally at any -rate, this voyage was made; and if the sagas about the Wineland voyages -must be regarded as romances, or as a kind of legendary poetry--which -therefore made no attempt whatever to give a historical exposition of the -communication with the countries to the south-west--then many more voyages -may have been made thither than the sagas had use for. A prominent feature -of the different tales is that of the Greenlanders bringing timber from -thence; this appears already in the story of Leif's discovery of the -country--he found various kinds of trees and "mosurr," and brought them -home with him--and still more in the tales of the Flateyjarbók, where on -each voyage it is expressly stated that they felled timber to load their -ships, as though that were their chief object. In the Icelandic geography -mentioned on p. 1, there is an addition, probably of late date: - - "... It is said that Thorfinn Karlsevne felled wood [in Markland ?] - for a 'húsa-snotra,' and then went on to seek for Wineland the Good, - and arrived where this land was thought to be, but was not able to - explore it, and did not settle there ..."[19] - -In the Flateyjarbók's "Grönlendinga-þáttr" it is stated that Karlsevne, in -Wineland, cut down timber to load his ship, and that he had a -"húsa-snotra" of "masur" from Wineland. Both accounts show how highly -timber was prized in Greenland and Iceland. It is likely enough that this -was so, since they had no timber in Greenland but driftwood, dwarf birch -and osiers. But in order to find timber the Greenlanders need have gone no -farther south than Markland (Newfoundland ?); and this name (perhaps also -Helluland) may therefore have the surest historical foundation. - -[Sidenote: Are Frode's evidence] - -If Adam of Bremen (circa 1070) mentions no more than Wineland, this is -doubtless because he has only heard of that legendary country; the belief -in its existence may already have been confirmed in his time by the -discovery of new lands. More remarkable is the statement of the sober Are -Frode (circa 1130) as to the Skrælings who "inhabited Wineland" ("Vínland -hefer bygt"). This looks as if Wineland was familiar to him; it may be the -mythical name that has passed into a common designation for the countries -discovered in the south-west (cf. vol. i. pp. 368, 384). But there is also -a possibility that only the mythical country is in question, and that, as -suggested above (vol. i. p. 368; vol. ii. p. 16), its inhabitants are -merely the Skrælings of myths, since this mythical land and its -inhabitants were the best known and most talked of. If this be so, it does -not exclude the possibility of Are's having heard of other, less well -known, but actually discovered countries in the south-west, which he does -not mention. To make use of a parallel, let us suppose that Utröst with -its fairy people was better known in Nordland than the islands to the -north with their semi-mythical Lapps. If then we had read of a discovery -of Finmark that traces had been found there of the same kind of folk -("þjóð") who inhabit Utröst, then we should no more be able from this to -conclude that Utröst was a real land than that Vesterålen and Senjen, for -instance, had not been discovered. It must be remembered that it does not -appear with certainty from Are's words where he got his Wineland from (cf. -vol. i. p. 367). - -Another document of a wholly different nature, wherein possibly the name -of Wineland is mentioned, has been found--namely, the runic stone of -Hönen. - -[Sidenote: Runic stone from Hönen] - -On the estate of Hönen, in Ringerike, there was found at the beginning of -last century a runic stone, which was still from to be seen there in 1823, -when the inscription was copied. Afterwards the stone disappeared.[20] The -drawing made in 1823 is now only known from a somewhat indistinct copy; -but from this Sophus Bugge [1902] has attempted to make out the runic -inscription, and he reads it thus: - - "Ut ok vítt ok þurfa - þerru ok áts - Vínlandi á ísa - í úbygð at kómu; - auð má illt vega, - [at] döyi ár." - -[Illustration: The existing drawing of the runic stone from Hönen, -Ringerike (S. Bugge, 1902)] - -In prose this verse may, according to Bugge, be rendered somewhat as -follows: - - "They came out [into the ocean] and over wide expanses ('vîtt'), and - needing ('þurfa') cloth to dry themselves on ('þerru') and food - ('áts'), away towards Wineland, up into the ice in the uninhabited - country. Evil can take away luck, so that one dies early." - -Bugge regards this reading of this somewhat difficult inscription as -doubtful; but if it is correct, this verse may be part of an inscription -cut upon one or more stones in memory of a young man (or perhaps several) -from Ringerike, who took part in an expedition by sea. According to his -explanation, they were then driven far out into the ocean in the direction -of Wineland, and were lost, perhaps in the ice on the east coast of -Greenland (which in the sagas is generally called the uninhabited country, -"ubygð"); they abandoned their ship and had to take to the drift-ice. He -(or they) to whom the inscription refers thereby met his death at an early -age, while at any rate some one must have made his way back and brought -the tale of the voyage. Probably there was a commencement of the -inscription, now lost, giving the name of the young man, who must -certainly have been of good birth; for otherwise, as Bugge points out, a -memorial with an inscription in verse would hardly have been raised to -him. He or his family belonged to Ringerike, and to the neighbourhood in -which the stone was put up. - -The form of the runes makes it probable, according to Bugge, that the -inscription dates from the eleventh century, and perhaps from the period -between 1000 and 1050; scarcely before that, though it may be later. The -inscription would thus acquire a value as possibly the earliest document -in which Wineland is mentioned. What kind of expedition the inscription -records we cannot tell; there is nothing to show that it was a real -Wineland voyage; the words seem rather to point to their having been -driven against their will out to sea in the direction of "Wineland," -whether we are to regard this as the Wineland of myth or as a historical -country; it might well be used figuratively in an epitaph to describe more -graphically how far they went from the beaten track. It may equally well -have been on a voyage to Ireland, the Faroes, Iceland, or merely to the -north of Norway that the disaster occurred, and they were driven by -storms to the Greenland ice; but since it cannot be denied that, as the -verse has been translated, the expressions appear somewhat unnatural, it -is difficult to form any opinion as to this.[21] - -If this runic inscription from Ringerike has been correctly copied and -interpreted--which, as has been said, is uncertain--then this and Adam of -Bremen's information from Denmark would show that Wineland was known and -discussed in various parts of the North in the eleventh century, long -before Icelandic literature began to be put into writing. But strangely -enough, in the Norwegian thirteenth-century work, "Historia Norwegiæ," no -mention is made of Wineland, although in other respects the author has -made extensive use of Adam of Bremen's work; he merely states that -Greenland approaches the African Islands, by which, as pointed out above -(p. 1), he shows clearly enough that Wineland was regarded as belonging to -the African Islands, or Insulæ Fortunatæ. The "King's Mirror,"[22] which -gives a detailed description of Greenland, does not mention Wineland, -although the author evidently held the view that Greenland approached the -universal continent (i.e., Africa) on the south. The knowledge of it must -soon have been forgotten in Norway, or it was regarded as a mythical -country, while the tradition persisted longer in Iceland. - -[Sidenote: Bishop Eric seeks Wineland] - -The last time we meet with the name of Wineland in connection with a -voyage is in the "Islandske Annaler,"[23] where it is related in the year -1121 that "Eirikr, bishop of Greenland [also called Eirikr Upsi], went out -to seek (leita) Wineland." But we are not told anything more of this -expedition. The use of "leita" shows that Wineland was not a known -country, it can only apply to lands about which legends or reports are -current; just in the same way Gardar in the Sturlubók "went to seek ('fór -at leita') Snælandz" on the advice of his mother, who had second sight -(vol. i. p. 255), or Ravna-Floki "fór at leita Gardarshólms" (vol. i. p. -257), and Eric the Red "ætlaði at leita lands þess" which Gunnbjörn had -seen, etc. (vol. i. p. 267). As soon as the way was known, it was no -longer necessary to "leita" countries. If the voyage is historical, it may -have been to seek for the mythical country, the happy Wineland that Bishop -Eric set out, as St. Brandan in the legend sought for the Promised Land, -and as, 359 years later, the city of Bristol actually sent men out to look -for the happy isle of Brazil; but as the coast of America seems to have -been known, it may apply to a country there, of which reports had come, -and to which the name of the mythical country had been transferred. As -Eric is called a bishop, it has been thought that this was a missionary -voyage, which met with disaster [cf. Y. Nielsen, 1905, p. 8]; but who was -there to be converted in an unknown land, for which one had first to -"seek"? It would have to be the unknown Skrælings; but is this really -likely, when we hear of no mission to the Skrælings of Greenland? There -must have been enough of the latter to convert for the time being, if it -had been thought worth the trouble. Nor do we know much more about this -Eric Upsi.[24] Probably he was the same man who is called in the -Landnámabók "Eirikr Gnupssonr Grönlendinga-byskup." It is possible that -the see of Greenland was founded as early as 1110,[25] and that Eric was -the first bishop of Greenland, and went out there in 1112,[26] but he -cannot have been solemnly consecrated at Lund, like later bishops after -1124. It is possible that Eric was lost, for we hear no more of him, and -in 1122 and 1123 the Greenlanders made efforts to obtain a new bishop, who -was consecrated at Lund in 1124; but it is curious that nothing is then -said about any earlier bishop; moreover, the entry in the annals about -Eric dates at the earliest from the thirteenth century. - - Some years ago it was asserted that a stone with a runic inscription - had been found in Minnesota, the so-called Kensington stone. On this - is narrated a journey of eight Swedes and twenty-two Norwegians from - Wineland as far as the country west of the Great Lakes. But by its - runes and its linguistic form this inscription betrays itself clearly - enough as a modern forgery, which has no interest for us here [cf. H. - Gjessing, 1909; K. Hoegh, 1909; H. R. Roland, 1909; O. J. Breda, - 1910]. - -[Sidenote: Wineland in mediæval literature] - -The name of Wineland occurs extremely rarely in mediæval literature and on -maps outside Iceland, and as a rule it is confused with Finland, as -already mentioned (vol. i. p. 198), or again with Vindland (Vendland). -Ordericus Vitalis (1141) gives "The Orkneys and Finland, together with -Iceland and Greenland" as islands under the king of Norway.[27] As the -passage seems to be connected with Adam of Bremen, who also erroneously -mentions these islands and Wineland as subject to the Norwegians (see vol. -i. p. 192), this Finland may be Wineland. It was pointed out in vol i. p. -198, that the Latin "vinum" was translated into Irish as "fín." Ordericus -(1075-1143), who lived in England until his tenth year, and wrote in an -abbey in Normandy, may well have had communication with Irishmen. In -Ranulph Higden's "Polychronicon" (circa 1350) the following are described -as islands in the outer ocean (surrounding the disc of the earth): first -the "Insulæ Fortunatæ" (see vol i. p. 346), immediately afterwards "Dacia" -(== Denmark), and to the _west_ of this island "Wyntlandia," besides -"Islandia," which has Norway to the south and the Polar Sea to the north, -"Tile" (Thule) the extreme island on the north-west, and "Noruegia" -(Norway). As this "Wyntlandia," which in the various editions of Higden's -map is called Witland, Wintlandia, Wineland, etc., is placed out in the -ocean on the west, it is possibly connected with the old Wineland which -was an oceanic island; but as it is mentioned together with Dacia, it may -also be confused with Vindland (Vendland),[28] and the circumstance that -the inhabitants are supposed to have sold winds to sailors who came to -them may have contributed to this. This may be connected with what Mela -[iii. 6] says about the island of Sena in the British Sea, off Brittany -(see vol. i. p. 29), where the nine priestesses of the oracle of the -Gaulish deity - - "set seas and winds in motion through their incantations, change - themselves into what animal they please, cure sickness ... know the - future and foretell it, but they only assist those sailors who come to - ask counsel of them." - -But the wind-selling wizards of the Polychronicon have also evidently been -confused with the Finns (Lapps) of Finmark, whom Adam of Bremen had -already described as particularly skilled in magic. The Polychronicon is a -free revision of an earlier English work, the "Geographia Universalis," of -the thirteenth century. In this "Winlandia" (or "Wynlandia") and its -inhabitants, who sell winds, are described at greater length; it is there -placed on the continent on the sea-coast and borders on the mountains of -Norway on the east.[29] It is therefore Finland, or perhaps rather the -country of the Lapp wizards, Finmark. Thus through similarity of sound -three countries may have been confused in the Polychronicon: Wineland, -Vindland, and Finland (Finmark). Evidently the "Vinland" to be found on -the continent in the map of the world in the "Rudimentum Novitiorum" of -Lübeck (1475) refers to Finland, and likewise the "Vinlandia" mentioned in -a Lübeck MS. of 1486-1488, which is an extensive island reaching as far as -Livonia.[30] Whether we regard Wineland as merely a mythical country, or -as a country actually discovered to which the name of the mythical land -was transferred, this limited dissemination of it in literature and on -maps is striking. It shows that knowledge of the myth, or of the country -with the mythical name, belonged to older times, was not very widely -spread outside the Scandinavian countries and Ireland, and was afterwards -forgotten, in spite of the frequent communication that existed between the -intellectual world of the North and that of the South [cf. Jos. Fischer, -1902, pp. 106, ff.]. - -[Sidenote: Wineland in Faroese lays] - -While probably the name of Hvítramanna-land is still preserved in the -fairy-tale of Hvittenland, it is possibly the name of Wineland that has -been preserved in that "Vinland" which is mentioned in the Faroese lay of -"Finnur hinn Fríði";[31] but if so, it is the only known instance of its -occurrence in popular poetry. The Norwegian jarl's son, Finnur hinn Fríði -(Finn the Fair), courts Ingebjörg, the daughter of an Irish king; she is -beautiful as the sun, and the colour of her maiden cheeks is like blood -dropped upon snow.[32] She makes answer: "Hadst thou slain the Wine-kings, -then shouldst thou wed me." To Wineland is a far voyage, with currents and -mighty billows. But Finn begs his brother, Halfdan, to go with him over -the Wineland sea. They hoist their silken sail, and never lower it till -they arrive at Wineland. There they found the three Wine-kings. Thorstein, -the first, came on a black horse, but Finn tore him off at the navel; the -second, Ivint, also came on a black horse. But the third transformed -himself into a flying dragon; arrows flew from each of his feathers, and -he killed many of their men. The worst was that he shot venom from his -mouth under Finn's coat of mail, who, though he could not be killed by -arms, had to die. He then drew a golden ring from his arm and sent it by -Halfdan to Ingebjörg, bidding her live happily. But Halfdan sprang into -the air, seized the third Wine-king, and tore him off at the navel. -Halfdan sailed back to Ireland, brought Ingebjörg these tidings and the -ring, and slept three nights with her, but on the fourth she dies of -grief, since she can love no chieftain after Finn. Halfdan had a castle -built for himself and passed his years in Ireland, but all his days he -mourned for his brother. Although the whole of this legend seems to have -no connection with what we know about Wineland, it is most probable that -it is the same name, but that--like the tale itself of the Irish king's -daughter whose cheek was as blood upon snow--it came from Ireland. The -name may thus be a last echo of the Irish mythical ideas from which the -Wineland of the Icelanders arose. - -[Illustration: Map by the Icelander Jón Gudmundsson, born 1574 (Torfæus, -1706)] - -[Sidenote: Helluland in legend] - -Curiously enough Helluland is the only one of the names of the western -lands that has been widely adopted in Icelandic fairy-tales and legendary -sagas. It has to some extent become a complete fairyland, with trolls and -giants, and it is located in various places, usually far north, even to -the north of Greenland, and sometimes on its north-east coast. In this -fairyland was the fjord "Skuggi" (shadow); it is mentioned in Örvarodds -Saga (circa 1300), where the hero departs to seek his enemy, the wizard -Ogmund, in Helluland, and again in Bárðarsaga Snæfellsáss (fifteenth -century), in the "Þáttr" of Gunnari Keldugnúpsfífl, in the Hálfdanarsaga -Brönufóstra, in the Saga of Hálfdani Eysteinssyni, and in Gest Bárdsson's -Saga.[33] - -In the geography which under the name of "Gripla" was included in Björn -Jónsson's "Grönland's Annaler," it is said of the countries opposite -Greenland: - - "Furðustrandir is the name of a land, where is severe frost, so that - it is not habitable, so far as people know; south of it is Helluland, - which is called Skrælingja-land; thence it is a short distance to - Wineland the Good, which some people think goes out from Africa...." - -With this may be compared another MS. of the seventeenth century, where we -read: - - "West of the great ocean from Spain, which some call Ginnungagap, and - which goes between lands, there is first towards the north Wineland - the Good, next to it is called Markland farther north, thereafter are - the wastes [i.e., the wastes of Helluland] where Skrælings live, then - there are still more wastes to Greenland." [Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., - iii. pp. 224, 227.] - -From this it looks as if Helluland was regarded as inhabited by Skrælings, -which agrees with the reality, if it is Labrador. But these MSS. belong -to the seventeenth century, and may be influenced by the geographical -knowledge of later times. In Gripla there is evident confusion, as -Furðustrandir has been confounded with Helluland, and the latter with -Markland[34]. - -[Sidenote: Voyage to Markland, 1347] - -No record is found of any voyage to Wineland after 1121; but on the other -hand there is mention more than two hundred years later of the voyage, -referred to above, to Markland from Greenland in 1347. Of this we read in -the Icelandic Annals (Skálholts-Annals) for that year: "Then came also -[i.e., besides ships from Norway already mentioned] a ship from Greenland, -smaller in size than the small vessels that trade to Iceland. It came to -Outer Straumfjord [on the south side of Snæfellsnes]; it was without an -anchor. There were seventeen men on board [in the Flatey-annals there are -eighteen men], and they had sailed to Markland, but afterwards [i.e., on -the homeward voyage to Greenland] were driven hither." - -As the Skálholts-Annals were written not many years after this (perhaps -about 1362), it must be regarded as quite certain that this ship had been -to Markland; but on the homeward voyage, perhaps while she lay at anchor, -was overtaken by a storm, so that the cable had to be cut, and was driven -out to sea past Cape Farewell right across to the west coast of Iceland. -It is not likely that they sailed so far as Markland simply to fish, which -they might have done off Greenland; the object was rather to fetch timber -or wood for fashioning implements, which was valuable in treeless -Greenland; the driftwood which came on the East Greenland current did not -go very far. It is true that they could not carry much timber on their -small vessel; but they had to make the best of the craft they possessed, -and they could always carry a sufficient supply of the more valuable woods -for the manufacture of tools, weapons and appliances. They must for -instance have had great difficulty in obtaining wood for making bows; -driftwood was of little use for this. - -But if this voyage took place in 1347, and we only hear of it through the -accident of the vessel getting out of her course and being driven to -Iceland, we may be sure that there were many more like it; only that these -were not the expeditions of men of rank, which attracted attention, but -everyday voyages for the support of life, like the sealing expeditions to -Nordrsetur, and when nothing particular happened to these vessels, such as -being driven to Iceland, we hear nothing about them. We must therefore -suppose that, even if they had to give up the idea of forming settlements -in the west, the Greenlanders occasionally visited Markland (Newfoundland -or the southernmost part of Labrador ?), perhaps chiefly to obtain wood of -different kinds. - -In the so-called Greenland Annals, put together from old sources by Björn -Jónsson of Skardsá (beginning of the seventeenth century), it is said of -the districts on the west coast of Greenland, to the north of the Western -Settlement, that they "take up trees and all the drift that comes from the -bays of Markland" (cf. vol i. p. 299). This shows that it was customary to -regard Markland as the region from which wood was to be obtained. The name -itself (== woodland) may have contributed to this view; but the fact that -it survived long after all mention of Wineland had ceased may probably be -due to communication with the country having been kept up in later times, -and to this name being the really historical one on the coast of America. - -According to the Icelandic Annals the voyagers from Markland who came to -Iceland in 1347, proceeded in the following year (1348) to Norway. This -was no doubt with the idea of getting back to Greenland, as there was no -sailing to that country from Iceland, and they would not trust their -vessel on another ocean voyage. But in Norway, where they arrived at -Bergen, they had a long while to wait. "Knarren," the royal trading ship, -seems to have been the only vessel that kept up communication with -Greenland at that time. We know that "Knarren" returned to Bergen in 1346, -and did not sail again until 1355. From a royal letter of 1354, which has -been preserved, it appears that extraordinary preparations were made for -the fitting-out and manning of this expedition, to prevent Christianity in -Greenland from "falling away." Perhaps the presence in Norway of these -Markland voyagers from Greenland had something to do with the awakening of -interest in that distant country, and perhaps it is not altogether -impossible that the intention was not only to secure and strengthen the -possessions in Greenland, but also to explore the fertile countries -farther west. It cannot be remarked, however, that it brought about any -change in the fading knowledge of these valuable regions, and we hear no -more of them until their rediscovery at the close of the fifteenth -century. - -[Sidenote: Norse ball-game in America] - -Ebbe Hertzberg, Keeper of the Public Records of Norway, has shown [1904, -pp. 210, ff.] that there is a remarkable and interesting similarity -between the game of lacrosse, which is played by the Indians of the -north-east of North America, and the ancient Norse game, "knattleikr" -(i.e., ball-game), so far as we know it from the sagas. It was greatly in -favour in Iceland. If Hertzberg is right in his supposition that the -Indians may have got this game from the Norsemen, this would lend strong -support to the view that the latter had considerable intercourse with -America and its natives. - - According to Hertzberg's acute interpretation of the accounts of - "knattleikr" in the various sagas, it was played on a large level - piece of ground ("leikvollr," i.e., playing-ground), or on the ice, - usually by many players. These were divided into two sides, in such a - way that those most nearly equal in strength on each side were paired - as opponents and stood near to each other, and the two teams were thus - spread in pairs over the whole ground. Each player had a club with - which he either struck or caught and "carried" the ball. The club had - a hollow or a net in which the ball could be caught and lie. When the - ball was set going, the game was for the one who was nearest to seize - or catch it, preferably with his club, and to run off with it and try - to "carry it out," i.e., past a goal or mark; but in this his - particular opponent tried to hinder him with all his strength and - agility. The other players might not interfere directly in the - struggle of the two opponents for the ball. If the one who had the - ball was so hard pressed by his opponent that he had to give it up, he - tried to throw it to one of his own side, who then again had to reckon - with his own opponent in his attempt to "carry it out." This game was - much played by the Icelanders; it was apt to be rough, and men were - often disabled, or even killed, by their opponents. - -[Illustration:The game of Lacrosse among the Menomini Indians (after W. J. -Hoffmann, 1896). On the left, a "crosse," about a yard long] - - Hertzberg shows how the Canadian Indians' game of lacrosse, which has - become the national game of Canada, completely resembles in all - essentials this peculiar Norse ball-game from Iceland. The game of - lacrosse is, as Professor Y. Nielsen has pointed out [1905], more - widely diffused among the Indian tribes of North America than - Hertzberg was aware. Dr. William James Hoffman[35] has described it - among the Menomini Indians in Wisconsin, the Ojibwa tribe in northern - Minnesota, the Dakota Indians on the upper Missouri, and among the - Chactas, Chickasaws and kindred tribes farther south. Hoffmann also - mentions that opponents are picked and that the game is played in - pairs [1896, i. p. 132]. Among the Ojibwas, he says, the player who is - carrying the ball is often placed hors de combat by a blow on the arm - or leg; serious injuries only occur when the stakes are high, or when - there is enmity between some of the players. Among the more southern - tribes, on the other hand, the game is much more violent, the crosse - is longer, made of hickory, and it is often sought to disable the - runner. This, then, is even more like the Icelandic game. - -Hoffmann thinks that the game is undoubtedly derived from one of the -eastern Algonkin tribes, possibly in the valley of the St. Lawrence. -Thence it reached the Huron Iroquois, and later it spread farther south to -the Cherokees, etc. In a similar way it was carried westwards and adopted -by many tribes. This then points to its having originated in just those -districts where one would have expected it to come from, if it was brought -by the Norsemen, as Hertzberg thinks. That the game is so widely diffused -in America and has become so much a part of the Indians' life, even of -their religious life, shows that it is very ancient there, and this too -supports Hertzberg's assumption that it is derived from the Norsemen. It -is true that Eug. Beauvois[36] has pointed out the possibility of the game -having been introduced into Canada by people from Normandy after the -sixteenth century; but before such an objection could carry weight, it -would have to be made probable that the characteristic Norse game was -really played in Normandy; but this is not known. In support of -Hertzberg's view it may also be adduced--a point that he himself has not -noticed--that the Icelanders appear to have introduced the same ball-game -to another American people with whom they came in touch, namely, the -Eskimo of Greenland. Hans Egede [1741, p. 93] says: - - "Playing ball is their most usual game, especially by moonlight, and - they have two ways of playing: When they have divided themselves into - two sides, one throws the ball to another who is on his own side. - Those of the other side must endeavour to get the ball from them, and - thus it goes on alternately among them...." (The other way of playing - mentioned by Egede is more like football.) - -[Illustration: Game of ball among the Eskimo of Greenland (Hans Egede, -1741)] - -This description, together with Egede's drawing, from which it appears, -amongst other things, that the opponents are arranged in pairs, seems to -show that the Eskimo game was very like the Icelanders' "knattleikr" and -the Indians' "lacrosse"; but with the difference that according to Egede's -account the Eskimo did not use any club or crosse; moreover, from Egede's -drawing it looks as if both men and women took part, as with certain -Indian tribes. That there is a connection here appears natural. The most -probable explanation may be that the Eskimo as well as the Indians got -this ball-game from the Norsemen. That the Eskimo should have learnt it -from the whalers after the rediscovery of Greenland in the sixteenth -century is unlikely, as also that it should have come to the Indians from -the Eskimo round the north of Baffin Bay and through Baffin Land and -Labrador; nor is it any more likely that the Icelanders should have learnt -it of the Eskimo in Greenland, who again had it from America. - -[Sidenote: Difficulties in the way of colonisation] - -It is in itself a strange thing that the discovery of a country like North -America, with conditions so much more favourable than Greenland and -Iceland, should not have led to a permanent settlement. But there are -many, and in my judgment sufficient, reasons which explain this. We must -remember that such an outpost of civilisation as Greenland offered poor -opportunities for the equipment of such settlements; the settlers would -have to be prepared for continual conflicts with the Indians, who with -their warlike capacity and their numbers might easily be more than a -match for a handful of Greenlanders, even though the latter had some -advantage in their weapons of iron--and of these too the Greenlanders -never had a very good supply, as appears from several narratives. There -would also be need of ships, which were costly and difficult to procure in -Greenland; the few that were there certainly had enough to do, and could -hardly manage more than an occasional trip to Markland for timber. -Moreover, as the Greenland settlements themselves and their oversea -communications declined after the close of the thirteenth century, so also -of course did their communication with America decrease, until it finally -ceased altogether. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Hvítramanna-land] - -It would thus appear, from all that has been put forward in this chapter, -that Wineland the Good was originally a mythical country, closely -connected with the happy lands of Irish myths and legends--which had their -first source in the Greek Elysium and Isles of the Blest, in Oriental -sailors' myths, and an admixture of Biblical conceptions. The description -of the country has acquired important features from Isidore's account of -the Insulæ Fortunatæ and from older classical literature. This mythical -country is to be compared with "Hvítramanna-land" (the white men's land), -"which some call Ireland the Great ('Irland hit Mikla')." Of this the -Landnáma tells us (cf. vol i. p. 353) that it lay near Wineland, in the -west of the ocean, six "doegr's" sail west of Ireland (according to the -Eyrbyggja Saga it lay to the south-west); the Icelandic chief Are Mársson -was driven there by storms, was not allowed to depart, but was baptized -there and held in great esteem. Furthermore, the same land is mentioned in -the Saga of Eric the Red as lying opposite Markland (cf. vol. i. p. 330). -Finally, in the Eyrbyggja Saga there is a tale of a voyage (see later) -which evidently had the same country as its object, though it is not -mentioned by name. Since Thorkel Gellisson is given as the authority for -the story in the Landnáma, the legend may have reached Iceland about the -close of the eleventh century. - -[Sidenote: Origin of the name] - -This Irish land may also be derived from an adaptation of the ancients' -myth of the western Isles of the Blest,[37] and it evidently corresponds -to one of the mythical countries of the Christianised Irish legends. It -bears great resemblance in particular to "the Island of Strong Men" -("Insula Virorum Fortium") in the Navigatio Brandani, which is also called -there "the Isle of Anchorites" [Schröder, 1871, pp. 24, 17]. Three -generations dwelt there: the first generation, the children, had clothes -white as driven snow, the second of the colour of hyacinth, and the third -of Dalmatian purple. The name itself, which in Old Norse would become -"Starkramanna-land," shows much similarity of formation; besides which it -is the Isle of Anchorites that is in question, and one of the three -generations wears white garments; we are thus not far from the formation -of a name "Hvítramanna-land." There is yet another point of agreement, in -that, just as Are Mársson was not allowed to leave Hvítramanna-land, so -one of Brandan's companions had to stay behind on the Isle of Anchorites. -It may also be supposed that the name of the White Men's Land is connected -with the White Christ and with the white garments of the baptized; the -circumstance of Are Mársson being baptized there points in the same -direction.[38] But to this it may be added that various myths and legends -show it to have been a common idea among the Irish that aged hermits and -holy men were white. The old man who welcomes Brendan to the promised land -in the "Imram Brenaind" [cf. Zimmer, 1889, p. 139; Schirmer, 1888, p. 34] -has no clothes, but his body is covered with dazzling white feathers, like -a dove or a gull, and angelic is the speech of his lips. In the Latin -account of Brandan's life ("Vita sancti Brandani") the man is called -Paulus, he is again without clothes, but his body is covered with white -hair,[39] and in both tales the man came from Ireland [cf. Schirmer, 1888, -p. 40]. The cave-dweller Paulus on an island in the Navigatio Brandani -[Schröder, 1871, p. 32] is without clothes, but wholly covered by the hair -of his head, his beard and other hair down to the feet, and they were -white as snow on account of his great age. It is evident that the -whiteness is often attributed, as in the last instance, to age; but it is -also the heavenly colour, and the white clothing of hair (or feathers) -may also have some connection with the white lamb in the Revelation. In -the tale of Maelduin's voyage, which is older than those of Brandan's, -Maelduin meets in two places, on a sheep-island and on a rock in the sea, -with hermits wholly covered with the white hair of their bodies--they too -were both Irish--and on two other islands, the soil of one of which was as -white as a feather, he meets with men whose only clothing was the hair of -their bodies[40] [cf. Zimmer, 1889, pp. 162, 163, 169, 172, 178]. In the -Navigatio Brandan also meets on the island of Alibius an aged man with -hair of the colour of snow and with shining countenance. (Cf. Christ -revealing himself among the seven candlesticks to John on the isle of -Patmos: "His head and his hairs were white like wool, as white as snow; -and his eyes were as a flame of fire" [Rev. i. 14].) - - Among the Irish the white colour again forms a conspicuous feature in - the description of persons, especially supernatural beings, in ancient - non-Christian legends and myths. The name of their national hero Finn - means white. To Finn Mac Cumaill there comes in the legend a king's - daughter of unearthly size and beauty, "Bebend" (the white woman), - from the Land of Virgins ("Tír na-n-Ingen") in the west of the sea, - and she has marvellously beautiful white hair [cf. Zimmer, 1889, p. - 269]. The corresponding maiden of the sea-people, in the "Imram - Brenaind," whom Brandan finds, is also whiter than snow or sea-spray - (see vol. i. p. 363). The physician Libra at the court of Manannán, - king of the Promised Land, has three daughters with white hair. When - Midir, the king of the síd (fairies), is trying to entice away Etáin, - queen of the high-king of Ireland, he says: "Oh, white woman, wilt - thou go with me to the land of marvels?... thy body has the white - colour of snow to the very top," etc. etc.[41] [cf. Zimmer, 1889, pp. - 273, 279]. A corresponding idea to that of the Irish síd-people, - especially the women, being white, is perhaps that of the Norse elves - being thought light (cf. "lysalver," light-elves), or even white. The - elf-maiden in Sweden is slender as a lily and white as snow, and elves - in Denmark may also be snow-white (cf. also the fact that elves are - described as white nymphs, "albæ nymphæ"). - -It seems natural that these ideas--of whiteness as specially beautiful, -and mostly applied to the "síd" or elves, to the garments of baptism, and -to holy men and hermits--led to a name which, in conformity with the -Strong Men's Island of the Navigatio, would become the White Men's Land, -for the mythical western land oversea, where Are Mársson was baptized, but -which he could not leave again, and where, according to the Eyrbyggja -Saga, the language resembled Irish. This, then, is precisely the "Isle of -Anchorites." The country may have originated through a contact of ideas -from the religious world and the profane, original conceptions from the -latter having become Christianised. Doubtless the white garments, which -were connected with the other world, and which became the heavenly raiment -of the Christians, have also played a part. In Plato a white-clad woman -(i.e., one from the other world) comes to Socrates in a dream and -announces to him that in three days he is to depart. During the -transfiguration on the mountain Jesus' face "did shine as the sun, and his -raiment was white as the light" [Matt. xvii. 2], or "his raiment became -shining, exceeding white as snow" [Mark ix. 3]. On the basis of this -Christian conception the image of the world beyond the grave has taken the -form of a fair, shining land, as in the immense literature of visions; and -thus too in the Floamanna Saga [Grönl. hist. Mind., ii. p. 103], where -Thorgils's wife Thorey sees in a dream a "fair country with shining white -men" ("menn bjarta"), and Thorgils interprets it to mean "another world" -where "good awaits her" and "holy men would help her." - -There is further a possibility that some of the conceptions attached to -Hvítramanna-land may be connected with ancient Celtic tales which in -antiquity were associated with the Cassiterides (in Celtic Brittany); in -any case there is a remarkable similarity between the mention in Eric the -Red's Saga of men who went about in white clothes, carried poles before -them, and cried aloud (see vol. i. p. 330), and Strabo's description (see -vol. i. p. 27) of the men in the Cassiterides in black cloaks with kirtles -reaching to the feet, who wander about with staves, like the Furies in -tragedy. That Strabo should see a resemblance to the Eumenides (Furies) -and therefore make his men black, while the Northern author has the -Christian ideas and in agreement with the name of Hvítramanna-land gives -them white clothes, need not surprise us. Even if Storm [1887] is correct -in his supposition that the white men's banners, or "poles to which strips -were attached" (see vol. i. p. 330), are connected with ecclesiastical -processions, this may be a later popular modification, just as the white -hermits out in the ocean may be a modification of pre-Christian, or at any -rate non-religious, conceptions in Ireland. - - Reference has been made (p. 32) to the resemblance between the - accounts of the inhabitants of Wyntlandia (== Wineland), who were - versed in magic, and of the Celtic priestesses in the island of Sena - off Brittany. One might be tempted to think that here again there is - some connection or other between these Breton priestesses and, on the - one hand the Irishmen in Hvítramanna-land, on the other the men of the - Cassiterides (near Sena) who were like the Furies. Dionysius - Periegetes [510; cum Eustath. 1] relates that on this island of Sena - women crowned with ivy conducted nocturnal bacchanals, with shrieks - and violent noise (cf. the men in white clothes in Hvítramanna-land, - who carried poles and cried aloud). No male person might set foot on - the island, but the women went over to the men on the mainland, and - returned after having had intercourse with them (cf. vol. i. p. 356). - Exactly the same thing is related by Strabo [iv. 198] of the Samnite - women on a little island in the sea, not far from the mouth of the - Liger (Loire); inspired by Bacchus they honour that god in mysteries - and other unusually holy actions. The druids had their sanctuaries on - islands, and Mona (Anglesey) was their headquarters. Tacitus [Ann. - xiv. 30] tells of their fanatical women who, in white clothes - (grave-clothes), with dishevelled hair and flaming torches, conducted - themselves altogether like Furies on the arrival of the Romans. - -The circumstance of Hvítramanna-land being, according to the Eyrbyggja -Saga, a forbidden land may correspond to that of men being prohibited from -setting foot on the priestesses' island, or again to the way to the -Cassiterides being kept secret and to the precautions taken to prevent -people from reaching them (cf. vol. i. p. 27). Something similar, it may -be added, is told of the rich, fertile island which the Carthaginians -discovered in the west of the ocean, and which, under pain of death, they -forbade others to visit [Aristotle, Mir. Auscult., c. 85; cf. also -Diodorus, v. 20]. That in late classical times there was a confusion -between the Cassiterides and the mythical isles in the west appears -further from Pliny's saying [Hist. Nat., iv. 36] that the Cassiterides -were also called "Fortunatæ," and from Dionysius Periegetes making tin, -the product of the Cassiterides, come from the Hesperides. - -[Sidenote: The name Great-Ireland] - -It was mentioned above (vol. i. p. 357) that the name of the promised -land, "the Land of Marvels," was also called in Irish legend the "Great -Strand" ("Trág Mór"), or the "Great Land" ("Tír Mór"); "two or three times -as large as Ireland" (vol. i. p. 355). It does not seem unlikely that the -Icelanders, hearing from Ireland of this great land, should come to call -it "Irland hit Mikla" (Ireland the Great); and this seems to be a more -natural explanation than Storm's [1887, p. 65] interpretation of the name -as meaning "the Irish colony," like "Magna Græcia" (the Greek colony in -Italy) and "Svíþjód it Mikla" (the Swedish colony in Russia, the name of -which may however have been derived from the name of the latter: "Scythia -Magna"); on the other hand, he gives an obvious parallel in "Great Han," -the mythical land in the Great Ocean beyond China (Han). - -In the Eyrbyggja Saga we read of Björn Asbrandsson, called -Breidvikinge-kjæmpe, and his exploits. He bore illicit love to Snorre -Gode's sister, Thurid of Fróðá, the wife of Thorodd, and had by her an -illegitimate son, Kjartan. Finally he had to leave Iceland on account of -this love; but his ship was not ready till late in the autumn. They put to -sea with a north-east wind, which held for a long time that autumn. -Afterwards the ship was not heard of for many a day. - -[Sidenote: Gudleif's voyage] - - Gudleif Gudlaugsson was the name of a great sailor and merchant; he - owned a large merchant vessel. In the last years of St. Olaf's reign - he was on a trading voyage to Dublin; "when he sailed westward from - thence he was making for Iceland. He sailed to the west of Ireland, - encountered there a strong north-east wind, and was driven far to the - west and south-west in the ocean," until they finally came to a great - land which was unknown to them. They did not know the people there, - "but thought rather that they spoke Irish." Soon many hundred men - collected about them, seized and bound them, and drove them up into - the country. They were brought to an assembly and sentence was to be - pronounced upon them. They understood as much as that some wanted to - kill them, while others wanted to make slaves of them. While this was - going on, a great band of men came on horseback with a banner, and - under it rode a big and stately man of great age, with white hair, - whom they guessed to be the chief, for all bowed before him. He sent - for them; when they came before him he spoke to them in Norse and - asked from what country they came, and when he heard that most of them - were Icelanders, and that Gudleif was from Borgarfjord, he asked after - nearly all the more important men of Borgarfjord and Breidafjord, and - particularly Snorre Gode, and Thurid of Fróðá, his sister, and most of - all after Kjartan, her son, who was now master there. After this big - man had discussed the matter at length with the men of the country, he - again spoke to the Icelanders and gave them leave to depart, but - although the summer was far gone, he advised them to get away as soon - as possible, as the people there were not to be relied upon. He would - not tell them his name; for he did not wish his kinsmen such a voyage - thither as they would have had if he had not helped them; but he was - now so old that he might soon be gone, and moreover, said he, there - were men of more influence than he in that country, who would show - little mercy to foreigners. After this he had the ship fitted out, and - was himself present, until there came a favourable wind for them to - leave. When they parted, this man took a gold ring from his hand, gave - it to Gudleif, and with it a good sword, and said: "If it be thy lot - to reach Iceland, thou shalt bring this sword to Kjartan, master of - Fróðá, and the ring to Thurid, his mother." When Gudleif asked him who - he was to say was the sender of these costly gifts, he answered: "Say - he sent them who was more a friend of the mistress of Fróðá than of - the 'gode' of Helgafell, her brother...." Gudleif and his men put to - sea and arrived in Ireland late in the autumn, stayed that winter at - Dublin, and sailed next summer to Iceland [cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., i. - pp. 769, ff.]. - -It is clear that Björn Breidvikinge-kjæmpe here is the same as Are Mársson -in the Landnáma, who was also driven by storms to Hvítramanna-land, had to -stay there all his life, and according to the report of Thorfinn earl of -Orkney (ob. circa 1064) had been recognised (by travellers like Gudleif -?), and was much honoured there. This incident of the travellers coming to -an unknown island and there finding a man who has been absent a long while -has parallels in many Irish legends. Thus it may be mentioned that -Brandan, in the Navigatio, comes to the convent-island of Alibius, with -the twenty-four Irish monks of old days, and meets there the old -white-haired man who was prior of the convent and had been there for -eighty years, but who does not tell his name. Brandan asks leave to sail -on, but this is not permitted until they have celebrated Christmas there -[Schröder, 1871, pp. 15, ff].[42] - -[Sidenote: Guð-Leifr and Leifr hinn Heppni] - -The resemblance between the two names "Guð-Leifr" (Gudleif == God-Leif) -and "Leifr hinn Heppni" (Leif the Lucky) also deserves notice, as perhaps -it is not merely accidental. One sails during the last years of St. Olaf -from Ireland to Iceland and is carried south-westwards to -Hvítramanna-land; the other sails during the last years of Olaf Tryggvason -from Norway to Greenland and is carried south-westwards to Wineland the -Good. - - It might also be thought to be more than a mere coincidence that, - while Leif Ericson is given the surname of "hinn heppni," a closely - related surname is mentioned in connection with Gudleif in the - Eyrbyggja Saga, where he is called "Guðleifr Guðlaugsson hins auðga" - (i.e., son of Gudlaug the rich). In the one case, of course, it is the - man himself, in the other the father, who bears the surname. "Auðigr" - means rich, but originally it had the meaning of lucky, and the rich - man is he who has luck with him (cf. further "auðna" == luck, - "auðnu-maðr" == favourite of fortune). Gudleif Gudlaugsson also occurs - in the Landnámabók, but this surname is not mentioned, nor is anything - said about this voyage, in exactly the same way as Leif Ericson is - named there, but without a surname and without any mention of a voyage - or a discovery; in both cases this is an addition that occurs in later - sagas. In spite of the difference alluded to, one may suspect that - there is here some connection or other. Possibly it might be that, as - Guðriðr is the Christian woman among all the names beginning with - Thor- and Freyðis, so the name of Guðleifr, which was placed in - association with the Christian Hvítramanna-land, was used because it - had a more religious stamp than "happ" and "heppen," which in any case - are as nearly allied to popular belief as to religiosity, and which - were associated with the non-Christian Wineland. - -[Sidenote: Voyage of eight adventurers in Edrisi] - -The following tale in Edrisi, the Arabic geographer, whose work dates from -1154, bears considerable resemblance to the remarkable story of Gudleif's -voyage.[43] - - Eight "adventurers" from Lisbon built a merchant ship and set out with - the first east wind to explore the farthest limits of the ocean. They - sailed for about eleven days [westwards] and came to a sea with stiff - (thick) waves [the Liver-sea] and a horrible stench,[44] with many - shallows and little light (cf. precisely similar conceptions, vol. i. - pp. 38, 68, 181, 182, note 1). Afraid of perishing there, they sailed - southward for twelve days and reached the Sheep-island ("Djazîrato - 'l-Ghanam"), with innumerable flocks of sheep and no human beings (cf. - Dicuil's account of the Faroes, and Brandan's Sheep-island, vol. i. - pp. 163, 362). They sailed on for twelve days more towards the south - and found at last an inhabited and cultivated island. On approaching - this they were soon surrounded by boats, taken prisoners, and brought - to a town on the coast. They finally took up their abode in a house, - where they saw men of tall stature and red complexion, with little - hair on their faces, and wearing their hair long (not curled), and - women of rare beauty. Here they were kept prisoners for three days. On - the fourth day a man came who spoke to them in Arabic and asked them - who they were, why they had come, and what country they came from. - They related to him their adventures. He gave them good hopes, and - told them that he was the king's interpreter. On the following day - they were brought before the king, who asked them the same questions - through the interpreter. On their replying that they had set out with - the object of exploring the wonders of the ocean and finding out its - limits, the king began to laugh and told the interpreter to explain - that his father had once ordered one of his slaves to set out upon - that ocean; this man had traversed its breadth for a month, until the - light of heaven failed them and they were obliged to renounce this - vain undertaking. The king further caused the interpreter to assure - the adventurers of his benevolent intentions. They then returned to - prison and remained there until a west wind came. Then they were - blindfolded and taken across the sea in a boat for about three days - and three nights to a land where they were left on the shore with - their hands tied behind their backs. They stayed there till sunrise in - a pitiable state, for the cords were very tight and caused them great - discomfort. Then they heard voices, and upon their cries of distress - the natives, who were Berbers, came and released them. They had - arrived on the west coast of Africa, and were told that it was two - months' journey to their native land. - -[Sidenote: Resemblance between Edrisi's tale and Gudleif's voyage] - -As points of similarity to Gudleif's voyage it may be pointed out that the -Portuguese sail for thirty-five days altogether, to the west and -afterwards to the south, and arrive at a country which thus lies -south-south-west. Gudleif is carried before a north-east wind towards the -south-west and reaches land after a long time. Both the Portuguese and the -Icelanders are taken prisoners shortly after arrival; the former are -surrounded by boats, the latter by hundreds of men. The Portuguese saw -red-complexioned men of tall stature with long hair, the Icelanders saw a -tall, stately man with white hair coming on horseback. They had to wait -awhile before they were addressed in a language they could understand; the -Portuguese being first spoken to by an interpreter in Arabic[45] who gave -them good hopes, and afterwards brought them before the king, who assured -them of his benevolent intentions; while the Icelanders were sent for by -the great chief, who, when they came before him, spoke to them in Norse -and was friendly towards them, and after long deliberations spoke to them -again, and gave them leave to depart. The Portuguese had to wait in prison -for a west wind before they could get away; the Icelanders had to wait for -a favourable wind, which was again a west wind. The Portuguese were led -away blindfold, obviously in order that they should not find their way -back; when the Icelanders left it was enjoined upon them never to return. -The Portuguese came to the west coast of Africa, from whence they -afterwards had to sail northward to Lisbon; the Icelanders arrived in -Ireland, and sailed thence the next summer northward to Iceland. It seems -reasonable to suppose that there is some connection between the two tales; -the same myth may in part form the foundation of both, and this again may -be allied to the myth alluded to above of the Carthaginians' discovery of -a fertile island out in the ocean to the west of Africa. But there are -also striking resemblances between Edrisi's tale and the description in -the Odyssey of Odysseus's visit to the Phæacians in the western isle of -Scheria. On his arrival there Athene warns Odysseus to be careful, as this -people is not inclined to tolerate foreigners, and no other men come to -them. Odysseus is brought before the king, Alcinous, who receives him in -friendly fashion, and tells him that no Phæacian shall "hold him back by -force," and Odysseus relates his many adventures. Finally the Phæacians -convey him while asleep across the sea in a boat, carry him ashore at -dawn, and go away before he awakes [Od. xiii. 79, ff.]; this corresponds -to the Portuguese being taken blindfold across the sea and left bound on -the shore, until they are released at sunrise. The promise of the -Phæacians, after Poseidon's revenge for their helping Odysseus, never -again to assist any seafarer that might come to them, may bear some -resemblance to the incident of Björn Breidvikinge-kjæmpe trying to prevent -Icelanders from seeking a land which "would show little mercy to -foreigners." - -Moreover, the tales, both of Gudleif's voyage and of Edrisi's Portuguese -adventurers, resemble ancient Irish myths. - -[Sidenote: Irish myth] - - In the "Imram Snedgusa acus meic Riagla" [of the tenth or close of the - ninth century, cf. Zimmer, 1889, pp. 213, f., 216], the men of Ross - slay King Fiacha Mac Domnaill for his intolerable tyranny. As a - punishment, sixty couples of the guilty were sent out to sea, and - their judgment and fate left to God. The two monks, Snedgus and Mac - Riagail, afterwards set out on a voluntary pilgrimage on the - ocean--while the sixty couples went involuntarily--and, after having - visited many islands,[46] reached in their boat a land in which there - were generations of Irish, and they met women who sang to them and - brought them to the king's house (cf. Odysseus's meeting first with - the women in the Phæacians' land, and their showing him the way to the - palace of Alcinous). The king received them well and inquired from - whence they came. "We are Irish," they replied, "and we belong to the - companions of Columcille." Then he asked: "How goes it in Ireland, and - how many of Domnaill's sons are alive?" They answered: "Three Mac - Domnaills are alive, and Fiacha Mac Domnaill fell by the men of Ross, - and for that deed sixty couples of them were sent out to sea." "That - is a true tale of yours; I am he who killed the King of Tara's son - [i.e., Fiacha], and we are those who were sent out to sea. This - commends itself to us, for we will be here till the Judgment [i.e., - the day of judgment] comes, and we are glad to be here without sin, - without evil, without our sinful desires. The island we live on is - good, for on it are Elijah and Enoch, and noble is the dwelling of - Elijah...." - -The similarity to the meeting of Gudleif and the Icelanders with the -likewise exiled great man and chief, who did not give his name but hinted -at his identity, is evident. If we suppose that the island Gudleif reached -was originally the white men's, or the holy (baptized) men's land, then it -may be possible that the great man's words to Gudleif about there being -men on the island who were greater ("ríkari") than he is connected with -the mention of Elijah and Enoch. - -Thus we see a connection between Gudleif's voyage (and the exiled -Breidvikinge-kjæmpe on the unknown island) and Irish myths and legends, -the Arabic tale, and finally the Odyssey. What the mutual relationship -may be between Edrisi's tale and the Irish legends is to us of minor -importance. As the Norse Vikings had much communication with the Spanish -peninsula[47] it might be supposed that the Norse tale, derived from Irish -myths, had reached Portugal; but as the Arabic tale has several -similarities to the voyages of Brandan and Maelduin, and to Dicuil's -account of the Faroes (with their sheep and birds), which are not found in -the Norse narrative, it is more probable that the incidents in the -experiences of the Portuguese adventurers are derived directly from -Ireland, which also had close connection with the Spanish Peninsula, -chiefly through Norse ships and merchants. We must in any case suppose -that the Icelandic tale of Gudleif's voyage came from Ireland; but it may -have acquired additional colour from northern legends. - -[Sidenote: Northern tales] - - There is a Swedish tale of some sailors from Getinge who were driven - by storms over the sea to an unknown island; surrounded by darkness - they went ashore and saw a fire, and before it lay an uncommonly tall - man, who was blind; another equally big stood beside him and raked in - the fire with an iron rod. The old blind man gets up and asks the - strangers where they come from. They answer from Halland, from Getinge - parish. Whereupon the blind man asks: "Is the white woman still - alive?" They answered yes, though they did not know what he meant. - Again he asks: "Is my goat-house still standing?" They again answered - yes, though ignorant of what he meant. He then said: "I could not keep - my goat-house in peace because of the church that was built in that - place. If you would reach home safely, I give you two conditions." - They promised to accept these, and the blind old man continued: "Take - this belt of silver, and when you come home, buckle it on the white - woman; and place this box on the altar in my goat-house." When the - sailors were safely come home, the belt was buckled on a birch-tree, - which immediately shot up into the air, and the box was placed on a - mound, which immediately burst into flame. But from the church being - built where the blind man had his goat-house the place was called - Getinge [in J. Grimm, ii. 1876, p. 798, after Bexell's "Halland," - Göteborg, 1818, ii. p. 301]. Similar tales are known from other - localities in Sweden and Norway. The old blind man is a heathen giant - driven out by the Christian church or by the image of Mary (the white - woman); sometimes again he is a heathen exile. - -Here we have undeniable parallels to the storm-driven Icelanders' meeting -with the exiled Breidvikinge-kjæmpe, who asks after his native place and -his woman, Thurid,[48] and who also sends two gifts home, though with very -different feelings and objects. It may be supposed that the -Swedish-Norwegian tale is derived from ancient myths, and the Icelandic -narrative may have borrowed features, not, of course, from this very tale, -but from myths of the same type. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Japanese fairy-tale] - -Remarkable points of resemblance both to the voyages of the Irish (Bran's -voyage) to the Fortunate Isles in the west, and to those of Gudleif and of -the eight Portuguese (in Edrisi), are found in a Japanese tale of the -fortunate isles of "Horaisan," to which Moltke Moe has called my -attention.[49] - - This happy land lies far away in the sea towards the east; there on - the mountain Fusan grows a splendid tree which is sometimes seen in - the distance over the horizon; all vegetation is verdant and flowering - in eternal spring, which keeps the air mild and the sky blue; the - passing of time is unnoticed, and death never finds the way thither, - there is no pain, no suffering, only peace and happiness. Once on a - time Jofuku, body physician to a cruel emperor of China, put to sea - on the pretext of looking for this country and seeking for his master - the plant of immortality which grows on Fusan, the highest mountain - there. He came first to Japan; but went farther and farther out into - the ocean until he really reached Horaisan; there he enjoyed complete - happiness, and never thought of returning to prolong his tyrant's - life. - - The old Japanese wise man, Vasobiove, who had withdrawn from the world - and passed his days in contemplative peace, was one day out fishing by - himself (to avoid many trivial visits), when he was driven out to sea - by a violent storm; he then rowed about the sea, keeping himself alive - by fishing. After three months he came to the "muddy sea," which - nearly cost him his life, as there were no fish there. But after a - desperate struggle, and finally twelve hours' hard rowing, he reached - the shore of Horaisan. There he was met by an old man whom he - understood, for he spoke Chinese. This was Jofuku, who received - Vasobiove in friendly fashion and told him his story. Vasobiove was - overjoyed on hearing where he was. He stayed there for a couple of - hundred years, but did not know how long it was; for where all is - alike, where there is neither birth nor death, no one heeds the - passing of time. With dancing and music, in conversation with wise and - brilliant men, in the society of beautiful and amiable ladies, he - passed his days. - - But at last Vasobiove grew tired of this sweet existence and longed - for death. It was hopeless, for here he could not die, nor could he - take his own life, there were no poisons, no lethal weapons; if he - threw himself over a precipice or ran his head against a sharp rock, - it was like a fall on to soft cushions, and if he threw himself into - the sea, it supported him like a cork. Finally he tamed a gigantic - stork, and on its back he at last returned to Japan,[50] after the - stork had carried him through many strange countries, of which the - most remarkable was that of the Giants, who are immensely superior to - human beings in everything. Whereas Vasobiove was accustomed to - admiration wherever he propounded his philosophical views and systems, - he left that country in humiliation; for the Giants said they had no - need of all that, and declared Vasobiove's whole philosophy to be the - immature cries of distress of the children of men. - -A connection between the intellectual world of China and Japan and that of -Europe in the Middle Ages may well be supposed to have been brought about -by the Arabs, who penetrated as far as China on their trading voyages, and -who, on the other hand, had close communication with Western Europe. -Furthermore, it must be remembered how many of our mythical conceptions -and tales are more or less connected with India, just as many of the -Arabian tales evidently had their birthplace there [cf. E. Rohde, 1900, -pp. 191, ff.]; while on the other side there was, of course, a close -connection between India and the intellectual world of China and Japan, as -shown by the spread of Buddhism. A transference of the same myths both -eastward to Japan and westward to Europe is thus highly probable, whether -these myths originated in Europe or in India and the East. It is striking, -too, that even a secondary feature such as the curdled, dead sea (cf. -"Morimarusa," see vol. i. p. 99; the stinking sea in Edrisi, vol. ii. p. -51) is met with again here as the "muddy sea" without fish (cf. -resemblances to Arab ideas, chapter xiii.). - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Retrospect] - -If we now look back upon all the problems it has been sought to solve in -this chapter, the impression may be a somewhat heterogeneous and negative -one; the majority will doubtless be struck at the outset by the -multiplicity of the paths, and by the intercrossing due to this -multiplicity. But if we force our way through the network of by-paths and -follow up the essential leading lines, it appears to me that there is -established a firm and powerful series of conclusions, which it will not -be easy to shake. The most important steps in this series are: - -(1) The oldest authority,[51] Adam of Bremen's work, in which Wineland is -mentioned, is untrustworthy, and, with the exception of the name and of -the fable of wine being produced there, contains nothing beyond what is -found in Isidore. - -(2) The oldest Icelandic authorities that mention the name of "Vinland," -or in the Landnáma "Vindland hit Góða," say nothing about its discovery or -about the wine there; on the other hand, Are Frode mentions the Skrælings -(who must originally have been regarded as a fairy people). The name of -Leif Ericson is mentioned, unconnected with Wineland or its discovery. - -(3) It is not till well on in the thirteenth century that Leif's surname -of Heppni, his discovery of Wineland ("Vinland" or "Vindland"), and his -Christianising of Greenland are mentioned (in the Kristni-saga and -Heimskringla), but still there is nothing about wine. - -(4) It is not till the close of the thirteenth century that any -information occurs as to what and where Wineland was, with statements as -to the wine and wheat there, and a description of voyages thither (in the -Saga of Eric the Red). But still the accounts omit to inform us who gave -the name and why. - -(5) The second and later principal narrative of voyages to Wineland (the -Flateyjarbók's Grönlendinga-þáttr) gives a very different account of the -discovery, by another, and likewise of the later voyages thither. - -(6) The first of the two sagas, and the one which is regarded as more to -be relied on, contains scarcely a single feature that is not wholly or in -part mythical or borrowed from elsewhere; both sagas have an air of -romance. - -(7) Even among the Greeks of antiquity we find myths of fortunate isles -far in the western ocean, with the two characteristic features of -Wineland, the wine and the wheat. - -(8) The most significant features in the description of these Fortunate -Isles or Isles of the Blest in late classical times and in Isidore are the -self-grown or wild-growing vine (on the heights) and the wild-growing -(uncultivated, self-sown or unsown) corn or wheat or even cornfields -(Isidore). In addition there were lofty trees (Pliny) and mild winters. -Thus a complete correspondence with the saga's description of Wineland. - -(9) The various attempts that have been made to bring the natural -conditions of the North American coast into agreement with the saga's -description of Wineland are more or less artificial, and no natural -explanation has been offered of how the two ideas of wine and wheat, both -foreign to the Northerners, could have become the distinguishing marks of -the country. - -(10) In Ireland long before the eleventh century there were many myths and -legends of happy lands far out in the ocean to the west; and in the -description of these wine and the vine form conspicuous features. - -(11) From the eleventh century onward, in Ireland and in the North, we -meet with a Grape-island or a Wineland, which it seems most reasonable to -suppose the same. - -(12) From the Landnámabók it may be naturally concluded that in the -eleventh century the Icelanders had heard of Wineland, together with -Hvítramanna-land, in Ireland. - -(13) Thorkel Gellisson, from whom this information is derived, probably -also furnished Are Frode with his statement in the Islendingabók about -Wineland; this is therefore probably the same Irish land. - -(14) The Irish happy lands peopled by the síd correspond to the Norwegian -huldrelands out in the sea to the west, and the Icelandic elf-lands. - -(15) Since the huldre- and síd-people and the elves are originally the -dead, and since the Isles of the Blest or the Fortunate Isles of antiquity -were the habitations of the happy dead, these islands also correspond to -the Irish síd-people's happy lands, and to the Norwegian huldrelands and -the Icelandic elf-lands. - -(16) The additional name of "hit Góða" for the happy Wineland and the name -"Landit Góða" for huldrelands in Norway correspond directly to the name of -"Insulæ Fortunatæ," which in itself could not very well take any other -Norse form. And as in addition the huldrelands were imagined as specially -good and fertile, and the underground, huldre- and síd-people or elves are -called the "good people," and are everywhere in different countries -associated with the idea of "good," this gives a natural explanation of -both the Norse names. - -(17) The name "Vinland hit Góða" has a foreign effect in Norse -nomenclature; it must be a hybrid of Norse and foreign nomenclature, -through "Vinland" being combined with "Landit Góða," which probably -originated in a translation of "Insulæ Fortunatæ." - -(18) The probability of the name of Skrælings for the inhabitants of -Wineland having originally meant brownies or trolls--that is, small -huldre-folk, elves or pygmies--entirely agrees with the view that Wineland -was originally the fairy country, the Fortunate Isles in the west of the -ocean. - -(19) The statement of the Icelandic geography, that in the opinion of some -Wineland the Good was connected with Africa, and the fact that the -Norwegian work, Historia Norwegiæ, calls Wineland (with Markland and -Helluland) the African Islands, are direct evidence that the Norse -Wineland was the Insulæ Fortunatæ, which together with the Gorgades and -the Hesperides were precisely the African Islands. - -(20) Even though the Saga of Eric the Red and the Grönlendinga-þáttr -contain nothing which we can regard as certain information as to the -discovery of America by the Greenlanders, we yet find there and elsewhere -many features which show that they must have reached the coast of America, -the most decisive amongst them being the chance mention of the voyagers -from Markland in 1347. To this may be added Hertzberg's demonstration of -the adoption of the Icelandic game of "knattleikr" by the Indians. The -name of the mythical land may then have been transferred to the country -that was discovered. - -(21) Hvítramanna-land is a mythical land similar to the wine-island of the -Irish, modified in accordance with Christian ideas, especially perhaps -those of the white garments of the baptized--as in the Navigatio Brandani -in reference to the Isle of Anchorites or the "Strong Men's Isle" (== -Starkra-manna-land)--and of the white hermits. - -(22) Finally, among the most different people on earth, from the ancient -Greeks to the Icelanders, Chinese and Japanese, we meet with similar myths -about countries out in the ocean and voyages to them, which, whether they -be connected with one another or not, show the common tendency of humanity -to adopt ideas and tales of this kind. - - * * * * * - -But even if we are obliged to abandon the Saga of Eric the Red[52] and the -other descriptions of these voyages as historical documents, this is -compensated by the increase in our admiration for the extraordinary powers -of realistic description in Icelandic literature. In reading Eric's Saga -one cannot help being struck by the way in which many of the events are so -described, often in a few words, that the whole thing is before one's eyes -and it is difficult to believe that it has not actually occurred. This is -just the same quality that characterises our Norwegian fairy-tales: all -that is supernatural is made so natural and realistic that it is brought -straight before one. The Icelanders created the realistic novel; and at a -time when the prose style of Europe was still in its infancy their prose -narrative often reaches the summit of clear simplicity. In part this may -doubtless be explained by their not being merely authors, but men of -action; their presentment acquired the stamp of real life and the brevity -that belongs to the narrator of things seen. And to this, of course, must -be added the fact that as a rule the tales were sifted and abridged by -generations of oral transmission. In later times this style became -corrupted by European influence. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Postscript] - -After I had given, on October 7, 1910, the outlines of this examination of -the sagas of the Wineland voyages before the Scientific Society of -Christiania, attention was called in Sweden, by Professor F. Läffler, to -the fact that the Swedish philologist, Professor Sven Söderberg, whose -early death in 1901 is much to be regretted, had announced views about -Wineland similar to those at which I have arrived. The manuscript of a -lecture that he delivered on the subject at Lund in May 1898, but which -was never printed, was then found, and has been published in the -"Sydsvenska Dagbladet Snällposten" for October 30, 1910. As I have thus -become acquainted with this interesting inquiry too late to be able to -include it in my examination, I think it right to mention it here. - -Professor Söderberg thinks, as I do, that there can be no doubt about the -Norsemen having discovered a part of North America; but he looks upon the -tales of the wine and everything connected therewith as later inventions. -He maintains that the name of "Vinland" originally meant grass-land or -pasture-land (from the old Norse word "vin" == pasture), therefore -something similar to the meaning of Greenland, and that it may have been -the name of a country discovered in the west. Curiously enough, I took at -first the same view, and thought too that Adam of Bremen might have -misunderstood such a word, just as Söderberg thinks; but I allowed myself -to be convinced by the linguistic objection that the word "vin" (pasture) -seems to have gone out of use before the eleventh century (cf. vol. i. p. -367). However, Söderberg's reasons for supposing that the word was still -in use appear to have weight; and he also makes it probable that the name -formed thereby might be Vinland and not Vinjarland. (In support of this -Mr. A. Kiær gave me as an example the Norwegian name Vinås.) Professor -Söderberg then thinks that Adam of Bremen heard this name in Denmark, and, -misinterpreting it as a foreigner to mean the land of wine, himself -invented the explanation of the country's being so called. Söderberg gives -several striking examples to show how this kind of "etymologising" was -just in Adam's spirit (e.g., Sconia or Skåne is derived from Old German -"sconi" or "schön"; Greenland comes from the inhabitants being -bluish-green in the face, etc.). An example from a country lying near -Denmark, which appears to me even more striking than those given by -Söderberg, is Adam's explanation of Kvænland as the Land of Women (cf. -vol. i. pp. 186, f., 383), the Wizzi as white people, or Albanians, the -Huns as dogs, etc. Söderberg has difficulty in explaining the statement -about the unsown corn in Wineland; but if he had noticed Isidore's -description of the Insulæ Fortunatæ with the self-grown vine and the -wild-growing corn, he would have found a perfectly natural explanation of -this also. If Adam had misunderstood a "Vinland" (== grass-land), and then -perhaps Finland (Finmark, cf. vol i. p. 382), as meaning the land of wine, -it would be just in his spirit to transfer thither Isidore's description -of the Insulæ Fortunatæ; a parallel case is that in interpreting Kvænland -as Womanland he transfers thither the myth of the Amazons and its fables, -and this in spite of its being a country on the Baltic about which it must -have been comparatively easy for him to obtain information. In the same -way he transfers to the "island" of Halagland, mentioned immediately -before Wineland, an erroneous account of the midnight sun and the winter -night taken from older writers (cf. vol. i. p. 194, note 2). But one -reason for thinking that "Vinland" really meant the land of wine as early -as that time is the circumstance put forward above (vol. i. p. 365), that -at about the same time there occurs a Grape-island in the Navigatio -Brandani. - -Professor Söderberg then goes through the Icelandic accounts of Wineland, -and points out, in the same way as has been done in this chapter, that the -oldest authorities have nothing remarkable to report about the country, -and do not mention wine there, and he rightly lays stress on this being -particularly significant in the case of Snorre Sturlason, - - "knowing as we do how prone Snorre is to digress from his proper - subject, when he has anything really interesting to communicate. The - reason must be that he did not know anything particularly remarkable - about Wineland; and without doubt this is due to his not having known - Adam of Bremen. It has, in fact, been shown that Snorre has not a - single statement from Adam." - -Later, Söderberg thinks, Adam of Bremen's fourth book became known in -Iceland, and on the foundation of that the tale of Leif's discovery of the -country with the wine and corn arose, and the later sagas developed, -especially that of Thorfinn Karlsevne's voyage, which he thinks in the -main "rests on a truthful foundation," though he points out that a -particular feature like that of the two Scottish runners must be "pure -invention, or rather ... borrowed from another saga." If Professor -Söderberg had remarked how most of the incidents in this saga are -spurious, he would have found even stronger support for his views in this -fact. - - - - -[Illustration] - - -CHAPTER X - -ESKIMO AND SKRÆLING - - -[Sidenote: Distribution] - -Of all the races of the earth that of the Eskimo is the one that has -established itself farthest north. His world is that of sea-ice and cold, -for which nature had not intended human beings. In his slow, stubborn -fight against the powers of winter he has learnt better than any other how -to turn these to account, and in these regions, along the ice-bound -shores, he developed his peculiar culture, with its ingenious appliances, -long before the beginning of history. As men of the white race pushed -northward to the "highest latitudes" they found traces of this remarkable -people, who had already been there in times long past; and it is only in -the last few decades that any one has succeeded in penetrating farther -north than the Eskimo, partly by learning from him or enlisting his help. -In these regions, which are his own, his culture was superior to that of -the white race, and from no other people has the arctic navigator learnt -so much. - -[Illustration: Distribution of the Eskimo (after W. Thalbitzer, 1904)] - -The north coast of America and the islands to the north of it, from Bering -Strait to the east coast of Greenland, is the territory of the Eskimo. -The map (below) shows his present distribution and the districts where -older traces of him have been found. Within these limits the Eskimo must -have developed into what they now are. In their anthropological -race-characteristics, in their sealing- and whaling-culture, and in their -language they are very different from all other known peoples, both in -America and Asia, and we must suppose that for long ages, ever since they -began to fit themselves for their life along the frozen shores, they have -lived apart, separated from others, perhaps for a long time as a small -tribe. They all belong to the same race; the cerebral formation, for -instance, of all real Eskimo from Alaska to Greenland is remarkably -homogeneous; but in the far west they may have been mixed with Indians and -others, and in Greenland they are now mixed with Europeans. They are -pronouncedly dolichocephalic; but have short, broad faces, and by their -features and appearance are easily distinguished from other neighbouring -peoples. Small, slanting eyes; the nose small and flat, narrow between the -eyes and broad below; cheeks broad, prominent and round; the forehead -narrowing comparatively above; the lower part of the face broad and -powerful; black, straight hair. The colour of the skin is a pale brown. -The Eskimo are not, as is often supposed, a small people on an average; -they are rather of middle height, often powerful, and sometimes quite -tall, although they are a good deal shorter, and weaker in appearance, -than average Scandinavians. In appearance, and perhaps also in language, -they come nearest to some of the North American Indian tribes. - -[Sidenote: Original home] - -From whence they originally came, and where they developed into Eskimo, is -uncertain. The central point of the Eskimo culture is their seal-hunting, -especially with the harpoon, sometimes from the kayak in open water and -sometimes from the ice. We cannot believe that this sealing, especially -with the kayak, was first developed in the central part of the regions -they now inhabit; there the conditions of life would have been too severe, -and they would not have been able to support themselves until their -sealing-culture had attained a certain development. Just as in Europe we -met with the "Finnish" sea-fishing on a coast that was connected with -milder coasts farther south, where seamanship was able first to develop, -so we must expect that the Eskimo culture began on coasts with similar -conditions, and these must be looked for either in Labrador or on Bering -Strait. - -As the coasts of Labrador and Hudson Bay are ice-bound for a great part of -the year, it is not likely that traffic by sea began there at any very -early time; and consequently no particularly favourable conditions existed -there for an early development of seamanship. Nor is this the case to any -great extent on the east coast of North America farther south, which, with -the exception of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, has little protection from the -sea, and offers few facilities for coastal traffic.[53] Nor has it -produced any other maritime people or any similar fishing-culture. Again, -if the Eskimo culture had arisen there, it would be impossible to -understand how they learned to use dogs as draught-animals. It is -otherwise on the northern west coast of North America, which is indented -by fjords and has many outlying islands, with protected channels between -them and the land. Here seamanship might be naturally developed and form -the necessary basis for a higher sealing-culture like that of the Eskimo. -In addition there is abundance of marine animals which afforded excellent -conditions for hunting. Here too we have many different peoples with -maritime habits: on the one side the Eskimo northwards along the coast of -Alaska; on the other side the Aleutians on the islands extending out to -sea, besides Indian tribes along the coast of southern Alaska and British -Columbia. Until, therefore, research has produced sufficient evidence for -a different view, it must seem most natural that in these favourable -regions with a rich supply of marine animals of all kinds we must look for -the cradle of the culture that was to render the Eskimo capable of -distributing themselves over the whole Arctic world of America. To this -must be added that in these regions, by intercourse with people on the -Asiatic side of Bering Strait, the seafaring Eskimo may have learnt the -use of the dog as a draught-animal, which is an Asiatic, and not an -American invention, and which is also of great importance to the whole -life and distribution of the Eskimo in the ice-bound regions. We cannot -here pursue further the inquiry into the still open question of the origin -of the Eskimo and the development of their culture.[54] - -[Illustration: Kayak-fishers and a women's boat ("umiak"). Woodcut from -Greenland, drawn and engraved by a native] - -[Sidenote: Earlier distribution] - -One might get the impression from the map, which shows where older traces -of the Eskimo have been found, that they were more numerous and more -widely distributed in former times. This is probably a mistake. They are -hunters and fishermen who are entirely dependent on the supply of game, -and who therefore frequently become nomadic and search for fishing-grounds -where they think the prospects are good. Sometimes they settle in a good -district for a considerable time, and then they may move again; but -sometimes, if exceptionally severe winters chance to come, they may -succumb to famine or scurvy. But everywhere they leave behind them their -peculiar sites of houses and tents and other traces, and thus these must -always be found over larger areas than are actually inhabited by the -Eskimo themselves. It might be objected that on the American Arctic -Islands they no longer live so far north as older traces of them are -found; thus Sverdrup found many relics of Eskimo in the new countries -discovered by him, especially along the sound by Axel Heiberg Land. But -these people may, for instance, have migrated eastward to Greenland. If we -suppose the reverse to be the case, that the most northerly Eskimo tribe -now known, on Smith Sound, had moved westward to Sverdrup's new islands or -to the Parry Islands, then we should have found numerous traces of them in -the districts about Smith Sound and Cape York, and might thus have -concluded that the Eskimo were formerly more widely distributed towards -the north-east. - -[Sidenote: Period of immigration into Greenland] - -How early the Eskimo appeared, and came to the most northern regions, we -have as yet no means of determining. All we can say is that, as they are -so distinct in physical structure, language and culture from all other -known races of men, with the exception of the Aleutians, we must assume -that they have lived for a very long period in the northern regions apart -from other peoples. It would be of special interest here if we could form -any opinion as to the date of their immigration into Greenland. It has -become almost a historical dogma that this immigration on a larger scale -did not take place until long after the Norwegian Icelanders had settled -in the country, and that it was chiefly the hordes of Eskimo coming from -the north that put an end, first to the Western Settlement, and then to -the Eastern. But this is in every respect misleading, and conflicts with -what may be concluded with certainty from several facts; moreover, the -whole Eskimo way of life and dependence on sealing and fishing forbids -their migration in hordes; they must travel in small scattered groups in -order to find enough game to support themselves and their families, and -are obliged to make frequent halts for sealing. They will therefore never -be able to undertake any migration on a large scale. - -There can be no doubt that the Eskimo arrived in Greenland ages before the -Norwegian Icelanders. The rich finds referred to, amongst others, by Dr. -H. Rink [1857, vol. ii.], of Eskimo whaling and sealing weapons and -implements of stone from deep deposits in North Greenland show that the -Eskimo were living there far back in prehistoric times.[55] They must -originally have come by the route to the north of Baffin Bay across Smith -Sound, and must have had at the time of their first immigration much the -same culture in the main as now, since otherwise they would not have been -able to support themselves in these northern regions.[56] Their means of -transport were the kayak and the women's boat in open water, and the -dog-sledge on the ice. Their whaling and sealing were conducted in kayaks -in summer, but with dog-sledges in winter, when they hunted the seal at -its breathing-holes in the ice, the walrus, narwhale and white whale in -the open leads, and pursued the bear with their dogs. In winter they -usually keep to one place, living in houses of stone, or snow, but in -summer they wander about with their boats and tents of hides to the best -places for kayak fishing. In this way they came southward from Smith Sound -along the west coast of Greenland to the districts about Umanak-fjord, -Disco Bay, and south to the present Holstensborg (the tract between 72° -and 68° N. lat.). Here they found an excellent supply of seal, walrus, -small-whale and fish, there was catching from kayaks in summer and on the -ice in winter; altogether rarely favourable conditions for their -accustomed life, and it is therefore natural that they settled here in -large numbers.[57] Some went farther south along the coast; but they no -longer found there the same conditions of life as before, the ice was for -the most part absent, the walrus became rare, seal-hunting became more -difficult in the open sea, and winter fishing from the kayak was not very -safe. Southern Greenland therefore had no great attraction, so long as -there was room enough farther north. When they came round Cape Farewell to -the east coast they found the conditions more what they were used to, -although the sealing and whaling were not so good as on the northern west -coast. - -[Sidenote: Routes of immigration] - - It has been assumed by several inquirers that the Eskimo immigrated to - Greenland by two routes. One branch is supposed to have come southward - along the west coast from Smith Sound, as suggested above, while the - other branch went northward from Smith Sound and Kane Basin along the - coast, where relics of Eskimo are found as far north as 82° N. lat. - They thus gradually worked their way round the north of Greenland and - turned southward again along the east coast. The Eskimo who formerly - lived on the northern east coast, and whom Clavering found there in - 1823, are supposed to have come by that route and possibly also the - tribe that still lives at Angmagsalik. But in the opinion of some they - may have travelled farther south, right round Cape Farewell, and have - populated the south-west coast as far north as Ny-Herrnhut by - Godthaab. The Dane Schultz-Lorentzen [1904, p. 289][58] thinks that - support may be found for this theory of the southern immigration from - the east coast in the sharp line of demarcation that exists between - the dialect spoken by the Eskimo in Godthaab and northward along the - whole west coast, and that spoken to the south and on the east coast; - furthermore, there are other points of difference: in the build and - fitting together of the kayaks, in the use of partitions between the - family compartments on the couches in houses and tents, etc. Although - in an earlier work [1891, pp. 8, f.; Engl. ed. pp. 12, ff.] I put - forward reasons that are opposed to such an immigration round the - north of Greenland, I must admit that there is much in favour of the - Eskimo who formerly lived on the northern east coast having come that - way; on the other hand, it does not appear to me very likely that this - should have been the case with the Eskimo of the southern east coast - and of the west coast. The difference alluded to, at Godthaab, may be - accounted for by a later immigration from the north to the northern - west coast, which did not come any farther south than this. That the - boundary-line between the two kinds of Eskimo should be so sharp just - between Ny-Herrnhut and Godthaab, which lie close together on the same - peninsula, is easily explained by the fact of the former settlement - having always belonged to the recently abandoned German Moravian - mission, while the latter was the seat of Egede's and the later Danish - mission. There is always the essential objection to be made against - the Eskimo having migrated to the southern east coast round the north - of Greenland, that the conditions of life for Eskimo, who live - principally by sealing and whaling, were poor on the north coast of - Greenland, where there are no seals worth mentioning and few bears; - and they can scarcely have got enough musk-oxen to support themselves. - Their diffusion to the east coast could not have gone on rapidly. In - the ice-bound regions they may have forgotten the use of the kayak, as - the Eskimo of Smith Sound had done until thirty years ago, when they - became acquainted with it again through a chance immigration from the - west. In any case their practice in building and using kayaks must - have greatly fallen off. But when the Eskimo came southward on the - east coast they again had use for both the kayak for sealing and the - women's boat for travelling, and it is scarcely likely that the craft - they produced after such a break in the development should be so near - to the women's boats and handsome kayaks of the northern west coast as - we now find them; unless, indeed, we are to suppose that they improved - them again through contact with the Eskimo of the northern west coast, - but in that case the whole theory appears somewhat strained. - -[Sidenote: Meeting of Eskimo and Europeans] - -We will now look at what the known historical authorities have to tell us -about the Eskimo in Greenland during the early days of the Norse -settlement. I have already stated (pp. 12, ff.) that the Norse name -"Skræling" for Eskimo must originally have been used as a designation of -fairies or mythical creatures. Furthermore, there is much that would imply -that when the Icelanders first met with the Eskimo in Greenland they -looked upon them as fairies; they therefore called them "trolls," an -ancient common name for various sorts of supernatural beings. This view -persisted more or less in after times. Every European who has suddenly -encountered Eskimo in the ice-covered wastes of Greenland, without ever -having seen them before, will easily understand that they must have made -such an impression on people who had the slightest tendency to -superstition. The mighty natural surroundings, with huge glaciers, -floating icebergs and drifting ice-floes, all on a vaster scale than -anything they had seen before, might in themselves furnish additional food -for superstition. Such an idea must from the very beginning have -influenced the relations between the Norsemen and the natives, and is -capable of explaining much that is curious in the mention of them, or -rather the lack of mention of them, in the sagas, since they were -supernatural beings of whom it was best to say nothing. - -[Sidenote: The fairy nature of the Skrælings] - -In connection with what has been said earlier (pp. 12, ff.) as to the -Skrælings being regarded as fairies (of whom the name was originally -used), it may be adduced that, as Storm pointed out, the word was always -translated in Latin by "Pygmæi" in the Middle Ages (cf. above, p. 12). But -the Pygmies were precisely "short, undergrown people of supernatural -aspect"--that is, like fairies--and the Middle Ages inherited the belief -in them from the Greeks and Romans, and, as Moltke Moe has pointed out, -the northern Pygmies ([Greek: Boreioi Pygmaioi]) were already spoken of in -classical times as inhabiting the regions about Thule. But authors like -Apollodorus and Strabo denied their existence, and consigned them, -together with Dog-headed, One-eyed, One-footed, Mouthless, and other -similar beings, to the ranks of fabulous creatures in which classical -tradition was so rich. Through St. Augustine the enumeration of these -creatures reached Isidore; and from him the knowledge of the Pygmies was -disseminated over the whole of mediæval Europe--partly in the same sense, -that of a more or less fabulous people from the uttermost parts of the -earth; and partly in the sense of a fairy people [cf. the demons in the -form of Pygmies in the "Imram Brenaind," see above, p. 10]. Supported by -popular belief in various countries, the latter meaning soon became -general. Of this Moltke Moe gives a remarkable example from the Welshman -Walter Mapes (latter half of the twelfth century), who in his curious -collection of anecdotes, etc. (called "De nugis curialium"), has a tale -of a prehistoric king of the Britons called Herla.[59] - - To him came a fairy- or elf-king, "rex pygmæorum," with a huge head, - thick hair and big eyes; the pygmy-king foretells to King Herla - something that is to happen, and when this is fulfilled King Herla - promises as a mark of gratitude to be present at his wedding. The - moment the pygmy-king turns his back he vanishes. Herla comes to the - wedding of the fairy-king. Entering a vast cave he comes through - darkness to the banqueting-hall inside the mountain, lighted by a - multitude of lamps, where he is splendidly entertained. When he - returns, believing he has been away for three days, he discovers that - he has been absent for several hundred years. - -This is a typical elf-myth, with many of the features characteristic of -elves and fairies: the low stature, the big, hairy head with large eyes, -the gift of prophecy, and the power of making themselves invisible in an -instant, their dwelling in caves and mountains far from the light of day, -the way thither through darkness and mist, the rapid disappearance of time -in the fairy world, etc. But we recognise most of these, and even more -fairy features, precisely in the Icelandic descriptions of the Skrælings -in Wineland, Markland and Greenland, as appears from what is said about -them on pp. 12, ff.; and when, for instance, ugly hair ("ilt hár") and big -eyes are expressly attributed to the Skrælings, this applies neither to -Indians nor Eskimo, but it applies exactly to fairies. Further, we may -point to the Skrælings of Markland being governed by kings (cf. p. 20), -which again does not apply either to Indians or to Eskimo, while the elves -and huldre-folk have kings. It was mentioned earlier (p. 20) that the name -"Vætilldi" or "Vethilldi" may be Vætthildr, compounded of the word "vættr" -or "vettr" (fairy). - -Everything points in the same direction, that the Skrælings of Wineland, -Markland and Greenland were regarded as a kind of fairy people. Nor can -this surprise us when we consider that even the Lapps of Finmark, who -lived so near to and were so well known by the Norwegians, were regarded -as a half-supernatural people, and had various magical properties -attributed to them. - -[Sidenote: The oldest authorities on the Skrælings] - -From the statement quoted earlier from Are Frode's Íslendingabók (circa -1130) it appears that the Skrælings, or Eskimo, had been in South -Greenland before Eric the Red and his men, and that the latter found -dwelling-sites and other traces of them, from which they could tell that -the same kind of people had been there who "inhabited Wineland and whom -the Greenlanders call Skrælings ('Vinland hefer bygt oc Grönlendingar -calla Scrælinga')." These words of Are have generally been understood to -imply that he did not know of any meeting of Norsemen and Skrælings in -Greenland, but only in Wineland, and that consequently it must have been -after his time that the Norsemen encountered the Eskimo in Greenland. I am -unable to read Are's meaning in this way. He uses the present tense: -"calla," and what one "calls Skrælings" must presumably be a people one -knows, and not one that one's ancestors had met with more than a hundred -years ago. In that case we should rather expect it to be those ancestors -who "called" them by this nickname.[60] I have already suggested (p. 16) -the possibility of a connection between this statement and the view of the -Skrælings as trolls; but we have besides a remarkable parallel to Are's -whole account of the first coming of the Icelanders to Greenland and the -natives there in his account of the Norwegians' first settlement of -Iceland, where he says that there were Christian men before they came, -"whom the Norwegians call ('calla') Papar" (i.e., priests). They left -behind them traces "from which it could be seen that they were Irish men." -From these words it might be concluded, with as much justification as from -the statement about the traces of Skrælings, that the newcomers did not -come in contact with the earlier people; but in the latter case this is -incredible, and moreover conflicts with Are's own words in the passages -immediately preceding, according to which the Christians left _after_ the -heathen Norsemen arrived. Three kinds of traces are mentioned in each -case: the Papar left Irish books, bells and croziers; the Skrælings left -dwelling-places, fragments of boats, and stone implements. This may have -somewhat the look of a turn of style in the sober Are, who thought it of -more value to lay stress on visible signs of this kind than to give a -possibly less trustworthy statement about the people themselves. We must -also bear in mind how terse and condensed the form of the Íslendingabók -is. I therefore read Are's words as though he meant to say something like -the following: "As early as Eric's first voyage to Greenland they found at -once dwelling-places both in the Eastern and Western Settlements, and -fragments of boats, and stone implements, so that from this it can be seen -that over the whole of that region there had been present the same kind of -people who also live in Wineland, and who are the same as those the -Greenlanders call Skrælings." Nothing is said about the waste districts of -Greenland, where the Skrælings especially lived, and it is only in passing -that Wineland is mentioned in this one passage. Are's Íslendingabók cannot -therefore be used as evidence that the Norsemen had not yet met with the -Skrælings of Greenland in Are's time. As he expressly says that they found -"manna vistir bæþe austr oc vestr á lande" (human dwelling-places both -east and west in the land--i.e., both in the Eastern and Western -Settlements), this, too, shows that the stay of the Eskimo in south -Greenland cannot have been merely a short and cursory summer visit; but -there must have been many of them who stayed there a long time, for -otherwise they would hardly have left remains so conspicuous and -distributed over so wide an area as to be mentioned with such emphasis as -this. - - That Eskimo were living on the south coast of Greenland when the - Icelanders arrived there may also possibly be concluded from the - mention, in the list of fjords of the Eastern Settlement in Björn - Jónsson's "Vetus chorographia," of an "Ütibliks fjord" [Grönl. hist. - Mind., iii. p. 228; F. Jónsson, 1899, p. 319], which does not sound - Norwegian and may recall the Eskimo "Itiblik," a tongue of land. As - Finnur Jónsson [1899, p. 276] points out, the name of the fjord in - Arngrim Jónsson's copy of the same list is "Makleiksfjörðr," and both - names may be misreadings of a man's name ending in "-leikr," from - which the fjord was called (in the same way as Eiriks-fjörðr, etc.); - but as "Ütiblik" has such a pronounced Eskimo sound, it appears to me - more probable that "Makleik-" may have arisen through a misreading of - this name, which was incomprehensible to Arngrim Jónsson and may have - been indistinctly written, rather than that both names should be - corruptions, of what? In that case it would afford strong evidence, - not only that there were Eskimo in the Eastern Settlement when the - Icelanders established themselves there, but also that they had - intercourse with them. - -The "Historia Norwegiæ" (thirteenth century) shows that a hundred years -later the Skrælings of Greenland were known in Norway, and perhaps it is -because they there seemed stranger that the Norwegian author mentions -them. He says [Storm, 1880, pp. 76, 205]: - - "On the other side of the Greenlanders towards the north [i.e., on the - northern west coast of Greenland] there have been found by hunters - certain small people whom they call Skrælings; when these are struck - while alive by weapons, their wounds turn white without blood, but - when they are dead the blood scarcely stops running. But they have a - complete lack of the metal iron; they use the tusks of marine animals - ['dentibus cetimes,' here walrus and narwhale tusks] for missiles and - sharp stones for knives." - -The curiously correct mention of the Skrælings' weapons must be derived -from a well-informed source, and the statement established the fact that -the Norsemen met with the Eskimo of Greenland at any rate in the -thirteenth century, while at the same time it may imply that at that time -the Skrælings were not generally seen in the settlements of Greenland. The -statement as to their wounds, although connected with myth, may further -point to there having been conflicts between them and the Norse hunters, -who in Viking fashion dealt with them with a heavy hand; but at the same -time it discloses the view of the Skrælings as troll-like beings (see p. -17). - -A valuable piece of evidence of the Norsemen having early had intercourse -with the Skrælings in Greenland is a little carved walrus, of -walrus-ivory, which was found during excavations on the site of a house in -Bergen, and which appears to be of Eskimo workmanship.[61] Unfortunately -the age of the find has not been determined, nor has it been recorded at -what depth it lay; but as it was amongst the deepest finds "right down in -the very foundations," and so far as can be made out from the description -much deeper than "a burnt layer, which lay under the remains of the fire -of 1413," this walrus may be of the twelfth, or at the latest of the -thirteenth, century. It might, no doubt, have been accidentally found by -Greenlanders in a grave or dwelling-site of Skrælings, and afterwards -accidentally found on the site of this house in Bergen; but this is -assuming a good many accidents, and it is most natural to suppose that the -Greenlanders obtained it from the Skrælings themselves, and that it is -thus an evidence of intercourse with the latter at that time. - -[Illustration: Carved walrus of Eskimo work, of the twelfth century (?); -found on the site of a house in Bergen (after Koren-Wiberg, 1908)] - -[Sidenote: Silence about Skrælings in Icelandic literature] - -[Sidenote: Allusions to Skrælings in Icelandic literature] - -It is striking that the Skrælings are scarcely ever mentioned in the -descriptions of the Norsemen in Greenland in the Icelandic saga -literature, and that it is only in one or two places that Greenland -Skrælings are mentioned in passing in Icelandic narratives; but at the -same time there are detailed descriptions of both peaceful and warlike -encounters with the Skrælings in Wineland, and also in Markland (see vol. -i. pp. 327, ff.). This is like what we found in Are Frode. The explanation -must be that, while the saga-teller could bring out the distant Skrælings -of Wineland in large bodies and as dangerous opponents, quite worthy of -mention even for nobles, the harmless and timorous Skrælings of Greenland -were too well known to be used as interesting material; they were met with -in small, scattered bands, and could be maltreated without any particular -danger. They belonged to the commonplace, and commonplace was what a -saga-writer had to avoid above all; it is for the same reason that we -scarcely hear anything about the Greenlanders' and other Norsemen's -whaling and sealing and their expeditions for this purpose (e.g., to -Nordrsetur); only here and there a few words are let fall about these -things, which to us would be of so much greater value than all the tales -of fighting and slaughter. But as regards the Skrælings of Greenland there -was the additional circumstance that they were heathens; consequently -intercourse with them was forbidden by the laws of the Church, and it was -therefore best to say nothing about it. Besides, they were always regarded -in Iceland as fairies or trolls, and, as we have said, their name was -translated by "pygmæi," and it has been the same with them as with -huldre-folk and goblins, who as a rule are not mentioned in the sagas -either in Iceland or Norway, though of course they were believed in, and -there can have been no lack of "authentic" stories about them. In several -passages of Icelandic literature the Skrælings are alluded to as trolls; -to kill them was perhaps meritorious, but it was nothing to boast about. -In the Floamanna-saga it is related that Thorgils Orrabeinsfostre, on his -wonderful voyage along the east coast of Greenland, one morning saw a -large sea-monster stranded in a creek, and two troll-hags (in -skin-kirtles) were tying up big bundles of it; he rushed up, and as one of -them was lifting her bundle he cut off her hand so that her burden fell, -and she ran away. They may be regarded as Eskimo. It is true that this -saga is so full of marvels and inventions (cf. vol. i. p. 281) that we -cannot attribute much historical value to it, but it shows nevertheless -the way in which they were looked upon. In another passage of this -description Thorgils saw two "women," which must mean the same. It is -stated that "they vanished in an instant" ("þær hurfu skjótt"), just like -the underground beings. In the description of the voyage of Björn -Einarsson Jorsalafarer (given in Björn Jónsson's Annals of Greenland) it -is related that when in 1385 the same Björn (together with three other -vessels) on his way to Iceland was driven out of his course to Greenland, -and had to stay there till 1387, he rescued on a skerry two "trolls," a -young brother and sister, who stayed with him the whole time [Grönl. hist. -Mind., iii. p. 438]. These, then, were Skrælings in the Eastern -Settlement; but the designation troll is here used as a matter of course, -although nothing troll-like is related of them. - - It may further be mentioned that in legendary tales and in many of the - fanciful sagas we hear of trolls in Greenland, who may originally have - been derived from the Skrælings, but who have acquired more of the - troll- or giant-nature of fairy-tale. In the tale of the shipwreck of - the Icelandic chief Björn Thorleifsson and his wife on the coast of - Greenland,[62] the two were saved by a troll man and a hag who each - took one of them in panniers on their shoulders and carried them to - the homestead enclosure at Gardar. In the "Þáttr af Jökli Búasyni" - Jökul is wrecked in the fjord "Öllum Lengri" on the east coast of - Greenland, which was peopled by trolls and giants, and where a - friendly troll woman helps him to slay King Skrámr, etc. [Grönl. hist. - Mind., iii. p. 521]. It will be seen that here there is nothing left - of the Skrælings' nature, but the usual Norse ideas of trolls and - giants predominate. - - The most important records of Skrælings in Greenland in older times, - in addition to the works named above and the Íslendingabók, are: the - "Icelandic Annals," where they are mentioned in one year, 1379, - besides the allusion to the voyage from Nordrsetur in 1267 (cf. vol. - i. p. 308), Ivar Bárdsson's description of Greenland [Grönl. hist. - Mind., iii. p. 259], and finally Gisle Oddsson's Annals, where they - are called "the people of America" [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 459; - G. Storm, 1890a, p. 355]. - -As the Norsemen, at all events during early days in Greenland, were to a -great extent dependent on keeping cattle, as they had been in Iceland, -they must have stayed a good deal at their homesteads within the fjords; -while the Eskimo, being engaged in fishing and sealing, kept to the outer -coast. And even if the latter, after the arrival of the Icelanders in the -country, had lived scattered along the southern part of the coast, there -may thus have been little contact between them and the Norsemen. - -From the statements cited earlier (vol. i. pp. 308, f.) about the -Nordrsetur expeditions we may conclude that the Greenlanders came across -Skrælings in those northern districts. It is true that the expression -"Skrælingja vistir" has usually been interpreted as Skræling sites or -abandoned dwelling-places; but in this account a distinction is made -between "Skrælingja vistir" and "Skrælingja vistir fornligar." The latter -are old dwelling-places that have been abandoned, while the former must be -dwelling-places still in use. In the account of the voyage to the north, -about 1267, we read that at the farthest north there were found some old -Skræling dwelling-places ("vistir fornligar"), while farther south, on -some islands, were found some "Skrælingja vistir"--that is, inhabited -ones. In agreement with this it is also stated of the men who came from -the north in 1266 that - - "they saw no 'Skrælingja vistir' except in [i.e., farther north than - in] Kroksfjardarheidr, and therefore it is thought that they [the - Skrælings] must by that way have the shortest distance to travel - wherever they come from. From this one can hear [adds Björn Jónsson] - how carefully the Greenlanders took note of the Skrælings' places of - abode at that time." - -It is clear enough that this refers to dwelling-places in use and not to -old sites, for this is absolutely proved by the expression that "they have -the shortest distance to travel..."; and we thus see that the Skrælings -were found in and in the neighbourhood of Kroksfjord,[63] but on the other -hand not in the extreme north, where only old sites left by them were -found;[64] and from this the conclusion was drawn that they could not -come from the north, but by the route through Kroksfjord, wherever their -original home may have been. As they cannot well have come from inland, -nor from out at sea either, this statement may give one the impression of -something semi-supernatural. It is significant that the Skrælings -themselves are not spoken of here either; this may be due to the fact that -there was nothing remarkable in meeting with them; what, on the other -hand, was interesting was their distribution in the unknown regions -farther north. - -It was remarked in an earlier chapter (vol. i. p. 297) that the runic -stone, found north of Upernivik, shows that Norsemen were there in the -month of April, perhaps about 1300, and possibly it may also point to -intercourse with the Eskimo. It was further mentioned (vol. i. p. 308) -that the finding in 1266 "out at sea" of pieces of driftwood shaped with -"small axes" (stone axes ?) and adzes (i.e., the Eskimo form of axe), and -with wedges of bone imbedded in them, shows that there were Eskimo on the -east coast of Greenland at that time. It is true that nothing is said as -to what part of the sea the driftwood was found in; but from the context -it must have been between the west coast of Greenland and Iceland; so that -in any case it was within the region of the East Greenland current, and it -cannot very well be supposed that these pieces of driftwood came from -anywhere but the east coast of Greenland, unless indeed they should have -come all the way from Bering Strait or Alaska. The way in which they are -spoken of shows that they were regarded as something out of the common, -which was not due to Norsemen. - -[Sidenote: Allusions to Eskimo in European literature] - -The brevity of Icelandic literature in all that concerns the Skrælings is -again striking when we compare it with the information about the Eskimo -that appears in the maps and literature of Europe in the fifteenth -century. Claudius Clavus in his description of the North (before the -middle of the fifteenth century) speaks of Pygmies ("Pigmei") in the -country to the north-east of Greenland; they were one cubit high, and had -boats of hide, both short and long (i.e., kayaks and women's boats), some -of which were hanging in the cathedral at Trondhjem (see further on this -subject under the mention of Claudius Clavus). He further speaks of "the -infidel Karelians," who "constantly descend upon Greenland in great -armies."[65] The name may be derived, as shown by Björnbo and Petersen, -from the Karelians to the north-east of Norway on older maps and have been -transferred to the west, and it may then perhaps also have been confused -with the name of Skræling. - -[Illustration: Eskimo playing ball with a stuffed seal. Woodcut from -Greenland illustrating a fairy-tale, drawn and engraved by a native] - - Michel Beheim, who travelled in Norway in 1450, gives in his poem - about the journey [Vangensten, 1908, p. 18] a mythical description of - the Skrælings ("schrelinge"), who are only three "spans" high, but are - nevertheless dangerous opponents both on sea and land. They live in - caves which they dig out in the mountains, make ships of hides, eat - raw meat and raw fish, and drink blood with it. This points to his - having found in Norway ideas about the Skrælings as supernatural - beings of a similar kind to those already mentioned. - - In a letter to Pope Nicholas V. (1447-1455) it is related [cf. G. - Storm, 1899]: "And when one travels west [from Norway] towards the - mountains of this country [Greenland], there dwell there Pygmies in - the shape of little men, only a cubit high. When they see human beings - they collect and hide themselves in the caves of the country like a - swarm of ants. One cannot conquer them; for they do not wait until - they are attacked. They live on raw meat and boiled fish." This - resembles what is said about the Pygmies in Clavus, but as additional - information is given here, it is probable that both Clavus and the - author of this letter, and perhaps also Beheim, have derived their - statements from older sources, perhaps of the fourteenth century, - which either were Norwegian or had obtained information from Norway. - The description of the Pygmies and how they fly on the approach of - strangers points to knowledge of the Eskimo and their habits. The idea - about caves is, perhaps, more likely to be connected with pixies and - fairies, who lived in mounds and caves (cf. pp. 15, 76); but reports - of the half-underground Eskimo houses may also have had something to - do with it. It is possible that the common source may be the lost work - of the English author Nicholas of Lynn, who travelled in Norway in the - fourteenth century (cf. chapter xii. on Martin Behaim's globe). - - Archbishop Erik Walkendorf (in his description of Finmark of about - 1520) has a similar allusion to the Eskimo, which may well have the - same origin. He transfers them to the north-north-west of Finmark, - like the Pygmies on Claudius Clavus' map. He says: "Finmark has on its - north-north-west a people of short and small stature, namely a cubit - and a half, who are commonly called 'Skrælinger'; they are an - unwarlike people, for fifteen of them do not dare to approach one - Christian or Russian either for combat or parley. They live in - underground houses, so that one can neither examine them nor capture - them. They worship gods" [Walkendorf, 1902, p. 12].[66] - -We thus see that while Icelandic literature, subsequent to Are Frode, -affords scarcely any information about the Greenland Skrælings themselves, -it is a Norwegian author, as early as the thirteenth century, who makes -the first statements about them and their culture; and a Danish author of -the fifteenth century, whose statements may originally have been derived -from Norway (like those in the letter to the Pope and in Walkendorf), -mentions no other inhabitants of Greenland but the Eskimo (Pygmies and -Karelians);[67] but they are still referred to as semi-mythical and -troll-like beings. - -The explanation must doubtless be sought in a fundamental difference in -the point of view. To the Icelandic authors, brought up as they were in -saga-writing (and for the most part priests), the life and struggles of -their ancestors in Greenland were the only important thing, while -ethnographical interest in the primitive people of the country, the -heathen, troll-like Skrælings, was foreign to them. To this must be added -the reasons already pointed out (p. 81). In Norway, on the other hand, -kinship with the Icelandic Norsemen in Greenland was more distant, and -interest in the strange, outlandish Skrælings was correspondingly greater. -Here also different intellectual associations, and intercourse with a -variety of nationalities, caused on the whole a greater awakening of the -ethnographical sense. - -[Sidenote: Silence of the "King's Mirror" about the Skrælings] - -A remarkable exception is the "King's Mirror" (circa 1250), which makes no -mention of the Skrælings, although a good deal of space is devoted to -Greenland and the Greenlanders. But this, as it happens, throws light upon -the curious silence on the Skrælings in Icelandic literature. From the -"Historia Norwegiæ," which seems to have been written approximately at the -same time as or soon after the "King's Mirror" (perhaps between 1260 and -1264), it appears, as we have said, that the Greenland Skrælings were -known in Norway at that time; and in that case it is incredible that the -well-informed author of the "King's Mirror," who shows such intimate -knowledge of conditions in Greenland, should not have heard of them. If -he, nevertheless, does not allude to them, it appears that this must be -for a similar reason to that which caused them to be so little mentioned -in Icelandic literature. That the Skrælings should have been spoken of in -a missing portion of the "King's Mirror," which perhaps was never finished -by the author, is improbable, as the account of Greenland and its natural -conditions seems to be concluded.[68] - -Concerning the "King's Mirror" as a whole one ought to be cautious in -drawing conclusions from its silence on various subjects; from its -mentioning whales in the Iceland sea and seals in Greenland but not in -Norway one might conclude that neither whale nor seal occurred in Norway; -and the same is the case with the aurora borealis, which is only mentioned -in Greenland. - -[Sidenote: Summary of the allusions to Skrælings in Greenland] - -If we attempt to sum up what we may conclude from the historical sources -as to the Eskimo or Skrælings of Greenland during the first centuries of -the Norse settlement there, something like the following is the result: -When Eric the Red arrived in Greenland he found everywhere along the west -coast traces left by the Skrælings, but whether and to what extent he met -with the people themselves we do not hear. The probability is that the -primitive people retired from those parts of the coast, the Eastern and -Western Settlements, where the warlike and violent Norsemen established -themselves; while they continued to live in the "wastes" to the north. The -Historia Norwegiæ (besides the accounts of the voyages to the north from -Nordrsetur in 1266 and 1267) shows that the Norsemen met with them there, -but at the same time speaks of immediate fighting. The mythical tale of -Thorgils Orrabeinsfostre (p. 81) also points in the latter direction, as -does the myth in Eric the Red's Saga of the Greenlanders in Markland -stealing Skræling children. We have further the stories in Claudius Clavus -and Olaus Magnus of hide-boats and Eskimo (Pygmies) that were captured at -sea. This points to the Norsemen of that early time having looked upon the -Skrælings as legitimate spoil, wherever they met them. Doubtless upon -occasion the latter may have offered resistance or taken revenge, as may -be shown by the statement in the Icelandic Annals of the "harrying" in -1379; but as a rule they certainly fled, as is their usual habit. I have -myself seen on the east coast of Greenland how the Eskimo take to their -heels and leave their dwellings on the unexpected appearance of strangers, -and this has been the common experience of other travellers in former and -recent times. It is not likely that the ancient Norsemen, when they came -upon a dwelling-place thus suddenly abandoned, had any hesitation about -appropriating whatever might be useful to them; unless indeed a -superstitious fear of these heathen "trolls" restrained them from doing -so. It is therefore natural that the Skrælings avoided that part of -Greenland where the Norsemen lived in large numbers. But where they came -in contact we may suppose that friendly relations sometimes arose between -Eskimo and European at that time, as has been the case since; nor can the -Norsemen of those days have been so inhuman as to make this impossible; -and gradually as time went by the relations between them probably became -altogether changed, as will be discussed in the next chapter, particularly -when imports from outside ceased and the Norsemen were reduced to living -wholly on the products of the country; they then had much to learn from -the Eskimo culture, which in these surroundings was superior. - -In course of time the Eskimo of North Greenland grew in numbers, partly by -natural increase--which may have been constant there, where their catches -were assured for the greater part of the year, and they were free from -famine and ravaging diseases--and partly perhaps through a fresh gradual -immigration from the north. They therefore slowly spread farther to the -south, and gradually the whole of the southern west coast received a -denser Eskimo population, probably after the Norsemen of the Western and -Eastern Settlements had declined in prosperity and numbers, so that they -no longer appeared so formidable, and at the same time they undoubtedly -behaved in a more peaceful and friendly fashion, in proportion as their -communication with Europe fell off, and their imaginary superiority to the -Skrælings proved to be more and more illusory. - -[Sidenote: The Skrælings of Wineland] - -We have still to speak of the Skrælings whom the Greenlanders, according -to the sagas, are said to have met with in Wineland. G. Storm [1887] -maintained that they must have been Indians, which of course seems natural -if we suppose, with him, that the Greenlanders reached southern Nova -Scotia; but in recent years several authors have endeavoured to show that -they were nevertheless Eskimo.[69] From what has been made out above as to -the romantic character of these sagas it may seem a waste of time to -discuss a question like this, since we have nothing certain to go by; -especially when, as already mentioned, the name of Skræling may originally -have been used of the pixies who were thought to dwell in the Irish -fairyland, the land of the "síd," which was called Wineland. But even if -this origin of the name be correct, it does not prevent later encounters -with the natives of America (besides those of Greenland) having -contributed to make the Skrælings of Wineland more realistic, and given -them features belonging to actual experience. - - The description of them in these "romance-sagas" may thus be - considered of value, in so far as it may represent the common - impression of the natives of the western countries, with whom the - Greenlanders may have had more intercourse than appears from these - tales; but even so we cannot in any case draw any conclusions from it - with regard to the distribution of Indians or Eskimo on the east coast - of America at that period. If it could really be established, as it - cannot, that the Wineland Skrælings of the saga were Eskimo, then this - alone would lead to the conclusion that the Greenlanders on their - voyages had not been so far south as Nova Scotia, but at the farthest - had probably reached the north of Newfoundland. If the authors - mentioned have thought themselves justified in concluding that the - Greenlanders found Eskimo in Nova Scotia, because the natives of - Wineland are called Skrælings and are consequently assumed to be the - same people with the some culture as those in Greenland, they cannot - have been fully alive to the difficulty involved in its being - impossible for the Skrælings of Nova Scotia, with its entirely - different natural conditions, to have had the same arctic whaling and - sealing culture as the Skrælings of Greenland, even if they belonged - to the same race. For we should then have to believe that they had - reached Nova Scotia from the north with their culture, which was - adapted for arctic conditions. They would have to have dislodged the - tribes of Indians who inhabited these southern regions before their - arrival, although they possessed a culture which under the local - conditions was inferior, and were doubtless also inferior in warlike - qualities. In addition, these Eskimo with their Eskimo culture in Nova - Scotia must have completely disappeared again before the country was - rediscovered 500 years later, when it was solely inhabited by Indian - tribes. We are asked to accept these various improbabilities chiefly - because the word "Skræling"--which, it most be remembered, was not - originally an ethnographical name, but meant dwarf or pixy--is used of - the people both in Wineland and Greenland, because the word - "keiplabrot" is used by Are Frode (see vol. i. p. 260), and because in - two passages of Eric the Red's Saga, written down about 300 years - after the "events," the word "huðkeipr" is used of the Skrælings' - boats in Wineland, while in four passages they are called "skip" - (i.e., vessel), and in another merely "keipana." It appears to me that - this is attributing to the ancient Icelanders an ethnographical - interest which Icelandic literature proves to have been just what they - lacked (see above, pp. 80, ff.). In any case there is no justification - for regarding these tardily recorded traditions as ethnographical - essays, every word of which has a scientific meaning; and for that - they contain far too many obviously mythical features. It is not - apparent that any of the authors mentioned has decided of what kind of - hide the Skrælings in southern Nova Scotia, or even farther south - ("where no snow fell"), should have made their hide-boats. - - Opportunities of supporting themselves by sealing cannot have existed - on these Southern coasts. The species of seal which form the Eskimo's - indispensable condition of life farther north are no longer found. The - only species of seal which occurs frequently on the coast of Nova - Scotia is, as Professor Robert Collett informs me, the grey seal - (Halichoerus grypus), which is also found on the coast of Norway and - is caught, amongst other places, on the Fro Islands. But this seal - cannot have been present in sufficiently large numbers in southern - Nova Scotia or farther south to fulfil the requirements of the - ordinary Eskimo sealing culture. They must therefore have adopted - hunting on land as their chief means of subsistence, like the Indians; - but what then becomes of the similarity in culture between the - Skrælings of Greenland and Wineland, which is just what should - distinguish them from the Indians? The very foundation of the theory - thus disappears. Professor Y. Nielsen [1905, pp. 32, f.] maintains - that the Skrælings of Nova Scotia need only have had "transport boats" - or "women's boats" of hides, and that "what is there related of them - does not even contain a hint that they might have used kayaks." This - makes the theory even more improbable. If these Skrælings were without - kayaks, which are and must be the very first condition of Eskimo - sealing culture on an open sea-coast, then they cannot have had - seal-skins for women's boats or clothes or tents either. They must - then have covered these boats with the hides of land animals; but - what? True, it is known that certain Indian tribes used to cover their - canoes with double buffalo hides, a fact which the authors mentioned - cannot have remarked, since they regard hide-boats as decisive - evidence of Eskimo culture; moreover, the Irish still cover their - coracles with ox-hides; but neither buffaloes nor oxen were to be - found in Nova Scotia; are we, then, to suppose that the natives used - deer-skin? The whole line of argument than leads us from one - improbability to another, as we might expect, seeing it is built up on - so flimsy a foundation. - - The Greenlanders may well have called the Indians' birch-bark canoes - "keipr" or "keipull" (a little boat); but it is still more probable - that as the details of the tradition became gradually obliterated in - course of time, the designation of the Skræling boat came to be that - which was used for the only boats known in later times to be peculiar - to the Skrælings, namely, the hide-boats of Greenland. In addition to - this, hide-boats were also known from Ireland, while the making of - boats of birch-bark was altogether strange to the Icelanders. Besides, - if we are to attach so much importance to a single word, "huðkeipr," - which plays no part in the narrative, what are we to do with the - Skrælings' catapults ("valslongur") and their black balls which made - such a hideous noise that they put to flight Karlsevne and his - men?--these are really important features of the description, to say - nothing of the glamour. If these, like many other incidents of the - saga, are taken from altogether different quarters of the world, it is - scarcely unreasonable to suppose that a word like "huðkeipr" is - borrowed from Greenland and from Irish legend. - - The names which according to the saga were communicated by the two - Skræling children captured in Markland, and which are supposed to have - lived in oral tradition for over 250 years, have no greater claim to - serious consideration. Everything else that these children are said to - have related is demonstrably incorrect; the tale of Hvítramanna-land - is a myth from Ireland (cf. pp. 42, ff.); the statement attributed to - them that in their country people lived in caves is improbable and - obviously derived from elsewhere (cf. p. 19);[70] is it, then, likely - that the names attributed to them should be any more genuine? W. - Thalbitzer [1905, pp. 190, ff.] explains these names as misunderstood - Eskimo sentences, and supposes them to mean: _Vætilldi_, "but do wait - a moment"; _Vægi_, "wait a moment"; _Avalldamon_, "towards the - uttermost"; _Avaldidida_, "the uttermost, do you mean?" As we are told - that the two Skræling boys learned Icelandic, Thalbitzer must suppose - the men to have misinterpreted these sentences as names during the - homeward voyage from Markland to Greenland, and then he must make the - Skrælings die shortly afterwards, before the misunderstanding could be - explained. After that these meaningless names must have lived in - practically unaltered form in oral tradition for several hundred - years, until they were put into writing at the close of the thirteenth - century. It appears to me that such explanations of the words as are - attempted on p. 20 have a greater show of probability. In addition, as - pointed out in the same place, the "bearded" Skræling and their - "sinking into the earth" are mythical features which are associated - with these Skrælings. - - While the points that have been mentioned are incapable of proving - anything about Eskimo, there are other features in the saga's - description of the Skrælings of Wineland which would rather lead us to - think of the Indians: that they should attack so suddenly in large - numbers without any cause being mentioned seems altogether unlike the - Eskimo, but would apply better to warlike Indians. We are told that - the Skrælings attacked with loud cries; this is usual in Indian - warfare, but seems less like the Eskimo. During the fight with the - Skrælings Thorbrand Snorrason was found dead with a "hellustein" in - his head. Whether this means a flat stone or a stone axe (as Storm has - translated it [1887, 1899]), it is in any case not a typical Eskimo - weapon; while a stone axe used as a missile might be Indian. But, as - stated above, there is too much romance and myth about the whole tale - of the Wineland voyages to allow of any certain value being attached - to such details. I have already (p. 23) maintained that the - description of hostilities with the natives, in which the Greenlanders - were worsted, cannot be derived from Greenland, but may be due to - something actually experienced. In that case this, too, points rather - to the Indians.[71] - - William Thalbitzer [1904, pp. 20, f.] has adduced, as a possible - evidence of the more southerly extension of the Eskimo in former - times, the fact that the name "Nipisiguit," of a little river in New - Brunswick (46° 40' N. lat.), bears a strong resemblance to the Eskimo - place-name "Nepisät" in Greenland, and he also mentions another - place-name, "Tadoussak," which has a very Eskimo look. But in order to - form any opinion we should have to know the language of the extinct - Indian tribes of these parts, as well as the original forms of the - names given. They are now only known from certain old maps; but we - cannot tell how they got on to those maps. - -[Sidenote: Ultimate fate of the Eskimo] - -The Eskimo are one of the few races of hunters on the earth who with their -peculiar culture have still been able to hold their own fairly well in -spite of contact with European civilisation; the reason for this is partly -that they live so far out of the way that the contact has been more or -less cursory, partly also, as far as Greenland is concerned, that they -have been treated with more or less care, and it has been sought to -protect them against harmful European influences. In spite of this it has -not been possible to prevent their declining and becoming more and more -impoverished. The increase of their population in recent years might -doubtless give a contrary impression; but here other factors have to be -reckoned with. When the Eskimo first came in contact with European -culture, it was, as will be shown in the next chapter, their own culture -which in these surroundings gained the upper hand as soon as communication -with Europe was cut off. This would happen again if European and Eskimo -could be left to themselves, entirely cut off from the outer world. But as -this is impossible, the Eskimo culture is doomed to succumb slowly to our -trivial, all-conquering European civilisation. - - - - -[Illustration] - - -CHAPTER XI - -THE DECLINE OF THE NORSE SETTLEMENTS IN GREENLAND - - -[Sidenote: Decline of the Greenland settlements] - -The Eastern and Western Settlements in Greenland seem, as we have said, to -have grown rapidly immediately after the discovery of the country and the -first settlement there. Their flourishing period was in the eleventh, -twelfth, and part of the thirteenth centuries; but in the fourteenth they -seem to have declined rapidly; notices of them become briefer and briefer, -until they cease altogether after 1410, and in the course of the following -hundred years the Norse population seems to have disappeared entirely. The -causes of this decline were many.[72] It has been thought that it was -chiefly due to an immigration into Greenland on a large scale of Eskimo, -who gradually overpowered and exterminated the Norsemen; but, as will be -shown later, there is no ground for believing this; even if hostile -encounters took place between them, these cannot have been of great -importance. - -In the first place the decline must be attributed to changes in the -relations with Norway. From the "King's Mirror" (cf. vol. i. p. 277), -amongst other authorities, we see that the Greenlanders doubtless had to -manage to some extent without such European wares as flour and bread; they -lived mainly by sealing and fishing, and also by keeping cattle, which -gave them milk and cheese. But there were many necessary things, such as -iron for implements and weapons, and to some extent even wood[73] for -larger boats and ships, which had to be obtained from Europe, besides the -encouragement and support which were afforded in many ways by -communication with the outer world. This was not of small moment to people -who lived in isolation under such hard conditions, at the extreme limit at -which a European culture was possible; it wanted little to turn the scale. -It is therefore easy to understand that as soon as communication with the -mother country declined, the conditions of life in Greenland became so -unattractive that those who had the chance removed elsewhere, and -doubtless in most cases to Norway. - -[Sidenote: Decline in reproduction] - -But at the same time there was certainly a physiological factor involved. -For the healthy nourishment of a European cereals (hydro-carbons) are -necessary, and there can be no doubt that a prolonged exclusive diet of -meat and fat will in the case of most Europeans reduce the vital force, -and not least the powers of reproduction. This agrees with my own -experience and observation under various conditions, as, for instance, -during ten consecutive months' exclusive diet of meat and fat. It is also -confirmed by physiological experiments on omnivorous animals. The -Greenlanders were reduced to living by sealing, fishing, and keeping -cattle; milk, with its sugar of milk, was their chief substitute for the -hydro-carbons in cereals; besides this, they no doubt collected -crowberries, angelica and other vegetables; but even during the short -summer this cannot have been sufficient to counterbalance the want of -flour. It is therefore probable that their powers of reproduction -underwent a marked decrease, and they became a people of small fecundity. -The Eskimo have had thousands of years for adapting themselves through -natural selection to their monotonous flesh-diet, since those among them -who were best fitted for it had the better chance of producing offspring; -there is certainly a great difference between individuals in this respect; -some of us are by nature more vegetarian, while others are more -carnivorous. It is therefore natural that the present-day Eskimo should be -better suited for this diet; but it is none the less striking that the -rate of productiveness among them is also low. - -As, then, the Greenlanders' communications with Norway fell off more and -more, their imports of corn and flour finally ceased altogether. Their -cattle-keeping must then have declined as well, since they would have -little opportunity of renewing their stock or getting other kinds of -supplies, when bad years intervened and the greater part of the stock had -to be slaughtered or died of hunger. Consequently the people became still -more dependent on sealing; and thereby the cattle must have been -neglected. In this way their diet would become even less varied, since -milk would be lacking, and their reproduction would be further restricted. -Add to this that their average proficiency in sealing, at first in any -case, was doubtless not to be compared with that of the Eskimo, and that -they were without salt for preserving their catch, which therefore had to -be dried or frozen. They were thus not able to lay up a large provision, -and were always more and more dependent on occasional catches. It is easy -to understand that their power of resistance was not great, when bad -seasons for sealing occurred, or when they were ravaged by disease, and it -is not surprising if the population decreased. - -[Sidenote: Cessation of communication with Europe] - -The cessation of the communication of Greenland with Iceland and Norway -came about in the following way: between 1247 and 1261, during the reign -of Håkon Håkonsson, Greenland voluntarily became subject to the Norwegian -crown, whilst before this it had been a free State like Iceland. In 1294, -trade with the tributary countries of Norway, Greenland among them, was -declared a sort of royal monopoly or privilege, which the king could farm -out to Norwegian subjects. The result of this was that only the king's -ships--and of these there was as a rule only one, called "Knarren," for -the Greenland traffic--were permitted to sail there for the purposes of -trade,[74] and this was the beginning of the end. Even before that time -communication with Greenland was rare. Thus we read in the "King's Mirror" -that people seldom went there. But now, when the royal trading ship was -practically the only one that made the voyage, things were to be much -worse. Frequently several years were occupied on one trip. As some time -elapsed also between each voyage, it will be understood that, at the best, -the communication was not lively. But when it occasionally happened that -"Knarren" was wrecked, things were still worse. That the communication may -have been defective as early as the beginning of the fourteenth century is -seen from a letter from Bishop Arne, of Bergen, to Bishop Tord in -Greenland, of June 22, 1308, wherein it is taken for granted that the -death of King Eric nine years before, in 1299, was not yet known in -Greenland. In the middle of the fourteenth century, for instance, -"Knarren" returned to Bergen in 1346 safe and sound and with a very great -quantity of goods; but perhaps did not sail again until 1355, and we hear -nothing of her return before 1363 (?). In 1366 we hear that "Knarren" was -again fitted out; but she was wrecked north of Bergen in the following -year, probably on the outward voyage. In the year following a new trading -ship must actually have arrived with the new bishop, Alf; but it is stated -that Greenland had then been without a bishop for nineteen years. In 1369 -the Greenland ship seems again to have been sunk off Norway.[75] - -It looks as if these voyages of "Knarren" became rarer and rarer, until at -the beginning of the fifteenth century (1410) they presumably ceased -altogether; in any case, we hear no more of them. Even though the -Greenland traffic may have paid, it cost money to fit out "Knarren," and -when there was so much doing in other quarters, it was not always easy to -procure the necessary funds. Another reason for the decline was the -growing influence and power of the Hanseatic League over trade and -navigation in Norway. Together with the Victualien Brethren and the -adherents of the captive King Albrekt of Sweden, the Leaguers took and -sacked Bergen in 1393. In 1428 the town was again taken by the Hanseatic -League. It may easily be understood that events of this kind had a -disturbing and perhaps entirely paralysing effect on the Greenland -traffic, which had its headquarters in this town. Moreover, Norway had -before this been much weakened by the Black Death, which visited the -country in 1349. It raged with special virulence in Bergen; but there is -no notice of the disease having spread to Greenland; perhaps that country -was spared through "Knarren" not having sailed there before 1355, and -probably no other ship having made the voyage in the interval. In 1392 -there was again a severe pestilence throughout Norway, and many people -died. In that year too a great many ships were wrecked. There were thus a -number of misfortunes at that time, and the people of Norway had enough to -occupy them in their own affairs. Another circumstance unfavourable to the -communication with Greenland was the union of Norway with Denmark, and for -a time with Sweden. The seat of government was thereby removed to -Copenhagen, and interest in Norway, and especially in its so-called -tributary countries, was further greatly diminished by the larger claims -of Denmark and Sweden. - -It is reasonable to suppose that under such conditions the settlements in -Greenland, which were almost entirely cut off, must have decayed; -comparatively few, perhaps, were able to get a passage, and left the -country by degrees; but the people declined in numbers; they adopted an -entirely Eskimo mode of living, and mixed with the Eskimo, who perhaps at -the same time spread southwards in greater numbers along the west coast of -Greenland. It was remarked in the last chapter that the Norsemen, when -they arrived in the country, evidently looked down upon the stone-age, -troll-like Skrælings, whom they could hunt and ill-use with impunity; with -their iron weapons, their warlike propensities, and their larger vessels, -they may perhaps have been able to maintain this imaginary superiority in -the early days, so long as they still had some kind of supplies from -abroad. But it is obvious that these relations must have been -fundamentally changed when this communication gradually ceased, and they -were reduced, without any support from Europe, to make the best of the -country's resources; then the real superiority of the Eskimo in these -surroundings asserted its full rights, and the Greenlanders had to begin -to look upon them in a very different light. It is therefore perfectly -natural that from this very fourteenth century a fundamental change in the -relations between Norsemen and Skrælings set in. And that such was the -case seems to result in many ways from the meagre information we possess. - -[Sidenote: Gisle Oddsson's annals on the decline of the Greenlanders] - -In the Annals of Bishop Gisle Oddsson, written in Iceland in Latin before -1637, we read under the year 1342 [G. Storm, 1890a, pp. 355, f.; Grönl. -hist. Mind., iii. p. 459]: - - "The inhabitants of Greenland voluntarily forsook the true faith and - the religion of the Christians, and after having abandoned all good - morals and true virtues turned to the people of America ('ad Americæ - populos se converterunt'); some also think that Greenland lies very - near to the western lands of the world. From this it came about that - the Christians began to refrain from the voyage to Greenland." - -It is not known from whence Gisle Oddsson took this statement. As the -expression "the people of America" ("Americæ populi") is a curious one, -and as the statements in the bishop's annals following that quoted above -are entirely myths and inventions taken from Lyschander's "Grönlands -Chronica" (but originally derived from Saxo and Adam of Bremen), Storm -regarded the whole account as spurious and lacking any mediæval authority. -Interpreting, curiously enough, "ad Americæ populos se converterunt" to -mean that the Greenlanders had emigrated to America, Storm supposes that -this may be a hypothesis "formed to explain the disappearance from -Greenland of the old Norwegian-Icelandic colony." But the meaning of the -passage can scarcely be interpreted otherwise than as translated above, -that the Greenlanders had forsaken Christianity, given up good morals and -virtues, and had been converted to the belief and customs of the American -people (i.e., the Skrælings). The people of America must be a strained -expression the bishop has used to denote the heathen Skrælings (who -inhabited Greenland and the American lands) in contradistinction to the -Christian Europeans. Greenland was frequently regarded in Iceland in those -times as a part of America (cf. the map, p. 7). Hans Egede, for example, -thought the natives of Greenland were "Americans." In other words, the -statement simply means that in 1342 a report came that the Greenlanders -were associating amicably with the heathen Skrælings (which was forbidden -by the ecclesiastical law of that time), and had begun to adopt their mode -of life; which, in fact, is extremely probable. - -The question is, then, from whence Gisle Oddsson may have derived this, -which is not known from any other source. Storm thought it out of the -question that it was taken from Lyschander (from whom the same annals -have borrowed so much else); but we cannot be so sure of this. After -having related the volcanic eruption and disasters in Iceland in 1340 -(also recorded by Gisle Oddsson), Lyschander continues: - - "Norway and Sweden and Greenland also - They were hereafter well able to perceive - That such things boded ill to them. - These kingdoms they came into the hands of the Dane, - And Greenland went astray on the strand, - Not long after these times." - -Whatever may be meant by this strained, obscure expression about Greenland -(is "strand" a misprint for "stand"--"went astray in its condition" ?), it -might at any rate be interpreted to mean that its inhabitants had been -converted (gone astray) to a heathen religion (the people of America); -"not long after these times" (i.e., after 1340) may thus have been made -into 1342. But the mention of a definite date--which, it may be remarked, -would suit very well for the time when the Greenlanders passed into Eskimo -in larger numbers, at any rate in the Western Settlement (cf. Ivar -Bárdsson's description, see below, p. 108)--may possibly indicate that -some ancient authority or other is really the foundation for the -statement, and perhaps also for the lines quoted from Lyschander. Finn -Magnussen [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 459] thinks that Gisle Oddsson may -have derived much information from the archives and library of Skálholdt -cathedral, which was burnt in 1630. - -[Sidenote: Conversion of the Greenlanders into Eskimo] - -Whether genuine or not, this statement may correctly describe the fate of -the Greenland settlements. Deserted by the mother country, and left to -their own resources, the Greenlanders were forced to adopt the Eskimo mode -of life, and became absorbed in them. This took place first in the more -northerly and more thinly populated Western Settlement, and later in the -Eastern Settlement as well. The Eskimo with their kayaks and their sealing -appliances were the superiors of the Greenlanders in sealing (as appears -from the account of Björn Jorsalafarer), and their mode of life was -better suited to the conditions of Greenland; it is therefore incredible -that their culture should not gain the upper hand in an encounter, under -conditions otherwise equal, with that of Europeans, even though there were -certain things that they might learn of the Europeans, especially the use -of iron.[76] Furthermore, the Greenlanders' stock of cattle, goats and -sheep had, as we have seen (p. 97), greatly declined owing to the long -severance from Europe, and for this reason also they were obliged to adopt -more of the Eskimo way of life. But then their places of residence within -the fjords, far from the sealing-grounds, were no longer advantageous, and -by degrees they entirely adopted the Eskimo's more migratory life along -the outer coast. Then, again, the Eskimo women were probably no less -attractive to the Northerners of that time than they are to those of the -present day, and thus much mixture of blood gradually resulted. The -children came to speak the Eskimo language, and took at once to a wholly -Eskimo way of life, just as at the present day the children of Danes and -Eskimo in Greenland do. As the Norsemen at that time must also have been -very inferior to the Eskimo in numbers, they must by degrees have become -Eskimo both physically and mentally; and when the country was rediscovered -in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries there were only Eskimo there, -while all traces of the Norwegian-Greenland culture seemed to have -disappeared. - -[Illustration: Ruins of church at Kakortok in the Eastern Settlement -(after Th. Groth)] - -Let us suppose that we could repeat the experiment and plant a number of -European sealers in Baffin Land, for instance, with their women, together -with a greater number of Eskimo, and then cut off all communication with -the civilised world. Can we have any doubt as to the kind of culture we -should find there if we could come back after two hundred years? All the -inhabitants would be Eskimo, and we should find few traces of European -culture. - -[Illustration: Salmon-fishing in Vazdal by Ketils-fjord in the Eastern -Settlement (see map, vol. i. p. 265), where the "birch forest" is as high -as 20 ft. From a photograph by Dr. T. N. Krabbe (A. S. Jensen, 1910)] - -[Sidenote: Norse traces among the Greenland Eskimo] - -It would doubtless seem reasonable to expect that the descendants of the -ancient Norsemen of Greenland and of the Eskimo with whom they became -absorbed should have shown signs in their external appearance of this -descent, when discovered in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; but -unfortunately we have no descriptions of them from that time which allow -of any conclusions being drawn on the subject. It is true that Hans Egede -says [1741, p. 66] that the Eskimo of Greenland "have broad faces and -thick lips, are flat-nosed and of a brownish complexion; though some of -them are quite handsome and white"; but nothing definite can be concluded -from this, and in the period after Egede's arrival the natives on the west -coast became so mixed that it is now hopeless to look for any of the -original race. It is, however, remarkable that Graah found in 1829-1831 -Eskimo on the east coast of Greenland, many of whom struck him as -resembling Scandinavians in appearance--a fact which he sought to explain -by European sailors having perhaps been wrecked there. - -But if it is now difficult to prove in this way the partially Norse -descent of the natives on the southern west coast of Greenland, it is to -be expected that there should be many vestiges in their myths and -fairy-tales which would give evidence of this. And this is precisely what -we find. In an earlier work [1891, pp. 207, ff.; Engl. ed., pp. 248, ff.] -I think I have pointed out numerous features in their tales that bear a -resemblance to the Norse mythical world, and that must have been derived -from thence; and many more might be adduced. The similarities are -sufficiently numerous to bear witness to a quite intimate intellectual -contact, and are in full agreement with what we should expect. But it may -seem strange that their religious ideas did not show more Christian -influence, especially when we see that even so late as 1407 Christianity -was powerful enough in the Eastern Settlement for a man to be burnt for -having seduced another's wife by witchcraft. There are, however, many -features in their conceptions of another world, of which Egede speaks, -which appear to be necessarily of Christian origin; we must suppose, too, -that Christian education was at a very low ebb in Greenland at the close -of the fourteenth century, and soon ceased altogether. - -[Sidenote: Norse words in the Eskimo language] - -Only a few words in the language of the Greenland Eskimo on the southern -west coast have been shown to be of Norse origin. Hans Egede himself -pointed out the following: "kona" (== wife, Old Norse kona), "sava" or -"savak" (== sheep, O.N. sauðr, gen. sauða), "nisa" or "nisak" (== -porpoise, O.N. hnísa), "kuanek" (== angelica, O.N. hvonn, plur. hvannir). -Some of these words recur in Labrador Eskimo, but may have been introduced -by the Moravian missionaries from Greenland. We may also mention the name -the Eskimo of southern Greenland apply to themselves, "karalek" or -"kalalek," which may come from the word Skræling (which in Eskimo would -become "sakalalek"). This, as the Eskimo told Egede, was the name the -ancient Norsemen had called them by; otherwise the Eskimo call themselves -"inuit" (== human beings); and curiously enough "kalalek" is not used by -the Eskimo of northern Greenland; on the other hand, it is known to the -Labrador Eskimo, but may have been brought by the missionaries, although -the latter asserted that it was known when they came. It is perhaps of -more importance that, according to H. Rink, a similar word ("kallaluik," -"katlalik" or "kallaaluch," for chief or shaman) occurs in the dialects of -Alaska. - -[Sidenote: Complaints of apostasy in notices of Greenland] - -Through all the notices of Greenland and its condition, especially those -from religious sources, there runs after the fourteenth century a cry of -apostasy, which is ominous of this mixture of the Norsemen with the -Skrælings: we see it in the doubtful statement from 1342 about their -conversion to "the people of America"; a little later, according to Ivar -Bárdsson's account (see p. 108), the heathen Skrælings were predominant in -the Western Settlement; furthermore, the trading ship was fitted out in -1355 to prevent the "falling away" of Christianity [Grönl. hist. Mind., -iii. p. 122]; Björn Einarsson's account (see below, p. 112) concludes with -the statement that when he was there (1386) "the bishop of Gardar was -lately dead, and an old priest ... performed all the episcopal -ordinations" [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 438]; after that time no bishop -came to Greenland; and finally the papal letter of 1492-93 describes the -Greenlanders as a people abandoned by bishop and priest, for which reason -most of them had fallen from the Christian faith, although they still -preserved a memory of the Christian church service (see later).[77] This -may all point in the same direction: that the Norsemen in Greenland -became more and more absorbed by the Eskimo. - -[Sidenote: War of extermination improbable] - -Of course there may have been occasional hostile encounters between the -Eskimo and Norsemen in Greenland, especially as the latter, as pointed out -in the last chapter, must frequently have acted with a heavy hand when -they had the power. But that the Eskimo should have carried on a regular -war of extermination, which resulted in the complete destruction first of -the Western and then of the Eastern Settlement, as has been generally -assumed until quite recently--this is incredible to any one who knows the -Eskimo and considers what their conditions of life were. Where should they -have developed this warlike propensity which was afterwards foreign to -them, and where should they have had training in the art of war? This idea -of the destruction of the settlements by hostilities is the result mainly -of three statements about Greenland, of which one is very improbable and -on many points impossible, another deals possibly with an actual attack, -and the third is demonstrably false. We must here examine these notices a -little more closely. - -[Sidenote: Ivar Bárdsson on the Western Settlement] - -In 1341 Bishop Hákon of Bergen sent a priest, Ivar Bárdsson, to Greenland. -He was for a number of years steward of the bishop's residence at Gardar, -and is said also to have visited the Western Settlement. We do not know -for certain how long he was in Greenland, but in 1364 he again appears in -Norway [cf. G. Storm, 1887, p. 74]. There exists in Danish a description -of the fjords, more especially of the Eastern Settlement, which, according -to its own words, must to a great extent be derived from oral -communications of this Ivar (see below). These must originally have been -taken down by another Norwegian, in Norwegian, and were thence translated -into Danish [cf. F. Jónsson, 1899, p. 279]. There is thus a double -possibility that the third-hand version we possess may contain many errors -and misconceptions, of which, in fact, it bears evident marks. After -speaking of the fjords in the Eastern Settlement, it says of the Western -Settlement and of the journey thither:[78] - - "Item from the Eastern Settlement to the Western is a dozen - sea-leagues and all is uninhabited, and there in the Western - Settlement stands a great church which is called Stensness Church; - this church was for a time a cathedral and the see of a bishop.[79] - Now the Skrælings possess the whole Western Settlement; there are - indeed horses, goats, cattle and sheep, all wild, and no people either - Christian or heathen. - - "Item all this that is said above was told us by Iffuer bort [or - Bardsen], a Greenlander, who was steward of the bishop's residence at - Gardum in Greenland for many years, that he had seen all this and he - was one of those who were chosen by the 'lagmand' to go to the Western - Settlement against the Skrælings to expel the Skrælings from the - Western Settlement, and when they came there they found no man, either - Christian or heathen, but some wild cattle and sheep, and ate of the - wild cattle, and took as much as the ships could carry and sailed with - it home [i.e., to the Eastern Settlement], and the said Iffuer was - among them. - - "Item there lies in the north, farther than the Western Settlement, a - great mountain which is called 'Hemelrachs felld' [or 'Himinraðz - fjall,' cf. vol. i. p. 302], and farther than to this mountain must no - man sail, if he would preserve his life from the many whirlpools which - there lie round the whole sea." - -[Illustration: From an Icelandic MS. of the fourteenth century] - -Strangely enough no author has expressed a doubt of the credibility of -this description, although as usually interpreted it contains an -impossibility, which must strike any one on a closer examination. It is -still commonly interpreted as though Ivar Bárdsson had found the whole -Western Settlement destroyed by Eskimo.[80] But if this was so, how could -he have found there wild cattle, sheep, horses and goats? The whole -Western Settlement must then have been destroyed the summer that he was -there; for the wild cattle could not possibly have supported themselves -through the winter in Greenland; evidently the author, who was -unacquainted with the conditions in Greenland, did not think of this. -Besides, can any one who knows the Eskimo imagine that they slaughtered -the men, but not the cattle? This represented food to them, and that is -what they would first have turned their attention to. It is not stated -which fjord of the Western Settlement it was that Ivar visited; but in any -case it is hardly to be supposed that it was all the fjords, which thus -would all have been destroyed at the same time. The conclusion that Ivar -found the whole Western Settlement laid waste is therefore in any case -unfounded; it can at the most have been one fjord, or perhaps only one -homestead (?). If there should really be some historical foundation for -the description of Ivar Bárdsson's voyage, then it may perhaps be -interpreted in an altogether different way. The people of the Western -Settlement, where the conditions for keeping cattle were far less -favourable than farther south in the Eastern Settlement, undoubtedly -became earlier absorbed among the Eskimo and went over to their mode of -living. This may also be what is alluded to in the perhaps approximately -contemporary statement of 1342, already quoted (p. 101), which says that -the Greenlanders "turned to the people of America." It is possible that it -was just this same state of things that was the cause of Ivar's being sent -to expel the Skrælings from the Western Settlement. When he arrived in the -summer at the fjord which he possibly visited, the people may therefore, -in Eskimo fashion, have been absent on sealing expeditions somewhere out -on the sea-coast and living in tents, while the cattle were turned out at -pasture round the homesteads.[81] This would explain how they came to be -found alive. The men of the Eastern Settlement then, with or against their -better conscience, stole and carried off the property of the half-Eskimo -men of the Western Settlement during their absence, and when the latter -returned they found their homesteads plundered, not by Eskimo but by -Greenlanders. But it is perhaps very questionable whether the whole -account of this voyage is particularly historical. The statement about the -whirlpools, for one thing, is mythical, pointing to an idea that this was -near the end of the earth, and in the description immediately following -like and unlike are mixed together in a way that is calculated to arouse -doubt. We read thus: - - "Item in Greenland there are silver-mines [which are not found there], - white bears having red spots on the head [sic!].... Item in Greenland - great tempests never come. Item snow falls much in Greenland, it is - not so cold there as in Iceland and Norway, there grows on high - mountains and down below fruit as large as some apples and good to - eat, the best wheat that can be grows there."[82] - -As will be seen, one absurdity succeeds another. It may be objected that -as it is not stated that this last paragraph is due to Ivar the -Greenlander, it may have been added later; but it contains an admixture of -statements that must come from Greenland--e.g., about the white bears, -whales' tusks (i.e., of walrus or narwhale), walrus hides, soapstone -(steatite), of which they make pots, and large vessels; it is also stated -that "there are many reindeer," and it seems probable that it is all -derived from the same untrustworthy source. - -To what has here been said some will object that, even if this description -ascribed to Ivar Bárdsson bears evident marks of being inexact, it shows -at any rate that in Norway, when it was taken down, the view prevailed -that the Western Settlement had been destroyed by an attack of the -Skrælings. But nothing of the kind is really stated in the account (cf. -above, p. 108, note 3); and the possibly contemporary statement (of 1342 -?) which has already been given (p. 100) shows that in Iceland, at any -rate in the seventeenth century, the contrary view prevailed, unless -indeed we are to explain this statement as having arisen through a -misunderstanding of Lyschander. - -[Sidenote: Eskimo attack in 1379] - -Under the year 1379 the so-called "Gottskalks Annáll" (of the second half -of the sixteenth century) has a statement which cannot be regarded as -certain, as it is not found in the other Icelandic annals, but which may -have been taken from older sources. It reads [G. Storm's edition of -Islandske Annaler, 1888, p. 364]: - - "The Skrælings harried the Greenlanders and killed of them eighteen - men and took two boys and made slaves of them." - -[Sidenote: Björn Jorsalafarer's account, 1385-87] - -It is possible that this may have some historical foundation, and in that -case it doubtless refers to some collision or attack, perhaps at sea, in -which the Eskimo were superior and the Greenlanders were defeated, which -latter circumstance is the reason of our hearing something about it; in -the contrary case it would not have been reported. That the Eskimo took -two boys is conceivable if they were quite young, so that they could be -trained for sealing; they would thus provide an increase of the capital of -the community. It is not unlikely that rumours of some such collisions as -this may have contributed to form the ideas prevalent in Norway as to the -formidable character of the Skrælings,[83] while at the same time there -existed ideas of their flying from Europeans, which appear in the reports -of the Pygmies (cf. the letter to the Pope, about 1450, and Walkendorf, -above, p. 86). Whether the encounter referred to took place in the Western -or in the Eastern Settlement (or perhaps in Nordrsetur ?) we do not know. -If we are to place any reliance on Ivar Bárdsson's description, we must -suppose that the Western Settlement and its fate were little known at that -time. But that friendly relations between the Greenlanders and the Eskimo -may have prevailed also in the Eastern Settlement later than this seems to -result from the account of the widely travelled Icelander Björn Einarsson -Jorsalafarer's stay in Greenland from 1385 to 1387. On a voyage to Iceland -in 1385 he was in distress, and was driven out of his course to the -Eastern Settlement with four ships, which all arrived safe and well in -Iceland in 1387.[84] It seems that there was a difficulty in feeding all -these crews, but Björn is said to have had the district of Eric's fjord -handed over to him while he was there (?), and received as a contribution -130 fore-quarters of sheep (?). There is also related a fable that on his -coming there and going down to the sea to look for seals he happened to -witness a combat between a polar bear and a walrus, "who always fight when -they meet,[85] and he afterwards killed them both." - - "Then Björn the franklin found maintenance for his people through one - of the largest rorquals being driven ashore, with a marked harpoon - belonging to Olaf of Isafjord in Iceland, and finally it was also of - importance that he came to the assistance of two trolls [i.e., - Eskimo], a young brother and sister, on a tidal skerry [i.e., one that - was under water at high tide]. They swore fidelity to him, and from - that time he never was short of food; for they were skilled in all - kinds of hunting, whatever he wished or needed. What the troll girl - liked best was when Solveig, the mistress of the house, allowed her to - carry and play with her boy who had lately been born. She also wanted - to have a linen hood like the mistress, but made it for herself of - whale's guts. They killed themselves, and threw themselves into the - sea from the cliffs after the ships, when they were not allowed to - sail with the franklin Björn, their beloved master, to Iceland." - -The description of Björn Einarsson's voyage is full of extravagances and -anything but trustworthy; but his stay in Greenland with the four ships is -certainly historical; and the description of the two young Eskimo has many -features so typical of the Eskimo--such as the girl's fondness for -children, her making a hood of whale's guts, and their superior skill in -sealing--that they show without doubt that at that time there was -intercourse with the Eskimo in the Eastern Settlement. - -From an existing royal document of 1389 it appears that, when Björn and -his companions came from Iceland to Bergen in 1388, they were prosecuted -for illegal trading with Greenland, which was a royal monopoly; but they -were acquitted, since they had been driven there in great distress and -were obliged to trade in order to obtain food [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. -pp. 139, f.]. - -[Sidenote: Papal letter of 1448 on an Eskimo attack] - -A document to which much weight has been attached is a papal letter which -has been preserved, from Nicholas V. in 1448 to the two bishops of -Iceland. It is there said of Greenland, amongst other things [Grönl. hist. -Mind., iii. p. 170]: - - "From the neighbouring coasts of the heathens the barbarians came - thirty years ago with a fleet, attacked the people living there [in - Greenland] with a cruel assault, and so destroyed the land of their - fathers and the sacred edifices with fire and sword that only nine - parish churches were left in the whole island [Greenland], and these - are said to be the most remote, which they could not reach on account - of the steep mountains. They carried the miserable inhabitants of both - sexes as prisoners to their own country, especially those whom they - regarded as strong and capable of bearing constant burdens of slavery, - as was fitting for their tyranny. But since, as the same complaint - adds,[86] in the course of time most of them have returned from the - said imprisonment to their own homes, and have here and there repaired - the ruins of their dwellings, they long to establish and extend divine - service again, as far as possible...." Then follows a lengthy - discourse on their religious needs, and what might be done to relieve - them, without costing the rich Papacy anything. - -As the barbarians here must undoubtedly mean the Eskimo, it has been -regarded as a historical fact that the latter about 1418 made a -devastating attack on the Eastern Settlement, and this document has thus -lent weighty support to the general opinion that the Greenland settlements -perished as the result of an Eskimo war of extermination. But the letter -itself shows such obvious ignorance of conditions in Greenland, especially -with regard to the Eskimo, that there must be some doubt about the -complaint on which it is based. To begin with, it is in itself unlikely -that the peaceful and unwarlike Eskimo, who can have had no practice in -warfare, since they had previously had no one to fight with, except -walruses and bears, should have come with a "fleet" and made an organised -attack in large masses, and destroyed people and houses and churches in -the Eastern Settlement. Even if they might have been provoked to -resistance or even revenge by ill-usage on the part of the Greenlanders, -or perhaps have coveted their iron implements, it is an impossibility that -they should have organised themselves for a campaign. But it is added that -they carried off the inhabitants of both sexes to use them as slaves; for -what work?--in sealing they were themselves superior, in preparing skins -and food their women were superior; and other work they had none. To a -Greenland Eskimo it would be an utterly absurd idea to feed unnecessary -slaves, and it betrays itself as of wholly European origin. The statement -that after the incursion only nine parish churches were left also betrays -ignorance; as pointed out by Storm, there were never more than twelve, -even in the flourishing period of the Settlement, and by about 1418 there -were certainly not nine in all. Furthermore, the letter is not addressed -to the two bishops really officiating in Iceland, but to the two -impostors, the German Marcellus and his confederate Mathæus, who by means -of false representations had induced Pope Nicholas V. to consecrate them -bishops of Iceland [cf. G. Storm, 1892, p. 399]. The probability is that -the two impostors themselves composed the complaint from Greenland which -was the cause of the papal letter, and which thus did not reach the Pope -until thirty years after the alleged incursion; their object must have -been to obtain further advantages. The papal document of 1448 must -therefore be entirely discarded as historical evidence so far as its -statements about Greenland are concerned. - -[Sidenote: Eskimo legends of fighting with Norsemen] - -Consequently the only possibly historical statement left to us, to prove -that the Eskimo took the offensive, is that of their "harrying" in 1379; -but from this we can doubtless only conclude that at the most there was a -collision between Eskimo and Greenlanders. It has also been adduced that -the Eskimo of Greenland have a few legends of fighting with the ancient -Norsemen, and one which tells how the last of the Norsemen was slain. It -must, however, be remembered that these legends were taken down in the -last century, when the Eskimo had again been in contact with Europeans for -several hundred years, and when Norwegians and Danes had been living in -the country for over a hundred years. Some of the legends certainly refer -to recent collisions with Europeans, and it is not easy to say what value -can be attached to the others as evidence of an extermination of the last -Norsemen. It is also to be remarked that the Norsemen, or Long-Beards, are -not spoken of with ill-will in these legends, but rather with sympathy, -which is difficult to understand if there had been such hatred as would -account for a war of extermination. Add to this that the particular -encounter which led to the last Long-Beard being pursued and slain arose, -according to the tale, quite accidentally, which is difficult to imagine -if it was the conclusion of a lengthy war of extermination, in which -homestead after homestead and district after district had been harried and -laid waste. The legends of the Eskimo cannot therefore be cited as -evidence of the probability of any such war. - -[Sidenote: Unwarlike disposition of the Eskimo] - -It has been said that even if such warlike proceedings would be entirely -incompatible with the present nature, disposition and way of thinking of -the Greenland Eskimo, it may formerly have been otherwise. But in any -case no long time can have elapsed between the alleged final overthrow of -the Eastern Settlement, perhaps about 1500, and the rediscovery of -Greenland in the sixteenth century. It is not likely that the Eskimo -should have so completely changed their nature in the few intervening -years; those whom the discoverers then found seem, from the accounts, to -have strikingly resembled those we find later. And if one reads Hans -Egede's description of the Eskimo among whom he lived and worked, it -appears absolutely impossible that the same people two hundred years -earlier should have waged a cruel war of extermination against the last of -the Norsemen. - -There is, it is true, a possibility, as Dr. Björnbo has pointed out to me, -that the mixture of race which gradually took place between Eskimo and -Norsemen may for a time have produced a mixed type, which possessed a more -quarrelsome disposition than the pure Eskimo, and may have inherited the -not very peaceful habits of the Norsemen, and that in this way, for -instance, a possible attack in 1379 may be explained. But this can only -have been the case at the beginning of the period of intermixture, and the -type must have changed again in proportion as the Eskimo element in race -and culture became preponderant.[87] - -[Sidenote: No tradition of a war of extermination can be proved] - -The allusion to the Pygmies of Greenland in the letter to Nicholas V., -quoted above (p. 86), gives us the Eskimo as we are accustomed to see -them; and the description of these small men, a cubit high, who fly in a -body at the sight of strangers, gives a surer and truer picture of the -Skrælings than when they are represented as warlike and dangerous -barbarians. The statements about the Pygmies in Claudius Clavus also -enable us to see how the Norsemen sometimes treated the Eskimo, when they -caught them - - "at sea in a hide-boat, which now hangs in the cathedral at Trondhjem; - there is also a long boat of hides [i.e., a women's boat] which was - also once taken with such Pygmies in it." - -But that these little Pygmies, a cubit high, were regarded as formidable -warriors, engaged in exterminating the Norsemen, is difficult to -believe,[88] even though Michel Beheim attributes warlike qualities to -them (cf. p. 85). Walkendorf, who had so carefully collected all -traditions about Greenland, describes (circa 1520) the Skrælings as an -"unwarlike" and harmless people (see above, p. 86). It is impossible to -reconcile this with a tradition of a war of extermination. - -There are therefore good grounds for supposing that Arne Magnussen was -approximately correct when he said in 1691 [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. -138]: - - "It is probable that owing to the daily increase of the ice and its - drifting down from the Pole, it thus befell Greenland, and the - Christian inhabitants either died of hunger or were constrained to - practise the same Vitæ genus as the savages, and thus degenerated into - their nature." - -[Sidenote: Last known voyage to the Eastern Settlement] - -In the year 1406 the Icelanders Thorstein Helmingsson, Snorre Thorvason -and Thorgrim Solvason, in one ship, were driven out of their course to -Greenland. "They sailed out from Norway, and were making for Iceland. They -stayed there [in Greenland] four winters" [cf. Islandske Annaler, ed. -Storm, 1888, p. 288]. While they were there, in the following year [1407] - - "a man named Kolgrim was burnt in Greenland for that he lay with - Thorgrim Solvason's wife, who was the daughter of a 'lagmand' of high - standing in Iceland. This man got her consent by black art; he was - therefore burnt according to sentence; nor was the woman ever after - in her right mind, and died a little later." - -In 1408 one of the Icelanders married in Greenland, which is of interest -from the fact that several documents bearing witness to the marriage are -extant. In 1410 "Thorstein Helmingsson and Thorgrim Solvason and Snorre -Thorvason and the rest of their crew sailed to Norway." Whether this was -in their own ship we do not know; but as they sailed to Norway and not to -Iceland it is doubtless most probable that their ship was destroyed and -that they had to wait these four years for a passage to Norway. In -1411[89] a small vessel was wrecked on the coast of Iceland; on board her -came Snorre Thorvason from Norway. His wife, Gudrun, had during his -absence married another man in 1410. She "now rode to meet him. He -received her kindly." "Snorre took his wife to him again, but they only -lived a little while together before he died, and she then married Gisle -[the other man] again." - -This is the last certain information we have of any voyage to the ancient -settlements of Greenland. After that time all notices cease. As Holberg -says [Danm. Hist., i. 531], after the time of Queen Margaret the -succeeding kings had so much to do that they had no time to think of old -Greenland.[90] - -[Sidenote: Trade with Norway's tributary countries] - -In 1431 King Eric of Pomerania complained to the English king, Henry VI., -of the illegal trading which the English had carried on for the previous -twenty years (that is, since 1411) with "Norway's Lands and Islands": -Iceland, Greenland, the Faroes, Shetland, the Orkneys, Helgeland and -Finmark; and of the acts of violence and piratical incursions, with fire -and rapine, that they had committed in this period, by which they had -carried off many ships laden with fish and other goods, and many people -had perished.[91] As early as 1413 King Eric's ambassador to the English -king, Henry V., had made a strong protest against all foreign and -unprivileged trade with these countries. On Christmas Eve, 1432, a treaty -was signed between the two kings, whereby Henry VI. engaged himself to -make good all the damage the English had caused to King Eric's subjects in -the said countries, and all the people who during those twenty years had -been violently carried off were, by the direction of the English king, -wherever they might be found in his dominions, to receive payment for -their services and to return freely to their native places. Further, the -old prohibition of trading with the Norwegian tributary lands was renewed. -The same prohibition was renewed and enforced on the English side by Henry -VI. in 1444, and by a new treaty between him and Christiern I., concluded -at Copenhagen, July 17, 1449; but this was only to remain in force till -Michaelmas 1451. After that time the English merchants, some of whom no -doubt were Norwegians established at Bristol, seem to have seized upon -nearly the whole of the trade with Iceland, and often conducted themselves -with violence there. But in 1490 this trade was made free on certain -conditions. - -These negotiations give us an insight into the state of things in Northern -waters at that time. At the same time there were difficulties with the -Hanseatic League, which tried to seize upon all trade. - -Among these so-called Norwegian tributary countries was Greenland, which -is mentioned with the others in the complaint of 1431; but whether this -means that the English extended their trading voyages, which frequently -became piratical expeditions, so far, we do not know; in any case it is -not impossible, although of course the voyage to Iceland with its rich -fisheries was much more important. We know that this was carried on from -Bristol in particular, where, as has been said, many Norwegians were -established. - -[Sidenote: Possibility of voyages to Greenland in the 15th century (?)] - -The statements about Greenland contained in the papal letter of 1448 were, -as we have seen, false. Perhaps not very much more weight is to be -attached to the story, in Peyrere's "Relation du Groënland" (Paris, 1647), -of Oluf Worm of Copenhagen having found in an old Danish MS. a statement -that about 1484 there were more than forty experienced men living at -Bergen, who were in the habit of sailing to Greenland every year and -bringing home valuable goods; but as they would not sell their wares to -the Hanse merchants, the latter revenged themselves by inviting them to a -supper and killing them all at night. This then was said to be the end of -the Greenland voyage, which had to cease thenceforward, because no one -knew the course any more [cf. Grönl hist. Mind., iii. pp. 471, f.]. The -story as given here is in many respects improbable; but even if the forty -or more men and the annual voyage are exaggerations, there are other -indications that about that time there may have been some sort of -communication with Greenland or the countries to the west of it, as will -be mentioned later. The royal monopoly of the Iceland trade was no longer -in force, and the same may have applied to Greenland. It is then -conceivable that merchants may have gone there; and if their trading -prospered they had every reason to keep it as secret as possible, lest -others should interfere with their livelihood. This would explain why such -voyages are not mentioned by historical authorities. Just then, too, was -an uneasy time, with a sort of war of privateers between England and -Denmark-Norway, which was not concluded until the provisional peace of -1490; there were thus many pirates and privateers in Northern waters, who -may well have extended their activity upon occasion to the remote and -unprotected Greenland, where they could plunder with even greater -impunity than in Iceland, and perhaps they increased the ruin of the -settlements there. - -[Sidenote: Papal letter on Greenland, 1492] - -Of great interest is a letter from Pope Alexander VI.[92] of the first -year of his papacy, 1492-1493, which was written in consequence of a -Benedictine monk named Mathias having applied to the Pope to be appointed -bishop of Greenland, and declared himself willing to go there personally -as a missionary to convert the apostates. The letter runs: - - "As we are informed, the church at Gade [i.e., Gardar] lies at the - world's end in the land of Greenland, where the people, for want of - bread, wine and oil, live on dried fish and milk; and therefore, as - well as by reason of the extreme rarity of the voyages that have taken - place to the said land, for which the severe freezing of the waters is - alleged as the cause, it is believed that for eighty years no ship has - landed there; and if such voyages should take place, it is thought - that in any case it could only be in the month of August, when the - same ice is dissolved; and for this reason it is said that for eighty - years or thereabouts no bishop or priest has resided at that church. - Therefore, and because there are no Catholic priests, it has befallen - that most of the parishioners, who formerly were Catholics, have (oh, - how sorrowful!) renounced the holy sacrament of baptism received from - them; and that the inhabitants of that land have nothing else to - remind them of the Christian religion than a corporale [altar-cloth] - which is exhibited once a year, and whereon the body of Christ was - consecrated a hundred years ago by the last priest who was there." For - this reason, "to provide them with a fitting shepherd," Pope - Alexander's predecessor, Innocent VIII., had appointed the Benedictine - monk Mathias bishop of Gade [Gardar], and he "with much godly zeal - made ready to bring the minds of the infidels and apostates back to - the way of eternal salvation and to root out such errors," etc. Then - follow exhortations to the Curia, the chancellors, and all the - religious scriveners under pain of excommunication to let the said - Mathias, on account of his poverty, escape all expenses and - perquisites connected with the appointment and correspondence, etc. - -The statements in the letter agree remarkably well with what we gather -from other historical sources. In 1410--that is, eighty-two years before -the date of the letter--the last ship of which we have any notice arrived -in Norway from Greenland (see above, p. 118). This agrees with the -statement in the letter that no ship had been there for eighty years. In -1377 the last officiating bishop of Gardar died, and six years later the -news reached Norway, that is, 109 years before the date of the letter. -This agrees with what is said about the altar-cloth being used a hundred -years before by the last priest ("ultimo sacerdote," perhaps meaning here -bishop ?) at the administration of the sacrament. The assertion that it -was not until August that Greenland became free of ice and that voyages -could be made thither also shows a certain local knowledge; for it was not -till late in the summer, usually August, that "Knarren" was accustomed to -sail from Bergen to Greenland. - -[Illustration: A portion of Gourmont's map of 1548, with the north-west -coast of Iceland and the rocky island of Hvitserk] - -Whether news had recently arrived from Greenland at the time the letter -was written does not appear from the words of the letter, and cannot, in -my opinion, be inferred therefrom, though Storm [1892, p. 401] thought it -could. The only thing which might point to this is the story of the -altar-cloth being exhibited once a year; but this, of course, may be a -tradition which goes back to the last ship, eighty years before. - -[Sidenote: Pining's possible voyages to Greenland] - -Meanwhile we meet with obscure information in other quarters about a -possible communication with Greenland at that time. In a map of Iceland, -printed in Paris in 1548 by Hieronymus Gourmont,[93] a rocky island is -marked to the north-west of Iceland, with a compass-card and a Latin -inscription. This, as A. A. Björnbo has pointed out,[94] is of interest; -it reads in translation: - - "The lofty mountain called Witsarc, on the summit of which a sea-mark - was set up by the two pirates (piratis), Pinnigt and Pothorst, to warn - seamen against Greenland." - -[Illustration: The rock Hvitserk, and a fight with a Greenland Pygmy -(Olaus Magnus, 1557)] - -The map is a modified copy of Olaus Magnus's well-known large chart of -1539, on which the island with the compass-card is found, but not the -inscription. - -It is possibly a fuller version or adaptation of the substance of this -inscription, or of the source from which it is taken, that is met with -again in Olaus Magnus's work on the Northern peoples, of 1555, where he -says of "the lofty mountain 'Huitsark,' which lies in the middle of the -sea between Iceland and Greenland": - - "Upon it lived about the year of Our Lord 1494 two notorious pirates - (piratæ), Pining and Pothorst, with their accomplices, as though in - defiance and contempt of all kingdoms and their forces, since, by the - strict orders of the Northern kings, they had been excluded from all - human society and declared outlaws for their exceedingly violent - robberies and many cruel deeds against all sailors they could lay - hands on, whether near or far."... "Upon the top of this very high - rock the said Pining and Pothorst have constructed a compass out of a - considerable circular space, with rings and lines formed of lead; - thereby it was made more convenient for them, when they were bent on - piracy, as they thus were informed in what direction they ought to put - to sea to seek considerable plunder." - -It may be the expression "piratæ," which might be used both of an ordinary -pirate and of a privateer or freebooter, which misled Olaus Magnus into -constructing this wonderful story. The mere fact that, both in his map of -1539 and in his work of 1555, he makes Hvitserk, which of course was in -Greenland, into a rocky island out at sea between Greenland and Iceland, -where no island is to be found, is enough to shake one's belief in the -trustworthiness of this strange report. His incomprehensible story of the -compass constructed there does not make things any better. G. Storm [1886, -p. 395] thought it might have come about in this way: that Olaus Magnus, -who was no great sailor or geographer, read on a chart a note about -Pining's voyage to Greenland, and saw in its proximity the name Hvitserk -and a compass-card in the middle of the sea; and then, without -understanding its real meaning, he made it an island and gave it his own -explanation. Björnbo and Petersen [1909, pp. 250, 251] have, it is true, -pointed out that something of the same sort is told of the North Cape by -Sivert Grubbe, who accompanied Christian IV. on his voyage to Finmark, and -who writes in his journal (in Latin) on May 12, 1599: "We sailed past the -North Cape. On the top of this mountain is a compass cut into the rock." -But as they "sailed past," Grubbe cannot have been up and seen this -compass; it may therefore be supposed that a similar error is at the base -of this improbable statement; it is difficult to see what value for -mariners such a compass could have. But notwithstanding Olaus Magnus's -fantastic story, Pining and Pothorst may really have been in Greenland. -The former must be the Norwegian nobleman Didrik Pining, who together with -Pothorst ("Pytchehorsius") is said to have distinguished himself during -the later years of Christiern I., "not less as capable seamen than as -matchless freebooters" (piratæ). He was much employed by Christiern I. and -King Hans against the English and sometimes against the Hanseatic League, -and is mentioned by several historical authorities.[95] He seems also to -have extended his activity upon occasion to the Spaniards, Portuguese and -Dutch, for about 1484 he captured, off the English coast or off Brittany -and in the Spanish Sea, three Spanish or Portuguese ships, and brought -them to the king at Copenhagen. In a treaty which was concluded in 1490 -between King Hans and the Dutch it is expressly stipulated that Didrik -Pinning and a certain Busch were to be excluded from the peace. Didrik -Pining is spoken of as lord over Iceland, or perhaps over the eastern and -southern part, in 1478; but on the death of Christiern I. in 1481, another -was appointed as "hirdstjore" (or stadtholder), and it is stated in the -letter of appointment, issued by the council at Bergen in 1481, that -Pining had "gone out of Iceland"; but a few years later he is again -mentioned as hirdstjore there. When in 1487 King Hans took possession of -Gotland, Pining accompanied him thither, doubtless as commander of the -Danish-Norwegian squadron; he is called "Skipper Pining," which -corresponds to commodore or admiral in our time (cf. Christiern I.'s -"Skipper Clemens"). In July 1489 Didrik Pining was among the Norwegian -noblemen who paid homage at Copenhagen to the king's son, Christiern -(II.) as heir to the kingdom of Norway; and in August and September 1490 -he took part in the settlement of a suit concerning a large inheritance at -Bergen; but in two Icelandic laws or edicts of that time, 1489 and 1490, -the so-called "Pining's Laws," he is described as "'hirdstjore' over the -whole of Iceland," and a later chronicler speaks of him as one of the most -famous men in Iceland, and he says that "he was in many ways a serviceable -man and put many things right that were wrong." It must be the same Didrik -Pining who was appointed in 1490 governor of Vardöhus, and it may be -supposed that he was commander-in-chief on sea and land in northern -waters. - -We hear of Pining, and his associate Pothorst, in an old (Icelandic ?) -report which, together with Ivar Bárdsson's description of Greenland, was -found in an old book of accounts in the Faroes, and which in an English -translation was included in "Purchas his Pilgrimes" (London, 1625, vol. -iii.), where we read: - - "Item, Punnus [corruption of Pinning] and Potharse, have inhabited - Island certayne yeeres, and sometimes have gone to Sea, and have had - their trade in Groneland. Also Punnus did give the Islanders their - Lawes, and caused them to bee written. Which Lawes doe continue to - this day in Island, and are called by name Punnus Lawes." - -[Sidenote: A new document on Pining] - -As this last statement agrees with the two "Pining's Laws" mentioned -above, there may also be some truth in the voyages to Greenland. An -unexpected confirmation of this recently came to light in the discovery of -a document by Louis Bobé [1909] at Copenhagen; it is a letter, dated March -3, 1551, from Burgomaster Carsten Grip, of Kiel, to King Christiern III. -Grip was, as we are told in the letter, the king's commissioner for the -purchase of books, paintings, and the like. He tells the king that he has -not found any valuable books or suitable pictures, but sends him two maps -of the world, - - "from which your majesty may see that your majesty's land of - Greenland extends on both maps towards the new world and the islands - which the Portuguese and Spaniards have discovered, so that these - countries may be reached overland from Greenland. Likewise that they - may be reached overland from Lampeland [i.e., Lapland], from the - castle of Vardöhus, etc.[96] This year there is also published at - Paris in France a map of your majesty's land of Iceland and of the - wonders there to be seen and heard of; it is there remarked that - Iceland is twice as large as Sicily, and that the two skippers - ['sceppere,' i.e., commodores or admirals] Pyningk and Poidthorsth, - who were sent out by your majesty's royal grandfather, King Christiern - the First, at the request of his majesty of Portugal, with certain - ships to explore new countries and islands in the north, have raised - on the rock Wydthszerck [Hvitserk], lying off Greenland and towards - Sniefeldsiekel in Iceland on the sea, a great sea-mark on account of - the Greenland pirates, who with many small ships without keels - ('szunder bodem') fall in large numbers upon other ships," etc. - -It seems, as Dr. Björnbo has suggested,[97] that the Paris map here spoken -of may be Gourmont's of 1548, mentioned above. But Grip's letter contains -information about the despatch of the expedition and about the Eskimo -kayaks, which cannot be taken from the inscription attached to Hvitserk on -that map. The statement about the Eskimo (the Greenland pirates) recalls -what Ziegler says in his work "Scondia" (1532) of the inhabitants of -Greenland, that "they use light boats of hide, safe in tossing on the sea -and among rocks; and thus propelling themselves they fall upon other -ships" [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 499]. It also has some resemblance to -what Olaus Magnus says in his later work of 1555 of the Greenland -"pirates, who employ hide-boats and an unfair mode of seamanship, since -they do not attack the upper parts of merchant ships, but seek to destroy -them by boring through the hull from outside, down by the keel," etc. -These statements may be derived from mythical accounts of the Greenland -Eskimo, which have come down by some channel we do not know of. Something -of the sort may have appeared on some now lost map, from which Grip may -have taken it; but his statement as to the two skippers having been sent -out by Christiern I. shows that in any case there was in his day a -tradition of the voyage of Pining and Pothorst. We must therefore assume -that they were despatched on a voyage of discovery by Christiern I. (some -time before 1481, when he died), probably at the request of the well-known -King Alfonso V. of Portugal (1438-1481). As Hvitserk must be on the coast -of Greenland, they seem, in agreement with the other sober statement in -Purchas, to have really reached Greenland, perhaps more than once, and to -have traded by barter with the natives, which may have ended, as it -frequently did later, in skirmishes brought about by the encroachments of -the Europeans. This last possibility would explain Grip's statement about -the Greenland pirates attacking in many small ships without keels, as also -the mythical statements of Ziegler and Olaus Magnus. Nor is it impossible -that Pining may have set up some sea-mark or other there. All this sounds -more probable than Olaus Magnus's wonderful story. But nevertheless it -does not appear to me that the authorities now known justify us in -altogether rejecting the latter and the date 1494. As there is mention in -1491 of a new "hirdstjore" in Iceland, we must suppose that Pining was -either dead or had left the island; if we compare with this the fact that -Pining was excluded from the peace that King Hans concluded in 1490 with -the Dutch, and thus in a way became an outlaw to the latter, and that in -the same year a provisional peace was made with the king of England, by -which, of course, all privateering against English subjects on the part of -Norwegians and Danes was strictly forbidden, we may possibly perceive a -connection. Pining and Pothorst were not able to break themselves of old -habits, and thus had both the English king and their own, besides the -Dutchmen, against them, and were compelled to fly the country as outlaws. -This would also agree with Olaus Magnus's words, that they were outlawed -by the strict edict of the northern kings ("aquilonarium regum severissimo -edicto"). It may be supposed that, like the outlawed Eric the Red 500 -years before, they took refuge in distant Greenland, which they already -knew. But finally they may have come to grief; for among the many -"pirates" who "met with a miserable death, being either slain by their -friends or hanged on the gallows or drowned in the waves of the sea," -Paulus Eliæ mentions "Pyning" and "Pwthorss."[98] - -[Sidenote: Johannes Scolvus's voyage to Greenland] - -We have yet to mention certain obscure statements about another Northern -sailor of this time, Johannes Scolvus (Jón Skolv ?).[99] The Spanish -author Francesco Lopez de Gomara, who was a priest in Seville about 1550, -and published his "Historia de las Indias" (i.e., America) in 1553, says -there of "la Tierra de Labrador": - - "Hither also came men from Norway with the pilot ['piloto,' i.e., - navigator] Joan Scoluo, and Englishmen with Sebastian Gaboto." - -As, according to Storm's showing [1886, p. 392], Gomara met Olaus Magnus -"in Bologna and Venice" (perhaps about 1548), and says himself that the -latter had given him much information about Northern waters and the -sea-route from Norway, the statement about Scolvus may also be due to him. - -An English State document--probably of 1575, and written on the occasion -of the preparations for Frobisher's first voyage (1576)--gives a brief -survey of earlier attempts to find the North-West Passage,[100] and -mentions among others Scolvus. This the historians who have written about -him have not noticed. After stating that Sebastian [should be John] -Cabotte was sent out by King Henry VII. of England in 1496 [should be -1497] to find the passage from the North Sea [i.e., the Atlantic Ocean] to -the South Sea [i.e., the Pacific], and that "one Gaspar Cortesreales, a -pilot of Portingale," had visited these islands on the north coast of -North America in 1500, the document continues: - - "But to find oute the passage oute of the North Sea into the Southe we - must sayle to the 60 degree, that is, from 66 unto 68. And this - passage is called the Narowe Sea or Streicte of the three Brethren - [i.e., the three brothers Corte-Real]; in which passage, at no tyme in - the yere, is ise wonte to be found. The cause is the swifte ronnyng - downe of sea into sea. In the north side of this passage, John Scolus, - a pilot of Denmerke, was in anno 1476." - -Then follows a story of a Spaniard who in 1541 is said to have been on the -south side of this passage with a troop of soldiers, and to have found -there some ships that had come thither with goods from Cataya (China). -Complete impossibilities, like this last story, are thus blended together -with statements that have a sure historical foundation, like the voyage of -Gaspar Corte-Real. As the statement about Scolus or Scolvus contains -things that are not found in Gomara, it seems to be derived from another -source; the date in particular is remarkable. That Scolus is a pilot from -Denmark, while the pilot Scolvus in Gomara came from Norway, is perhaps -immaterial, as of course Norway and Denmark were under a common king, who -resided in Denmark. - -On an English map of 1582 (after Frobisher's voyages), which is attributed -to Michael Lok, there is a country to the north-west of Greenland, upon -which is written: "Jac. Scolvus Groetland." As the name is here written -Jac. Scolvus, it is not likely that it can be derived from the document we -have quoted of 1575. The corresponding country on Mercator's map of 1569 -is inscribed: "Groclant, insula cuius incole Suedi sunt origine" (island -whose inhabitants are Swedes by descent). It may seem as if this -inscription also was connected with Scolvus, and we thus get the third -Scandinavian country as his native land; but this word "Suedi" may be -derived from Olaus Magnus, who happens to have often used it in the sense -of Scandinavians--i.e., Swedes and Norwegians. - -In 1597 the Dutchman Cornelius Wytfliet in his description of America -("Continens Indica") states that its northern part was first discovered by -"Frislandish" fishermen [i.e., from the imaginary Frisland of the Zeno -map], and subsequently further explored about 1390 during the voyage of -the brothers Zeno (which is fictitious). - - "But [he continues] the honour of its second discovery fell to the - Pole Johannes Scoluus (Johannes Scoluus Polonus), who in the year - 1476--eighty-six years after its first discovery--sailed beyond - Norway, Greenland, Frisland, penetrated the Northern Strait, under the - very Arctic Circle, and arrived at the country of Labrador and - Estotiland." - -Estotiland is another fictitious country on the notorious Zeno map (a -fabrication from several earlier maps). Apart from this introduction of -the Zeno voyage the statement contains nothing that has not already -appeared in Gomara and in the English document of 1575, with the exception -that Scolvus is called a Pole (Polonus), but this, as pointed out by Storm -[1886, p. 399], must be due to a misreading of "Polonus" for -"piloto."[101] As Norway is named first among the countries beyond which -the voyage extended, it may have started from thence in Wytfliet's -authority.[102] - -On the L'Ecuy globe, of the sixteenth century, there is written in Latin -between 70° and 80° N. lat. and in long. 320°:[103] "These are the people -to whom the Dane Johannes Scovvus penetrated in the year 1476." The -description of Scolvus as a Dane may indicate the same source as the -English mention of him in 1576.[104] - -Finally it may be mentioned that Georg Horn in his work "Ulysses -peregrinans" (Louvain, 1671), after speaking of voyages of the Icelanders -(Thylenses) to "Frisland or Finmark" (sic!), to Iceland, Greenland, -Scotland, and Gotland under "auspiciis Margaretæ Semiramis Dan., Sued., -Norv.," and then of the voyages of the Zenos in the year 1390, says: - - "Joh. Scolnus Polonus discovered under the auspices of Christian I., - King of the Danes, the Anian-strait and the country Laboratoris in the - year 1476." - -The Anian-strait was the mythical strait between Asia and north-western -America, which was talked about and which appeared upon maps more than a -hundred years before Bering Strait was discovered by the Russian Deshenev -in 1648. But the name may sometimes have been extended to the whole of the -strait, called above, p. 130, the Strait of the Three Brethren, which was -assumed to go north of America to the Pacific. What is new in Horn's -statement is that the voyage is said to have been made under the auspices -of Christiern I.; it may be supposed that he knew enough of the history of -Denmark to draw this conclusion from the date 1476. - -This is what is known from old sources about this Scolvus and his voyage. -It must be remembered that the name of Labrador (in various forms) was -used on the maps of the sixteenth century both for Greenland and Labrador, -and was originally the name of the former. It is therefore most probable -that the statements about Scolvus's voyage referred in the first instance -to Greenland, which in the first part of the sixteenth century was known -as Labrador. - -[Sidenote: Pining, Pothorst and Scolvus on the same voyage] - -To sum up what has been said above, we have, on the one hand, statements, -from wholly different sources, of one or more voyages to Greenland under -the leadership of Pining and Pothorst, in the time of Christiern I.--i.e., -before 1481; on the other hand, we have statements, probably from several, -but at least from two sources independent of each other, about a voyage, -also to Greenland, with the pilot Johannes Scolvus, from Denmark or more -probably from Norway, in the time of Christiern I., and this is even -referred to a particular year, 1476. One is therefore led to conclude, as -G. Storm has already done, that we are here concerned with the same voyage -or voyages to Greenland, which were made under the leadership of the two -"skippers" and freebooters Pining and Pothorst, with Johannes Scolvus (Jón -Skolvsson ?) as pilot or navigator. In some authorities of Scandinavian -origin the voyage was connected with the names of the real leaders, while -in Southern authorities it was connected with that of the pilot or -navigator, in the same way as, for instance, the name of William Barentsz -was associated with the voyages in which he took part, instead of those of -Hemkerck and the other leaders. There seem thus to be sufficiently good -historical documents in support of at least one expedition having reached -Greenland in the latter part of the sixteenth century, possibly sent out -by Christiern I. in 1476, and perhaps there were more. Possibly it was -rumours of this new communication with Greenland that awoke a desire in -the monk Mathias to go there as bishop. - -But then we hear no more of it. For a while longer bishops continued to be -appointed to Greenland, a land which was no longer known to any one, and -to these bishops least of all. Thus ends the history of the old Greenland -settlements. Notices of them become rarer and rarer, with long -intermissions, until after this time they cease altogether, and we know no -more of the fate of the old Norsemen there. - - "The standing-stone on the mound bears no mark, - and Saga has forgotten what she knew." - - - - -[Illustration] - - -CHAPTER XII - -EXPEDITIONS OF THE NORWEGIANS TO THE WHITE SEA, VOYAGES IN THE POLAR SEA, -WHALING AND SEALING - - -EXPEDITIONS TO THE WHITE SEA - -[Sidenote: Expeditions to the White Sea] - -Even if Ottar was perhaps not the first Norwegian to reach the White Sea, -his voyage is in any case a remarkable exploring expedition, whereby both -the North Cape and the White Sea became known, even in the literature of -Europe, nearly seven hundred years before Richard Chancellor reached the -Dvina in the ship "Edward Buonaventura" in 1553, from which time the -discovery of this sea has usually been reckoned. - -In Ottar's time, or soon after, the Norwegian king asserted his -sovereignty over all the Lapps as far as the White Sea, and in the -Historia Norwegiæ it is said that Hálogaland reached to Bjarmeland. The -headland Vegistafr is mentioned in the Historia Norwegiæ, in the laws, and -elsewhere, as the boundary of the kingdom of Norway towards the Bjarmas -(Beormas). This may have been on the south side of the Kola peninsula by -the river Varzuga, already mentioned, or by the river Umba (see the map, -vol. i. p. 170).[105] After Ottar's time the Norwegians more frequently -undertook expeditions, doubtless for the most part of a military -character, to the White Sea and Bjarmeland. We hear about several of them -in the sagas. - -[Sidenote: Harold Gråfeld's expedition to the Dvina] - -Eric Blood-Axe marched northward, about 920, into Finmark and as far as -Bjarmeland, and there fought a great battle and gained the victory. His -son, Harold Gråfeld, went northward to Bjarmeland one summer about 965 -with his army, and there ravaged the country and had a great fight with -the Bjarmas on "Vinu bakka" [i.e., the river bank of the Dvina (Vina)], in -which King Harold was victorious and slew many men; and then laid the -country waste far and wide, and took a vast amount of plunder. Of this -Glumr Geirason speaks: - - "Eastward the bold-spoken king - intrepidly stained his sword red, - north of the burning town; - there I saw the Bjarmas run. - For the master of the body-guard good spear-weather - was given on this journey, - on Vina's bank; the fame - of a young noble travelled far." - -[Sidenote: Trollebotten] - -At that time, then, the Norwegians must have reached the Dvina and -discovered the east side of the White Sea, which was still unknown to -Ottar. They had thus proved it to be a gulf of the sea. The Bjarmas -probably lived along the whole of its south side as far as the Dvina, and -the name of "Bjarmeland" was now extended to the east side also, and thus -became the designation of the country round the White Sea. As a people of -strange race of whom they knew little, the Norwegians regarded the Lapps -as skilled in magic; but it was natural that the still less known and more -distant Bjarmas gradually acquired an even greater reputation for magic, -and in these regions stories of trolls and giants were located. The Polar -Sea was early called "Hafsbotn," later "Trollebotten," and the White Sea -was given the name of "Gandvik," to which a similar meaning is attributed, -since it is supposed to be connected with "gand" (the magic of the Lapps); -but the name evidently originated in a popular-etymological corruption of -a Karelian name, Kanðanlaksi, as already shown (vol. i. pp. 218, f., -note). - -[Sidenote: Thore Hund's expedition to Bjarmeland] - -Snorre Sturlason (ob. 1241) included in the Saga of St. Olaf a legend from -Nordland about an expedition to Bjarmeland, supposed to have been -undertaken in 1026 by Thore Hund, in company with Karle and his brother -Gunnstein from Hálogaland, men of the king's bodyguard. The tale may be an -indication that at that time more peaceful relations had been established -between the Nordlanders and the Bjarmas. They went in two vessels, Thore -in a great longship with eighty men, and the brothers in a smaller -longship with about five-and-twenty. When they came to Bjarmeland, they -put in at the market-town;[106] the market began, and all those who had -wares to exchange received full value. Thore got a great quantity of -skins, squirrel, beaver and sable. Karle also had many wares with him, for -which he bought large quantities of furs. But when the market was -concluded there, they came down the river Vina; and then they declared the -truce with the people of the country at an end. When they were out of the -river, they held a council of war, and Thore proposed that they should -plunder a sanctuary of the Bjarmas' god Jomale,[107] with grave mounds, -which he knew to be in a wood in that part of the country.[108] They did -so by night, found much silver and gold, and when the Bjarmas pursued -them, they escaped through Thore's magical arts, which made them -invisible. Both ships then sailed back over Gandvik. As the nights were -still light they sailed day and night until one evening they lay to off -some islands, took their sails down and anchored to wait for the tide to -go down, since there was a strong tide-rip (whirlpool) in front of them -("rost mikil var fyrir þeir"). This was probably off "Sviatoi Nos" (the -sacred promontory), where Russian authorities speak of a strong current -and whirlpool. Here there was a dispute between the brothers and Thore, -who demanded the booty as a recompense for their having escaped without -loss of life owing to his magical arts. But when the tide turned, the -brothers hoisted sail and went on, and Thore followed. When they came to -land at "Geirsver" (Gjesvær, a fishing station on the north-west side of -Magerö)--where we are told that there was "the first quay as one sails -from the north" (i.e., east from Bjarmeland)--the quarrel began again, and -Thore suddenly ran his spear through Karle, so that he died on the spot; -Gunnstein escaped with difficulty in the smaller and lighter vessel; but -was pursued by Thore, and finally had to land and take to flight with all -his men at Lenvik, near Malangen fjord, leaving his ship and cargo. - -[Sidenote: Expedition to Bjarmeland, 1217] - -Even if this expedition is not historical, the description of the voyage -and the mention of place-names along the route nevertheless show that -these regions were well known to Snorre's informants; and journeys between -Norway and Bjarmeland cannot have been uncommon in Snorre's time or before -it. Many things show that the communication with Gandvik and Bjarmeland -continued through the whole of the Middle Ages, and was sometimes of a -peaceful, sometimes of a warlike character; but of the later voyages only -three are, in fact, mentioned in Norwegian authorities: one of them was -undertaken by the king's son Håkon Magnusson about 1090; of this -expedition little is known. In Håkon Håkonsson's time we have an -account[109] of another expedition to Bjarmeland in the year 1217, in -which took part Ogmund of Spånheim from Hardanger, Svein Sigurdsson from -Sogn, Andres of Sjomæling from Nordmör, all on one ship, and Helge -Bograngsson and his men from Hálogaland, on another. Svein and Andres -went home with their ship the same autumn; but Ogmund proceeded southward -through Russia to the Suzdal kingdom in East Russia, on a tributary of the -Volga. Helge Bograngsson and his Nordlanders stayed the winter in -Bjarmeland; but he came in conflict with the Bjarmas and was killed. After -this Ogmund did not venture to return that way, but went on through Russia -to the sea (i.e., the Black Sea) and thence to the Holy Land. He came -safely home to Norway after many years. - -[Illustration: Bjarmas and Skridfinns fighting on ski and riding reindeer -(after Olaus Magnus, 1555)] - -[Sidenote: Expedition to Bjarmeland, 1222] - -When the rumour of what had happened to Helge and his men reached home, a -punitive expedition was decided on. The king's officers in Nordland, -Andres Skjaldarbrand and Ivar Utvik, placed themselves at the head of it; -and they came to Bjarmeland with four ships in the year 1222, and -accomplished their purpose; "they wrought great havoc in plunder and -slaughter and obtained much booty in furs and burnt silver." But on the -homeward voyage Ivar's ship was lost in the whirlpool at "Straumneskinn," -and only Ivar and one other escaped. "Straumneskinn" is probably Sviatoi -Nos (see p. 138). - -[Sidenote: Warlike and peaceful relations with the White Sea in the -twelfth century and later] - -This is the last Norwegian expedition to Bjarmeland of which Norwegian -accounts are known; but that the White Sea traffic continued, though it -was never very active, may be concluded from other sources. The name of -the Bjarmas themselves disappears after the middle of the thirteenth -century, when it is related that a number of Bjarmas fled before the -"Mongols" and received permission from King Håkon to live in Malangen -fjord. After that time in the districts near the Dvina we only hear of -Karelians and their masters the Russians of Novgorod. - -That there was considerable navigation, probably combined with piratical -incursions, between the north of Norway and the countries to the east, may -also appear from a provision of the older Gulathings Law, where in cap. -315, in a codex of 1200-1250, we find: - - "The inhabitants of Hálogaland are to fit out thirteen twenty-seated - and one thirty-seated ship in the southern half, but six in the - northern half; since they [i.e., the inhabitants of the northern half] - have to keep guard on the east." - -This keeping guard might, it is true, refer to Kvæns in Finmark, but it -seems rather to point to ships coming from the east. In the negotiations -of 1251, between the Grand Duke of Novgorod (Alexander Nevsky) and Håkon -Håkonsson, there is express mention of disturbances from the east in -Finmark, and after that time we hear more frequently of hostile incursions -of Karelians and Russians in Finmark; they may have come by land, but -occasionally also by sea. - -[Illustration: On snow-shoes through the border-lands of Norway (Olaus -Magnus, 1555)] - -A treaty of 1326 between Norway and Novgorod shows that Norwegian -merchants traded with the people of Novgorod on the White Sea. The -erection of the fortress of Vardöhus, as early as 1307, also shows the -importance attached to these eastern communications, and the fortress -certainly afforded them a fixed point of support. Thus about 1550 we see -that "Vardöhus weight" (mark and pound) had penetrated into northern -Russia and was generally used in the North Russian fish and oil trade. The -Norwegians chiefly bought furs in Bjarmeland, but what they exported -thither is not mentioned in the Norwegian notices; it may even at that -time have been to some extent fish, which in later times was the most -important article of export to North Russia from the north of Norway. - -As G. Storm [1894, p. 100] has pointed out, the Russian chronicles tell of -many hostile expeditions by sea between Norway and the White Sea in the -fifteenth century. In 1412 the inhabitants of "Savolotchie" (the countries -on the Dvina) made a campaign against the Norwegians. A complaint from -Norway of 1420 shows that the attack was directed against northern -Hálogaland, without informing us whether it was made by land or by sea. -Some years later, in 1419, the Norwegians made a campaign of reprisal and -came - - "with an army of 500 men in trading-vessels and sloops and ravaged the - Karelian district about the Varzuga [on the Kola peninsula on the - north side of the White Sea] and many parishes in Savolotchie [on the - Dvina], amongst others St. Nikolai [at the mouth of the Dvina], Kigö - and Kiarö [in the Gulf of Onega], and others. They burned three - churches and cut down Christians and monks, but the Savolotchians sank - two Norwegian sloops, and the rest fled across the sea."[110] "In 1444 - the Karelians went with an army against the Norwegians, and fought - with them, and in 1445 the Norwegians came with an army to the Dvina, - ravaged Nenoksa [in the gulf off the mouth of the Dvina] with fire and - sword, killed some and carried off others as prisoners; but the - inhabitants on the Dvina hastened after them, cut down their 'voivods' - [leaders, chiefs] Ivar and Peter, and captured forty men who were sent - to Novgorod."[110] - -This will be sufficient to show that the White Sea voyage remained -familiar in Norway. This communication increased about the beginning of -the sixteenth century, and this had a decisive influence on the so-called -rediscovery of the White Sea by the English. - -[Sidenote: Early connection of the Bjarmas with southern civilisation] - -In reading Otter's narrative and the earliest Norse accounts of voyages to -Bjarmeland it must strike us that the Bjarmas we hear about seem to have -possessed a surprisingly high degree of culture. As Professor Olaf Broch -has also pointed out to me, this may be an indication that a comparatively -active communication had existed long before that time along the Dvina and -the Volga between the people of the White Sea and those on the Caspian and -the Black Sea (by transport from the Volga to the Don). In those early -times, before the Russians had yet established themselves in the territory -of the upper Volga, this communication may have passed to the east of the -Slavs through Finnish-speaking peoples the whole way from the lower Volga -and the Finnish Bulgarians (cf. the Mordvin tribes of to-day). - -It appears to me that various statements in Arabic literature may indicate -such a connection.[111] The Arabs received information about northern -regions through their commercial communications with the Mohammedan -Finnish nation of the Bulgarians, whose capital Bulgar lay on the -Volga[112] (near to the present town of Kazan), and was a meeting-place -for traders coming up the river from the south and coming down the river -from the north. Special interest attaches to the mention of the mysterious -people "Wîsu," far in the north. This is evidently the same name as the -Russian Ves[113] for the Finnish people who, according to Nestor[114] -(beginning of the twelfth century), lived by Lake Byelo-ozero (the white -lake) in 859 A.D. They are mentioned together with Tchuds, Slavs, Merians -and Krivitches, and were doubtless the most northerly of them, possibly -spreading northwards towards the White Sea. They are probably the same -people that Adam of Bremen [iv., c. 14, 19] calls "Wizzi" (see vol. i. p. -383; vol. ii. p. 64), and possibly those Jordanes calls -"Vasinabroncæ,"[115] who together with "Merens" (Merians ?) and "Mordens" -(Mordvins ?) were subdued by Ermanrik, king of the Goths. But the Arabic -Wîsu seems sometimes to have been a common name for all Finnish (and even -Samoyed) tribes in North Russia and on the coast of the Polar Sea. - -According to Jaqût,[116] Ahmad Ibn Fadhlân (about 922 A.D.)[117] stated in -his work that - - "the King of the Bulgarians had told him that behind his country, at a - distance of three months' journey, there lived a people called Wîsu, - among whom the nights [in summer] were not even one hour long." Once - the king is said to have written to this people, and in their answer - it was stated that the people "Yâgûg and Mâgûg [on the Ob ?] lived - over three months' journey distant from them [i.e., the Wîsu] and that - they were separated from them by the sea" (?). The Yâgûg and Mâgûg - lived on the great fish that were cast ashore. The same is told by - Dimashqî (ob. 1327) about the Yâgûg and Mâgûg, and by Qazwînî - (thirteenth century) about the people "Yura" on the Pechora. - -Jaqût (ob. 1229) in his geographical lexicon[118] has an article on - - "'Wîsu' situated beyond Bulgar. Between it and Bulgar is three months' - journey. The night is there so short that one is not aware of any - darkness, and at another time of year, again, it is so long that one - sees no daylight." In his article on "Itil" Jaqût says: "Upon it [the - river Itil or Volga] traders travel as far as 'Vîsu'[119] and bring - [thence] great quantities of furs, such as beaver, sable and - squirrel." - -Al-Qazwînî (ob. 1283) says:[120] - - "The beaver is a land- and water-animal, which dwells in the great - rivers in the land of 'Isu' [i.e., Wîsu, cf. al-Bîrûnî], and builds a - home on the bank of a river." He further relates that "the inhabitants - of 'Wîsu' never visit the land of the Bulgarians, since when they come - thither the air changes and cold sets in--even if it be in the middle - of summer--so that all their crops are ruined. The Bulgarians know - this, and therefore do not permit them to come to their country." - Qazwînî also gives the information that "Wîsu" is three months' - journey beyond Bulgar, and continues: "The Bulgarians take their wares - thither for trade. Each one lays his wares, which he furnishes with a - mark, in a certain spot and leaves them there. Then he comes back and - finds a commodity, of which he can make use in his own country, laid - by the side of them. If he is satisfied with this, he takes what is - offered in exchange, and leaves his wares behind; if he is not, he - takes his own away again. In this way buyer and seller never see one - another. This is also the proceeding, as we have related, in the - southern lands, in the land of the blacks." The same story of dumb - trading with a people in the north is met with again in Abu'lfeda (ob. - 1321) and Ibn Batûta (cf. also Michel Beheim, later, p. 270). - -Ibn Batûta (1302-1377) has no name for this people, any more than -Abu'lfeda; but he calls their country "the Land of Darkness," and has an -interesting description of the journey thither.[121] - - He himself, he says, wished to go there from Bulgar, but gave it up, - as little benefit was to be expected of it. "That land lies 40 days' - journey from Bulgar, and the journey is only made in small cars[122] - drawn by dogs. For this desert has a frozen surface, upon which - neither men nor horses can get foothold, but dogs can, as they have - claws. This journey is only undertaken by rich merchants, each taking - with him about a hundred carriages [sledges ?], provided with - sufficient food, drink and wood; for in that country there is found - neither trees, nor stones nor soil. As a guide through this land they - have a dog which has already made the journey several times, and it is - so highly prized that they pay as much as a thousand dinars [gold - pieces] for one. This dog is harnessed with three others by the neck - to a car [sledge ?], so that it goes as the leader and the others - follow it. When it stops, the others do the same.... When the - travellers have accomplished forty days' journey through the desert, - they stop in the Land of Darkness, leave their wares there, and - withdraw to their quarters. Next morning they go back to the same spot - ..." and then follows a description of the dumb barter, like that in - Qazwînî. They receive sable, squirrel and ermine in exchange for their - goods. "Those who go thither do not know with whom they trade, whether - they be spirits or men; they see no one."[123] - -Of special interest for our subject is the following statement in Abû -Hâmid (1080-1169 or 1170) which may point to the peoples on the shores of -the Polar Sea having obtained steel for their harpoons and sealing weapons -from Persia: - - "The traders travel from Bulgâr to one of the lands of the infidels - which is called Îsû [Wîsu], from which the beaver comes. They take - swords thither which they buy in Âdherbeigân [Persia], unpolished - blades. They pour water often over these, so that when the blades are - hung up by a cord and struck, they ring.... And that is as they ought - to be. They buy beavers' skins with these blades. The inhabitants of - Îsû go with these swords to a land near the darkness and lying on the - Dark Sea [the northern Atlantic or the Polar Sea] and sell these - swords for sables' skins. They [i.e., the inhabitants of that country] - again take some of these blades and cast them into the Dark Sea. Then - Allâh lets a fish as big as a mountain come up to them, etc. They cut - up its flesh for days and months, and sometimes fill 100,000 houses - with it," etc. [Cf. Jacob, 1891, p. 76; 1891a, p. 29; Mehren, 1857, - pp. 169, f.] - -It is not credible that the swords which rang in this way were harpoons, -as Jacob thinks. We must rather suppose that they were rough -("unpolished") steel blades, which were used for making harpoons and -lances (for walrus-hunting and whaling). The blades having water poured -over them must doubtless mean the tempering of the steel, through which, -when it was afterwards hung up by a cord, it came to give the true ring. -Although Abû Hâmid is no trustworthy writer, it seems that there must be -some reality at the base of this statement; and we here have information -about some of the wares that the traders carried to Wîsu, and that were -derived from their commercial intercourse with Arabs and Jews. The people -to whom the inhabitants of Wîsu or Vesses took the steel blades must have -been fishermen on the shore of the Polar Sea, who carried on seal- and -walrus-hunting, and perhaps also whaling, and this is what is referred to -by the fish that Allâh sends up. They may have been Samoyeds (on the -Pechora), Karelians, Tver-Finns, and even Norwegians. It might be objected -that sables cannot be supposed to have been obtained from the last-named; -but this is doubtless not to be taken too literally. Ibn Ruste (circa 912 -A.D.) thus says that the Rûs (Scandinavians, usually Swedes) had no other -occupation but trading in sables, squirrel and other furs, which they sold -to any one who would buy them. - -It seems to result from what may be trustworthy in these statements that -there was fairly active commercial intercourse from Bulgar with the Vesses -and with the peoples on the White Sea, and perhaps in districts near the -Polar Sea. A shortest night of one hour would take us to a little north of -the mouth of the Dvina. In the land of the Vesses by Lake Byelo-ozero -there was an easy way across from the Volga's tributary Syexna to Lake -Kubenskoye, which has a connection with the Dvina; and there was also -transit to the river Onega. There was thus easy communication along the -great rivers; but besides this the traders seem also to have travelled -overland with dogs; this was probably when going north to Yugria and the -country of the Pechora, in the same way as traders in our time generally -go there with reindeer. The trade in furs was then, as in antiquity, the -powerful incentive; it was that too which chiefly attracted the Norwegians -to Bjarmeland. - -It is not likely that the Arabs themselves reached North Russia; one would -suppose rather that travelling Jews assisted as middlemen in the trade -with these regions. But the finding of Arab coins on the Pechora would -point to Arab trade having penetrated through intermediaries to the shores -of the Polar Sea.[124] - - -THE POLAR EXPEDITION OF THE FRISIAN NOBLES AND KING HAROLD'S VOYAGE TO THE -WHIRLPOOL - -[Sidenote: The Frisian nobles' Polar expedition] - -Among mediæval voyages to the North there remain yet to be mentioned -Harold Hardråde's expedition[125] and the voyage of the Frisian nobles, -related by Adam of Bremen in the descriptions already given (vol. i. pp. -195, f.). That the latter voyage must be an invention, and cannot contain -much of historical value, is obvious (cf. vol. i. p. 196). The whole -description of the abyss or maelstrom is taken from Paulus Warnefridi (as -will be seen by a comparison of the descriptions on pp. 157 and 195, vol. -i.); the Cyclopes of marvellous stature, as well as the treasures of gold -that they guard, are originally derived from classical literature, -although Adam may have taken them from earlier mediæval authors, and -Northern ideas about the giants in the north in Jotunheim may have helped -to localise the story.[126] The great darkness, the stiffened sea, chaos -and the gulf of the abyss at the uttermost end of the world or of the -ocean are all classical conceptions, and the description itself of the -dangers of the voyage, of the darkness that could scarcely be penetrated -by the eyes, etc., is just what we find in classical literature, and in -many points bears great resemblance to the poem of Albinovanus Pedo, for -example (see vol. i. p. 82). It is possible, of course, that there may be -thus much historical truth in the story, that some Frisian nobles made a -voyage to the Orkneys or perhaps to Iceland, but even this is doubtful, -and the rest is demonstrably invention. In spite of this Master Adam -asserts that Archbishop Adalbert in person had told him all this, and that -it happened in the days of his predecessor, Archbishop Alebrand, who had -the story from the travellers' own lips; for they returned to Bremen and -brought thank-offerings to Christ and to their saint "Willehad" for their -safety. One might suppose that these nobles themselves had invented the -story and told it to the archbishop;[127] but it does not seem likely that -they were acquainted with Paulus Warnefridi's description of the -maelstrom, and the Cyclopes with their treasures in the north seem also to -be learned embroidery; they might have heard oral tales about them, but in -any case we may doubtless suppose that the story has been much "improved" -by Adam. There is a mediæval folk-song about the dangers of sailors at sea -which may also be supposed to have contributed to the description. - -[Sidenote: King Harold's voyage to the maelstrom] - -Be that as it may, this story must weaken our confidence in Adam's -credibility, or rather in his critical sense. If his narrative of a voyage -which started from his own adopted town of Bremen not long before his time -is so untrustworthy, what are we to think of his statement about the -experienced Norwegian king Harold's expedition to explore the extent of -the ocean? No doubt it may appear as though he had his information about -this voyage from the Danish king Svein, who is mentioned as his authority -for the statements immediately preceding, and so far this information -might have a good source; but it has received precisely the same -decoration as the other voyage, with the mist or darkness that shuts out -the uttermost end of the world, and the vast gulf of the abyss which was -narrowly escaped. This is certainly of older origin, and he has not even -given himself the trouble to make a little alteration in the dangers of -the two stories. Another thing that weakens our confidence in his -statements is his saying that the Danish king had told him that all the -sea beyond the island of Winland was filled with intolerable ice and -immeasurable darkness. It may doubtless be supposed that classical -conceptions had even at that time created superstitions of this kind in -the North, and thus King Svein may have told him this; but it must be more -probable that all these ancient book-learned ideas are due, not to the -unlearned and travelled monarch, but to the well-read magister, who -moreover himself quotes in the same connection Marcianus's words about the -congealed sea beyond Thule. - -It would be entirely in Adam's vein if some accidental resemblance or -association had given him an opportunity of making use in this way of -ideas he had from his learned reading, just as the name of Kvænland gave -him the chance of bringing in the myths of the Amazons, Cynocephali, etc. -(cf. vol. i. p. 383). It was pointed out earlier (vol. i. pp. 195, 197) -that the statements about the sea "beyond this island" and about Harold's -voyage are possibly a later addition by Adam himself, which has been -inserted in the wrong place; "this island" might then mean Thyle (Iceland) -and not Winland. Whether we regard the latter as a newly discovered -country in America or as the Insulæ Fortunatæ, it is difficult to -understand why precisely the sea on the other side of this island should -be particularly associated with the ancient conceptions of the dark or -misty, and the congealed or ice-filled sea; ice and darkness are nowhere -connected in this way with Wineland in later authorities. It is true that -in Arabian myth there are islands in the west near the Sea of Darkness -(cf. chapter xiii.) and that the Promised Land in Irish myth is surrounded -by darkness (== fog) like the Norwegian huldrelands and the Icelandic -elflands; but if Adam got his ideas in this way, it would only show more -conclusively how mythical his narrative is. If Adam confused the names of -Vinland and Finland (i.e., Finmark) (cf. vol. i. pp. 198, 382; vol. ii. p. -31), it would also be natural for him to imagine that beyond it were ice -and darkness. - -[Sidenote: Whirlpool] - -The view has been held that the whirlpool in which King Harold and the -Frisian nobles were nearly drawn down was of Scandinavian or Germanic -origin [cf. S. Lönborg, 1897, pp. 173, f.]. It seems undoubtedly to -correspond to the Norse "Ginnungagap" [cf. G. Storm, 1890, pp. 340, ff.]; -but it is a question how early this idea arose. I have already (vol. i. -pp. 11, 12, 17) pointed out the probable connection between it and the -Greek Tartaros (and Anostos) or Chaos, and have shown (vol. i. pp. 158, -f.) that Paulus Warnefridi took his whirlpool from this source, and called -it Chaos. But now it is evident, as we have seen, that Adam took his -description of the whirlpool from Paulus, and thus we have the full -connection. It may also be mentioned as curious that Lucian in his Vera -Historia tells of just such an abyss: - - "We sailed through a crystal-clear, transparent water until we were - obliged to stop before a great cleft in the sea.... Our ship was near - being drawn down into this abyss, if we had not taken in the sails in - time. As we then put our heads out and looked down, we saw a depth of - a thousand stadia, before which our minds and senses stood still...." - Finally with great difficulty they rowed across a bridge of water that - stretched over the abyss [Wieland, 1789, iv. p. 222]. - - With this may be compared that in the Irish legend (Imram Maelduin) - Maelduin and his companions came to a sea like green glass, so clear - that the sun and the green sand of the sea were visible through it. - Thence they came to another sea which was like fog (clouds), and it - seemed to them that it could hardly support them or their boat; they - saw in the sea beneath them people adorned with jewels and a - delightful land, etc.; but when they also saw down below a huge - monster which devoured a whole ox, they were seized with fear and - trembling, for they thought they would not be able to get across this - sea without falling through to the bottom, because it was as thin as - cloud; but they came over it with great danger [cf. Zimmer, 1889, p. - 164]. - -Although, as already mentioned (vol. i. p. 362), Lucian does not seem to -have been read in western Europe before the fourteenth century, I cannot -get away from the impression that in some oral way or other (cf. vol. i. -pp. 362, f.) there must be a connection between the Irish tale (written -down long before Adam of Bremen's work) and the above-mentioned fable (as -well as many others) which Lucian reproduces, whether the connection be -with Lucian himself or with the authors he parodies. But then it will not -be rash to conclude further that there may also be a connection between -the cleft in the sea or profound abyss of Lucian or of Greek fable, from -which mariners escaped with difficulty, and Adam's whirlpool, which King -Harold avoided by turning back. - -[Sidenote: Maelstrom among the Irish] - -But it is also conceivable that the various currents in northern waters -may have furnished food for these constantly recurring ideas about -maelstroms and whirlpools. Such maelstroms appear also in Irish legends. -In the "Imram Brenaind" [cf. Zimmer, 1889, p. 134] it is related that: - - One day the voyagers saw on the ocean deep, dark currents [whirlpools] - and their ships seemed to be drawn into them with the force of the - storm. In this great danger all eyes were turned upon Brandan. He - spoke to the sea, saying that it should be satisfied with drowning him - alone, but spare his comrades. Thereupon the sea became calm, and the - rushing of the whirlpool ceased immediately; from that time until now - it has done no harm to others. - -[Sidenote: Maelstrom in Norway; the Moskenström] - -The Historia Norwegiæ places "Charybdis, Scylla, and unavoidable -whirlpools" in the north in "Hafsbotn" (cf. later). This must have been a -general idea in Norway; for about one hundred years later, in 1360, the -Englishman, Nicholas of Lynn, who travelled in Norway in the middle of the -fourteenth century, wrote his lost work, "Inventio Fortunata," on the -northern countries and their whirlpools from 53° to the North Pole; but -unfortunately we do not know its contents.[128] The conceptions of these -whirlpools may doubtless be connected with reports of dangerous currents -in the north. The Moskenström by the Lofoten Islands may in particular -have given rise to much superstition at an early time. In winter with a -westerly wind it runs at a rate of as much as six miles an hour, and with -a rising tide it may be altogether impassable. It may set up a high -topping sea, which breaks over the whole current so that it can be heard -three or four miles off.[129] In later times there are terrifying -descriptions of this dangerous current. Thus Olaus Magnus (1555) says that -between Roest and Lofoten - - "is so great an abyss, or rather Charybdis, that it suddenly swamps - and swallows up in an instant those mariners who incautiously - approach" (see the illustration, vol. i. p. 158).... "Pieces of - wreckage are very seldom thrown up again, and if they come to light, - the hard material shows such signs of wear and chafing through being - dashed against the rocks, that it looks as if it were covered with - rough wool." And the natural force here manifested exceeds all that is - related of Charybdis in Sicily and other wonders. - -The Englishman, Anthony Jenkinson, who made a voyage to the White Sea in -1557, writes of it:[130] - - "Note that there is between the said Rost Islands & Lofoot, a whirle - poole called Malestrand, which from halfe ebbe untill halfe flood, - maketh such a terrible noise, that it shaketh the ringes in the doores - of the inhabitants houses of the sayd Islands tenne miles off. Also if - there commeth any Whale within the current of the same, they make a - pitifull crie. Moreover, if great trees be caried into it by force of - streams, and after with the ebbe be cast out againe, the ends and - boughs of them have bene so beaten, that they are like the stalkes of - hempe that is bruised." - -Schönnerböl in 1591 gives a more detailed description of the current, in -which the same things are reported - - of the iron ring "in the house door ... it is shaken hither and - thither by the rushing of the current"; of the whale, who when "he - cannot go forward on account of the strong stream, gives a great cry, - as it were a great ox, and then he is gone..."; and, finally, of great - trees, spruce or fir, which disappear in this current, and when at - last they come up again, "then all the boughs, all the roots and all - the bark is torn off, and it is shaped as though it had been cut with - a sharp axe." He says that "many people are of the opinion that there - is a whirlpool in this current or immediately outside it"; and "when - the stream is strongest, one can see the sun and the sky through the - waves, since they go as high as other high mountains."[131] - -Peder Claussön Friis gives a similarly exaggerated description of the -current (circa 1613), sometimes using the same expressions as the authors -quoted. The resemblance between these various descriptions is so great -that it cannot easily be explained merely by their reporting the same oral -tradition; what they have in common must rather be derived from an older -written source (Nicholas of Lynn ?), which again has adopted ancient -mythical conceptions. It is strange how few more recent ideas have been -added even in Schönneböl, who was sheriff of Lofoten and Vesterålen for at -least twenty years (from 1570), and must have had plenty of opportunity -for gathering information on the spot; but it is the usual experience that -everything that could be got from old books was preferred. That stories of -the Moskenström may have been known in Adam of Bremen's time is highly -probable, perhaps even Paulus Warnefridi had heard of it (cf. vol. i. p. -158). - -[Sidenote: Possible truth in Harold's ocean voyage] - -When we have shorn Adam's tale of all borrowed features, is there enough -left to make it possible that the Norwegian king Harold undertook a voyage -out into the ocean? It is not easy to form a definite opinion on this, but -the probability must be that King Svein or the Danes told some such story, -which was then adorned by Master Adam. As the voyage was supposed to have -taken place recently, it must be Harold Hardråde who was intended, -otherwise one might be led to think of Harold Gråfeld's celebrated voyage -to Bjarmeland.[132] What the object may have been, and what direction the -voyage took, we do not know. As Adam says it was to explore "the breadth -of the northern ocean" ("latitudinem septentrionalis oceani"), one must -suppose that in his opinion it set out from Norway northward or -north-westward over the ocean towards its uttermost limit, since according -to the maps and ideas of that time he imagined the ocean as surrounding -the disc of the earth like a ribbon (see vol. i. p. 199), and he may then -have sailed across this to find out its extent.[133] But it is quite -possible, as P. A. Munch [1852, ii. pp. 269, ff.] suggested, that Master -Adam may have heard something about a northward voyage undertaken by -Harold, during which he had been exposed to some danger in the Saltström -or the Moskenström;[134] or if it was a voyage to Bjarmeland (Harold -Gråfeld's ?) that he heard of, then it might be the current at Sviatoi -Nos or Straumneskinn, often spoken of in the sagas, that Adam has made -into the whirlpool. - - -WHALING AND SEALING VOYAGES OF THE NORWEGIANS IN THE POLAR SEA - -[Sidenote: The Norwegians as whalers.] - -The skill of the Norwegians as fishermen, whalers and sealers had, of -course, a great deal to do with the development of their seamanship and -ability to travel and support themselves along unknown and uninhabited -shores. The accurate knowledge of the many species of seals and whales -shown in the "King's Mirror," to which no parallel is met with earlier in -the literature of the world, proves how important the hunting of these -animals must have been; for otherwise so much attention would not have -been paid to them.[135] When in speaking of the greater whales a -distinction is made between those that are shy and keep away from the -hunters, and those that are tamer and easier to approach, and when the -longest of all ("reyðr") is mentioned as being specially tame and easily -caught, we can only regard this as showing that whaling was also carried -on in the open sea; that is, not in a merely accidental fashion, as when -the whales entered narrow fjords where they could be intercepted, or when -they ran aground. - -[Illustration: Cutting up a whale (from an Icelandic MS. of the fourteenth -century of Magnus Lanabóter's Icelandic Land Law)] - -From Ottar's statement to King Alfred (cf. vol. i. p. 172)--that "in his -own land [i.e., Norway] there is the best whaling. They are forty-eight -cubits long, and the largest are fifty cubits long"--we may conclude that -the Norwegians, and perhaps the Lapps also, hunted the great whales as -early as the ninth century, and doubtless long before that time, while -King Alfred does not seem to have known of any such whaling being -practised in England.[136] We are not told in what way the whale was -caught in those days, but from statements elsewhere it is probable that -the Norwegians had several methods of taking whales, as is the case even -to the present day in Norway: one way was with the harpoon and -harpoon-line in open waters, that is, without cutting off the whale's -escape with nets. - -The Arab cosmographer, Qazwînî (of the thirteenth century), quoting the -Spanish-Arabic writer Omar al-'Udhrî[137] (of the eleventh century), says -that the Norsemen in Irlânda (Ireland). - - "hunt young whales, and they are very great fish. They hunt their - young and eat them.... Of the method of catching them al-'Udhrî - relates that the hunters collect in their ships. They have a great - iron hook [i.e., harpoon] with sharp teeth, and on the hook a strong - ring, and in the ring a stout rope. When they come to a young one, - they clap their hands and make a noise. The young one is amused by the - clapping of hands and approaches the ship, delighting therein. - Thereupon one of the seamen approaches and scratches its forehead, - which the young one likes. Then he lays the hook to the middle of its - head, takes a heavy iron hammer and gives three blows with all his - force upon the hook. It does not heed the first blow, but with the - second and third it makes a great commotion, and sometimes it catches - some part of the ship with its tail, and knocks it to pieces, and it - continues in violent agitation until it is overcome by exhaustion. - Then the crew of the ship draw it to shore with their combined force. - Sometimes the mother notices the movements of the young one, and - pursues them. Then they have a great quantity of crushed onions in - readiness, and throw it into the water. When the whale perceives the - smell of the onions it finds it detestable, turns round and retreats. - Then they cut the flesh of the young one in pieces and salt it.[138] - And its flesh is white as snow, and its skin black as ink."[139] - -This is, clearly enough, a layman's naive description of whaling with -harpoon and harpoon-line in open waters, a method which had therefore -already been introduced into Ireland by the Norwegians at that time. It -may consequently be regarded as certain that the Norwegians were -acquainted with harpooning. That this was very usual appears also from the -"King's Mirror" and the ancient Norwegian laws, where whaling and -whale-harpoons ("skutill") are often mentioned. - -[Illustration: Cutting up a whale (from an Icelandic MS.)] - -On the west coast of Norway, in the neighbourhood of Bergen, there is -still practised to-day another method of catching whales which must be -very ancient. When the great whales enter certain fjords which have a -narrow inlet, their escape is cut off by nets, and they are shot with -poisoned arrows from bows which entirely resemble the crossbows of the -Middle Ages. The arrows used are old and rusty, and convey bacteria from -one whale to another. When the whale has been hit by these arrows it is -rapidly weakened from blood-poisoning, so that it may easily be harpooned -and then killed by lances, after which it is cut up and divided among the -inhabitants of the fjord, according to ancient, unwritten rules. In spite -of the blood-poisoning, the whale's flesh and blubber are eaten, and are -regarded as very valuable provisions. I have myself often taken part in -this kind of whaling. Possibly Peder Claussön Friis [cf. Storm, 1881, p. -70] refers to a similar method of whaling when he says that - - "in ancient times many expedients or methods were used for catching - whales, which ... on account of men's unskilfulness have fallen out of - use." - -They had "a spear with sharp irons, so that it could not be pulled out -again." This was hurled into the whale, which died in a short time, or -became so weakened that it could be drawn to land; - - "which whales were then cut up and divided among those who had shot, - and him who owned the land, or him who had first found the whale - driven in, according to the provisions of the law." - -We must suppose that this iron was poisoned with bacteria from former -whales, in a similar way to the arrows mentioned above, whereby the -animal's wound was infected. However, Peder Claussön's description of the -hunt is evidently taken in great measure from older literary sources, -since similar descriptions are found as early as in Albertus Magnus (ob. -1280) [De animalibus, xxiv. 651], and in Vincent of Beauvais [Speculum -universalis, i. 1272]. In all three authors the whale dives after being -struck, and tosses about on the bottom or rubs itself against it, thereby -driving the spear farther in; but in Peder Claussön it does so in order to -"get rid of the shot," while in Albertus it is on account of salt water -getting into the wound, and in Vincentius the salt water penetrates and -kills the wounded whale. As the descriptions of Albertus and Vincentius -evidently refer to ordinary harpoon-whaling, it may be doubtful whether -Peder Claussön's statement really relates to a method of catching -different from the usual one with harpoon and line, although one is -disposed to believe that it does. He also mentions in the same place other -whales that they could "pursue with boats and drive into bays and small -fjords, and kill them there with hand-shot and bow-shot." This may be -supposed to refer to a method similar to that mentioned above, with -poisoned arrows; but, on the other hand, it may relate to a third method -of taking small whales, which was certainly practised from very early -times in Norway, and which consists in schools of small whales being -driven into bays and inlets, where they are intercepted with nets and -driven ashore. - -The method of whaling with poisoned arrows or throwing-spears must, as has -been said, be very ancient. Whether it was invented by the Norwegians -themselves, or whether they did not rather learn it from the older -hunter-people of Norway, the "Finns," is difficult to determine. Nor do we -know how ancient whaling in general may be in the North; it may date from -early times, though Ottar's mention of it is the earliest known in -literature. - -[Sidenote: Harpoon-fishing in the Mediterranean in antiquity] - -It is evident that a high development of seamanship, skill in hunting, and -resourcefulness were required before men could venture to encounter the -great whales of the ocean in open fight with free sea-room, where the -whale was not crippled by having run aground or into narrow fjords with no -outlet. This whaling in the open sea demanded the invention of special -appliances, of which the harpoon with its line was of special importance. -It may be possible, though it is not certain, that the Norwegians were the -first Europeans to practise this kind of whaling, and as, from numerous -documents, we may conclude that whaling was actively carried on by the -Normans in Normandy as early as the tenth and eleventh centuries, one is -inclined to suppose that it was the Normans who first introduced the -method of harpoon and line there,[140] and then passed it on to the -Basques. But we ought not to lose sight of the fact that there are other -possibilities, since the harpoon was probably known to and used on smaller -marine animals by the neolithic people of Europe, and the taking of larger -fish with harpoon and line was known in the Mediterranean in -antiquity,[141] as appears, for instance, from Polybius's description of -the catching of swordfish at Scyllæum (on the Straits of Messina), which -is reproduced in Strabo, i. 24: - - "A common look-out man goes at their head, while they collect in many - two-oared boats to lie in wait for the fish; two in each boat. One of - them rows, the other stands in the bow with a spear, while the - look-out man gives warning of the appearance of the fish; for the - animal swims with a third of its body above water. As soon as the boat - has reached the fish, the spearman pierces it by hand, and immediately - draws the spear out of its body again, with the exception of the - point; for this is provided with barbs, and is purposely attached - loosely to the shaft, and has a long line fastened to it. This is paid - out after the wounded fish, until it is tired by floundering and - attempts at flight; then it is drawn to land, or taken into the boat - if it is not very large." No better description of harpoon-fishing is - to be found in the Middle Ages. The dolphin was to the Greeks - Poseidon's beast, and they did not take it; but from Oppian's account - we see that the barbarian fishermen on the coast of Thrace had no such - scruples, but caught dolphins with harpoons to which a long line was - attached [cf. Noël, 1815, p. 42]. - -If the Iberian people of the western Mediterranean practised this kind of -fishing, the Basques may also have been acquainted with it. But if they -used the harpoon on swordfish and small whales, the further step to using -it for the Biscay whale was not insuperable to these hardy seamen, and -they may thus have themselves developed their methods of whaling without -having learnt from the Normans, even if no evidence is forthcoming of -their having been acquainted with whaling so early as the latter.[142] It -may also be supposed that the Norsemen in the beginning, far back in grey -antiquity, took their harpoon-fishing from the south, just as they -obtained the form of their craft to some extent from the Mediterranean. - -Thus, although we cannot regard it as certain that the Norwegians -introduced the knowledge of whaling with the harpoon and line in Normandy, -it is in any case probable that they were particularly active in -practising and developing this method, and we may conclude that they must -have been acquainted with whaling before they came there, since we see -that the whalers of Normandy bore the Scandinavian name of -"walmanni."[143] If they had learnt their whaling in the foreign land, it -goes without saying that they would also have taken the name from thence, -and it is extremely improbable that they should have acquired a -Scandinavian designation for an occupation the knowledge of which they -had not brought with them from their native land. - -The Normans also took with them the knowledge of whaling as far as the -Mediterranean. In Guillelmus Appulus's description (of about 1099-1111) of -the Norman conquest of southern Italy it is related[144] that when Robert -Guiscard comes to the town of Regina in Calabria he hears - - "the rumour that there is a fish not for from the town in the waves of - the Adriatic, a great one with an immense body, of an incredible - aspect, which the people of Italy had not seen before. The winds of - spring, on account of the fresh water, had driven it thither. It was - captured by the ingenuity of the leader [i.e., Robert] by means of - various arts. It swam into a net made of fine ropes, and when it was - completely entangled in the nets with the heavy iron, it dived down to - the depths of the sea, but at last it was hit by the seamen in various - projecting places, and with much pains dragged ashore. There the - people look at it as a strange monster. Then it is out in pieces by - order of the leader. Thereof he obtains for himself and his men much - food, and also for the people who dwelt on the coasts of Calabria. And - the Apulian people also have a share of it." - -[Illustration: Cutting up a whale (from an Icelandic MS. of the sixteenth -century).] - -It looks as though the author's view was that the whale was caught with -nets and killed by the throwing of lances, which is not impossible; but it -may also be supposed that the poetical description is somewhat misleading, -and that the "nets with the heavy iron" were the harpoon with its line -(?). - -It may be regarded as doubtful whether the harpooning of great whales in -open waters was ever so actively carried on and brought to such perfection -during the Middle Ages in Norway, Iceland and Greenland as was evidently -the case in Normandy and especially among the Basques, from whom later -the English and the Dutch learned it. As in those days there was abundance -of whales to be caught on the Norwegian coast (the nord-caper was then -numerous there), this kind of whaling would not tempt the Norwegians to -seek better hunting-grounds along other coasts in northern waters. On the -other hand, it is evident that practice in whaling must have been of great -importance to them, wherever they settled in these regions. - -[Sidenote: Albertus Magnus on walrus-hunting] - -Albertus Magnus (ob. 1280), who gives a detailed description of the -harpoon and of whaling (cf. above, p. 158), has also the following -description of walrus-hunting: - - "Those whales which have bristles, and others, have very long - tusks,[145] and by them they hang themselves up on stones and rocks - when they sleep. Then the fisherman approaches, and tears away as much - as he can of the skin from the blubber by the tail, and makes fast a - strong rope to the skin he has loosened, and he binds the ropes fast - to rings fixed in the rocks or to very strong posts or trees. Then he - throws large stones at the fish and wakes it. When the fish is awake - and wants to go back [into the sea], it pulls its skin off from the - tail along the back and head, and leaves it behind there. And - afterwards it is caught not far from the spot, when it has exhausted - its strength, as it floats bloodless upon the sea, or lies half-dead - on the shore." - -He also tells us that walrus-rope[146] was commonly sold at the fair at -Cologne, which shows that walrus-hunting must have acquired great -importance at that time. It can only have been carried on by the -Norwegians (and Icelanders ?), the Finns or Lapps, the peoples of the -north coast of Russia, and the Greenlanders. It is unlikely that the ropes -were brought all the way from Russia by land to Cologne; they must rather -have come from Norway. The Norwegians obtained a certain quantity of -walrus-rope ("svarðreip") through the trade with Greenland, and perhaps -with North Russia, but they probably got most from their own hunting in -northern waters. The quantity of walrus they could kill in Finmark would -not be sufficient to satisfy the demand, and, as suggested earlier (vol. -i. p. 177), they must certainly have sought fresh hunting-grounds, above -all eastwards in the Polar Sea. - -[Sidenote: Hunting expeditions of the Norwegians eastward and northward in -the Polar Sea] - -Norse-Icelandic literature does not tell us that the Norwegians in their -voyages to Bjarmeland went any farther east than "Gandvik" (the White Sea) -and the Dvina. But it is to be noted that the sagas as a rule only mention -the expeditions of chiefs, with warlike exploits, fighting and slaughter -of one kind or another; while peaceful trading voyages, which were -certainly numerous, are not spoken of, nor walrus-hunting and hunting -expeditions in general, since such occupations were not usually followed -by chiefs. We cannot therefore expect to find anything in the sagas about -countries or waters where there were no people, and where only hunting was -carried on. - -From Ottar, however, who was not a saga-writer, we learn that -walrus-hunting was practised, and doubtless very perseveringly, in the -ninth century (vol. i. p. 176), and that even at that time he went in -pursuit of it as far as the White Sea. It is thus extremely improbable -that such hardy hunters should have stopped there, and not continued to -move eastward, where there was such valuable prey to be secured. We must -suppose that at least they reached the west coast of Novaya Zemlya, where -there were walrus and seal in abundance. That such was the case is just as -probable as the reverse is improbable, and as it is improbable that -expeditions of this kind should have found mention in the sagas. That the -Norwegians knew Novaya Zemlya may perhaps be concluded from the mediæval -Icelandic geography (cf. vol. i. p. 313; vol. ii. p. 1), according to -which the land extended northward from Bjarmeland round the north of -Hafsbotn (the Polar Sea) as far as Greenland, making the latter continuous -with Europe (cf. the map, p. 2). The knowledge that the west coast of -Novaya Zemlya extended northwards into the unknown may have given rise to -such an idea. It was general in Scandinavia and Iceland in the latter part -of the Middle Ages, whilst Adam of Bremen speaks of Greenland as an -island, like Iceland and other islands in the northern ocean. The -discovery of "Svalbard" (Spitzbergen ?) in 1194 may, as we shall see -directly, have lent support to the belief in this connection by land. - -[Sidenote: Saxo's Farther Bjarmeland] - -Saxo Grammaticus in his Danish history, of the beginning of the thirteenth -century, also has mythical tales of voyages to Bjarmeland. Amongst others -the legendary king Gorm and Thorkel Adelfar on a mythical voyage to the -north and east came first to Hálogaland, then to "Hither Bjarmeland," -which had steep shores and much cattle, and then to a land with continual -cold and heavy snow, without any warmth of summer, rich in impenetrable -forests, which was without produce of the fields, full of beasts unknown -elsewhere, and where many rivers rushed through rocky beds. This land was -"Farther Bjarmeland."[147] If we except the forests this description suits -Novaya Zemlya better than the Kola peninsula; but it is extremely doubtful -whether any real knowledge of these regions lies at the root of Saxo's -mythical tales, in which, for instance, the travellers come to the river -of death and the land of the dead. The designation Farther Bjarmeland may -nevertheless point to a land having been known beyond the often-mentioned -Bjarmeland. - -In the old legendary sagas there is frequent mention of "the Farther -Bjarmeland," which lay to the north or north-east of the real Bjarmeland -(Permia), and where there was a people of gigantic size and immense -riches. This fabulous country may, it is true, be entirely mythical, -perhaps originally derived from ancient Greek myths; but on the other hand -it may be the knowledge of Novaya Zemlya that has influenced the formation -of the myths about it. However this may be, we may be sure that the -voyages of the Norwegian hunters in those days extended into the eastern -Polar Sea far beyond the limits of Ottar's voyage, and much farther than -the chance mentions in the sagas of more or less warlike expeditions of -chiefs to the White Sea would indicate. - -[Sidenote: Discovery of Svalbarð] - -A notice that is extant relating to the year 1194 shows better than -anything else that the Norwegians probably made extensive voyages in the -Polar Sea, and the mention of it is purely fortuitous. In the "Islandske -Annaler" (in six different MSS.) it is briefly stated of the year 1194: -"Svalbarðs fundr" or "Svalbarði fundinn" (Svalbard was discovered); but -that is all we are told; surely no great geographical discovery has ever -been more briefly recorded in literature. Svalbarði means the cold edge or -side, and must here mean the cold coast. In the introduction to the -Landnámabók we read about this land: - - "From Reykjanes on the south side of Iceland it is five [in Hauk's - Landnáma three] doegr's sea [i.e., sail] to Jolldulaup in Ireland to - the south, but from Langanes on the north side of Iceland it is four - doegr's sea to Svalbard on the north in Hafsbotn,[148] but it is one - doegr's sail to the uninhabited parts of Greenland from Kolbeins-ey in - the north." - -As will be seen, Svalbard is spoken of, here and in the Annals, as a land -that is known. It is also mentioned in Icelandic legendary sagas of the -later Middle Ages. - -[Illustration: Countries and seas discovered by the Norwegians and -Icelanders. The shaded coasts were probably all known to them. The scale -gives "doegr"-sailing, reckoning 2° (or 120 geographical miles) to each -"doegr's" sail] - -The Historia Norwegiæ says of a country in the north:[149] - - "But in the north on the other side of Norway towards the east there - extend various peoples who are in the toils of heathendom (ah, how - sad), namely the Kiriali and Kwæni, horned Finns[150] and both - Bjarmas. But what people dwell beyond these we do not know for - certain, though when some sailors were trying to sail back from - Iceland to Norway, and were driven by contrary winds to the northern - regions, they landed at last between the Greenlanders and the Bjarmas, - where they asserted that they had found people of extraordinary size - and the Land of Virgins ('virginum terram'), who are said to conceive - when they taste water. But Greenland is separated from these by - ice-clad skerries ('scopulis')." - -And in a later passage we read: - - "The fourth part [of Norway] is Halogia, whose inhabitants live in - great measure with the Finns [Lapps], and trade with them; this land - forms the boundary of Norway on the north as far as the place called - Wegestaf, which divides it from Bjarmeland ('Biarmonia'); there is the - very deep and northerly gulf which has in it Charybdis, Scylla, and - unavoidable whirlpools; there are also ice-covered promontories which - plunge into the sea immense masses of ice that have been increased by - heaving floods and are frozen together by the winter cold; with these - traders often collide against their will, when making for Greenland, - and thus they suffer shipwreck and run into danger." - -It may seem probable that this description of a country in the north -referred to Svalbard; and the naive allusion to glacier-ice plunging from -the land is most likely to be derived from voyagers to the Polar Sea; for -it seems less probable that it should be merely information about -Greenland transferred to the North. Storm, it is true, dated the Historia -Norwegiæ between 1180 and 1190, that is, before the discovery of Svalbard -according to the Annals; but later writers place it in the thirteenth -century, even as late as 1260 (see vol. i. p. 255). The ideas of the -people of great size and of the Land of Virgins are obviously taken from -Adam of Bremen, and may be a literary ornament. - -[Sidenote: Svalbard probably Spitzbergen] - -There have been different opinions as to what country Svalbard was. Many -have thought that it might be the northern east coast of Greenland; Jan -Mayen has also been mentioned; while others, like S. Thorlacius, a hundred -years ago (1808), supposed that it was "the Siberian coasts of the Arctic -Ocean, lying to the east of Permia (Bjarmeland), that the ancient Norsemen -included under the name of Svalbard, i.e., the cold coast." Gustav Storm -[1890, p. 344] maintained that Svalbard in all probability must be -Spitzbergen,[151] and many reasons point to the correctness of this -supposition. - -No certain conclusion can be drawn about Svalbard from the passage quoted -from the Landnámabók. "On the north in Hafsbotn" must mean in some -northerly direction; for it is only the chief points of the compass, -north, south and west, that are mentioned, and no intermediate points; -for one course alone, from Bergen to Hvarf in Greenland, the direction -"due west" is given, which must be true west.[152] Langanes is said to lie -on the north side of Iceland instead of on the north-east, from Reykjanes -to Ireland the course was south, instead of south-east, etc. The points of -the compass are evidently used in the same way as is still common in -Norway; "in the north of the valley" may be used even if the valley bends -almost to the west. The Landnáma's statement (Sturlubók) that it is four -"doegr's sea" from Snæfellsnes "west" to Greenland (i.e., Hvarf) then -agrees entirely with the common mode of expression that I have found among -the arctic sailors of our day in Denmark Strait, where they never talk of -anything but sailing east or west along the edge of the ice, even though -it is north-east and south-west; we sail westward from Færder to -Christianssand, or we travel south from Christiania to Christianssand. -Consequently "on the north in Hafsbotn" means the same as when we say -north in Finmark (cf. Ottar's directions, vol. i p. 171), or even north in -the White Sea, and speak of sailing north to Jan Mayen. As Langanes in -particular, the north-east point of Iceland, is mentioned as the -starting-point, we should be inclined to think that Svalbard was supposed -to lie in a north-easterly direction; it is true that the course to -Ireland is calculated from Reykjanes and not from the south-east point of -Iceland; but this may be because the voyage was mostly made from the west -country. - -The distances given in these sailing directions in the Landnámabók are -even less accurate than the points of the compass. From Stad in Norway to -the east coast of Iceland is said to be seven "doegr's" sail, while from -Snæfellsnes to Hvarf is four "doegr," from Reykjanes to Ireland three or -five "doegr," from Langanes to Svalbard four "doegr," and from Kolbeins-ey -to the uninhabited parts of Greenland one "doegr." The actual distances -are, however, approximately: from Norway to Iceland 548 nautical miles, -from Snæfellsnes to Hvarf 692, from Reykjanes to Ireland 712, from -Langanes to Spitzbergen 840 (from Langanes to Jan Mayen 288), and from -Mevenklint to the east coast of Greenland 184 nautical miles. It is -hopeless to look for any system in this; the distances from Iceland to -Greenland and from Iceland to Ireland are given as being much less (4/7 -and 3/7 or 5/7) than the distance from Norway to Iceland, whereas in -reality they are considerably more. In the fourth part of the "Rymbegla" -[1780, p. 482] a "doegr's" sail is given as equal to two degrees of -latitude, that is, 120 nautical miles (or twenty-four of the old Norwegian -sea-leagues), but according to the measurements given there would be 80 -nautical miles in a "doegr's" sail between Norway and Iceland, 172 between -Iceland and Greenland, and 236 (or 144) between Iceland and Ireland. These -measurements of distance are therefore far too uncertain to be of any use -in finding Svalbard. According to the scale in the "Rymbegla" it would be -two and a half "doegr" to Jan Mayen, and seven "doegr" to Spitzbergen from -Langanes.[153] - -The old Norwegians imagined Hafsbotn [or Trollabotn][154] as the end -("botn") of the ocean to the north of Norway and north-east of Greenland, -as far as one could sail to the north in the Polar Sea. But Svalbard lay -according to the Landnámabók in the north of Hafsbotn; and if one tries to -sail northward in summer-time, either from Langanes, the north-east point -of Iceland, or from Norway, endeavouring to keep clear of the ice, it will -be difficult to avoid making Spitzbergen. If one followed the edge of the -ice northwards from Iceland in July, it would infallibly bring one there. -Such a voyage would correspond to the sailing directions from Snæfellsnes -when they steered west to the edge of the ice off Greenland, and then -followed it south-westwards round Hvarf. On the other hand, it would be -impossible to arrive at the northern east coast of Greenland without -venturing far into the ice, and it is not likely that the ancient Norsemen -would have done this unless they knew that there was land on the inside -and consequently hunting-grounds (cf. vol. i. p. 286). No doubt one might -make Jan Mayen; but it is difficult to suppose that this little island -should have been given such a name, which is only suited to the coast of a -larger country. The conclusion that Svalbard was not the northern east -coast of Greenland seems also justified from the latter being mentioned -immediately afterwards in Hauk's Landnámabók under the name of "the -uninhabited parts of Greenland," one "doegr's" sail north of Kolbeins-ey -(see vol i. p. 286; vol. ii. p. 166). - -As has already been said, the Norwegians (cf. Historia Norwegiæ and the -"King's Mirror") and Icelanders (cf. the mediæval Icelandic geography) -thought that "land extended from Bjarmeland to the uninhabited parts in -the north, and as far as the beginning of Greenland," that is, round the -whole of the north of Hafsbotn. From several legendary sagas of the -fourteenth and fifteenth centuries we can see that Svalbard was in fact -reckoned among these uninhabited parts in the north, which were reached by -sailing past Hálogaland and Finmark, and northward over Dumbshav (see map, -p. 34). - -Thus, in Samson Fagre's Saga [of about 1350] we read in the thirteenth -chapter, "On the situation of the northern lands": - - "Risaland lies east and north of the Baltic, and to the north-east of - it lies the land that is called Jotunheimar, and there dwell trolls - and evil spirits, but from thence until it meets the uninhabited parts - of Greenland goes the land that is called Svalbard; there dwell - various peoples." [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 524.] - -The outcome of what has been advanced above will be briefly: there can be -no doubt, from the sober statement in the Icelandic Annals and in the -Landnáma, that the land of Svalbard really was discovered, even though the -date need not be accurate; and it may further be regarded as probable that -this land was Spitzbergen. - -It may be supposed that it was discovered accidentally by a ship on the -way between Iceland and Norway, as stated in the Historia Norwegiæ, being -driven by storms to the north of Hafsbotn; but the mention of the country -in the Landnámabók may indicate that the voyage was made more than once, -and that knowledge of the country cannot in any case have been limited to -an accidental discovery of this sort. It is more probable that the -Norwegians and Icelanders carried on seal- and walrus-hunting northwards -along the edge of the ice in the Polar Sea, and in that case it was -unavoidable that they should arrive at Svalbard or Spitzbergen. And when -it was once discovered they must often have resorted to it; for the -valuable walrus was at that time very plentiful there. - -[Sidenote: The Russians' arctic sealing a continuation of the Norwegians'] - -As we nowhere find mention of these sealing expeditions of the Norwegians -in the Polar Sea, except in Ottar's narrative, it may be difficult to show -certain evidence of their having taken place; but the Russians' -seal-hunting in the Polar Sea, of which we hear as early as the sixteenth -century, can in my opinion scarcely be explained in any other way than as -a continuation in the main of the Norwegians' sealing. When the English, -and later the Dutch, came to the Murman coast and the coasts eastwards as -far as the Pechora, Vaigach and Novaya Zemlya, they found fleets of -Russian smacks engaged in fishing and walrus-hunting; most of them were -from the Murman coast, some from the White Sea, and a few from the -Pechora. Stephen Burrough thus found in June 1556 no less than thirty -smacks in the Kola fjord, which had come sailing down the river, on their -way to fishing- and sealing-grounds to the east. These smacks sailed well -with the wind free, could also be rowed with twenty oars, and had each a -crew of twenty-four men. - -Pistorius[155] refers to Andrei Mikhow as saying that the "Juctri" -(Yugrians in the Pechora district) and "Coreli" (Karelian) on the coast of -the Polar Sea hunted seals and whales, of whose skins they made ropes, -purses, and ...? ("redas, bursas et coletas"), and used the blubber (for -lighting ?) and sold it. They also hunted walrus (called by Mikhow by its -Norwegian name "rosmar"),[156] the tusks of which they sold to the -Russians. The latter kept a certain quantity for their own use, and sent -the rest to Tartary and Turkey. The hunting was said to proceed in a -curious fashion; the walruses, which were very numerous, clambering up on -to the mountain-ridges and there perishing in great numbers.[157] The -Yugrians and Karelians then collected the tusks on the shore. Is there -here some confusion with stories of the collection of mammoth tusks? - -What was said earlier (p. 145) from an Arabian source about steel blades -being sold to the peoples on the coast of the Polar Sea in North Russia -seems to point to sea-hunting having been well developed in these regions -as early as the twelfth century; for otherwise steel for hunting -appliances could not have been a common article of commerce. - -That Norwegians and Russians often met in northern waters may apparently -be concluded from the words already quoted from Erik Walkendorf, about -1520 (cf. p. 86), that fifteen of the Skrælings did not venture to -approach a Christian or Ruten (i.e., Russian). As he places the land of -the Skrælings north-north-west of Finmark, this seems to be a legend that -is brought into connection with the Polar Sea. Of walrus-tusks he says -that "these are costly and greatly prized among the Russians." Unless this -is taken from older literary sources (?), one might suppose that it was -information he himself had obtained in Finmark, and it might then point to -the Norwegians having sold walrus-tusks to the Russians. - -[Sidenote: Russians and Lapps learned walrus-hunting from the Norwegians] - -The fact that, as mentioned above, a Russian author of the sixteenth -century (Mikhow) uses the Norwegian name "rosmar" seems also to point to -Russian connection with the Norwegians in the arctic fisheries. In -addition to this, the Russian word "morsh" for walrus is evidently the -same as the Lappish "morssa" (Finnish "mursu"), and may originally be the -same word as "rosmar" ("rosmhvalr"). For it is striking that the same -letters are present in "morsh" or "morssa" as in "rosm(hvalr)," or in -"rosmar"; there is only a transference of consonants, which is often met -with in borrowed words in different languages. - - I asked Professor Konrad Nielsen what he thought about this, and - whether he could imagine any Finnish-Ugrian origin of the word, or - whether any similar word was known, for instance, in Samoyed. He - considers that my assumption may "be quite well founded."[158] He has - consulted Professor Setälä of Helsingfors about it, and the latter - thinks that if the word was borrowed from Finnish into Russian, there - is nothing to prevent its being connected with the Norse - rosm(hvalr)--the latter would then, of course, be the primary form. - Similar metatheses are found in other Norse loan-words in Finnish. - Konrad Nielsen thinks that "the Lappish word is pretty certainly - borrowed from Finnish, so that the idea of its Norse origin meets with - no difficulty from that quarter." And as to the possible Russian - origin of the word, he has spoken to the Slavic authority, Professor - Mikkola, who informs him that in popular language the Russian word is - only found in the most northern dialects, and there is no point of - connection in other Slavic languages, so that he regards it as - probable that it is not originally a Slavic word. No Finnish-Ugrian - etymology for the word can, according to Konrad Nielsen, be put - forward. "In Samoyed," he says, "the name for walrus is only known as - far as Jura-Samoyed (the most western dialect of Samoyed) is - concerned: 't'ewot'e,' 'tiut'ei.' I have compared this with the - Lappish name for seal, 'dævok'--'davak'--'dævkka.' In this I see - evidence that the Lapps (contrary to Wiklund's view) were acquainted - with the Polar Sea and its animals before they came to Scandinavia." - He also draws my attention to the fact that "the Finnish 'norsu' (in - the older language also 'nursa'), 'elephant,' seems to be connected - with 'mursu,' which is easily explained by the analogous use of - walrus-tusks and elephant-tusks." - - Professor Olaf Broch also considers my assumption probable, and has - submitted the question of the etymology of the Russian "morsh" to - Professor Berneker, who may doubtless be regarded as the first - authority in questions of this kind. He replies that a "wild" - etymologist might connect the word with a series of words in Slavic - languages which express various movements; but the Russian word, - being so definitely localised, must doubtless be derived from the - North-Finnish linguistic region. Whether the Finnish "mursu," Lappish - "morssa," "morsa," can be referred to a metathesis of Old Norse - rosmhvalr, Danish rosmer, etc., Professor Berneker is unable to - determine. "But with loan-words all sorts of anomalies take place, and - no rules can be laid down." - -If we compare these various utterances of such eminent authorities, it -appears to me that there are paramount reasons for regarding the -Russian-Finnish name for walrus as of Norse origin. But in that case it -also becomes probable that the Norwegians were the pioneers in -walrus-hunting along the coasts of the Polar Sea, and that both the -Finnish peoples and the Russians learned from them. - -It will doubtless be difficult to find a natural explanation of the -peoples on the northern coasts of Russia having from the first developed -their arctic sea-hunting with large craft, unless we suppose that they -learned it from the Norwegians, and that it is thus a continuation of the -methods of the latter. It should also be remembered that the Kola -peninsula as far as the White Sea itself was reckoned a tributary country -of Norway (cf. p. 135), and that the name of the Murman coast means simply -the Norwegians' coast. None of the peoples on the north coast of Russia -can have been a seafaring people very far back, as is shown by their boats -and appliances; and it is difficult to believe that they should have been -able to develop independently a system of navigation on a coast presenting -such unfavourable conditions; no doubt they could have done so with small -boats, originally river-boats,[159] but not with larger craft; this they -must most probably have learned from their nearest seafaring neighbours, -the Norwegians, who were masters at sea. - -It is remarkable that already as early as in Adam of Bremen white bears -(polar bears) are mentioned as occurring in Norway (cf. vol. i. pp. 191, -f.). That this might be due to the connection with Iceland and Greenland, -even at that time, is perhaps possible, but not very probable, as these -countries are mentioned separately by Adam. The white bears in Norway may -rather point to a connection with the Polar Sea and to the Norwegians -having practised sealing there. - -[Sidenote: Mention of white bears in Norway] - - It is perhaps due to the same connection of the Norwegians with the - Polar Sea that we find on the Italian Dalorto's map of 1325 (see next - chapter) and on several later maps the statement that there are white - bears in northern Norway. Probably polar bears' skins were brought to - the south from Norway as an article of commerce and the Norwegians may - have obtained the skins partly by their own hunting in the Polar Sea, - partly by the trade with Greenland, and partly, no doubt, by that with - the peoples on the north coast of Russia. The Arab Ibn Sa'id - (thirteenth century) mentions white bears in the northern islands, - amongst them the island of white falcons (i.e., Iceland). "These - bears' skins are soft, and they are brought to the Egyptian lands as - gifts." In the "Geographia Universalis" of the thirteenth century (see - next chapter) the white bears in Iceland are described. It was a - common idea in southern Europe in the Middle Ages that Greenland, and - sometimes also Iceland (cf. Fra Mauro's map), lay to the north of - Norway, or they were made continuous with it, and even a part of it. - - The Venetian Querini, who was wrecked on Röst Island and travelled - south through Norway in 1432, says that he saw a perfectly white - bear's skin at the foot of the Metropolitan's chair in St. Olaf's - Church at Trondhjem.[160] As Greenland was under the jurisdiction of - the Archbishop of Trondhjem, this skin may have been a gift from pious - Greenlanders, as perhaps were also the Eskimo hide-canoes mentioned by - Claudius Clavus (cf. p. 85). In Norse literature polar bears are - always connected with Icelanders or Greenlanders, who sometimes - brought them alive as gifts to kings. - -[Sidenote: Decline of the Norwegians' sea-hunting] - -We may thus conclude from what has been advanced above that the hunting of -whales, seals, and particularly walrus was of great importance to the -Norwegians in ancient times, and for the sake of the last they certainly -made extended expeditions in the Arctic Ocean. It may therefore be -difficult to understand how it came about that this sea-hunting declined -to such an extent in more recent times that we hear nothing about the -Norwegians' hunting in the Polar Sea, while in the sixteenth century -fleets from the northern coasts of Russia were engaged in fishing and -walrus-hunting; and Peder Claussön Friis is able to say of whaling in -Norway (about 1613): - - "In old time many expedients or methods were used in these lands - [i.e., Norway] for catching whales ... but on account of men's - unskilfulness they have fallen out of use, so that they now have no - means of hunting the whale unless he drifts ashore to them." - -This seems to show that the Norwegians' whaling in open sea had really -gone out of practice, for otherwise this author must have known of it; on -the other hand, whale-hunting in the fjords, which were closed by nets, -has continued to our time. Walrus-hunting (as well as sealing) appears to -have been still carried on in Finmark in Peder Claussön Friis's time. - - His description of the animal and its hunting is in part accompanied - by stories similar to those in Olaus Magnus and Albertus Magnus (see - p. 163), and he mentions the great strength of walrus-hide ropes, and - their use "for clappers in hanging bells, item for shore-ropes and - other ropes, and for the screws on the quay at Bergen, with which the - dried fish is screwed into barrels, and for such other uses as no - hawser or cable can so well serve for." This shows that these ropes - must have been widely employed and that there must have been - considerable hunting of walrus. According to an order of Christian - IV., dated from Bergenhus Castle, July 6, 1622, fifteen walrus-hides - were to be bought yearly for the King's service,[161] and from K. - Leem's description it seems that walrus was still hunted in Finmark in - his time (1767). He says too [1767, p. 302] that "even the Sea-Lapps - of the Varanger-Fiord formerly practised whaling, using for that - purpose appliances invented and made by themselves." To this is added - in a note by Gunnerus: "The same thing may also be said in our time of - the Lapps in Schjerv-island and of a few peasants in Nordland, - especially in Ofoten." - -But in none of these accounts is there any hint that the Norwegians -carried on their hunting beyond the limits of the country, as Ottar did in -the ninth century. - -The decline of this productive hunting may have come about through the -concurrence of many circumstances. Hostile relations with the Karelians -and Russians on the east may have had some influence on it; as the latter -in increasing numbers took up the same hunting in their smacks, the -eastward waters may have become unsafe for the Norwegians, who, though -superior in seamanship, were inferior in numbers. But a more important -factor was the rapid growth of the fisheries on the home coasts in Finmark -after the fourteenth century, which may have claimed all available hands, -leaving none over for fishing in more distant waters. Besides which the -influence of the Hanseatic League no doubt contributed; then, as later, -they learned to prefer the valuable trade in dried fish to fitting out -vessels for the more uncertain and dangerous hunting in the Polar Sea, -which they knew nothing about. Finally came the royal edict of April 1562, -which enforced Bergen's monopoly in the trade with Finmark, whereby the -dead hand was laid upon this part of the country, as formerly upon -Greenland. In those days a corresponding displacement of the arctic -fisheries must have taken place from Norway to north Russia, as in the -last century again a displacement took place in the contrary direction, -when the Russian hunting in the Arctic Ocean and Spitzbergen ceased and -the Norwegians again became the only hunters in these waters. - -[Sidenote: Decline of Norwegian navigation] - -It was a concatenation of unfortunate accidents that produced the gradual -decline of the voyages of the Norwegians and of their unrestricted command -of all northern waters from the White Sea, and probably also Novaya Zemlya -and Spitzbergen, over all the northern islands, Shetland, the Orkneys (to -some extent the Hebrides, Man and Ireland), the Faroes, Iceland, and as -far as Greenland, and probably also for a time the north-east coast of -America. Unfavourable political conditions had a great deal to do with -this, not the least of them being the long union with Denmark, with the -removal of the seat of government to Copenhagen, which was extremely -unfavourable to the interests of Norwegian commerce. To this was added the -growing power of the Hanseatic League in Norway, the effect of which was -as demoralising to all activity in the country as it was paralysing to our -navigation. But not the least destructive were the royal monopolies of -trade with the so-called tributary countries of the kingdom; like all -State monopolies, they laid their dead hand upon all private enterprise. -In this way the Norwegian command of northern waters received its -death-blow; while the mercantile fleets of other nations, especially the -English, came to the fore, to a large extent by making use of Norwegian -seamanship and enterprise; thus the English seaport of Bristol seems to -have had many Norwegians among its citizens, who certainly found there -better conditions to work under than at home. - -The mass of knowledge the Norwegians had acquired about the northern -regions, before their time entirely unknown, was to a great extent -forgotten again; and at the close of the Middle Ages all that remained was -the communication with Iceland and the knowledge of the neighbouring seas, -besides the continuance of the connection between the White Sea and -Norway; while the voyage to Greenland, to say nothing of America, was -forgotten, at any rate by the mass of the people. - -The development of humanity often proceeds with a strangely lavish waste -of forces. How many needless plans and unsuccessful voyages, how much toil -and how many human lives would not a knowledge of the Norwegians' -extensive discoveries have been able to save in succeeding ages? How very -different, too, might have been the development of many things, if by the -chances of an unlucky destiny the decline of Norwegian navigation had not -come just at a time when maritime enterprise received such a powerful -impetus among more southern nations, especially the Portuguese, then the -Spaniards, later the French, the English and the Dutch. By their great -discoveries it was these nations who introduced a new era in the history -of navigation, and also in that of polar voyages. But if Norwegian -seamanship had still been at its height at that time, then certainly the -Scandinavians of Greenland would once more have sought the already -discovered countries on the west and south-west, and the Greenland -settlements might then have formed an important base for new undertakings, -whereby a new period of prosperity for Norwegian navigation and Norwegian -enterprise might have been introduced. This was not to be; it was only -reserved for the Norwegians to be the people who showed the way to the -other nations out from the coasts and over the great oceans. - - - - -[Illustration] - - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE NORTH IN MAPS AND GEOGRAPHICAL WORKS OF THE MIDDLE AGES - - -At the beginning of the Middle Ages and down to the fifteenth century the -cartography of the Greeks, which had reached its summit in the work of -Ptolemy, was entirely unknown in Europe; while the early Greek conceptions -(those of the Ionian school) of the disc of the earth or "oecumene" as a -circle (called by the Romans "orbis terrarum," the circle of the earth) -round the Mediterranean--and externally surrounded by the universal -ocean--had persisted through the late Latin authors, and probably also -through Roman maps. At the same time Parmenides' doctrine of zones (cf. -vol. i. pp. 12, 123) remained prevalent owing to its enunciation by -Macrobius, and maps exhibiting this doctrine were common until the -sixteenth century. These two conceptions became the foundation of the -learned view and representation of the world, and consequently also of the -North, throughout the greater part of the Middle Ages. It was the age of -speculation, not of observation. The Scandinavians were the first -innovators in geography, by going straight to nature as it is, unfettered -by dogmas. The Italian and Catalan sailors followed later with their -portulans (sailing-books) and compass-charts. - -[Illustration: Map of the world from Albi in Languedoc, also called the -Merovingian map (eighth century). The east is at the top, the -Mediterranean in the middle, and the universal ocean outside, with its -three bays: the Caspian Sea, the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea] - -[Sidenote: Oldest mediæval maps] - -[Sidenote: The wheel-map type] - -We find what is perhaps the oldest known Christian map of the world (cf. -vol. i. p. 126) in the "Christian Topography" of Cosmas -Indicopleustes.[162] An attempt is made to combine the Roman classical -view of the world, as lands grouped round the Mediterranean, with Cosmas's -pious conception of it as formed on the same rectangular plan as the Jews' -tabernacle. A map of the world of somewhat similar form is found in a MS. -(by Orosius and Julius Honorius) of the eighth century, preserved in the -library at Albi in Languedoc. But these attempts must be regarded as -accidental. Typical of that time were the so-called wheel- or T-maps, the -shape of which was due especially to Isidore Hispaliensis (cf. vol. i. pp. -151, ff.). The circular Roman maps of the world seem already to have had a -tendency to a tripartition of the world: Europe, Asia and Africa. Sallust -(in the "Bellum Jugurtinum") indicates something of the sort, and -Orosius's geographical system seems to be founded upon a map of this -kind. In St. Augustine we first find the division of the T-map clearly -expressed. This dogmatic-schematic form was fixed by Isidore, according to -whom the round disc of the earth surrounded by the outer ocean was to be -compared to a wheel (or an O), divided into three by a T.[163] Mechanical -map-forms after this prescription (cf. vol. i. pp. 125, 150) were common -during the whole of the first part of the Middle Ages until the fourteenth -century; indeed they circulated and exercised influence far into the -sixteenth; but sometimes, in accordance with the four corners of the earth -in the Bible, the maps were given a square form instead of a round. In -spite of the fact that most authors, among them Isidore himself, expressly -declare that the earth had the form of a globe, this does not seem to have -been anything more than a purely theoretical doctrine, for in -cartographical representations, through the whole of the Middle Ages to -about the close of the fifteenth century, there is never any hint of -projection, or of any difficulty in transferring the spherical surface of -the earth to a plane, which had been so clearly present to the minds of -the Greeks. - -[Illustration: Beatus map, from Osma, 1203. The east is at the top] - -[Illustration: Northern Europe on Heinrich of Mainz's map, at Cambridge -(1110)] - -[Sidenote: The Beatus map] - -[Sidenote: Sallust-maps] - -The wheel-maps were, as we have said, from the first purely formal; but by -degrees an attempt was made to bring into the scheme real geographical -information, although the endeavour to approach reality in the -representation is scarcely to be traced. To this type of map belongs the -so-called Beatus map, which the Spanish monk Beatus (ob. 798) added to his -commentary on the Apocalypse, and which was reproduced in very varying -forms, ten of which have been preserved. The original map, which is not -known, was probably round, but in the reproductions the circle of the -earth is sometimes more or less round (as in the illustration, p. 184), -sometimes oblong (cf. vol. i. p. 199), and sometimes four-sided with -rounded corners [cf. K. Miller, ii., 1895]. Jerusalem was frequently -placed in the centre of the wheel-maps, Paradise (often with Adam and Eve -at the time of the Fall, or with the four rivers of Paradise) in the -extreme east of Asia, which is at the top of the map, and the -Mediterranean (Mare magnum), which forms the stem of the T, pointing down -(cf. vol. i. p. 150). The cross-stroke of the T was formed by the rivers -Tanais (with the Black Sea) and Nile. In the band of ocean surrounding the -disc of the earth the oceanic islands were distributed more or less -according to taste, and as there happened to be room. Thus in the version -of the Beatus map here given, from Osma in Spain (of 1203), Scandinavia -appears as an island ("Scada insula") by the North Pole, as in the Ravenna -geographer (cf. the map, vol. i. p. 152), and the "Orcades" (the Orkneys) -and "Gorgades" (the fabulous islands of the Greeks to the west of Africa) -are placed on the north-east of Asia. The so-called Sallust-maps, drawn up -from Sallust's description of the world in the Bellum Jugurtinum [cf. K. -Miller, iii., 1895, pp. 110, ff.], were another type of very formal -wheel-maps that were still current in the fourteenth century. - -[Illustration: Northern Europe on the Hereford map (circa 1280)] - -[Illustration: Northern part of the Psalter map (thirteenth century)] - -[Sidenote: The North on known wheel-maps of the Middle Ages] - -But by degrees many changes were introduced into the strict scheme. The -outer coast-line of the continents was in parts indented by bays and -prolonged into peninsulas, and the islands were given a less formal shape. -Such attempts appear, for instance, in Heinrich of Mainz's map, which is -taken to have been drawn in 1110 [cf. K. Miller, iii., 1895, p. 22], and -the closely related "Hereford map" of about 1280 by Richard de Holdingham -[cf. K. Miller, iv., 1896; Jomard, 1855]. Some resemblance to these maps -is shown by the "Psalter" map in London, of the second half of the -thirteenth century, and the closely related "Ebstorf" map of 1284 [cf. K. -Miller, iii. pp. 37, ff.; iv. p. 3; v.]; and it is quite possible that -they may all be derived from the same original source; there is in -particular a great resemblance in their representation of Britain and -Ireland. On the first three of these maps Scandinavia or Norway ("Noreya" -or "Norwegia") forms a peninsula with gulfs on the north and south sides. -On Heinrich's map there is beyond this an island or peninsula, called -"Ganzmir," a name which occurs again on the Hereford map (cf. vol. i. p. -157); Miller explains it as a corruption of Canzia, Scanzia (Scandinavia). -On the "Lambert" map in the Ghent codex of before 1125 [cf. K. Miller, -iii., 1895, p. 45], "Scanzia," also with the name "Norwegia," is -represented as a peninsula with narrow gulfs running up into the continent -on each side. "Island" (or "Ysland") appears on Heinrich's and the -Hereford maps as an island near Norway. On the Ebstorf map "Scandinavia -insula" and "Norwegia" are also shown as islands. Many fabulous countries, -such as "Iperboria" (the land of the Hyperboreans), "Arumphei" (on the -Psalter map, i.e., the land of the Aremphæans, cf. vol. i. p. 88), etc., -appear as peninsulas or islands in the northern regions on several of -these maps; on the other hand, neither Greenland nor Wineland occurs on -any of them. - -[Illustration: Northern Europe on the Lambert map at Ghent (before 1125)] - -[Illustration: Ranulph Higden's map of the world, in London (fourteenth -century)] - -[Sidenote: Higden's work and the Geographia Universalis] - -Ranulph Higden's map of the world, which accompanied his already mentioned -work, "Polychronicon" (of the first part of the fourteenth century), is -more fettered by the scheme of the wheel-maps in the form of the outer -coast-line and of the islands. He took his vows in 1299, was a monk of St. -Werburg's Abbey at Chester, and died at a great age in 1363. Various -reproductions of his map are known, but they display little sense of -realistic representation. "Scandinavia" is placed in Asia on the Black -Sea, together with the Amazons and Massagetæ, and to the north of it -"Gothia" (Sweden ?). Islands in the ocean off the coast of northern Europe -are called "Norwegia," "Islandia," "Witland" (or "Wineland," etc.), with -"gens ydolatra," "Tile" (Thule) and "Dacia" (Denmark) with "gens -bellicosa" somewhere near the North Pole. In spite of this representation -on the map, the Polychronicon (cf. above, p. 31) contains various -statements about the North, which may point to a certain communication -with it, or may be echoes of Northern writers. Higden to a large extent -copied an earlier work, the "Geographia Universalis," a sort of -geographical lexicon by an unknown author of the thirteenth century,[164] -which is for the most part based on earlier writers, especially Isidore. -Both works are practically untouched by the knowledge of the North that -had already appeared in King Alfred and in Adam of Bremen, and show how -much ignorance could still prevail in learned quarters on many points -connected with these regions. The "Geographia" speaks of "Gothia," or -lower Scythia, as a province of Europe, but obviously confuses Sweden (the -land of the Götar) and Eastern Germania (the land of the Goths). Norway -("Norwegia") was very large, far in the north, almost surrounded by the -ocean; it bordered on the land of the Goths (Götar), and was separated -from Gothia (Sweden) on the south and east by the river Albia (the Göta -river). The inhabitants live by fishing and hunting more than by bread; -crops are few on account of the severity of the cold. There are many wild -beasts, such as white bears, etc. There are springs that turn hides, wood, -etc., into stone; there is midnight sun and corresponding winter darkness. -Corn, wine and oil are wanting, unless imported. The inhabitants are tall, -powerful and handsome, and are great pirates. "Dacia"[165] was divided -into many islands and provinces bordering on Germania. Its inhabitants -were descended from the Goths (Götar ? cf. Jordanes, vol. i. p. 135), were -numerous and finely grown, wild and warlike, etc. "Svecia" (the land of -the Svear) is also mentioned. That part of it which lay between the -kingdoms of the Danes and of the Norwegians was called Gothia. Svecia had -the Baltic Sea on the east and the British Ocean on the west, the -mountains and people of Norway on the north, and the Danes on the south. -They had rich pastures, metals and silver mines. The people were very -strong and warlike, they once ruled over the greater part of Asia and -Europe. - - "'Winlandia' is a country along the mountains of Norway on the east, - extending on the shore of the ocean; it is not very fertile except in - grass and forest; the people are barbarously savage and ugly, and - practise magical arts, therefore they offer for sale and sell wind to - those who sail along their coasts, or who are becalmed among them. - They make balls of thread and tie various knots on them, and tell - them to untie three or more knots of the ball, according to the - strength of wind that is desired. By making magic with these [the - knots] through their heathen practices, they set the demons in motion, - and raise a greater or less wind, according as they loosen more or - fewer knots in the thread, and sometimes they bring about such a wind - that the unfortunate ones who place reliance on such things perish by - a righteous judgment." - -It is possible that the name "Winlandia" itself is a confusion of Finland -(i.e., the land of the Finns [Lapps], Finmark) with Vinland (cf. above, p. -31); although the description of the country must refer to the former. It -may be supposed that a misunderstanding of the name was the origin of the -myth of selling wind being connected with it. The idea persisted, and the -same myth is given so late as by Knud Leem [1767, p. 3] from an anonymous -book of travels in northern Norway. - -Of Iceland the "Geographia" says: - - "'Yselandia' is the uttermost part of Europe beyond Norway on the - north.... Its more distant parts are continually under ice by the - shore of the ocean on the north, where the sea freezes to ice in the - terrible cold. On the east it has Upper Scythia, on the south Norway, - on the west the Hibernian Ocean.... It is called Yselandia as the land - of ice, because it is said that there the mountains freeze together to - the hardness of ice. Crystals are found there. In that region are also - found many great and wild white bears, that break the ice in pieces - with their claws and make large holes, through which they plunge down - into the water and take fish under the ice. They draw them up through - the said holes, and carry them to the shore, and live on them. The - land is unfertile in crops except in a few places.... Therefore the - people live for the most part on fish and hunting and meat. Sheep - cannot live there on account of the cold, and therefore the - inhabitants protect themselves against the cold and cover their bodies - with the skins of the wild beasts they take in hunting.... The people - are very stout, powerful, and very white ('alba')." - -In Higden's Polychronicon Gothia is also spoken of as lower Scythia, but -among the provinces of Asia, although it is said that it lies in Europe; -it has on the north Dacia and the Northern Ocean. But the geographical -confusion in this work is greater; as already mentioned (p. 31), the -countries of the Scandinavians are described together with the Insulæ -Fortunatæ, Wyntlandia, etc., as islands in the outer ocean. The -disagreement between Higden's text and his map gives us an insight into -how little weight was attached at that time to the relation between maps -and reality; they are for the most part merely graphic schemes. Probably -Higden's map was partly copied from an older one, and the desirability of -bringing it into better agreement with his text did not occur to him. - -[Sidenote: The Cottoniana map] - -The so-called "Anglo-Saxon mappamundi" or "Cottoniana" (reproduced vol. i. -pp. 180, 183), which is in the British Museum, occupies a position of its -own among early mediæval maps. Its age is uncertain; it may at the -earliest date from the close of the tenth century, but possibly it is as -late as the twelfth [cf. K. Miller, iii., 1895, p. 31]. It exhibits no -agreement with the text of Priscian (Latin translation of Dionysius -Periegetes, see vol. i. p. 114), to which it is appended. Many of the -names might rather be derived from Orosius, there is also great -resemblance to Mela (cf. vol. i. pp. 85, ff.), and in some ways to the -mediæval maps already mentioned, although the representation of the North -is different. Probably an older, perhaps Roman (?) map formed the basis of -it. Name-forms like Island, Norweci[166] (Norwegia), Sleswic, Sclavi, may -remind us of Adam of Bremen, but they may also be older. This map is -doubtless less formal than the pronounced wheel-map type, but it does not -bear a much greater resemblance to reality, although the form of Britain, -for instance, may show an effort in that direction. The peninsula which -has been given the name of Norweci (Norway) has most resemblance to -Jutland, and the name seems to have been misplaced. No doubt it ought -rather to have been attached to the long island lying to the north, which -has been given the names Scridefinnas and Island. The representation has -great resemblance to Edrisi's map (cf. p. 203), where Denmark forms a -similar peninsula, and Norway a similar long island, with two smaller -islands to the east of Denmark, which is also alike. The "Orcades Insule" -are given a wide extension on the Cottoniana map, and Tyle (Thule) lies to -the north-west of Britain, as it should do according to Orosius. This map -does not therefore indicate, any more than the others, any particular -increase of knowledge of the North, and compared with King Alfred's work -it is still far behind in the dark ages. - -[Sidenote: Macrobius's zone-maps] - -The zone-maps, already alluded to, which are derived from Macrobius (cf. -vol. i. p. 123), gave a formal representation of the earth of a peculiar -kind, which was common throughout the whole of the Middle Ages; they may -be regarded as mathematical geography more than anything else. The earth -is divided in purely formal fashion into five zones, two of which are -habitable: our temperate zone and the unknown temperate zone of the -antipodes (in the southern hemisphere); and three uninhabitable: the -torrid zone with the equatorial ocean, and the two frigid zones, north and -south. These conceptions also reached the North at an early time, and are -mentioned in the "King's Mirror," amongst other works, although its author -thought that the inhabited part of Greenland really lay in the frigid -zone. A zone-map from Iceland is also known of the thirteenth century. -Another of the fourteenth century and a kind of wheel-map of the twelfth -century, but with geographical names only without coast-lines, are also -found in Icelandic MSS., besides a small wheel- and T-map.[167] Otherwise -it is not known that maps were drawn in the North during the Middle Ages. -A purely formal wheel- and T-map is known from Lund before 1159 [see -Björnbo, 1909, p. 189]. Another Danish wheel-map of the sixteenth century -is known [see Björnbo, 1909, p. 192], and Björnbo reproduces [1909, pp. -193, ff.] two wheel-maps of 1486 from Lübeck, belonging to Professor -Wieser, where the lands and islands of the North are drawn as round discs -(with names) in the outer universal ocean. - - -THE ARAB GEOGRAPHERS OF THE MIDDLE AGES - -[Sidenote: The Arabs' many connections] - -If we turn now from the intellectual darkness of Christian Western Europe -in the early Middle Ages to contemporary Arabic literature, it is as -though we entered a new world; not least is this shown in geographical -science, where the authors follow quite different methods. Through their -contact with the intellectual world of Greece in the Orient, the Arabs -kept alive the Greek tradition; they had translations in their own -language of Euclid, Archimedes, Aristotle, the now lost work of Marinus of -Tyre, and others, and of special importance to their geographical -knowledge was their acquaintance with Ptolemy's astronomy and geography, -which had been forgotten in Europe, and which first became known there -through the Arabs (cf. vol. i. p. 116). They were also acquainted with -Greek cartography. To this education in Greek views and interests was -added the fact that they had better opportunities than any other nation of -collecting geographical knowledge; through their extensive conquests and -through their trade they reached China on the east--where for a -considerable time their merchants had fixed colonies, first in Canton (in -the eighth century), and later, in the ninth century, even in Khânfu (near -Shanghai)[168]--and the western coasts of Europe and Africa on the west, -the Sudan and Somaliland (and even Madagascar) on the south, and North -Russia on the north. In spite of the religious fanaticism which in the -seventh century made them an irresistible nation of conquerors, they had -civilisation enough to remember that "the ink of science is worth more -than the blood of martyrs," and there flourished among them a remarkably -copious literature, with an endless variety of works, from the ninth -century through the whole of the Middle Ages. - -[Sidenote: The Arabs' sense for geography] - -Although the Arabs never attained the Greeks' capacity for scientific -thinking, their literature nevertheless reveals an intellectual -refinement which, with the dark Middle Ages of Europe as a background, has -an almost dazzling effect. The Arab geographers have a special gift for -collecting concrete information about countries and conditions, about -peoples' habits and customs, and in this they may serve as models; on the -other hand sober criticism is not their strong side, and they had a -pronounced taste for the marvellous; if classical writers, and still more -the learned men of the European Middle Ages, had blended together -trustworthy information and fabulous myth more or less uncritically, the -Arabs did so to an even greater degree, and we often find in them a truly -oriental splendour in the mythical; thus it must not surprise us to hear -of whales two hundred fathoms long and snakes that swallow elephants in -the same author (Ibn Khordâdbah) who says that the earth is round like a -sphere, and that all bodies are stable on its surface because the air -attracts their lighter parts [thus we have the buoyancy of the air], while -the earth attracts towards its centre their heavy parts in the same way as -the magnet influences iron [a perfectly clear description of gravitation]. - -Chiefly on account of the language the new fund of geographical knowledge, -which, together with much that is mythical, is contained in the rich -literature of the Arabs, did not attain any great importance in mediæval -Europe; on the other hand the Arabs exercised more influence through the -geographical myths and tales which they brought orally from the East to -Europe, and, as we have seen, the world of Irish myth, amongst others, was -influenced thereby. - -[Sidenote: The Arabs' connection with the North] - -The ideas of the Arabs about the North are, in most cases, very hazy. -Putting aside the partly mythical conceptions that they had derived from -the Greeks (especially Ptolemy), they obtained their information about it -chiefly in two ways: (1) by their commercial intercourse in the east with -Russia--chiefly over the Caspian Sea with the towns of Itil and -Bulgar[169] on the Volga--they received information about the districts -in the north of Russia, and also about the Scandinavians, commonly called -Rûs, sometimes also Warank. (2) Through their possessions in the western -Mediterranean, especially in Spain, they came in contact with the northern -peoples of Western Europe, the Scandinavian Vikings ("Magûs") in -particular, and in that way acquired information. - -"Magûs"[170] means in the west the same northern people, the -Scandinavians, whom in the east the Arabs called Rûs or Warangs, which -word they may have got from the Greek "Varangoi" ([Greek: Baraggoi]) and -the Russian "Varyag." - -All that the Arab authors of the _oldest_ period have about the North, and -that is not taken from the Greeks, they got through their commercial -connections with Russia; but it is not until the ninth century and later -that anything worth mentioning appears, and even in the tenth and eleventh -centuries their ideas on the subject are very much tinged with myth. -Professor Alexander Seippel in his work "Rerum Normannicarum fontes -Arabici" [1896], printed in Arabic, has collected the most important -statements about the North in mediæval Arabic literature, and has been -good enough to translate parts of these, which I give in the following -pages. I have also made some additions from other sources. In an earlier -chapter (pp. 143, ff.) several Arabic authors have already been quoted on -the connection with Northern Russia. - -The imperfection of Arabic script and its common omission of vowels easily -give rise to all kinds of corruptions and misunderstandings; this is -especially fatal to the reproduction of foreign words and geographical -names, which explains the great uncertainty that prevails in their -interpretation. - -[Sidenote: Ibn Khordâdbah, A.D. 885] - -In the oldest Arab writers, of the ninth century and later, there is -little or no knowledge of the North. We are only told in some of their -works that furs come from there, and that the ocean in the north is -entirely unknown. Abu'l-Qâsim Ibn Khordâdbah (ob. 912), a Persian by -descent and the Caliph's postmaster in Media, thus relates in his "book -of routes and provinces" (completed about 885):[171] - - "As concerns the sea that is behind [i.e., to the north of] the Slavs, - and whereon the town of Tulia [i.e., Thule] lies, no ship travels upon - it, nor any boat, nor does anything come from thence. In like manner - none travels upon the sea wherein lie the Fortunate Isles, and from - thence nothing comes, and it is also in the west." "The Russians,[172] - who belong to the race of the Slavs [i.e., Slavs and Germans], travel - from the farthest regions of the land of the Slavs to the shore of the - Mediterranean (Sea of Rum), and there sell skins of beaver and fox, as - well as swords" (?). - -The Russian merchants also descended the Volga to the Caspian Sea, and -their goods were sometimes carried on camels to Bagdad.[173] - -[Sidenote: Ibn al-Faqîh, 900 A.D.] - -[Sidenote: Ibn al-Bahlûl, 910 A.D.] - -[Sidenote: Qodâma] - -There was no great change in knowledge of the North in the succeeding -centuries. Ibn al-Faqîh, about 900 A.D., has nothing to say about the -North. He mentions in the seventh climate women who "cut off one of their -breasts and burn it at an early age so that it may not grow big,"[174] and -he says that Tulia (Thule) is an island in the seventh sea between Rumia -(Rome) and Kharizm (Khwarizm in Turkestan), "and there no ship ever puts -in." Ibn al-Bahlûl, about 910 A.D., gives information after Ptolemy about -the latitudes of the northern regions and mentions two islands of Amazons, -one with men and one with women, in the extreme northern ocean [Seippel, -1896]. Qodâma Ibn Gafar (ob. 948 or 949 A.D.) says of the encircling ocean -(the Oceanus of the Greeks) in which the British Isles lie that - - "it is impossible to penetrate very far into this ocean, the ships - cannot get any farther there; no one knows the real state of this - ocean." [Cf. De Goeje in Ibn Khordâdhbeh, 1889, p. 174.] - -[Sidenote: Ibn Ruste, 912 A.D.] - -Abû 'Alî Ahmad Ibn Ruste, about 912 A.D., says of the Russians ("Rûs," -that is, Scandinavians, usually Swedes) that they live on an island, which -is surrounded by a sea, is three days' journey (about seventy-five miles) -long, and is covered with forest and bogs; it is unhealthy and saturated -to such a degree that the soil quakes where one sets foot on it. They come -in ships to the land of the Slavs and attack them, etc. They have neither -fixed property, nor towns, nor agriculture; their only means of support is -the trade in sable, squirrel and other skins, which they sell to any one -who will buy them. They are tall, of handsome appearance, and courageous, -etc.[175] Probably there is here a confusion of various statements; the -ideas about the unhealthy bog-lands are doubtless connected with northern -Russia, and the trade in sables can scarcely be referred to the Swedes on -the Baltic.[176] - -[Sidenote: Al-Mas'ûdî, before 950 A.D.] - -The well-known historian, traveller and geographer, Abu'l Hasan 'Alî -al-Mas'ûdî (ob. 956), in his book (allegorically entitled "Gold-washings -and Diamond-mines") repeats certain Arab astronomers who say - - "that at the end of the inhabited world in the north there is a great - sea, of which part lies under the north pole, and that in the vicinity - of it there is a town [or land] which is called Tulia, beyond which no - inhabited country is found." He mentions two rivers in Siberia: "the - black and the white Irtish; both are considerable, and they surpass in - length the Tigris and Euphrates; the distance between their two mouths - is about ten days. On their banks the Turkish tribes Kaimâk and Ghuzz - have their camps winter and summer." - -He also states that the black fox's skin, which is the most valuable of -all, comes from the country of the Burtâsians (a Finnish people in -Russia, Mordvins ?), and is only found there and in the neighbouring -districts. Skins of red and white foxes are mentioned from the same -locality, and he gives an account of the extensive trade in furs, whereby -these skins are brought to the land of the Franks and Andalusia [i.e., -Spain], and also to North Africa, "so that many think they come from -Andalusia and the parts of the land of the Franks and of the Slavs that -border upon it."[177] He also has a statement to the effect that before -the year 300 of the Hegira [i.e., 912 A.D.] ships with thousands of men -had landed in Spain and ravaged the country. - - "The inhabitants asserted that these enemies were heathens, who made - an inroad every two hundred years, and penetrated into the - Mediterranean by another strait than that whereon the copper - lighthouse stands [i.e., the Straits of Gibraltar]. But I believe - (though Allah alone knows the truth) that they come by a strait - [canal] which is connected with Mæotis [the Sea of Azov] and Pontus - [the Black Sea], and that they are Russians [i.e., Scandinavians] ... - for these are the only people who sail on these seas which are - connected with the ocean."[178] - -This is evidently the ancient belief that the Black Sea was connected -through Mæotis with the Baltic. - -[Sidenote: Al-Bîrûnî, 1030 A.D.] - -The celebrated astronomer and mathematician, Abu-r-Raihân Muhammad -al-Bîrûnî (973-1038, wrote in 1030),[179] a Persian by birth, is of -interest to us as the first Arabic author who uses the name "Warank"[180] -for Scandinavian, and mentions the Varangians' Sea or Baltic. - - In his text-book of the elements of astronomy he says that from "the - Encircling Ocean" [the Oceanus of the Greeks], out into which one - never sails, but only along the coast, "there proceeds a great bay to - the north of the Slavs, extending to the vicinity of the land of the - Mohammedan Bulgarians [on the Volga]. It is known by the name of the - Varangians' Sea ('Bahr Warank'), and they [the Varangians] are a - people[181] on its coast. Then it bends to the east in rear of them, - and between its shore and the uttermost lands of the Turks [i.e., in - East Asia] there are countries and mountains unknown, desert, - untrodden." - -Al-Bîrûnî also has a very primitive map of the world as a round disc in -the ocean, indented by five bays, of which the Varangians' Sea is one [cf. -Seippel, 1896, Pl. I]. The peoples who are beyond the seventh climate, -that is, in the northernmost regions, are few, says he, "such as the Îsû -[i.e., Wîsû], and the Warank, and the Yura [Yugrians] and the like." - -[Sidenote: Al-Gazâl's voyage to the Magûs] - -The Arabs of the West came in contact with the North through the Norman -Vikings, whom they called Magûs (cf. p. 55), and who in the ninth century -and later made several predatory expeditions to the Spanish Peninsula. -Their first attack on the Moorish kingdom in Spain seems to have taken -place in 844, when, amongst other things, they took and sacked Seville. -After that expedition, an Arab writer tells us, friendly relations were -established between the sultan of Spain, 'Abd ar-Rahmân II., and "the king -of the Magûs," and, according to an account in Abu'l-Khattâb 'Omar Ibn -Dihya[183] (ob. circa 1235), the former is even said to have sent an -ambassador, al-Gazâl, to the latter's country. Ibn Dihya says that he took -the account from an author named Tammâm Ibn 'Alqama (ob. 896), who again -is said to have had it from al-Gazâl's own mouth. It is obviously -untrustworthy, but may possibly have a historical kernel. The king of the -Magûs had first sent an ambassador to 'Abd ar-Rahmân to sue for peace (?); -and al-Gazâl accompanied him home again, in a well-appointed ship of his -own, to bring the answer and a present. They arrived first at an island on -the borders of the land of the Magûs people.[184] From thence they went to -the king, who lived on a great island in the ocean, where there were -streams of water and gardens. It was three days' journey or 300 [Arab] -miles from the continent. - - "There was an innumerable multitude of the Magûs, and in the vicinity - were many other islands, great and small, all inhabited by Magûs, and - the part of the continent that lies near them also belongs to them, - for a distance of many days' journey. They were then heathens (Magûs); - now they are Christians, for they have abandoned their old religion of - fire-worship,[185] only the inhabitants of certain islands have - retained it. There the people still marry their mothers or sisters, - and other abominations are also committed there [cf. Strabo on the - Irish, vol. i. p. 81]. With these the others are in a state of war, - and they carry them away into slavery." - -This mention of many islands with the same people as those established on -the continent may suit the island kingdom of Denmark; but Ireland, with -the Isle of Man, the Scottish islands, etc., lies nearer, and moreover -agrees better with the 300 miles from the continent. - -We are next told of their reception at the court of the king and of their -stay there, and especially how the handsome and wily Moorish ambassador -paid court in prose and verse to the queen,[186] who was very compliant. -When Ibn 'Alqama asked al-Gazâl whether she was really so beautiful as he -had given her to understand, that prudent diplomatist answered: -"Certainly, she was not so bad; but to tell the truth, I had use for -her...." When he was afraid his daily visits might attract attention, she -laughed and said: - - "Jealousy is not among our customs. With us the women do not stay with - their husbands longer than they like; and when their consorts cease to - please them, they leave them." With this may be compared the statement - for which Qazwînî gives at-Tartûshi (tenth century) as authority, that - in Sleswick the women separate from their husbands when they please - [cf. G. Jacob, 1876, p. 34]. - -After an absence of twenty months, al-Gazâl returned to the capital of the -sultan 'Abd ar-Rahmân. In the excellence of its realistic description and -the introduction of direct speeches this tale bears a remarkable -resemblance to the peculiar method of narration of the Icelandic sagas. - -[Sidenote: Al-Idrîsî, 1154 A.D.] - -The best known of the western Arab geographers is Abû 'Abdallâh Muhammad -al-Idrîsî (commonly called Edrisi), who gives beyond comparison the most -information about the North. He is said to have been born in Sebta (Ceuta) -about 1099 A.D., to have studied in Cordova, and to have made extensive -voyages in Spain, to the shores of France, and even of England, to Morocco -and Asia Minor. It is certain that in the latter part of his life he -resided for a considerable time at the court of the Norman king of Sicily, -Roger II., which during the Crusades was a meeting-place of Normans, -Greeks and Franks. According to Edrisi's account, Roger collected through -interpreters geographical information from all travellers, caused a map to -be drawn on which every place was marked, and had a silver planisphere -made, weighing 450 Roman pounds, upon which were engraved the seven -climates of the earth, with their countries, rivers, bays, etc.[187] -Edrisi wrote for him his description of the earth in Arabic, which was -completed in 1154, and was accompanied by seventy maps and a map of the -world. Following the Greek model, the inhabited world, which was situated -in the northern hemisphere, was divided into seven climates, extending to -64° N. lat.; farther north all was uninhabited on account of the cold and -snow. Edrisi describes in his great work the countries of the earth in -these climates, which again are divided each into ten sections, so that -the book contains in all seventy sections.[188] - -[Illustration: Edrisi's representation of Northern Europe, put together, -and much reduced, from eight of his maps. (Chiefly after Seippel's -reproduction [1896] and after Lelewel [1851].) Some of the Arabic names -are numbered on the map and given below according to Seippel's reading - -(1) "Khâlia" (empty); (2) the first part of the 7th climate; (3) "gazîrat -Birlânda" (the island of Birlânda, by a common error for Ireland); (4) -"kharâb" (desert); (5) the island of "Dans" or "Vans" (Seippel reads -Wales); (6) "gazîrat Angiltâra" (the island of England); (7) "gazîrat -Sqôsia" (the island, or peninsula, of Scotland); (8) "al-bahr al-muslim -ash-shamâlî" (the dark northern ocean); (9) "gazîrat Islânda" (the island -of Iceland); (10) "gazîrat Dânâmarkha" (the island, or peninsula, of -Denmark); (11) "Hrsns" (Horsens); (12) "Alsia" (Als ?); (13) "Sliaswiq"; -(14) "Lundûnia" (Lund); (15) "sâhil ard Polônia" (the coast of Poland); -(16) "Derlânem" (Bornholm ?); (17) "Landsu(d)den" (in Finland); (18) -"Zwâda" (Sweden); (19) "nahr Qutalw" (the Göta river); (20) "gazîrat -Norwâga" (the island of Norway); (21) may be read "Trônâ" (Trondheim); -(22) "'Oslô" (Oslo); (23) "Siqtûn"; (24) "bilâd Finmark" (the district of -Finmark); (25) "Qalmâr"; (26) "Abûda" (Åbo ?); (27) "mabda' nahr -D(a)n(a)st" (the beginning of the river Dniestr ?); (28) "ard Tabast" (the -land of Tavast); (29) "Dagwâda" (Dagö ?); (30) "gazîrat Amazânûs er-rigâl -al-magûs" (the island of the male heathen Amazons); (31) "gazîrat Amazânûs -an-nisâ" (the island of the female Amazons)] - -On the outside of all is the Dark Sea [i.e., Oceanus, the uttermost -encircling ocean], which thus forms the limit of the world, and no one -knows what is beyond it. After describing Angiltâra [England] with its -towns, Edrisi continues: - - "Between the end of Sqôsia [Scotland], a desert island [i.e., - peninsula],[189] and the end of the island of Irlânda is reckoned two - days' sail to the west. Ireland is a very large island. Between its - upper [i.e., southern, as the maps of the Arabs had the south at the - top] end and Brittany is reckoned three and a half days' sail. From - the end of England to the island of Wales (?)[190] one day. From the - end of Sqôsia to the island of Islânda two-thirds of a day's sail in a - northern direction. From the end of Islânda to the great island of - Irlânda one day. From the end of Islânda eastward to the island of - Norwâga [Norway] twelve miles (?).[191] Iceland extends 400 miles in - length and 150 in breadth." - -Dânâmarkha is described as an island, round in shape and with a sandy -soil; on the map it is connected with the continent by a narrow isthmus. -There are "four chief towns, many inhabitants, villages, well protected -and well populated ports surrounded by walls." The following towns are -named: "Alsia" [Als ?], "Tordîra" or "Tondîra" [Tönder], "Haun" -[Copenhagen], "Horsnes" [Horsens], "Lundûna" [Lund], "Slisbûlî" [Sliaswiq -?]. From "Wendilskâda," written "Wadî Lesqâda" [Vendelskagen], it is a -half-day's sail to the island of "Norwâga" [Norway]. An island to the east -of Denmark and near Lund is called on the map "Derlânem" [Bornholm ?]. - -On the continent to the south of Denmark is the coast of "Polônia" -[Poland], and to the east of it, also on the continent, is "Zwâda" -[Sweden], and a town "Gûta" [Götaland], also "Landsu(d)den" [in Finland]. -We have further the river "Qutelw" [the Göta river], on which is the town -of "Siqtun." There is also "Qîmia" [Kemi ?]. Farther east is "bilâd -Finmark" [the district of Finmark],[192] where we still find the river -Qutelw with the town of "Abûda" [Åbo ?] inland, and "Qalmâr" on the coast -near another outlet of the Göta river. These two towns are - - "large but ill populated, and their inhabitants are sunk in poverty; - they scarcely find the necessary means of living. It rains there - almost continually.... The King of Finmark has possessions in the - island of Norwâga." - -Next on the east comes the land of "Tabast" [Tavast] with "'Dagwâda' [Dagö -?], a large and populous town on the sea." In the land of Tabast - - "are many castles and villages, but few towns. The cold is more severe - than in Finmark, and frost and rain scarcely leave them for a moment." - -Farther east Esthonia and the land of the heathen are also mentioned. - - "As regards the great island of Norwâga [Norway], it is for the most - part desert. It is a large country which has two promontories, of - which the left-hand one approaches the island of Dânâmarkha, and lies - opposite to the harbour that is called Wendilskâda, and between them - the passage is short, about half a day's sail; the other approaches - the great coast of Finmark. On this island [Norwâga] are three - inhabited towns,[193] of which two are in the part that turns towards - Finmark, the third in the part that approaches Dânâmarkha. These towns - have all the same appearance, those who visit them are few, and - provisions are scarce on account of the frequent rain and continual - wet. They sow [corn] but reap it green, whereupon they dry it in - houses that are warmed, because the sun so seldom shines with them. On - this island there are trees so great of girth as are not often found - in other parts. It is said that there are some wild people living in - the desert regions, who have their heads set immediately upon their - shoulders and no neck at all. They resort to trees, and make their - houses in their interiors and dwell in them. They support themselves - on acorns and chestnuts. Finally there is found there a large number - of the animal called beaver; but it is smaller than the beaver [that - comes] from the mouth of Russia" [i.e., no doubt, from the mouths of - the Russian rivers]. - - "In the Dark Sea [i.e., the outer encircling ocean] there are a number - of desert islands. There are, however, two which bear the name of the - Islands of the Heathen Amazons. The western one is inhabited solely by - men; there is no woman on it. The other is inhabited solely by women, - and there is no man among them. Every year at the coming of spring the - men travel in boats to the other isle, live with the women, pass a - month or thereabouts there, and then return to their own island, where - they remain until the next year, when each one goes to find his woman - again, and thus it is every year. This custom is well known and - established. The nearest point opposite to these islands is the town - of Anhô (?). One can also go thither from Qalmâr and from Dagwâda - [Dagö ?], but the approach is difficult, and it is seldom that any one - arrives there, on account of the frequency of fog and the deep - darkness that prevails on this sea." - -Edrisi says that there are many inhabited and uninhabited islands in the -Dark Sea to the west of Africa and Europe; indeed, according to Ptolemy -"this ocean contained 27,000 islands." He mentions some of them. There is -an island called "Sâra," near the Dark Sea. - - "It is related that Du'l-Qarnain (Alexander the Great ?) landed there - before the deep darkness had covered the surface of the sea, and spent - a night there, and that the inhabitants of the island attacked him and - his companions with stones and wounded many of them [cf. the - Skrælings' attack in Eric the Red's Saga, and the island of smiths in - the Navigatio Brandani, vol. i. p. 328; vol. ii. p. 9]. Another island - in the same sea is called the Isle of Female Devils ('gazîrat - as-sa'âlî'), whose inhabitants resemble women more than men; their - eyeteeth protrude, their eyes flash like lightning, their cheeks are - like burnt wood; they speak an incomprehensible language and wage war - with the monsters of the ocean...." - -He also mentions the Isle of Illusion ("gazîrat khusrân" == "Villuland," -cf. vol. i. p. 377), of great extent, inhabited by men of brown colour, -small stature, and with long beards reaching to their knees; they have a -large (broad)[194] face and long ears [cf. the ideas of the Pygmies, -dwarfs, underground people and brownies], they live on plants that the -earth produces of itself. There was a further large island "al-Gaur," with -abundance of grass and plants of all kinds, where wild asses and oxen with -unusually long horns lived in the thickets. There was the Isle of -Lamentation ("gazîrat al-mustashkîn"), which was inhabited, and had -mountains, rivers, many trees, fruits and tilled fields; but where there -was a terrible dragon, of which Alexander freed the inhabitants. On the -island of "Kalhân" in the same sea the inhabitants have the form of men -but animal heads; another island was called the Isle of the Two Heathen -Brothers, who practised piracy and were changed into two rocks. He also -names the Island of Sheep and "Râka," which is the Island of Birds (cf. -pp. 51, 55). - - "To the islands in this sea belongs also the island of 'Shâsland' - [presumably Shetland, perhaps confused with Iceland], the length of - which is fifteen days' journey, and the breadth ten. It had three - towns, large and populous; ships put in and stayed there to buy ambra - (amber ?) and stones of various colours; but the majority of the - inhabitants perished in dissensions and civil war which took place in - the country. Many of them removed to the coast of the European - continent, where large numbers of this people still live...." - -What is here said about this island is approximately the same as Edrisi -elsewhere states about the island of Scotland, following the "Book of -Wonders," which is attributed to Mas'ûdî. - -It will be seen that he has a very heterogeneous mixture of islands in -this western ocean. Some of them, like the Island of Sheep and that of -Birds, as already suggested (p. 55), probably came from Ireland, and this -whole archipelago is evidently related to the numerous islands of Irish -legend, and points to an ancient connection, which may have consisted in -reciprocal influence; while many of these conceptions travelled from the -east through the Arabs to western Europe and Ireland, the Arabs again may -have received ideas from the Irish and from western Europe and carried -them to the east. Thus Edrisi relates that, according to the author -[Mas'ûdî] of the "Book of Wonders," the king of France sent a ship (which -never returned) to find the island of Râkâ; we may therefore conclude that -the Arabs had this myth from Europe. That many of these islands are -inhabited by demons and little people, who resemble the northern brownies -and the Skrælings, is interesting, and shows that whether the myths came -from the Irish to the Arabs or vice versa, there were in this mythical -world various similar peoples who may have helped to form the epic -conceptions of the Skrælings of Wineland (cf. pp. 12, 75). - -Edrisi's map of the world is to a great extent an imitation of Ptolemy's, -but shows much deviation, which may resemble the conceptions of Mela, for -instance. It might seem possible that Edrisi was acquainted with some -Roman map or other. In his representation of the west and north coast of -Europe, for instance, there are also remarkable resemblances to the -so-called Anglo-Saxon map of the world (cf. vol. i. p. 183; vol. ii. p. -192); this may point to both being derived from some older source, perhaps -a Roman map (?).[195] - -[Sidenote: Ibn Sa'îd, thirteenth century] - -Abu'l-Hasan 'Alî Ibn Sa'îd (1214 or 1218-1274 or 1286) says (in his book: -"The extent of the earth in its length and breadth")[196] of Denmark (the -name of which he corrupts to "Harmûsa") that from thence are obtained true -falcons (for hunting): - - "Around it are small islands where the falcons are found. To the west - lies the island of white falcons, its length from west to east is - about seven days and its breadth about four days, and from it and from - the small northern islands are obtained the white falcons, which are - brought from here to the Sultan of Egypt, who pays from his treasury - 1000 dinars for them, and if the falcon arrives dead the reward is 500 - dinars. And in their country is the white bear, which goes out into - the sea and swims and catches fish, and these falcons seize what is - left over by it, or what it has let alone. And on this they live, - since there are no [other] flying creatures there on account of the - severity of the frost. The skin of these bears is soft, and it is - brought to the Egyptian lands as a gift." - -He speaks of the women's island and the men's island which are separated -by a strait ten miles across, over which the men row once a year and stay -each with his woman for one month. If the child is a boy, she brings it up -until it reaches maturity, and then sends it to the men's island; the -girls stay on the women's island. - - "To the east of these two islands is the great Saqlab island [i.e. the - Slavs' island, which is Edrisi's Norwâga], behind which there is - nothing inhabited in the ocean either on the east or north, and its - length is about 700 miles, and its width in the middle about 330 - miles." Then he says a good deal about the inhabitants, amongst other - things that they are still heathens and worship fire, and on account - of the severity of the cold do not regard anything as of greater - utility than it. This is evidently the same error as in Ibn Dihya, due - to the designation of "Magûs" (== Magian) for heathen (cf. p. 201). - -[Sidenote: Qazwînî, thirteenth century] - -Zakarîyâ Ibn Muhammad al-Qazwînî (ob. 1283) has in his cosmography[197] -several statements about the North, some of which have already been -referred to (vol. i. pp. 187, 284; vol. ii. p. 144). Of the northern -winter he has very exaggerated ideas. Even of the land of "Rûm" [the -Roman, especially the Eastern Roman Empire; in a wider sense the countries -of Central Europe] he says that winter there has become a proverb, so that -a poet says of it: - - "Winter in Rûm is an affliction, a punishment and a plague; during it - the air becomes condensed and the ground petrified; it makes faces to - fade, eyes to weep, noses to run and change colour; it causes the skin - to crack and kills many beasts. Its earth is like flashing bottles, - its air like stinging wasps; its night rids the dog of his whimpering, - the lion of his roar, the birds of their twittering and the water of - its murmur, and the biting cold makes people long for the fires of - Hell." - - He says of the people of Rûm [i.e., the Germanic peoples of Central - Europe] that "their complexion is for the most part fair on account of - the cold and the northern situation, and their hair red; they have - hardy bodies, and for the most part are given to cheerfulness and - jocularity, wherefore the astronomers place them under the influence - of the planet Venus." - -Of the cold in "Ifranga" [the land of the Franks, Western Europe] he says -that it - - "is quite terrible, and the air there is thick on account of the - excessive cold."[198] - - "'Burgân' [or 'Bergân,' as the first vowel is doubtful] is a land - which lies far in the north. The day there becomes as short as four - hours and the night as long as twenty hours, and vice versa [cf. - Ptolemy on Thule, vol. i. p. 117]. The inhabitants are heathens - ['Magûs'] and worshippers of idols. They make war on the Slavs. They - resemble in most things the Franks [West Europeans]. They have a good - understanding of all kinds of handicraft and ships." - -Professor Seippel considers it not impossible that there may here be a -corruption of the Arabic Nurmân [== Normans] to Burgân, and to a layman -this looks probable. In any case Burgân cannot here, as elsewhere in Arab -authors, be Bulgar [the Bulgarians]; on the other hand it might be the -Norwegian town of Bergen. In any case the description seems to suit the -Norwegians best, and the mention of Ptolemy's latitude for Thule (the -longest night of twenty hours) also points to this. That they are said to -be heathens is due again to the name "Magûs" (cf. pp. 201, 209). - -Qazwînî also[199] tells us that - - "Warank is a district on the border of the northern sea. For from the - ocean in the north a bay goes in a southerly direction, and the - district which lies on the shore of this bay, and from which the bay - has its name, is called Warank. It is the uttermost region on the - north. The cold there is excessive, the air thick, and the snow - continuous. [This region] is not suited either for plants or animals. - Seldom does any one come there, because of the cold and darkness and - snow. But Allâh knows best [what is the truth of the matter]." - -As mentioned above (p. 199), elsewhere in Arab writers the Varangians' Sea -undoubtedly meant the Baltic; but here, as is also suggested by Professor -Seippel, one might be tempted to think that it is Varanger or the -Varanger-fjord in Finmark that is intended.[200] It may also be recalled -that Edrisi already knew the name of Finmark. But as Qazwînî has such -exaggerated ideas of the cold in Rûm and in Ifranga, he may also be -credited with such a description of the regions on the Baltic.[201] No -importance can be attached to the statement that the bay proceeds from the -northern ocean in a southerly direction, as ideas of that kind were -general. - -[Sidenote: 'Ash-Shîrazî circa 1300] - -Mahmûd ibn Mas ûd 'ash-Shîrâzî (ob. 1310) has the following about the -northern regions:[202] - - "Thus far as regards the islands: you may know that in that part [of - the sea] which goes into the north-western quarter [of the earth] and - is connected with the western ocean there are three, whereof the - largest is the island 'Anglîsî' [or 'Anglisei' (-island), probably - England], and the smallest the island Irlânda. The most handsome of - hunting-birds--those that are known by the name of 'sunqur' - [hunting-falcons]--are only found on it [this island]. The middlemost - of them is the island of Orknia." Probably Ireland and Iceland are - here thrown together under the name of Irlânda, as elsewhere falcons - are especially attributed to the latter. "The longest day reaches - twenty hours where the latitude is 63° [cf. Ptolemy, vol. i. p. 117]. - There is an island that is called Tûlê. Of its inhabitants it is - related that they live in heated bathrooms [literally, warm baths] on - account of the severe cold that prevails there. This is generally - considered to be the extreme latitude of inhabited land." It appears - to be Norway that is here meant by Thule. - - Shîrazî says that "the sea that among the ancients was called Mæotis - is now called the Varangians' Sea, and these are a tall, warlike - people on its shore. And after the ocean has gone past the Varangians' - country in an easterly direction it extends behind the land of the - Turks, past mountains which no one traverses and lands where no one - dwells, to the uttermost regions of the land of the Chinese, and - because these are also uninhabited, and because it is impossible to - sail any farther upon it [the ocean], we know nothing of its - connection with the eastern ocean." - -[Sidenote: Dimashqî, circa 1300] - -Shams ad-dîn Abû 'Abdallâh Muhammad ad-Dimashqî (1256-1327) in his -cosmography has little of interest about the North, and his ideas on the -subject are obscure. - - "The habitable part of the earth extends as far as 66-5/12°;[203] the - regions beyond, up to 90°, are desert and uninhabited; no known - animals are found there on account of the great quantity of snow and - the thick darkness, and the too great distance from the sun.... It is - the climate of darkness." It lies in the middle of the seventh - climate, which surrounds it as a circular belt, and "around it the - vault of heaven turns like the stone in a mill." - - "The sea beyond the deserts of the Qipdjaks [southern Russia, - Turkestan and western Siberia] in latitude 63° has a length of eight - days' journey, with a breadth varying to as little as three. In this - sea there is a great island [probably Scandinavia], inhabited by - people of tall stature, with fair complexions, fair hair and blue - eyes, who scarcely understand human speech.[204] It is called the - Frozen Sea because in winter it freezes entirely, and because it is - surrounded by mountains of ice. These are formed when the wind in - winter breaks the waves upon the shore; as they freeze they are cast - upon the icy edges, which grow in layers little by little, until they - form heights with separate summits, and walls that surround - them."[205] - -He has besides various strange fables about the northern regions and the -fabulous creatures there. Of the sea to the north of Britain he says that -its coasts - - "turn in a north-westerly direction, and there is the great bay that - is called the Varangians' Sea, and the Varangians are an inarticulate - people who scarcely understand human speech, and they are the best of - the Slavs, and this arm of the sea is the Sea of Darkness in the - north." - -Afterwards the coasts extend farther still to the north and west, and lose -themselves in the climate of Darkness, and no one knows what is there. - -Of the whales he says that in the Black Sea a kind of whale is often seen -which the ignorant assert to have been carried by angels alive into Hell, -to be used for various punishments, while others think it keeps at the -bottom of the sea and lives on fish; - - "then Allâh sends to it a cloud and angels, who lift it up out of the - sea and cast it upon the shore for food for Yâgûg and Mâgûg. The - whales are very large in the Mediterranean, in the Caspian Sea(!) and - in the Varangians' Sea(!), as also off the coasts of Spain in the - Atlantic Ocean." - -[Sidenote: Book of Wonders, tenth century] - -There is preserved an "abstract of wonders" (oldest MS. of 1484),[206] by -an unknown Arab author, which gives a picture of the Arabs' mythical ideas -in the tenth century. It also tells of islands in the west, which are of -interest to us on account of their resemblance to many of the mediæval -mythical conceptions of Western Europe. - - "In the great ocean is an island which is visible at sea at some - distance, but if one tries to approach it, it withdraws and - disappears. If one returns to the place one started from, it is seen - again as before. It is said that upon this island is a tree that - sprouts at sunrise, and grows as long as the sun is ascending; after - midday it decreases, and disappears at sunset. Sailors assert that in - this sea there is a little fish called 'shâkil,' and that those who - carry it upon them can discover and reach the island without its - concealing itself. This is truly a strange and wonderful thing." - - This is evidently the same myth as that of the Lost Isle, already - referred to (Perdita, cf. vol. i. p. 376), and of the Norwegian - huldrelands, etc. It also bears resemblance to legends from China and - Japan. The tree is the sun-tree of the Indian legends, which was - already introduced into the earliest versions of the Alexander romance - (Pseudo-Callisthenes, circa 200 A.D.), and which is met with again in - the fairy-tales and mythical conceptions of many peoples.[207] - Possibly it is this same tree that grows on the mountain Fusan in the - Japanese happy land Horaisan, and which is sometimes seen over the sea - horizon (see p. 56). - - "The island of 'as-Sayyâra.' There are sailors who assert that they - have often seen it, but they have not stayed there. It is a - mountainous and cultivated island, which drifts towards the east when - a west wind is blowing, and vice versa. The stone that forms this - island is very light.... A man is there able to carry a large mass of - rock." This floating island resembles those met with in tales from the - Faroes and elsewhere (cf. vol. i. pp. 375, f.). Even Pliny [Nat. - Hist., ii. c. 95] has statements about floating islands, and Las - Casas, in 1552-61 [Historias de las Indias in "Documentos ineditos," - lxii. p. 99], says that in the story of St. Brandan many such islands - (?) are spoken of in the sea round the Cape Verde Islands and the - Azores, and he asserts that "the same is mentioned in the book of - 'Inventio fortunata,'" that is, by Nicholas of Lynn [cf. de Costa, - 1880, p. 185]. - - "'The Island of Women.' This is an island that lies on the borders of - the Chinese Sea. It is related that it is inhabited only by women, who - become pregnant by the wind, and who bear only female children; it is - also said that they become pregnant by a tree, of which they eat the - fruit.[208] They feed on gold, which with them grows in canes like - bamboo." This myth, as will be seen, resembles Adam of Bremen's tale - of the land of women, Kvænland (vol. i. p. 186). Myths of women's - islands are, moreover, very widespread; they are found in various - forms in classical authors (p. 47), in Arab writers (cf. above, pp. - 197, 206), in Indian legends, among the Irish (vol. i. pp. 354, 357), - among the Chinese, etc. It is partly the Amazon idea that appears - here, partly the happy land desired by men. - -[Sidenote: The Arabs and the compass] - -Through an apparently small thing the Arabs possibly exercised more than -in anything else a transforming influence upon the navigation, geography -and cartography of Europe; for it was probably they who first brought to -Europe the knowledge of the magnetic needle as a guide. We know that the -Chinese were acquainted with it, at any rate in the second century A.D., -and used it for a kind of compass for overland journeys. Whether they also -used it at sea we do not know, but it may readily be supposed that they -did. That the Arabs through their direct commercial intercourse with the -Chinese became acquainted with this discovery at an early date seems -probable; but curiously enough we hear nothing of it in Arabic literature -before the thirteenth century. As the Arabs and Turks after that date used -the Italian word "bossolo" for compass (bussol), it has been thought that -they may have derived their knowledge of it, not from China, but from -Italy; but it seems more reasonable to suppose that, while they had their -first knowledge of the magnetic needle from China, they obtained an -improved form of the compass from Italy, and with it the Italian word. - - -COMPASS-CHARTS - -[Sidenote: Oldest authorities on the compass in Europe] - -We do not know how early the magnetic needle's property of pointing to the -north became known in Europe and used for finding the way at sea. The -first mention of it is found at the close of the twelfth century in the -works of the Englishman Alexander Neckam, professor in Paris about -1180-1190, and of the troubadour Guyot de Provins from Languedoc. The -latter, in a satirical poem of about 1190, wishes the Pope would imitate -the immutable trustworthiness of the polar star by showing the steadiness -of the heavenly guide; for sailors come and go by this star, which they -are always able to find, even in fog and darkness, by a needle rubbed with -the ugly brown lodestone; stuck in a straw and laid upon water, the needle -points unfailingly to the north star. As late as in 1258 Dante's teacher, -Brunetto Latini, saw as a curiosity in the possession of Roger Bacon at -Oxford a large and ugly lodestone, which was able to confer on an iron -needle the mysterious power of pointing to the star; but he thinks that it -cannot be of any use, for ship-masters would not steer by it, nor would -sailors venture to sea with an instrument which was so like an invention -of the devil. As always when the progress of humanity is at stake, -orthodoxy and religious prejudice raises its head. It is certain that the -use of the compass-needle must have been known in the Mediterranean at the -beginning of the thirteenth century, and probably even in the twelfth. It -has been alleged that the compass was known long before that time, even in -the eleventh and tenth centuries; but no proof of this has been found, and -it does not appear very probable.[209] How early the compass, or -lodestone, was known in the North is uncertain. We only know that when -the Hauksbók was written, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, it -was at any rate known in Iceland (cf. vol. i. p. 248); but it may of -course have been known before that time, and it does not appear that any -long time elapsed between the instrument's being known in the -Mediterranean and its reaching the Scandinavians. - -[Sidenote: Oldest sea-charts] - -When the compass came into general use on Italian ships in the thirteenth -century, it naturally led to the development of an entirely new type of -map, the Italian sea-charts or compass-charts, which were to be of -fundamental importance to all future cartography. The mediæval maps of the -world already mentioned were learned representations which were of no -practical use to the navigator. The Greeks had drawn land-maps which were -also of no great use at sea, and we do not know that they had sea-charts. -On the other hand sailing-books ("peripli"), which gave directions for -coasting voyages, were in use far back in antiquity. In the Middle Ages -sailing-books, called "portolani," which gave information about harbours, -distances, etc., were an important aid to the navigator, especially in the -Mediterranean. It was the Italians before all others who at that period -developed navigation. When coasting was to some extent replaced by sailing -in open sea, after the compass came into use, sea-charts became a -necessary adjunct to the written sailing-books or portolani. How early -they began to be developed is unknown; we only know that charts were in -use on Italian ships in the latter half of the thirteenth century;[210] -and we must suppose that they were employed long before that time. -Whether, as some have maintained, there was a connection between these -charts and the maps of the Greeks is doubtful, though there may indeed -have been an indirect connection through the Arabs, among whom Edrisi, for -instance, seems perhaps to have exercised some influence. But in any case -it is certain that the Italians of the Middle Ages were not acquainted -with Greek cartography, and this may in a way be regarded as an advantage; -for they were thus obliged to invent their own mode of representation. For -Greek thought the chief thing was to find the best expression for the -system of the world and the "oecumene," to solve problems such as the -reduction of a spherical to a plane surface by projection, etc.; while the -sense of accurate detail was less prominent. The Italian sailor and -cartographer went straight to nature, unhindered by theory, and to him it -appeared a matter of course to set down on the map coasts and islands as -accurately as possible according to the course sailed and the distance, -without reflecting that sea and land form a spherical surface. - -The Italian sea-charts seem especially to have been developed in the -republics of northern Italy, Genoa and Pisa, and to some extent Venice. -Later the Catalans of the Balearic Isles and of Spain (Barcelona and -Valencia) also learned the art, probably from Genoa. The charts have been -justly admired for their correct and detailed representation of the coasts -known to the Italians and the seamen of the Mediterranean; the world had -never before produced any parallel to such a representation. It shows that -the sailors of that time were masters in the use of their compass,[211] -and in making up their reckoning. The remarkable thing is that the first -known compass-charts, of the beginning of the fourteenth century, were -already of so perfect a form that there was little to add to or improve in -them in later times. It looks as though this type of chart suddenly sprang -forth in full perfection, like Athene from the brain of Zeus, without our -knowing of any forerunner; it held the field with its representation of -the coasts of the Black Sea, the Mediterranean, and Western Europe almost -unaltered through three centuries. There is something puzzling in that. We -must suppose in any case that these charts were developed through many -smaller special charts throughout the whole of the thirteenth century, but -even that seems a short period for the development of a representation so -complete as this, which thenceforward became almost stereotyped. It is -principally the coasts that are represented, with many names, while inland -there are comparatively few, which of course is natural in sea-charts. - -[Sidenote: Extent of the compass-charts] - -As Italian trade did not extend farther north than Flanders and England -(from whence came wool), it is also characteristic of the compass-charts -that their detailed representation of the coast extends to the south of -England and to Sluis in Flanders, and to the mouth of the Scheldt. Farther -than this the Italian ships did not sail; beyond this boundary began the -commercial domain of the Hanseatic League. The delineation on the -compass-charts of the greater part of Ireland, northern England, Scotland, -the north coast of Germany, Denmark, the Baltic and Scandinavia has an -entirely different character from that of the more southern coasts. The -coast-lines are there evidently drawn in a formal way, and more or less -hypothetically; the names (chiefly those of a few ports, bishops' sees and -islands) are also strikingly few. It is clearly seen that these coasts -cannot have been drawn from actual compass courses and reckonings; they -are sketches based on second- or third-hand information. For this reason -too the shape of the northern countries may be subject to considerable -variation in the different types of compass-charts. - -We know little of the sources from which they may have obtained their -delineation of the North; probably they were many and of different kinds. -A glance at the maps reproduced (pp. 226, 232) will convince one that -their image of the North differed greatly from that which we find on the -wheel-maps, and from that which was probably shown on the maps of -antiquity. It is a decisive step in the direction of reality, although the -representation is still imperfect. In a whole series of these charts the -image of the North shows certain typical features. The coast of Germany -and Jutland goes due north from Flanders, thus coming much too near -Britain, and the North Sea becomes nothing but a narrow strait. Even on -the earliest charts (Dalorto's chart, p. 226) the shape of Jutland is -quite good. Norway, the coasts of which are indicated by chains of -mountains, is placed fairly correctly in relation to Jutland, but is put -too far to the west and too near to England. It is also made too broad. -The Skagerak appears more or less correctly, but the Danish islands, -including Sealand, usually as a round island, are placed in the Cattegat -to the north-east of Jutland. This greatly distorts the picture. Sweden is -much too small, and is given too little extension to the south; the Baltic -has a curious form: it extends far to the east and has a remarkable -narrowing in the middle, through the German coast making a great bend to -the north towards Sweden. Gotland lies in the great widening of its inner -portion. The Gulf of Bothnia seems to be unknown. The islands to the north -of Scotland: Shetland (usually called "scetiland," "sialanda" or -"stillanda"), the Orkneys, and often Caithness as an island, come to the -west of Norway, frequently placed in a somewhat arbitrary fashion, and in -the wrong order. "Tille" (Thule), the round island off the north-east -coast of Scotland, is a characteristic feature on many compass-charts. Its -origin is uncertain, but possibly it may be connected with the Romans -having thought they had seen Thule to the north of the Orkneys (?) (cf. -vol. i. p. 107). The names in the North are in the main the same on most -of the compass-charts,[212] and one cartographer has copied another; by -this means also many palæographic errors have been introduced, which are -afterwards repeated. As an example: the Baltic is originally called "mar -allemania," this is read by Catalan draughtsmen as "mar de lamanya," also -written "de lamãya," and thus we get "mar de la maya" (cf. pp. 231, 233). -Another example: Bergen is originally called "bergis" (cf. p. 221), a -draughtsman corrupts this to "bregis," and that becomes the name of the -town in later charts (cf. p. 232). Whence these names first came we do not -know; partly, no doubt, from sailors, and partly from literary sources. -The latter must be true of names in the interior. There are also various -legends or inscriptions on these charts, e.g., in Norway, in Sweden, in -the Baltic, on the islands in the Northern Ocean, and in Iceland. Many of -these legends can be certainly proved to have a literary origin. Some of -them (e.g., that attached to Norway) may be derived in part from the -Geographia Universalis. Others are connected with such authors as Giraldus -Cambrensis, Higden, and others. Certain resemblances to Arabic writers, -especially Edrisi, might also be pointed out; but it is uncertain whether -these are not due in part to their being derived from a common source. - -[Sidenote: Carignano's chart, circa 1300] - -The first known compass-chart, the so-called "Carte Pisane," of about -1300,[213] goes no farther north than to the coast of Flanders and -southern England. But the compass-chart[214] drawn by the Genoese priest -Giovanni da Carignano (ob. 1344), evidently a little after 1300, already -gives a delineation of Great Britain, Ireland, the Orkneys and -Scandinavia, with the Baltic. That these regions are only represented -hypothetically, and do not belong to the compass-chart proper, is also -indicated by their partly lying outside the network of compass-lines. It -is in the main a land map, with many names in the interior of the -continents, but the delineation of the known coasts (to the south of -Flanders) is evidently taken from the sea-charts. The representation of -the British Isles and of the North reminds one a good deal of the -Cottoniana map (cf. vol. i. p. 183), and of Edrisi's representation (cf. -p. 203);[215] as an example: it is difficult to suppose that the western -inclination of Scotland should have come about independently on each of -the three maps. There is also considerable resemblance to Edrisi in the -names on other parts of the chart; but Carignano has no hint of Edrisi's -"Island," nor of the Cottoniana's island of Tylen (Thule). Whether his -Scandinavia is a peninsula, as usually asserted, and not rather a long -island, as on the two maps in question, is uncertain, since the -delineation has suffered a good deal and is indistinct in the inner part -of the Baltic. To judge from a photograph of the chart [Ongania, Pl. III.] -it appears to me most probable that it was an island, which then has -considerable resemblance to the island of Norwâga [Norway] in Edrisi. -Names that are legible on this island or peninsula are: "noruegia," -"finonia" [Finmark or Finland], "suetia"; also "bergis" [Bergen], -"tromberg" [Tönsberg], "uamerlant" [Vermeland], "scarsa" [Skara on Lake -Vener], "kundgelf" [Kungelf], "scania" [Skåne], "lendes" [Lund], "stocol" -[Stockholm], etc. On the two islands in the Baltic there are "scamor" -[i.e., "scanior" ? Skanör] and "gothlanda" [Gotland]. Many of these names -appear here for the first time in any known authority. Carignano may have -taken them from older unknown maps, but he may also in some way or other -have received information from the North; possibly, for instance, he may -have had the names of ports, etc., from sailors. His representation of the -western part of Scandinavia, with three long peninsulas (cf. Saxo), is -curious; of these the eastern, with "scania," might be south Sweden with -Skåne; the central one with "tromberg" [Tönsberg] might be Vestfold and -Grenmar, and the western with Bergen might be western Norway. The smaller -peninsula to the north might be Tröndelagen [the district of Trondhjem] -(cf. also Historia Norwegiæ, below, p. 235). - -[Illustration: Northern portion of Carignano's chart (a few years later -than 1300)] - -[Sidenote: Sanudo's work and Pietro Vesconte's charts, circa 1320] - -Between the years 1318 and 1321 the Venetian Marino Sanudo wrote a work, -"Liber secretorum fidelium crucis" (the Book of Secrets for Believers in -the Cross), to rouse enthusiasm for a new crusade, and himself presented a -copy of it with a dedication to the Pope at Avignon, which is probably one -of the two now preserved at the Vatican. The work is accompanied by -several charts which must have been drawn by the well-known cartographer -Pietro Vesconte in 1320, since an atlas bearing his name has been found in -the Vatican with charts that completely correspond.[216] Among them is a -circular map of the world of the wheel type, but on which the forms of the -coasts from the compass-charts are introduced. Scandinavia is there -represented as a peninsula with a mountain chain (Kjölen ?) along the -middle (see map, p. 223), and the names "Gotilandia," "Dacia," "Suetia," -"Noruega" may be read. On the continent is written "Guenden [Kvænland, or -else == "Suenden" == Sweden ?] vel Gotia"; and on the coast to the north -of the peninsula is "Liuonia" and to the south of it "Frixia" [Friesland]. -As Kretschmer has shown, Scandinavia was originally drawn (in both -atlases) as an island, but was afterwards connected with the continent by -a narrow isthmus. This representation of Scandinavia as a peninsula -resembles that on many of the wheel-maps mentioned above (see pp. 185, -ff.). It also bears a strong resemblance to the view of Saxo (beginning of -the thirteenth century), who says:[217] - - "Moreover the upper arm of the ocean [i.e., the southern arm, the - Baltic, as the south is supposed to be at the top of the map], which - cuts through and past Dania, washes the south coast of Gothia - [Götaland, i.e., Sweden] with a bay of fair size; but the lower - [northern] branch, which goes past the north coast of Gothia and - Noruagia, turns towards the east with a considerable widening, and is - bounded by a curved coast. This end of the sea was called by our - ancient primæval inhabitants Gandvicus. Between this bay and the - southern sea lies a little piece of continent, which looks out upon - the seas washing it on both sides. If nature had not set this space as - a limit to the two almost united streams, the arms of the sea would - have met one another, and made Suetia and Noruagia into an island." - -[Illustration: Northern Europe in Vesconte's mappamundi (1320) in the -Vatican (Kretschmer, 1891)] - -It seems not improbable that the delineation on Vesconte's map may have a -connection with this description; it has also very nearly the same forms -of names. The regions far in the north and east on his map are pure fancy, -and the "rifei montes" are still found there. - -Eight other MSS. (in various libraries) of Sanudo's work are known, -accompanied by maps, and six of them have the circular mappamundi; but the -reproductions differ considerably one from another, especially in the -representation of the northern coast of Europe.[218] The mappamundi in the -MS. in Queen Christina's collection in the Vatican (Codex Reginensis, -548), and the exactly similar map in the MS. at Oxford, have a remarkably -good delineation of the Scandinavian Peninsula (see map, p. 224), with the -names "Suetia" [Svealand], "Gotia" [Götaland], and "Scania" on the east, -"Noruegia" on the west, "Finlandia" and "Alandia" [Åland, or perhaps -Hallandia ?] in the extreme north-east. On the continent is written -"Kareli infideles," "Estonia," "Liuonia," etc. In the Baltic are two -islands, "Gotlandia" in the middle, and "Ossilia" [Ösel] farthest in. The -shape of Jutland [with the names "Dacia" and "Jutia"], the direction of -the coast of northern Europe and the Baltic, with Scandinavia parallel to -it, remind one a good deal of Edrisi's map, of the Cottoniana and also of -Carignano's map. Evidently there is here new information which Vesconte -did not possess when he drew the map previously mentioned; the correct -placing of the names in Sweden and Norway is especially striking. These -names, as also "Jutia," occur in Saxo in approximately the same forms (cf. -also Historia Norwegiæ). Marino Sanudo, according to his own statement, -had himself sailed from Venice to Flanders, and had also travelled in -Holstein and Slavonia. He was thus able to collect geographical -information, and, as suggested by Björnbo [1909, pp. 211, f.], may have -received communications from North German priests whose picture of the -North had been formed by the study of Adam of Bremen and Saxo; but there -does not appear to me to be any necessity for such a hypothesis, he may -just as well have received direct information from people who knew the -localities, while doubtless the names are to a great extent literary. If -we suppose that it was Pietro Vesconte who drew all the maps, he may have -derived his information about the North through Sanudo himself; but in -that case it would be strange that he did not use it for his first map. -We must therefore suppose that it was after this that their real -collaboration began. - -[Illustration: Northern Europe in the mappamundi in the MS. of Sanudo's -work at Oxford (Björnbo, 1910, p. 123)] - -But here we come upon another difficulty, and this is the third entirely -different form of the delineation of the North that is found in the -corresponding mappamundi in the MS. of Sanudo at Paris. There the -Scandinavian Peninsula is divided in an unaccountable way into several -islands, the largest of which bears the name "scania de regno dacie" or -"scãdinaua." To the north of it is a long island, "gotlandia," which has -been read by some "yrlandia" or "yslandia," and made into Iceland [as in -Thoroddsen, i., 1897, p. 84]. "Noruegia" is written outside the border of -the map to the north of Jutland [called "dacia"], and the name "prouincia -noruicie" is placed on the west coast of Jutland, which has been given a -fantastic extension towards the north with many bays. An island in the -ocean to the north of Russia ["rutenia"] is marked "kareli infideles." The -whole of this representation is in complete disagreement with the other -Sanudo maps, and it is difficult to understand that Vesconte can have also -drawn this one, although in other respects it may bear much resemblance to -the rest from his hand. One might be inclined to think that some other man -had tinkered at this part of the map, introducing ideas which he entirely -misunderstood. - -[Illustration: Northern Europe in the mappamundi in the Paris MS. of -Sanudo's work (Björnbo, 1910, p. 123)] - - A remarkable thing about it is that it is, perhaps, the first that has - a legend about the North. For on the large island in the Baltic (?) we - read: "In hoc mari est maxima copia aletiorum" [in this sea is the - greatest abundance of herrings ?]. In the opinion of Björnbo this may - allude to the herring fishery in the Sound.[219] - -[Illustration: The North on Dalorto's map of 1325. The network of -compass-lines is omitted for the sake of clearness. Only a few of the -names are given] - -[Sidenote: Dalorto's map, 1325] - -The type which is first known from Angellino Dalorto's map of 1325 (or -1330 ?), and from that of 1339 signed Angellino Dulcert, which is -undoubtedly by the same man, was of fundamental importance to the -representation of the North on the Catalan compass-charts. It has been -thought that he belonged to a well-known Genoese family named Dalorto, and -that the first map was drawn in Italy, while the latter was certainly -drawn in Majorca, either by a copyist who corrupted the name of Dalorto to -Dulcert, or by himself, who in that case must be supposed to have given -his name a more Catalan sound on settling in Majorca. But in any case -these maps had Italian models; this appears clearly in the form of the -names [cf. Kretschmer, 1909, pp. 118, f.]. - -The two maps are much alike. The oldest, of 1325 (1330 ?),[220] gives a -more complete representation of the North and of the Baltic than any -earlier map known (see illustration). In its names it shows a connection -both with Carignano's map and with Marino Sanudo, but new names and fresh -information have been added, the delineation of Great Britain and Ireland -is more correct, and there is also a more reasonable representation of -Scandinavia and of the extent of the Baltic than on Carignano's map. -Amongst new names in the North may be mentioned "trunde" [Trondhjem, cf. -"Throndemia" in the Historia Norwegiæ], and "alogia" for a town on the -west side of Norway; this is evidently Halogia [Hálogaland], a form of the -name which was used, for instance, in the Historia Norwegiæ and by Saxo. -Another name in the far north, and again at the south-western extremity of -Norway, is "alolandia" (see illustration, p. 226). One might suppose that -the form of the name and its assignment to these two places are due to a -confusion of the name Hálogaland with Hallandia (in Saxo) and "alandia" on -the Sanudo-Vesconte map (see p. 224). - -It will be seen that Norway, which is represented as a pronouncedly -mountainous country,[221] has on this map been given a great increase of -breadth, so that its west coast is brought to the same longitude as the -west coast of Great Britain. In the legends attached to Norway we read -that from its deserts are brought "birds called gilfalcos" (hunting -falcons), and in the extreme north is the inscription: - - "Here the people live by hunting the beasts of the forest, and also on - fish, on account of the price of corn which is very dear. Here are - white bears and many animals." - -The substance of this may be derived in the main from the Geographia -Universalis (cf. pp. 189, f.; see also p. 177). Islands in the ocean to -the west of Norway are: farthest north, "Insula ornaya" [the Orkneys]; -farther south, "sialand" [Shetland, "Insula scetiland" on the map of 1339, -and "silland" or "stillanda" on later maps]. The resemblance to -"shâsland," the name of an island in Edrisi (cf. above, p. 207), is great, -but it cannot be supposed that we have here a corruption of Iceland. At -the north-eastern corner of Scotland is the round island, "Insula tille" -(cf. p. 219). - -[Sidenote: The Isle of Brazil] - -In the ocean to the west of Ireland we find for the first time on this map -an island called "Insula de montonis siue de brazile." This island is met -with again on later compass-charts under the name of "brazil" as late as -the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.[222] It is evidently the Irish -fortunate isle "Hy Breasail," afterwards called "O'Brazil," that has found -its way on to this map, or probably on to the unknown older sources from -which it is drawn. On this and the oldest of the later maps the island has -a strikingly round form, often divided by a channel. - - The Irish myth of Hy Breasail, or Bresail,[223] the island out in the - Atlantic (cf. vol. i. p. 357), is evidently very ancient; the island - is one of the many happy lands like "Tír Tairngiri" [the promised - land]. In the opinion of Moltke Moe and Alf Torp the name may come - from the Irish "bress" [good fortune, prosperity], and would thus be - absolutely the same as the Insulæ Fortunatæ. The Italians may easily - have become acquainted with this myth through the Irish monasteries in - North Italy, unless indeed they had it through their sailors, and in - this way the island came upon the map. The form "brazil" may have - arisen through the cartographer connecting the name with the valuable - brazil-wood, used for dyeing. The channel dividing the island of - Brazil on the maps may be the river which in the legend of Brandan ran - through the island called "Terra Repromissionis," and which Brandan - (in the Navigatio) was not able to cross. It is probably the river of - death (Styx), and possibly the same that became the river at Hop in - the Icelandic saga of Wineland (see vol. i. p. 359). We thus find here - again a possible connection, and this strengthens the probability that - Brazil was the Promised Land of the Irish, which on the other hand - helped to form Wineland. - - On later compass-charts several isles of Brazil came into existence. - As early as in the Medici Atlas (1351) an "Insula de brazi" appears - farther south in the ocean, to the west of Spain, and on the Pizigano - map (1367) and the Soleri map (1385) there is to the west of Brittany - yet a third "brazir," afterwards commonly called "de manj," or - "maidas," etc.[224] The name "Insula de montonis" is difficult to - understand. If we may believe it to be an error for "moltonis" (or - perhaps "moutonis," a latinisation of the French "mouton" ?), it might - mean the sheep island of the Navigatio Brandani, which was originally - Dicuil's Faroes (cf. vol. i. p. 362). Thus this name also carries us - to Ireland.[225] - - At the same time another Irish mythical conception has found its way - on to the map of 1325, and faithfully attends the isle of "Brazil" on - its progress through all the compass-charts of later times; this is - the fortunate lake, "lacus fortunatus," with its islands, "insulle sci - lacaris" [Lough Carra or Lough Corrib ?], which were so numerous that - there was said later to be one for every day of the year. On Perrinus - Vesconte's map of 1327 the same lake with its many islands is found, - and as far as I can read the greatly reduced reproduction in - Nordenskiöld's Periplus (Pl. VII.) the words are: "gulfo de issolle - CCCLVIII.[226] beate et fortunate" (the gulf of the 358 blessed and - happy islands), as also found on some later maps.[227] I have not had - an opportunity of examining the map of the British Isles in the same - draughtsman's atlas of 1321, to see whether this happy lake and the - isle of Brazil are given there; the gulf with the 358 islands is - stated to be on Vesconte-Sanudo maps [cf. Harrisse, 1892, pp. 57, f.], - which I have also had no opportunity of consulting. - -[Sidenote: Dulcert's (Dalorto's) map of 1339] - -Angellino Dulcert's (Dalorto's) map of 1339[228] differs somewhat from the -map of 1325 (1330 ?) in its delineation of the North, in that Norway is -given a narrower and more rectangular form, with only those four headlands -on the south side which are largest on the map of 1325, while the country -with the smaller headlands to the west of these is cut away, whereby the -narrower shape is brought about.[229] - -Dalorto's maps of 1325 and 1339 furnish the prototype for the -representation of the North in later compass-charts; and this persists -without important alteration until well into the fifteenth century. But -while later Italian charts (cf. Pizigano's of 1367) more closely resemble -the Italian Dalorto map of 1325, the Majorca map of 1339 represents the -type of the later Catalan charts. In the one preserved at Modena, and -dating from about 1350,[230] the Catalan compass-chart is combined with -the representation of the world of the wheel-maps. We find the picture of -the North to be the same in all its main outlines; but here a new feature -is added, in that Iceland appears as a group of eight islands in the far -north-west, out on the margin of the map, with the note: "questas illes -son appellades islandes" (these islands are called Icelands). The -southernmost island is called "islanda," the others have incomprehensible -names ("donbert," "tranes," "tales," "brons," "bres," "mmau...," "bilanj" -[?]); but the name of Greenland is not found. In the ocean to the north of -Norway there is "Mare putritum congelatum" [the putrid, frozen sea]. This -is evidently the idea of the stinking Liver Sea (as in Arab myths, cf. p. -51), combined with that of the frozen sea. On the approximately -contemporary Catalan compass-chart (see the reproduction, pp. 232-233), -preserved in the National Library at Florence (called No. 16), we find the -same group of islands called "Island," with a long inscription (see p. -232; cf. also Björnbo and Petersen, 1908, p. 16), which is partly -illegible, but wherein it is stated that "the islands are very large," -that "the people are handsome, tall and fair, the country is very cold," -etc. The name of Greenland does not occur on this chart either.[231] - -[Illustration: North-western Europe on the wheel-shaped compass-chart at -Modena (circa 1350). The network of compass-lines, names and legends -omitted. Mountains indicated by shading] - -[Illustration: North-western Europe on the anonymous Catalan mappamundi of -the middle of the fourteenth century, in the National Library at Florence. -Reproduced mainly from a tracing of the original made by Dr. A. A. -Björnbo. The text of the names and legends has been somewhat enlarged to -render it legible in the reduced reproduction. In the legend on the Baltic -the erroneous "gronlandia" is given, while the original has "gotlandia" -(according to O. Vangensten)] - -[Sidenote: Viladeste's chart of 1413] - -The same type of Catalan charts includes Charles V.'s well-known -mappamundi, or "Catalan Atlas," of 1375, as well as Mecia de -Viladeste's chart of 1413,[232] and many others.[233] - -[Sidenote: The Medici Atlas, 1351] - -We find a different representation of the North, especially of the -Scandinavian Peninsula, in the anonymous atlas of 1351, preserved at -Florence and commonly called the "Medicean Marine Atlas,"[234] which is an -Italian, probably a Genoese, work. The North is here represented on a map -of the world and on a map of Europe (reproduced pp. 236, 260). The -representation to a great extent resembles the Dalorto type. Its division -of western Scandinavia into three great promontories no doubt recalls the -Carignano map to such an extent that one may suppose it to have been -influenced by some Italian source of that map; but in the names it shows -more resemblance to the Dalorto maps: the delineation of the Baltic and of -the peninsula corresponding to Skåne is practically the same, it perhaps -resembles in particular the Modena map and the anonymous map at Florence -(cf. pp. 232, 233). Jutland, on the other hand, has been greatly prolonged -and given a different shape. The three great tongues of land in Norway, -with a smaller one on the east near Denmark, may correspond to the four -headlands on the south coast of Norway on the Dalorto maps (cf. especially -that of 1339). Through these being considerably increased in size, and the -bays between them being enlarged, the west coast of Norway has been moved -even farther to the west than on the map of 1325, and has been given a -somewhat more westerly longitude than Ireland. On the map of Europe "C. -trobs" ["capitolum tronberg" ? i.e., Tönsberg] is written on the first bay -[like "trunberg" on the Dalorto map], "c. bergis" ["capitolum bergis," -i.e., the see of Bergen] and "c. trons" (?) [the see of Trondhjem] on each -of the two other bays. Finally, "alogia," which on the Dalorto map is -marked as a town on the northern west coast of Norway, to the north of -Nidroxia [Nidaros], has followed the west coast and is placed on the -westernmost tongue of land. How the whole of this delineation came about -is difficult to say. One might be tempted to think that it was through a -misunderstanding of a description of Norway, like that we find in the -Historia Norwegiæ, where the country is described as divided into four -parts, the first being the land on the eastern bay near Denmark, the -second "Gulacia" [Gulathing], the third "Throndemia," the fourth -"Halogia."[235] The map of the world in the Medici atlas is drawn in the -same way as the compass-charts. It has no names of towns in Scandinavia, -and the westernmost tongue of land is without a name (see the -reproduction). On the other hand, the name "alolanda" occurs inland in -eastern Norway, and is there obviously a corruption of "Hallandia" (cf. p. -227). This mappamundi is interesting from the fact that it makes the -land-masses of the continent extend without a limit on the north, whereas -Africa is terminated by a peninsula on the south. - -[Illustration: The north-western portion of the mappamundi in the Medicean -Marine Atlas (1351). The degrees are here inserted after the maps of -Ptolemy] - -[Sidenote: Pizigano's map, 1367] - -The map of the Venetian Francesco Pizigano, of 1367, resembles Dalorto's -of 1325 in its delineation of the North; the south side of Norway has -somewhat the same rounded form with seven headlands, and "Alogia" is a -town on the west coast. - -[Illustration: From the Bayeux tapestry, eleventh century] - - -VIEWS OF THE NORTH AMONG THE NORTHERN PEOPLES - -[Sidenote: Scandinavian view of Greenland as mainland] - -It has been already pointed out that, while the oldest northern authority, -Adam of Bremen, regarded the countries of the North, outside Scandinavia, -as islands in the ocean surrounding the earth's disc (in agreement with -the learned view and with the wheel-maps), the Scandinavians, unfettered -by learned ideas, assumed that Greenland was connected with the continent, -for the reason, amongst others, that, as the author of the "King's Mirror" -expresses it, continental animals such as the hare, wolf and reindeer -could not otherwise have got there. But, as we have seen, this land -communication could only be supposed to exist on the far side of Gandvik -(the White Sea) and the Bjarmeland (Northern Russia) that they knew, and -to go round the north of the sea that lay to the north of Norway. Thus the -sea came to be called Hafsbotn (i.e., the bay or gulf of the ocean). We -find the clearest expression of this view in the Icelandic geography -already referred to, which may in part be attributed to Abbot Nikulás -Bergsson of Thverá[236] (cf. vol. i. p. 313; vol. ii. pp. 1, 172), and -where we read: - - "Nearest Denmark is lesser Sweden [so called to distinguish it from - 'Sviþjóð it Mikla,' Russia], there is Öland, then Gotland, then - Helsingeland, then Vermeland, then two Kvænlands, and they are north - of Bjarmeland. From Bjarmeland uninhabited country extends northward - as far as Greenland. South of Greenland is Helluland," etc. [cf. the - continuation, above, p. 1]. In a variant of this geography in an older - MS. we read: "North of Saxland is Denmark. Through Denmark the sea - goes into 'Austrveg' [the countries on the Baltic]. Sweden lies east - of Denmark, but Norway on the north. To the north of Norway is - Finmark. From thence the land turns towards the north-east, and then - to the east before one comes to Bjarmeland. This is tributary to the - Garda-king [the king of Gardarike]. From Bjarmeland the land stretches - to the uninhabited parts of the north, until Greenland begins. To the - south of Greenland lies Helluland," etc. - -We have yet a third, later and more detailed variant in the so-called -"Gripla," given in vol. i. p. 288. - -The belief in this land connection with Greenland may have originated in, -or at any rate have been considerably strengthened by, the discovery of -countries such as Novaya Zemlya, Svalbard (Spitzbergen ?), and the -northern uninhabited parts of the east coast of Greenland[237] (cf. above, -pp. 165, ff.). In addition to this, those sailing the Polar Sea came -across pack-ice wherever they went in a northerly direction, closing in -the sea and making it like a gulf, and it must therefore have been natural -to believe in a continuous coast which connected the countries behind the -ice, and which held this fast. The belief in a land connection seems to -have been so ingrained that it can scarcely have rested on nothing but -theoretical speculations, but must rather have been supported by tangible -proofs of this kind. - -[Sidenote: Saxo on the far North] - -It was to be expected that the countries on the north of Hafsbotn should -become fairylands in popular belief, Jotunheimr and Risaland, inhabited by -giants. Even Saxo (beginning of the thirteenth century) says that to the -north of Norway - - "lies a land, the name and position of which are unknown, without - human civilisation, but rich in people of monstrous strangeness. It is - separated from Norway, which lies opposite, by a mighty arm of the - sea. As the navigation there is very unsafe, few of those who have - ventured thither have had a fortunate return." - -As it can hardly be the Christian settlements in Greenland that Saxo -refers to as a land without human civilisation, we must doubtless suppose -that his land in the north is a confusion of the eastern uninhabited -tracts of Greenland with Jotunheimr, as in Icelandic ideas. For Adam of -Bremen already had giants (Cyclopes) on an island in the north, and we -have seen that there were similar conceptions in the Historia Norwegiæ -(cf. p. 167). - -[Sidenote: The tale of Halli Geit] - -A mediæval Icelandic tale [inserted in Björn Jónsson's Greenland Annals] -says of Halli Geit that - - "he alone succeeded in coming by land on foot over mountains and - glaciers and all the wastes, and past all the gulfs of the sea to - Gandvik and then to Norway. He led with him a goat, and lived on its - milk; he often found valleys and narrow openings between the glaciers, - so that the goat could feed either on grass or in the woods." - -[Illustration: From the Bayeux tapestry, eleventh century] - -[Sidenote: Land at the North Pole] - -Ideas of this kind led to the view held by some that there was land as far -as the North Pole, which appears in an Icelandic tract, included in the -"Rymbegla" [1780, p. 466]. Of a bad Latin verse, there reproduced, it is -said: - - "Some will understand this to mean that he [i.e., the poet] says that - land lies under 'leidarstjarna' [the pole star], and that the shores - there prevent the ring of the ocean from joining [i.e., around the - disc of the earth]; with this certain ancient legends agree, which - show that one can go, or that men have gone, on foot from Greenland to - Norway." - -[Sidenote: The Outer Ocean] - -But the mediæval learned idea of the Outer Ocean surrounding the whole -disc of earth also asserts itself in the North, and appears in Snorre's -Heimskringla and in the "King's Mirror," amongst other works. This ocean -went outside Greenland, which was connected with Europe, and made the -former into a peninsula. In the work already referred to, "Gripla" (only -known in a late MS. in Björn Jónsson of Skardsá, first half of the -seventeenth century), we read, in continuation of the passage already -quoted (p. 35): "Between Wineland and Greenland is Ginnungagap, it -proceeds from the sea that is called 'Mare oceanum,' which surrounds the -whole world." Since Wineland [i.e., the Insulæ Fortunatæ], as already -stated (pp. 1, ff.), was by some, evidently through a misunderstanding, -made continuous with Africa,[238] it is clear that the Outer Ocean must be -supposed to go completely round both Greenland and Wineland (cf. the -illustration, p. 2). Thus it was also natural to suppose that there was an -opening somewhere between these two countries, through which the Outer -Ocean was connected with the inner, known ocean between Norway, Greenland, -etc.[239] - -[Sidenote: Ginnungagap] - -At least as old as the Norsemen's conceptions of countries beyond the -ocean in the North was probably the idea of the great abyss, Ginnungagap, -which there forms the boundary of the ocean and of the world, and which -must be derived from the Tartarus and Chaos of the Greeks (cf. p. 150). -When the Polar Sea (Hafsbotn) was closed by the land connection between -Bjarmeland and Greenland, it was natural that those who tried to form a -consistent view of the world could no longer find a place for the abyss in -that direction; and G. Storm [1890] is certainly right in thinking that it -was for this reason that Ginnungagap was located in the passage between -Greenland and Wineland; since, no doubt, the idea was that this "gap" in -some way or other was connected with the void Outer Ocean. But this view -is first found in the very late copy (seventeenth century) of "Gripla," -and of the somewhat older map of Gudbrand Torlaksson [Torlacius] of 1606 -[Torfæus, 1706; Pl. I., p. 21], where "Ginnunga Gap" is marked as the name -of the strait between Greenland and America. What Ginnungagap really was -seems never to have been quite clear, different people having no doubt had -different ideas about it; but when, as here, it is used as the name of a -strait through which the Outer Ocean enters, it cannot any longer be an -abyss; at the most it may have been a maelstrom or whirlpool, which, -indeed, is suggested by the whirlpool on Jón Gudmundsson's map (cf. p. -34). But even this interpretation of the name became effaced, and in -another MS. of the seventeenth century (see p. 35) it is simply used as a -name for the great ocean to the west of Spain (that is, the Atlantic). - -[Illustration: From an Icelandic MS. of 1363] - -On the other hand we have seen (pp. 150, ff.) that ideas of whirlpools in -the northern seas appear to have been widely spread in the Middle Ages. -There is a possibility, as already hinted (vol. i. p. 303), that when in -Ivar Bárdsson's description of the northern west coast of Greenland "the -many whirlpools that there lie all over the sea" are spoken of, it was -thought that here was the boundary of the ocean and of the world, and that -it was formed by the many whirlpools, or abysses in the sea. In that case -these cannot be regarded merely as maelstroms like the Moskenström, but -more like the true Ginnungagap. But this is extremely uncertain; it may -again have been one of those embellishments which were often used in -speaking of the most distant regions. - -[Sidenote: Saxo] - -Saxo Grammaticus (first part of the thirteenth century) in the preface to -his Danish history gives geographical information about Scandinavia and -Iceland, to which we have already referred several times. He does not -mention Greenland. He says himself that he has made use of Icelandic -literature to a large extent; but he has also mingled with it a good deal -of mythical material from elsewhere. - -[Sidenote: The King's Mirror, circa 1240 ?] - -Beyond comparison the most important geographical writer of the mediæval -North, and at the same time one of the first in the whole of mediæval -Europe, was the unknown author who wrote the "King's Mirror,"[240] -probably about the middle of the thirteenth century.[241] If one turns -from contemporary or earlier European geographical literature, with all -its superstition and obscurity, to this masterly work, the difference is -very striking. Even at the first appearance of the Scandinavians in -literature, in Ottar's straightforward and natural narrative of his voyage -to King Alfred, the numerous trustworthy statements about previously -unknown regions are a prominent feature, and give proof of a sober faculty -of observation, altogether different from what one usually meets with in -mediæval literature. This is the case to an even greater degree in the -"King's Mirror," and the difference between what is there stated about the -North and what we find less than two hundred years earlier in Adam of -Bremen is obvious. Apart from the fact that the whole method of -presentation is inspired by superior intelligence, it shows an insight and -a faculty of observation which are uncommon, especially at that period; -and in many points this remarkable man was evidently centuries before his -time. Although well acquainted with much of the earlier mediæval -literature, he has liberated himself to a surprising extent from its -fabulous conceptions. We hear nothing of the many fabulous peoples, who -were still common amongst much later authors, nor about whirlpools, nor -the curdled and dark sea, but instead we have fresh and copious -information about the northern regions, and it comes with a clearness like -that which already struck us in Ottar. We have a remarkably good -description of the sea-ice, its drift, etc. (cf. vol. i. pp. 279, f.); we -have also a description of the animal world of the northern seas to which -there is no parallel in the earlier literature of the world (cf. pp. 155, -ff.). No less than twenty-one different whales are referred to fully. If -we make allowance for three of them being probably sharks, and for two -being perhaps alternative names for the same whale, the total corresponds -to the number of species that are known in northern waters. Six seals are -described, which corresponds to the number of species living on the coasts -of Norway and Greenland. Besides these the walrus ["rostung"] is very well -described. But even the author of the "King's Mirror" could not altogether -avoid the supernatural in treating of the sea. He describes in the seas of -Iceland the enormous monster "hafgufa," which seems more like a piece of -land than a fish, and he does not think there are more than two of them in -the sea. This is the same that the Norwegian fishermen now call the krake, -and certainly also the same that appears in ancient oriental myths, and -that is met with again in the Brandan legend as the great whale that they -take for an island and land on (cf. p. 234). In the Greenland seas the -"King's Mirror" has two kinds of trolls, "hafstrambr" [a kind of merman], -with a body that was like a glacier to look at, and "margygr" [a mermaid], -both of which are fully described. There is also mention in the Greenland -seas of the strange and dangerous "sea-fences," which are often spoken of -in the sagas [and about which there is a lay, the "hafgerðinga-drápa"]. -The author does not quite know what to make of this marvel, for "it looks -as if all the storms and waves that there are in that sea gather -themselves together in three places, and become three waves. They fence in -the whole sea, so that men cannot find a way out, and they are higher than -great mountains and like steep summits," etc. It is probable that the -belief in these sea-fences is derived from something that really took -place, perhaps most likely earthquake-waves, or submarine earthquakes, -which may sometimes have occurred near volcanic Iceland. But it is curious -that in the "King's Mirror" these waves are connected with Greenland. They -might also be supposed to be connected with the waves that are formed when -icebergs capsize. - -[Illustration: Marginal drawing in the Flateyjarbók (1387-1394)] - -The principal countries described are Ireland, Iceland and Greenland; but -it is characteristic of the author that the farther north he goes, away -from regions commonly known, the freer his account becomes from all kinds -of fabulous additions. In Ireland he is still held fast by the -superstition of the period, and especially by the priests' fables about -themselves and their holy men, and by the English author Giraldus -Cambrensis.[242] In Iceland, as a rule, he is free of this troublesome -ballast, and gives valuable information about the glaciers of Iceland, -glacier-falls, boiling springs, etc. In his opinion the cold climate of -Iceland is due to the vicinity of Greenland, which sends out great cold -owing to its being above all other lands covered with ice; for this reason -Iceland has so much ice on its mountains. Although he thinks it possible -that its volcanoes are due to the fires of Hell, and that it is thus the -actual place of torment, and that Hell is therefore not in Sicily, as his -holiness Pope Gregory had supposed, he nevertheless has another and more -reasonable explanation of the origin of earthquakes and volcanoes. They -may be due to hollow passages and cavities in the foundations of the land, -which by the force either of the wind or of the roaring sea may become so -full of wind that they cannot stand the pressure, and thus violent -earthquakes may arise. From the violent conflict which the air produces -underground, the great fire may be kindled which breaks out in different -parts of the country. It must not be thought certain that this is exactly -how it takes place, but one ought rather to lay such things together to -form the explanation that seems more conceivable, for - -[Sidenote: Fire derived from force (labour)] - - "we see that from force ['afli'] all fire comes. When hard stone and - hard iron are brought together with a blow, fire comes from the iron - and from the force with which they are struck together. You may also - rub pieces of wood together until fire comes from the labour that they - have. It is also constantly happening that two winds arise from - different quarters, one against the other, and if they meet in the air - there is a hard shock, and this shock gives off a great fire, which - spreads far in the air," etc. - -This idea of a connection between labour (friction) and force (motion), -and this explanation of the possible origin of volcanoes are surprising in -the thirteenth century, and seem to bring the author centuries in advance -of his time; we here have germs of the theory of the conservation of -energy. - -[Sidenote: The inland ice of Greenland] - -His statements about Greenland are remarkable for their sober -trustworthiness. He gives the first description of its inland ice: - - "But since you asked whether the land is thawed or not, or whether it - is covered with ice like the sea, you must know that there are small - portions of the land which are thawed, but all the rest is covered - with ice, and the people do not know whether the country is large or - small, since all the mountains and valleys are covered with ice, so - that no one can find his way in. But in reality it must be that there - is a way, either in those valleys that lie between the mountains, or - along the shores, so that animals can find a way, for otherwise - animals cannot come there from other countries, unless they find a way - through the ice and find the land thawed. But men have often tried to - go up the country, upon the highest mountains in various places, to - look around them, to see whether they could find any part that was - thawed and habitable, but they have not found any such, except where - people are now living, and that is but little along the shore itself." - -[Illustration: Norwegian MS. of the Gulathings law. Fourteenth century] - -This, as we see, is an extremely happy description of the mighty -ice-sheet. He also describes the climate of the country, both the fine -weather that often occurs in summer, and its usually inclement character, -which causes so small a proportion of the country to be habitable. - -[Sidenote: The glaciers of Greenland a pole of maximum cold] - - "The land is cold, and the glacier [i.e., the great ice or inland ice] - has this nature, that he sends out cold gusts which drive away the - showers from his face, and he usually keeps his head bare. But often - his near neighbours have to suffer for it, in that all other lands - which lie in his neighbourhood get much bad weather from him, and all - the cold blasts that he throws off fall upon them." - -Though in simple and everyday words, this really expresses the idea that -Greenland and the neighbouring regions are disproportionately cold, and -that, in part at any rate, this is due to the glaciers of Greenland, which -have a refrigerating effect (as an anticyclonic pole of maximum cold). -This is to a certain degree correct. In crossing Greenland in 1888 we -found that a pole of cold [anticyclone] lies over the inland ice, which -gives off cold air. Scientific greatness does not always depend on -erudition or acute learned combinations; it is just as often the result of -a sound common-sense. - -The allusion in the "King's Mirror" to the Norse inhabitants of Greenland -and their life has already been quoted in part (vol. i. p. 277); curiously -enough the Skrælings are not mentioned. The author gives a graphic -description of the aurora borealis, and attempts to explain its cause. As -already noted (p. 155), it is curious that he should speak of it as -something peculiar to Greenland, when he must of course have known it well -enough in Norway. - -The cosmography of the "King's Mirror" is based on older mediæval writers, -especially Isidore. The spherical form of the earth and the course of the -sun are mentioned, as is Macrobius's doctrine of zones. In the frigid -zones the cold has attracted to itself such power that the waters throw -off their nature and are changed to ice, and all the land and sea is -covered with ice. They are usually uninhabitable, but nevertheless the -author considers that Greenland lies in the north frigid zone. He thinks -that "it is mainland, and connected with other mainland," as already -mentioned, because it has a number of terrestrial animals that are not -often found on islands. It - - "lies on the extreme side of the world on the north, and he does not - think there is land outside 'Heimskringla' [the circle of the world, - 'orbis terrarum'] beyond Greenland, only the great ocean which runs - round the world; and it is said by men who are wise that the strait - through which the empty ocean flows comes in by Greenland, and into - the gap between the lands ('landa-klofi'), and thereafter with fjords - and gulfs it divides all countries, where it runs into Heimskringla." - -This is, as we see, the same idea as already (p. 240) referred to, that -the Outer Ocean runs in through a sound between Greenland and another -continent to the south, evidently Wineland, which is thus here again -regarded as part of Africa (cf. p. 1). - -It is moreover striking that neither Wineland, Markland, nor Helluland is -mentioned in the "King's Mirror," and Bjarmeland, Svalbard, etc., are also -omitted. Thus it does not give any complete description of the northern -lands, but it must be remembered that what we know of the work is only a -fragment, and perhaps it was never completed. - -[Illustration: The Nancy map. A copy, of 1427, of Claudius Clavus's first -map of the North. The lines of latitude and longitude are omitted for the -sake of clearness] - - -CLAUDIUS CLAVUS - -[Sidenote: Claudius Claussön Swart, born 1388] - -[Sidenote: Clavus's maps] - -The credit of having introduced the name of Greenland, with the ancient -Norsemen's geographical ideas about the extreme North, into cartography -belongs, so far as is known, to the Dane Claudius Claussön Swart, usually -called in Latin Claudius Clavus (sometimes also Nicolaus Niger). He was -born in Funen, travelled about Europe, and, as shown by Storm [1891, pp. -17, f.], was probably the "Nicolaus Gothus" who is mentioned at Rome in -January 1424, and who is reported to have there given out that he had seen -a copy of Livy in the monastery of Sorö, near Roskilde (which was probably -a romance on his part). We are told that he was a man of acute -intelligence, but a rover and unsteady. His subsequent history is unknown. -As a supplement to Ptolemy's Geography, which just at that time (1409) was -becoming known in Western Europe in a Latin translation, he made, probably -in Italy, two maps of the North, with accompanying descriptions. The maps -must have been drawn either by himself or with his help. They are the -first maps known in Western Europe which are furnished, after the model of -Ptolemy (or Marinus), with lines of latitude and longitude,[243] and they -thus mark the beginning of a more scientific cartography and geography in -Western Europe.[244] - -His first map (the Nancy map) must have been drawn between the years 1413 -and 1427, probably between 1424 and 1427; but it can never have been -widely known, as it has exercised no noticeable influence on the -cartography of the succeeding period. The French cardinal Filastre (ob. -1428), who was staying in Rome in 1427, became acquainted with it there, -and made a reduced copy of it, which, together with a copy of the -accompanying text, he had bound up with his copy of the Latin translation -of Ptolemy's Geography with maps. This work was not rediscovered at Nancy -until 1835, when it was published; the map is therefore usually called the -Nancy map. Clavus's second map, which seems to have been drawn later than -that just mentioned, has on the other hand had considerable influence on -the cartographical representation of the northern regions through a period -of two centuries. - -A copy of the later map was first brought to light by Nordenskiöld at -Warsaw in 1889 [1889, p. xxx.]; since then several copies have been -rescued from oblivion, while the text accompanying the map was -accidentally discovered in 1900 by Dr. A. A. Björnbo in a mediæval MS. at -Vienna [Björnbo and Petersen, 1904]. The original map is lost; but except -as regards details of no great consequence there can now be no doubt as to -what it was like. - -The reproductions (pp. 248 and 251) will give an idea of the -representation of the North on the two maps. As far as Ptolemy's map -extended (cf. vol. i. pp. 118, f.), it will be seen that its coast-lines -and islands are almost slavishly adhered to on both maps. To this the -Nancy map adds a Scandinavia, with Iceland, the east coast of Greenland, -and a northern land connection between the latter and Russia. On the later -map Scandinavia has been given a somewhat altered form, and Greenland has -a west coast. The Nancy map has few names, many more being mentioned in -the text, especially in Denmark. Even as regards Denmark they are -evidently to a great extent taken from an older itinerary like that of -Bruges ["Itinéraire Brugeois," cf. Storm, 1891, p. 19]. Some of the names -on the map, like "bergis," "nidrosia," etc., may be taken from older -compass-charts; both texts have the northern form "Bergen." Headlands, -bays and islands (on the coasts of Norway, Iceland and Greenland), for -which he had no names (and which moreover are due to the free -imagination of the draughtsman), have been designated in the Nancy text -by Latin numerals ("Primum," "Secundum," etc.), or are simply named after -each other (in Iceland), a sure sign that Clavus neither knew nor had -heard anything about these coasts. - -[Illustration: Copy, of about 1467, of Claudius Clavus's later map. The -copy was executed by Nicolaus Germanus. Owing to the map being transferred -to the latter's trapezoidal projection, with converging meridians, -Greenland, for instance, has been given a very oblique appearance] - -[Sidenote: Mystification in Clavus's geographical names] - -On his later map Clavus has made up for the want of names in an -astonishing way. On some of the coasts he has continued to use Latin -numerals for bays, etc., but side by side with this on the shores of the -Baltic and in Sweden he has used Danish numerals, such as, "Förste aa -fluuii ostia" (First river, river-mouth), "Anden aa" (Second river) ..., -etc. The southerners, who did not understand Danish, of course regarded -these as names, and subjected them to all sorts of corruptions. Matters -became worse when in Gotland and Norway he used as the names of headlands -and rivers the words of a meaningless rigmarole: "Enarene," "apocane," -"uithu," "wultu," "segh," "sarlecrogh," etc. (evidently corresponding to -children's rigmaroles like "Anniken, fanniken, fiken, foken," etc.)[245] -In Iceland he used the names of the runic characters for headlands and -rivers; but most remarkable of all are his names in Greenland, alternately -for headlands and the mouths of rivers(!). If, as shown by Björnbo and -Petersen, these are read continuously from the most northern headland on -the east coast round the south of the country, the following verse in the -dialect of Funen is the result: - - "Thær boer eeynh manh secundum [== ij ?][246] eyn Gronelandsz aa, - ooc Spieldebedh mundhe hanyd heyde; - meer hawer han aff nidefildh, - een hanh hawer flesk hinth feyde. - Nordh um driuer sandhin naa new new." - - (There lives a man (in ?) a Greenland river, - and Spieldebedh is his name; - he has more vermin (?) - than he has fat bacon, etc.) - -The verse, as pointed out by Axel Olrik, is evidently an imitation or -travesty of the folk-songs, and, as Karl Aubert has shown,[247] its -prototype must certainly have been the first verse of the same folk-song -that is now known in Sweden by the name of "Kung Speleman": - - "Dher bodde een kjempe vid Helsingborg, - Kung Speleman månde han heta, - Visst hade han mera boda sölf, - Än andra flesket dhet feta. - Uren drifver noran, och hafvet sunnan för noran." - - (There lived a giant by Helsingborg, - King Fiddler was his name. - Sure he had greater store of silver - Than others of fat bacon, etc.) - -This method of fabricating geographical names adopted by Clavus recalls -the designation of the notes in the mediæval scale, for which the words of -a Latin hymn were used, and it seems likely that this is what he has -imitated. But his mystification, with all these strange names which no one -in Southern Europe understood, and which in course of time underwent many -corruptions, has caused a good deal of trouble; many intelligent men have -racked their brains to discover learned etymological interpretations of -their origin, until Björnbo's lucky find of the later text of Clavus -solved the riddle. - -[Sidenote: Different views of Clavus's maps and their origin] - -Björnbo and Petersen, who by their valuable work on Claudius Clavus with a -reproduction of this text have the credit of throwing light on the -relation between his first and second maps, have put forward the view that -Clavus must have made his first map (the Nancy map) with its Latin text in -Italy; but curiously enough they think he entirely rejected the Italian -compass-charts as unsuitable for the representation of the North, and -constructed his delineation of the northern regions independently of them, -as an addition to Ptolemy's coast-lines, simply from information he had -derived from northern sources. After this we are to suppose that, in order -to extend his geographical knowledge, he went back to Denmark; and since -the authors place reliance on Clavus's assertion (in his later text) that -he had seen the places himself, they even credit him with having made a -voyage of geographical exploration, first to Norway (Trondhjem) and then -to Greenland. And then he is supposed to have drawn his later map, and -written the text for it (in Latin), in the North. - -I have come to an entirely different conclusion. His older map must be -based, in my opinion, not only on Ptolemy, but to a great extent on -Italian maps. His later map and text, I consider, show beyond doubt that -he cannot have been either in Norway or Greenland, and I cannot find a -single statement in the Vienna text, or any coast-line in his later map, -which shows that he was outside Italy in the period between the two works. -Doubtless the delineation of Denmark, especially Sealand, is more detailed -in the second map; but the additions do not disclose any more local -knowledge than might be attributed to Clavus as a native of Funen before -his first map was drawn, even though he had not then ventured to change -the form of Ptolemy's Scandia, which to him, of course, became Sealand. -After this first attempt, however, he may have gained courage to launch -out further with his knowledge. He may also have discovered a few fresh -pieces of information, in the papal archives, for instance. Besides this, -he may, of course, have received oral communications from people from the -northern countries; but even of this I am unable to find sure signs. In -consideration of the imaginative tendencies shown by Clavus in his -distribution of names, and to some extent in the coast-lines on his map, -which perhaps may also have asserted themselves in his statement that he -had seen a complete MS. of Livy in Sorö monastery,[248] we shall scarcely -be insulting him if we believe his statements (in two passages of the -Vienna text) that he himself had seen Pygmies from a land in the North, -and Karelians in Greenland, to be rhetorical phrases, calculated to -strengthen the reader's confidence, and to mean at the outside that he had -seen something about these people in older authorities. - -After having heard my reasons, Björnbo and Petersen have in all essentials -come round to my views. In particular they agree with me that Clavus -cannot have been in Greenland, but that the delineation of that country on -his later map is based on the Medicean map of the world, which will be -mentioned later. I therefore consider it superfluous to combat any further -here the reasons given in their work for their former view. - -Claudius Clavus's task must have been to supplement the newly discovered -atlas of Ptolemy by what he knew of the North; and to this end his maps -were drawn, either by himself or by a professional draughtsman in Italy -from his instructions. The text was prepared after each of the maps, as a -description of it; and the latitudes and longitudes are taken from the map -[cf. Björnbo and Petersen, 1904, p. 130]. With the superstitious respect -of the period for older learned authorities in general, and for Ptolemy in -particular, he did not venture to alter the latter's coast-lines or -latitudes as far as they extended; even in the Danish islands he has done -so with hesitation, thus Sealand in his first sketch [the Nancy map] has -still the same form as Scandia in Ptolemy, etc. He then added to the -latter's coast-lines what he knew or could get together from other -quarters. - -[Sidenote: Sources and genesis of the Nancy map] - -His first map [the Nancy map] may presuppose the following sources, -besides Ptolemy's various maps of Northern Europe; Pietro Vesconte's -mappamundi (circa 1320) in Marino Sanudo's work,[249] and the anonymous -mappamundi, now preserved in the so-called Medicean Marine Atlas, of -1351, at Florence.[250] In addition to these, either the Bruges itinerary -itself [Itinéraire Brugeois, cf. Storm, 1891, p. 19], or one of its -earlier sources. Possibly he also had, in part at all events, a tract [in -Icelandic ?] that is included in the fourth part of the "Rymbegla" [1780]; -that he also knew of the Icelandic sailing directions, as assumed by -Björnbo and Petersen, I regard as less certain, although not impossible; -perhaps it would be safer to suppose that he may have seen some statements -from Ivan Bárdsson's description of Greenland, in an itinerary, for -instance. I have not been able to find any certain indication of his -having been acquainted with the Icelandic geography mentioned on p. 237; -perhaps he may rather have known of the land connection between Greenland -and Russia from some tale or other, or from a legendary saga;[251] from -the same source (or from Ivar Bárdsson's description ?) may also be -derived the name Nordbotn (cf. p. 171, note 1), which is not known in the -Icelandic geography, but which seems most probably to be a legendary form. -Certain names, such as those of the bishops' sees in Norway and Iceland, -Clavus may easily have found in the papal archives in Rome. - -In the first place, exactly following Ptolemy, the draughtsman has marked -Ireland with the islands around it and six Hebrides to the north-east, -Scotland with the island of Dumna and the archipelago "Orcadia" to the -north (the island of Ocitis a little farther east), and the south coast of -Thule farther north; next Jutland with its small islands round about, and -with the large island of Scandia, which, of course, became Sealand (he has -added Funen and a number of other islands); finally the coast of Germany -and Sarmatia eastwards to 63° N. lat., and with the same number of -river-mouths as in Ptolemy. As this coast does not extend nearly so far to -the east as does the Baltic on the compass-charts, it resulted that -Clavus's Baltic became much shorter than that of the charts, and its shape -had to be altered to suit Ptolemy's coast-line. Then, at its northern end, -the draughtsman has placed possibly Pietro Vesconte's Scandinavian -peninsula, going out towards the west (see the two maps, pp. 223, 224); -but as he saw Norway on the compass-charts extending west as far as to the -north of Scotland, where on Ptolemy's map he found Thule, it was natural -that he should take the latter to be the southern point of Norway, and he -was obliged to move Vesconte's peninsula farther to the west. Its south -coast may have been drawn with the Medici map, or a similar one, as model. -As the southern coast of the Baltic was moved far to the south, after -Ptolemy, and Jutland was given a different and smaller form than on the -Medici map, besides a marked inclination to the east, and as Skåne had to -be near Sealand (Scandia), the draughtsman was obliged to move the -peninsula corresponding to Skåne about five degrees to the south. The -south coast of the peninsula on the north of Scotland on the Medici map -(see pp. 236, 260) corresponded very nearly to the south coast of Thule -(with an east-south-easterly direction) on Ptolemy's map; it lay in an -almost corresponding latitude, but on account of the puzzling prolongation -of Scotland to the east on Ptolemy's map, it had to be moved a good -fifteen degrees of longitude to the east. Thule was thus united to -Norway[252] and its south coast was given exactly the same shape as the -south coast of the peninsula in question, with three arched bays (the -broadest on the east) and a projecting point towards the south-east. The -coast between this promontory and Skåne may then have been drawn with the -same number of four large bays as on the Medici map: a deeper one farthest -west, then a broad peninsula, next two wide, open bays, with a narrow -peninsula between them, and finally a smaller bay opposite Sealand. The -"Halandi" of the Nancy map is thus brought to the corresponding place with -the "Alolanda" of the Medici map (p. 236).[253] - -Thus far it may be fairly easy to compare the maps; but then Norway -according to most of the compass-charts ought not to have any considerable -farther extension to the west, while on the other hand Northern ideas -demanded a Greenland in the far west, as well as a land in the north -between that and Russia. With the latter the westernmost tongue of land in -Norway on the Medicean mappamundi[254] agrees remarkably well. The -southern point of Clavus's Greenland has also the same length in -proportion to the west coast of Ireland, and about the same breadth, as on -this map. There was also an extensive mass of land in the north. According -to various representations, such as those of Vesconte's mappamundi, Saxo's -description (cf. p. 223), and others, there should be a gulf on the north -side of the Scandinavian Peninsula. According to representations like that -of the Lambert map at Ghent (cf. p. 188), this arm of the sea had the same -form as that on the south side of Scandinavia, and there should only be a -narrow isthmus between these two arms of the sea, connecting the peninsula -with the mainland (cf. Saxo). On the Nancy map, too, the north coast of -Scandinavia is drawn almost exactly like the south coast, with the same -number of promontories and bays, which correspond very nearly even in -their shape. In this way Clavus's "Nordhindh Bondh" [Norðrbotn], also -called "Tenebrosum mare" [i.e., the dark sea] or "Quietum mare" [the -motionless sea], may have originated. This remarkable bay is connected on -his map with the Baltic by a canal (which is also mentioned in the Vienna -text). By this means Scandinavia really becomes an island. Clavus cannot -have acquired such an idea from any known source, although, as already -mentioned, Saxo says that it is nearly an island (p. 223); but similar -conceptions seem to have arisen in Italy (cf. above on Pietro Vesconte's -mappamundi, p. 223). - -[Illustration: Scandinavia on the map of Europe in the Medici Atlas (of -1351). The scales of latitude and longitude are here added from Ptolemy's -maps. The network of compass-lines is omitted] - -The south coast of Norway [with "Stauanger"] and the southern point of -Greenland retained on Clavus's map the same relation of latitude, a -difference of 1-1/2°, as the corresponding localities on the Medici map, -with very nearly the same degrees of latitude as on the latter, if we -there employ a scale of latitude calculated upon this map's representation -of Spain (the Straits of Gibraltar) and France (Brittany), and use -Ptolemy's latitudes for these countries. This has been done in the -reproduction of the Medicean mappamundi on p. 236.[255] The scale of -longitude is calculated in the same proportion to the latitude as in -Ptolemy. In some tract like that included in the fourth part of the -"Rymbegla" [1780, p. 466] Clavus may have found that Bergen lay in -latitude 60° and so placed the town on the west coast of Norway in this -latitude according to his own scale (on the right-hand side of the Nancy -map, see p. 474). In relation to the south coast of Norway Bergen was thus -brought 3/4° farther south than "c. bergis" on the Medici map (above). -Calculated according to Ptolemy's scale of latitude (on the left-hand side -of the Nancy map), Bergen was consequently placed in Clavus's text in 64°, -while the southern point of Greenland is placed in 63° 15',[256] a -difference in latitude of 45' (in the Vienna text the difference is 35'), -while in reality it is 38'; a remarkable accidental agreement. According -to Clavus's own scale of latitude on the right-hand side of the Nancy map, -we get the following latitudes: Bergen 60°, the southern point of -Greenland 59° 15', Stavanger 58° 30'. In reality the latitudes of these -places are: 60° 24', 59° 46', and 58° 58'. This agreement is remarkable, -as a displacement of the scale of latitude half a degree to the north on -the Nancy map would give very nearly correct latitudes.[257] The mutual -relation between the latitudes of the three places may, as we have seen, -be explained from the Medici map, but hardly from a possible acquaintance -with the Icelandic sailing directions; for according to these Bergen and -the southern point of Greenland would be placed in the same latitude, -since we are told that from Bergen the course was "due west to Hvarf in -Greenland."[258] The Medici map may also give a natural explanation of -places like Bergen and the southern point of Greenland having been given -by Clavus a latitude so much too northerly (even in the Nancy map), and of -the southern point of Greenland having only half a degree more westerly -longitude than the west coast of Ireland.[259] - -Iceland lay, according to the Bruges itinerary, midway between Norway and -Greenland, precisely as on the Nancy map. Between Norway and Iceland, -according to the same itinerary, lay "Fareö" [Færö], and the fabulous -island "Femöe," "where only women are born and never men." - -After speaking of the "third headland" in 71° on the east coast of -Greenland, the Nancy text goes on: - - "But from this headland an immense country extends eastward as far as - Russia. And in its [i.e., the country's] northern parts dwell the - infidel Karelians ('Careli infideles'), whose territory ('regio') - extends to the north pole ('sub polo septentrionalis') towards the - Seres[260] of the east, wherefore the pole ['polus' == the arctic - circle ?], which to us is in the north, is to them in the south in - 66°." - -It is probable, as suggested by Björnbo and Petersen, that these "Careli -infideles" are identical with those who are found almost in the same -place, in the ocean to the north of Norway, on one of the maps in Marino -Sanudo's work (in the Paris MS., see above, p. 225), and who on other maps -belonging to that work are placed on the mainland to the north-east of -Scandinavia. As pointed out by Storm, "Kareli" are also mentioned -together with Greenland and "Mare Gronlandicum" in the Bruges itinerary. - -Björnbo and Petersen maintain that Claudius Clavus has here consciously -put forward a new and revolutionary view which was a complete break with -the cosmogony of the whole of the Middle Ages, since according to the -latter the disc of the earth was entirely surrounded by sea to the south -of the North Pole, as represented on the wheel-maps. I think this is -attributing to Clavus rather too much original thought, of which his maps -and text do not otherwise give evidence. It is, of course, correct that -the idea of land, and inhabited land, too, at the North Pole, or to the -north of the Arctic Circle, did not agree with the general learned -conception of the Middle Ages; but the same idea had already been clearly -enough expressed in Norwegian-Icelandic literature. Even the Historia -Norwegiæ has inhabited land beyond the sea in the north, and the Icelandic -legendary sagas and Saxo have it too. In addition to these, the tract -included in the "Rymbegla" says distinctly (see above, p. 239) that this -land in the opinion of some lies under the pole-star (cf. Clavus's -expression: "sub polo septentrionalis"). The fact that the continent on -the Medicean map of the world extended boundlessly on the north into the -unknown (whereas Africa ended in a peninsula on the south) must have -confirmed Clavus in the view that the land reached to the pole. To this -was added, what perhaps weighed most with him, the fact that such a view -did not conflict with Ptolemy, whose continent also had no limit on the -north. - -On the connecting land in the north is written, on the Nancy map: -"Unipedes maritimi," "Pigmei maritimi," "Griffonii regio vastissima," and -"Wildhlappelandi." As these names are not mentioned in Clavus's text, it -is uncertain whether the fabulous creatures may not be to some extent -additions for which he is not responsible. - -After the map was drawn, with its bays and headlands, and the coast of -Scandinavia provided with a suitable number of islands, Claudius Clavus -set himself to describe it; where he had no names from earlier sources, he -numbered the headlands, bays and islands, "Primum," "Secundum," etc. - -A remarkable thing about the Nancy map is that it has two divisions of -latitude: one according to Ptolemy on the left-hand side of the map, and -another according to Clavus himself, on a scale four degrees lower, on the -right-hand side. According to the latter, Roskilde would have a longest -day of seventeen hours (through a transposition the Nancy map gives -seventeen hours thirty minutes), which, as pointed out by Björnbo [1910, -p. 96], exactly agrees with what Clavus may have learnt from a Roskilde -calendar ("Liber daticus Roskildensis") of 1274. Björnbo has also remarked -that Bergen is given a remarkably correct latitude, 60° (the correct one -is 60° 24'), and thinks it possible that there may have been a Bergen -calendar which Clavus has used. But a more likely source, unnoticed by -Björnbo, is to be found, as mentioned on p. 260, in the "Rymbegla" tract, -where the latitude of Bergen is given as 60°. It is true that the same -tract gives the latitude of Trondhjem (Nidaros) as 64°, which does not -agree with the Nancy map, where there is a difference of only 2° between -Bergis and Nidrosia. Even though it is probable that Clavus was acquainted -with some such tract, with which his statement as to land at the North -Pole also agrees, it may have been a somewhat different version from that -which found its way into the "Rymbegla," and perhaps the latitude of -Trondhjem was not mentioned there. On the other hand, he may have found, -there or elsewhere, the latitude of Stavanger given, 1-1/2° farther south -than Bergen (?). - -If we assume that Clavus, even in the construction of his first map, made -use of the Medicean map of the world, and that his Greenland is the most -westerly peninsula of the latter's Norway, it will seem strange that he -did not also draw the west coast of that peninsula, which would naturally -become the west coast of Greenland. It is true that the Nancy map is only -a copy, but as the west coast of Greenland is not mentioned in the copy -of Clavus's text either, we are bound to believe that he did not include -it. The margin on the western side of Clavus's first map was evidently -determined by that of Ptolemy's map of the British Isles, and follows -precisely the same meridian. Thus there was no room for the Medici map's -peninsula corresponding to Clavus's Greenland. As already stated, it is -difficult to get away from the belief that the Medici map was used for the -east coast of Greenland, the south coast of Norway, etc.; the resemblances -are too great, and otherwise inexplicable (cf. p. 261, note 3). - -[Sidenote: Clavus's later map and text, and their genesis] - -After the first map was drawn, Clavus may have made further cartographical -studies in Italy, and may thus have become acquainted with other -compass-charts, especially those of the Dalorto type. At the same time he -may have obtained a new and more accurate determination of the latitude of -Trondhjem, probably by the length of its longest day. As Trondhjem was an -archbishopric, it is not unlikely that he found such a piece of -information in the papal archives at Rome. He may then naturally have -wished to bring his map more into agreement with his new knowledge, and -this may have led to his later map, which is now known to us through -several somewhat varying copies. To this he then wrote a new text (the -Vienna text), which in all important points resembles the former, but has -various additions and alterations. The later map has not the double scale -of latitude on any of the copies known, but curiously enough only -Ptolemy's degrees. Besides a more accurate delineation of Jutland and the -Danish islands, especially Sealand, Bornholm and Gotland are drawn in -closer resemblance to the Medici map; the south coast of Scandinavia has -been altered to agree more with compass-charts of the Catalan type. In -particular the south coast of Norway has been given the four -characteristic promontories (as on the Dalorto map of 1339, and on the -Modena map, etc.; cf. the reproductions, pp. 226, 231), and Bergen -("Bergis") has been placed at the head of the westernmost of the three -bays thus formed, which is also a peculiarity of the maps of this type -(the Catalan chart of 1375 has five promontories with four bays, cf. -Nordenskiöld, 1896, Pl. XI.). The other two diocesan towns, Stavanger and -Hamar, are placed at the heads of the other two bays to the east, and -Stavanger has thus lost the remarkably correct position in relation to -Bergen and the south point of Greenland which it had on the older map. -Trondhjem has been placed at the extremity of the westernmost promontory, -possibly because there had been found a more correct determination of the -latitude of the town, which was to be fitted into Ptolemy's graduation; -thereby the shape of Norway has become still narrower and farther removed -from reality. - -From the "lac scarsa" (Lake Skara, i.e., Vener) with its river is derived -the great lake "Vona" (Vener) in the centre of Scandinavia on all the -copies of Clavus's later map, from which the river "Vona" (also mentioned -in the Vienna text) runs into the deep bay by "Aslo" (Oslo) and the island -of "Tunsberg." A connection, especially with Dalorto's map of 1339, seems -again to be implied by Clavus's statement in the Vienna text that on -Lister Ness "white falcons are caught" ("Liste promontorium, ubi capiuntur -falcones albi"). On Dalorto's map there is a picture of a white falcon on -the headland to the west of that which Clavus has made into Lister, and -the words "hic sunt girfalcos" (here are hunting falcons). That Clavus has -moved the hawks to a headland farther east is of small importance. Either -he may have taken his hawks from Dalorto's or a similar map, or else they -are derived from an older common source. - -Through the alteration of the south coast of Norway, it became necessary -to separate it from Thule, which again became an island as originally in -Ptolemy; but on the copies of the map it has in addition the name -"Bellandiar," which may be a corruption of Hetlandia (Shetland). The -north-west coast of Norway has also been given a form which agrees better -with the compass-charts, although it has a much more east-north-easterly -direction than even on the Modena map; but this was, of course, necessary -to make room for the sea "Nordhenbodnen" (Nordbotn). That the -compass-charts might lead to something resembling Clavus's last form of -Scandinavia, and especially of the south coast of Norway, is shown by the -map of Europe in Andrea Bianco's atlas of 1436, which must have been drawn -without knowledge of Clavus's work. If on this map we move the coast of -the Baltic farther south and Skåne also, which would be necessitated by a -better knowledge of Denmark (and by the alteration of the map following -Ptolemy), and draw the coast-line of Norway towards the east-north-east -from the south-western promontory (instead of making it go in a northerly -direction), we shall get a Scandinavia of very similar type to that in -Clavus's later map. - -[Illustration: The north-western portion of the map of Europe in Andrea -Bianco's atlas of 1436. The compass-lines are omitted] - -Björnbo and Petersen have maintained in their monograph that Clavus must -have been in Norway before he drew this map, and that amongst other things -his remarkably correct latitude for Trondhjem must be due to his own -observation of the length of the day at the summer solstice. Storm [1889, -p. 140] seems also to have supposed that Clavus may really have been in -Norway. To me it appears that his map and text are conclusive evidence -against his ever having been there; for a man who had sailed to Trondhjem -along the coast of Norway could not possibly have produced a -cartographical representation of the country so entirely at variance with -reality as Clavus has done, however ignorant we may suppose him. The fact -in itself that "Trunthheim" (Trondhjem) or "Nedrosia" is placed at the -extremity of the south side of the south-western promontory of the -country is extraordinary. If he had come there asleep he could not have -got any such idea; and for a man who had sailed in through the long -channel of the Trondhjem fjord up to the town it is incredible. It is -equally incredible that a man who had sailed along the coast from -Stavanger and Bergen to Trondhjem could place the latter town in a -latitude 10' to the south of Bergen, and only 10' to the north of -Stavanger. We are not justified in attributing to Clavus such an entire -lack of power of observation, especially if we are to suppose him capable -of determining with remarkable accuracy the length of the longest day at -Trondhjem. That Trondhjem is placed to the west of Bergen and Stavanger, -that the Dovrefjeld is called a high promontory, while on the Nancy map it -was inland, that Hamar ("Amerensis") is put on the sea-coast, etc., all -shows the same want of knowledge of the country and its configuration. The -names he may have taken from an itinerary or other sources, and, as -already suggested, it is not unlikely that he may have found in the papal -archives a fairly correct statement of the latitude (or length of the -longest day) of Trondhjem, which was an archbishop's see. That the towns -he gives are just those that are the heads of dioceses is perhaps an -indication of a connection with the Vatican. - -Clavus tells us further that - - "Norway has eighteen islands, which in winter are always connected - with the mainland, and are seldom separated from it, unless the summer - is very warm," and that "'Tyle' [Thule] is a part of Norway and is not - reckoned as an island, although it is separated from the land by a - channel or strait, for the ice connects it with the land for eight or - nine months, and therefore it is reckoned as mainland. The same - applies to the sea 'Nordhinbodnen' [Nordbotn], which separates - 'Wildlappenland' from 'Vermenlandh'[261] and 'Findland' by a long - strait, since the countries are united by almost eternal ice." - -This discloses an extraordinary lack of knowledge of Northern conditions. -Such a connection of the islands with the mainland by ice occurs, of -course, nowhere on the whole outer coast of Norway from Færder to the -Murman Coast. On the other hand, the Gulf of Bothnia and the Åland -archipelago are frozen over for a long time in winter, and it might be -supposed that Clavus had heard reports of this. But I have not been able -to discover any source from which he may have derived these fables. Most -probably they are embellishments of the same kind as the eighteen islands -of Norway, that form an arbitrary decoration of the coast-line of his map, -a circumstance which does not hinder him from describing them as real. -Clavus has used the ice as a transition between the representation of his -older map, where Thule was part of the mainland, and that of the later -one, where it was made into an island. - -At the northernmost limit of Norway, between two places called "Ynesegh" -and "Mestebrodh," Clavus connected the Polar Sea ("Nordhinbodhn") by a -narrow channel with the Gotland Sea [the Baltic], and a little farther -north, in 67°, he says that - - "the uttermost limit is marked with a crucifix, so that Christians - shall not venture without the king's permission to penetrate farther, - even with a great company." "And from this place westwards over a very - great extent of land dwell first Wildlappmanni [Wild Lapps, i.e., - Mountain Lapps, Reindeer Lapps ? cf. vol. i. p. 227], people leading a - perfectly savage life and covered with hair, as they are depicted; and - they pay yearly tribute to the king. And after them, farther to the - west, are the little Pygmies, a cubit high, whom I have seen after - they were taken at sea in a little hide-boat, which is now hanging in - the cathedral at Nidaros; there is likewise a long vessel of hides, - which was also once taken with such Pygmies in it." - -Two things are to be remarked about this assertion that he himself had -seen these Pygmies (one might suppose in Norway): (1) if he had really -seen a captive Eskimo brought to Norway (by whom ?), he could hardly have -been ignorant that this remarkable native was from Greenland, and not from -a fabulous northern land. And (2), how could he then give their height as -no more than a cubit, like the Pygmies of myth? It appears to me that in -one's zeal to defend Clavus, one would thus have to attribute to him two -serious falsehoods, instead of a more innocent rhetorical phrase about -having seen this, that, and the other. - -Clavus's statement about the Pygmies' small hide-boats, and the long -hide-boat, that hung in Trondhjem cathedral, is, however, of great -interest from the fact that this is the first mention in literature of the -two forms of Eskimo boat: the kayak and the women's boat ("umiak"). -Perhaps he got this from the same unknown source (in the Vatican ?) in -which he found the statement of the latitude of Trondhjem (?). In the fact -that the Wild Lapps are mentioned first, and after them the Pygmies, -Clavus's text again bears a great resemblance to the anonymous letter to -Pope Nicholas V. (of about 1450). In the northernmost regions (to the -north-west of Norway) this letter mentions [cf. Storm, 1899, p. 9] - - "the forests of Gronolonde, where there are monsters of human aspect - who have hairy limbs, and who are called wild men."... "And as one - goes west towards the mountains of these countries, there dwell - Pygmies," etc. (cf. above, p. 86). - -Michael Beheim also mentions "Wild lapen," who live in the forests to the -north of Norway, and who carry on a dumb barter of furs with the -merchants, like that described by the Arab authors as taking place in the -country north of Wîsu (cf. p. 144), and he goes on to speak of the -Skrælings, three spans high, etc. (cf. above, p. 85). Beheim's statement -differs from Clavus's text, and this again from the letter to Nicholas V., -so that one cannot be derived from the other. It is therefore most -probable, as suggested already (p. 86), that they have all drawn from some -older source, and it may be supposed that this was Nicholas of Lynn. We -have seen that there are other points in Clavus that lead one's thoughts -in the same direction. - -Clavus proceeds: - - "The peninsula of the island of Greenland stretches down from land on - the north which is inaccessible or unknown on account of ice. - Nevertheless, as I have seen, the infidel Karelians daily come to - Greenland in great armies (bands of warriors, 'cum copioso exercitu'), - and that without doubt from the other side of the North Pole. - Therefore the ocean does not wash the limit of the continent under the - Pole [Arctic Circle ?] itself, as all ancient authors have asserted; - and therefore the noble English knight, John Mandevil, did not lie - when he said that he had sailed from the Indian Seres [i.e., China ?] - to an island in Norway." - -If we compare this with the "Rymbegla" tract already mentioned [1780, p. -466], we see that these are much the same ideas as there expressed. We -read there - - "that it is the report of the same men that the sea is full of eternal - ice to the north of us and under the pole star, where the arms of the - Outer Ocean meet...." - -When it is there stated that - - "those shores [under the pole star] hinder the ring of the ocean from - coming together [i.e., round the earth]" ... and "that one can go on - foot ... from Greenland to Norway" [cf. above, p. 239], - -this is evidently something similar to what Clavus says; but the latter's -words as to the voyage which he attributes to Mandeville from the Indian -Seres to Norway being more probable because there is land at the North -Pole are somewhat incomprehensible. - - John Mandeville's book about a voyage through many lands to the far - east and China dates from between 1357 and 1371, and is put together - from various accounts of voyages, with the addition of all kinds of - fables. Mandeville does not himself claim to have made any such voyage - from China to Norway; on the other hand, he has much to say, in - chapter xvii., about the possibility of sailing round the world, which - he declares to be practicable, and if ships were sent out to explore - the world, one could sail round the world, both above and below. He - says that when he was young he heard of a man who set out from England - to explore the world, and who went past India and the islands beyond - it where there are more than five thousand islands, and so far did he - travel over sea and land that he finally came to an island where he - heard them calling to the ox at the plough in his own language, as - they did in his own country. This island afterwards proved to be in - Norway.[262] - -Clavus's assertion that he himself saw ("ut uidi") Karelians in Greenland -is impossible. As it is expressly stated that there was land at the North -Pole, and as it is not mentioned that these Karelians had hide-boats like -the Pygmies, the meaning must be that their armies came marching by the -land route, which, of course, is an impossibility, which, if he had been -in Greenland, would make him a worse romancer than if we suppose his "ut -uidi" to mean that he had seen something of the sort stated in a -narrative; but even this may be doubtful. In the Bruges itinerary [cf. -Storm, 1891, p. 20] or some similar older authority, which we know he may -have used, he may have seen "Kareli" beyond Greenland spoken of as "in -truth a populus monstrosus." We have already said that on the maps -accompanying Marino Sanudo's work he may have seen "Kareli infideles" -marked on the mainland to the north-east of Norway, or even on an island -out in the northern sea, and he would then naturally have connected the -Karelians of the itinerary with these Karelians north of Norway. If we add -to this that on the Medicean map of the world he saw the mass of the -continent extending from Scandinavia and the peninsula corresponding to -Greenland, northwards into the unknown, and that in the "Rymbegla" tract -he saw mention of land at the North Pole--then, indeed, his whole -statement seems to admit of a perfectly natural explanation. - -His lack of knowledge of the conditions in Greenland appears again in his -speaking of Pygmies and Karelians as two different peoples, one apparently -on the sea, and the other marching in armies on land; and in his -mentioning hide-boats as something peculiar to the former in the fabulous -northern country, while he does not say that the Karelians in Greenland -had boats or went to sea. If he had only spoken to people who had been in -Greenland, he could hardly have avoided hearing of the Skrælings who come -to meet every traveller in their hide-boats. - -[Illustration: Map constructed by Dr. Björnbo after Clavus's later -description (the Vienna text). (Björnbo and Petersen, 1904, Pl. II.)] - -[Sidenote: Clavus's west coast of Greenland taken directly from the Medici -map] - -It is an important difference between Clavus's first and second maps (and -also between his first and second texts) that on the latter Greenland is -given a west coast. Its form bears an altogether striking resemblance to -the west coast of the corresponding peninsula on the Medicean mappamundi, -so that there can be no doubt that this coast is copied from it.[263] -This is notably the case if we confine ourselves to Björnbo and Petersen's -reconstruction of the coast after the text of Clavus, from which it -appears plainly enough that there are the same number of bays as on the -Medici map; they are closest together near the southern point of the -country; then come two larger bays to the north, then a very broad bay, -longer than the two others together, and then a straighter coast-line to -the north of that (cf. p. 236). The east coast of Greenland has in part -been provided with corresponding bays, although this coast is almost -straight on the Medici map; but this answers to the north coast of -Scandinavia on the Nancy map having very nearly the same indentations as -the south coast. In taking the Medici map as the foundation of Clavus's -Greenland coast we also have a natural explanation of the relation between -his distribution of names on the east coast and the west. In his later -text it is striking that his description of the east coast of Greenland -does not reach farther than to his "Thær promontorium" in 65° 35', while -the description of the west coast goes as far north as 72°. This might -seem to be connected with real local knowledge, since the latitude 65° 35' -on the east coast agrees in a remarkable way with the latitude of Cape -Dan, 65° 32', where the coast turns in a more northerly direction. To the -north of this the coast is usually blocked with ice, and this place has -therefore frequently been given as the northern limit of the known east -coast, and probably it was there that the Icelanders first arrived off the -land on their voyage westward to the Greenland settlements. But this is -one of those accidental coincidences that sometimes occur, and that warn -us to be careful not to draw too many conclusions from evidence of this -nature.[264] We find the explanation in the Medici map (p. 236), where the -east coast of the peninsula corresponding to Greenland does not go farther -north than to about the same latitude as the promontory on the south side -of the broad bay already referred to on the west coast, which promontory -Clavus calls "Hynth" ["Hyrch"]; it lies in 65° 40'. As Clavus's coast from -this point of the east coast northward had no map to depend on, he did not -venture to go farther in his description this time, though in the Nancy -text he goes to 71° with his northernmost cape. - -The Medicean map of the world gives us at the same time a simple -explanation of Clavus's designations for the two most northerly points on -the west coast of Greenland. If we confine ourselves to the scale of -latitude for the Medici map, which, as stated above (p. 259), we have -found by using Ptolemy's latitudes for more southern places on the map -(Gibraltar and Brittany), and which is inserted in the left-hand margin of -the reproduction, p. 236, we shall find the following: just at the spot of -which Clavus declares: "New, the uttermost limit of the land which we know -on this side, lies in 70° 10',"[265] the heavy colouring of the land on -the Medici map comes to an end (judging from the photograph in Ongania, -Pl. V.). Farther to the north extends the coast of the lightly coloured -mass of land; but just at this point, in 72°, where Clavus has his -"ultimus locus uisibilis" [last point visible][266] this coast-line -disappears into the oblique frame which cuts off the upper left-hand -corner of the map. The agreement is here so exact and so complete that it -would be difficult to find any way out of it. - -[Sidenote: The position of Iceland] - -Björnbo and Petersen have asserted that Iceland, on the later map and in -the Vienna text, has been given a position more in agreement with the -sailing directions than on the Nancy map. I cannot see the necessity for -this supposition, as it has almost exactly the same position in relation -to the southern point of Greenland and to Norway in both works; the chief -difference is merely that the longitude of all three countries is made 3° -farther east in the later work (and the latitude of the southern points of -Iceland and Greenland is put somewhat farther south), and that the east -coast of Greenland has a more oblique north-eastward direction than the -corresponding north-east coast on the Medici map, with the direction of -which the Nancy map agrees fairly well. In this way it is brought nearer -to Iceland; but that this should be due to a knowledge of the sailing -directions seems very uncertain, and is not disclosed, so far as I can -see, elsewhere in the later work. The only things I have found which might -possibly point to northern authorities having been consulted since the -production of the Nancy work, are the accurate latitude of Trondhjem, -already referred to, and the island of "Byörnö" between Iceland and -Greenland. The latter might be the Gunnbjörnskerries (or Gunnbjarnar-eyar) -mentioned, amongst other places, in Ivar Bárdsson's description of -Greenland; but the abbreviation of the name is curious. Perhaps the island -may be due to some oral communication, or an erroneous recollection of -something the author may have heard of in Denmark in his youth. - -[Sidenote: Clavus's merits] - -On the whole we shall be compelled after all to detract considerably from -Claudius Clavus's reputation as a Northern traveller and cartographer. His -journey did not extend farther north than the Danish islands, and perhaps -Skåne. On the other hand, he was in Italy, where he drew his maps or had -them drawn, and where he also found his most important authorities. His -chief merit as a cartographer is that he is the first we know of to have -adopted Ptolemy's methods, and that he gave the name of Greenland to the -westernmost tongue of land in Norway on the Medicean mappamundi, and -altered this a good deal with the help of other compass-charts and -Vesconte's mappamundi, to make it agree better with the ideas of the North -which he may have acquired to some extent in his youth through legendary -tales, and later through Saxo and other writers. - -[Illustration: North-western portion of Nicolaus Germanus's first revision -of Ptolemy's map of the world (after 1466). (J. Fischer, 1902, Pl. I.)] - -[Sidenote: Clavus's influence on later cartography] - -[Sidenote: Nicolaus Germanus, circa 1460-1470] - -Claudius Clavus's later map of the North exercised for a long period a -decisive influence on the representation of Scandinavia and to some extent -of Greenland. This was chiefly due to the two well-known cartographers, -Nicolaus Germanus and Henricus Martellus.[267] The former must have become -acquainted with Clavus's map soon after 1460, and included copies of it in -the splendid MSS. of Ptolemy's Geography which proceeded from his workshop -at Florence. In these copies, of which several are known (cf. p. 251), he -has redrawn Clavus's map in the trapezoidal projection invented by -himself, whereby his Greenland has been given a more oblique position than -the Greenland of the original map and the corresponding peninsula on the -Medici map. He also introduced this Greenland into his map of the world -[cf. J. Fischer, 1902, Pl. I., III.; Björnbo, 1910, p. 136]; but, in order -to make it agree better with the learned mediæval view of the earth's disc -surrounded by ocean, he surrounded it by sea on the north, so that it came -to form a long and narrow tongue of land projecting from northern Russia, -instead of the northern mass of land extending to the North Pole according -to Clavus. But this long peninsula does not seem to have entirely -satisfied this priest's erudite ideas of the continent, and on later maps -(which were printed after his death in the Ulm editions of Ptolemy of 1482 -and 1486) he shortened it so much that it became a rounded peninsula to -the north of Norway, with the name "Engronelant,"[268] and at the same -time he moved Iceland out into the ocean to the north-west. This -apparently quite arbitrary alteration may perhaps be due to a desire to -bring the map as far as possible into agreement with the learned dogma of -the continent [cf. Björnbo, 1910, pp. 141, ff.]; but older conceptions of -Greenland may also have contributed towards it [cf. J. Fischer, 1902, pp. -87, ff.]. We have already seen that Adam of Bremen regarded Greenland as -an island "farther out in the ocean opposite the mountains of Suedia" (see -vol i. p. 194), and in his additions to the copy of Ptolemy, Cardinal -Filastre (before 1427) states that Greenland lay to the north of Norway; -we find the same view in the letter of 1448 from Pope Nicholas V. (see -above, p. 113).[269] It is also somewhat remarkable that on the Genoese -mappamundi of 1447 (or 1457) there occurs a peninsula north of Scandinavia -just at the place where Clavus's Greenland should begin (see p. 287).[270] -On Fra Mauro's mappamundi (1457-59) there are several peninsulas to the -north of Scandinavia, some of which proceed from Russia (see p. 285). - -[Illustration: Map of the North by Nicolaus Germanus (before 1482), after -Claudius Clavus, but with Greenland transferred to the north of Norway] - -[Sidenote: Henricus Martellus, circa 1490] - -The cartographer Henricus Martellus, who succeeded Nicolaus Germanus, -again adopted Clavus's form of Greenland, wholly or in part, on his maps -dating from about 1490. - -In this way there arose on the maps of the close of the Middle Ages two -types of the North: one with Greenland in a comparatively correct position -to the west of Iceland, though far too near Europe and connected -therewith, and another type with "Engronelant" as a peninsula to the north -of Norway. The latter remained for a long time the usual one in all -editions of Ptolemy, in other cartographical works and on many globes. -After the rediscovery of Greenland we even get sometimes two delineations -of this country on the same map, one to the north of Norway and the other -in its right place in the west. - -[Sidenote: Illa verde] - -Greenland seems to have been given a wholly different form on a Catalan -compass-chart from Majorca, of the close of the fifteenth century, where -in the Atlantic to the west of Ireland and south-west of Iceland -["Fixlanda"] there is an island called "Illa verde" [the green isle]. It -seems, as assumed by Storm [1893, p. 81], that the name must be a -translation of Greenland, which is called in the Historia Norwegiæ -"Viridis terra." The representation of Iceland ["Fixlanda"] on this map is -incomparably better than on all earlier maps, and gives proof of new -information having come from thence. As the place-names point to an -English source, it is possible that the cartographer may have received -information from Bristol, which city was engaged in the Iceland trade and -fisheries, and his island, "Illa verde," may be due to an echo of reports -about the forgotten Greenland in the west. It is worth remarking that the -island is connected with the Irish mythical "Illa de brazil," which lay to -the west of Ireland and which appears in this map twice over in its -typical round form (cf. above, p. 228).[271] If we remember that this -happy isle is in reality the Insulæ Fortunatæ, and that in the Historia -Norwegiæ (see above, p. 1) it is said that Greenland ["Viridis terra"] -nearly touches the African Islands (i.e., Insulæ Fortunatæ), then we -possibly have an explanation of this juxtaposition. But as it is said in -the same passage that Greenland forms the western end of Europe, we cannot -suppose that the cartographer was acquainted with this work. The -probability is, no doubt, that Greenland [Illa verde] together with Brazil -or the Insulæ Fortunatæ had become transformed into mythical islands out -in the ocean. - -[Illustration: Part of a Catalan compass-chart of the fifteenth century, -preserved at Milan. (Nordenskiöld, 1892, Pl. 5)] - -On another compass-chart, bound up in a Paris MS. of Ptolemy of the latter -part of the fifteenth century, a similar island (or peninsula ?), with the -same round island to the south of it, is seen to project southwards from -the northern border of the chart out into the Atlantic, and a little -farther east than the Insulæ Fortunatæ. On the island is written: "Insula -uiridis, de qua fit mentio in geographia" [the green island, of which -mention is made in the geography].[272] We do not know what geographical -work may here be meant; Björnbo suggests that it might be the lost work of -Nicholas of Lynn, who again may have used the Historia Norwegiæ. It is -striking that the island, besides being connected with a round island like -Brazil, but without a name, is placed on this map near the Insulæ -Fortunatæ. - -This "green island," which thus is probably a remnant of old Greenland, -occurs again in various forms and in various places on many -sixteenth-century maps. - -[Sidenote: Lascaris's journey to Norway and Iceland, fifteenth century] - -It is not surprising that information about the northern lands made its -appearance also on the maps of this time, as we know that the North was -visited more frequently, and sometimes by eminent southerners, from the -year 1248, when the well-known Matthew Paris, who, amongst other things, -drew a map of England remarkable for his time, visited Norway. Rather is -it strange that the direct knowledge thus obtained did not leave more -definite traces. Early in the fifteenth century (some year between 1397 -and 1448) a Byzantine, Cananos Lascaris, travelled in the North and wrote -about it (in Greek). He mentions amongst other things that in Bergen, the -capital of Norway ("Bergen Vagen"), money was not used in trading [this -must have been due to scarcity of coin]; but in Stockolmo, the capital of -Sweden, they had money of alloyed silver. Bergen had a month of daylight -from June 24 to July 25. He also says that he himself went to the land of -the Ichthyophagi (fish-eaters), "Islanta," from "Inglenia," and stayed -there for twenty-four days. The people were strong and powerfully built, -they lived only on fish, and they had a summer day of six months [cf. -Lampros, 1881]. - -[Sidenote: Fifteenth-century maps of the world] - -It would take us too far here to attempt a mention of all the -fifteenth-century maps which have a different representation of the North; -but perhaps some of the mappemundi in wheel-form, which were still current -at this time, ought to be referred to. We saw that on Vesconte's map of -the world accompanying Marino Sanudo's work the coast-lines of the -compass-charts in the Mediterranean, etc., had already been introduced. On -the Modena map (p. 231) this has also been carried out as regards the -North. In the fifteenth century we have various wheel-maps, of which some -seem to be more antiquated. Lo Bianco's round mappamundi, in his atlas of -1436, is connected with the compass-charts of that time. Johannes -Leardus's round mappamundi, in many editions of 1448 and earlier,[273] -likewise shows a strong affinity to the compass-charts, although there is -little detail in the delineation of the North. The same is the case with -the anonymous round mappamundi in a codex in the Library of St. Mark at -Venice [cf. Kretschmer, 1892, atlas, Pl. III., No. 13], but this map has -also points of similarity to Vesconte's mappamundi in Sanudo's work, and, -amongst other things, it has the same mountain-chain along the north coast -of the continent, and the same form of the Baltic. - -[Illustration: Europe on the mappamundi in the Geneva MS. of Sallust of -about 1450. (The south should be at the top)] - -The round mappamundi in a MS. of Mela of 1417 at Rheims[274] is, on the -whole, of a very antiquated type, but its image of the North seems more -modern, and it has the same mountain-chain along the north coast of the -continent as Vesconte's map. The "Sallust" map at Geneva, of about 1450, -is also antiquated, but its Baltic resembles the compass-charts, and the -two mountain ridges, one along the north coast of the continent, the other -parallel with it in the interior, strongly recall Vesconte's map of the -world. On the other hand, the connection by water between the Baltic and -Mæotis (the Sea of Azov) is evidently derived from an earlier age (cf. p. -199). Out in the ocean to the north-west and west of Norway lie four -islands. Björnbo supposes [1910, p. 75] that the two more northerly of -these may correspond to Adam of Bremen's Greenland and Wineland, but this -must be very uncertain.[275] - -[Illustration: North-western portion of Andreas Walsperger's mappamundi -(of 1448). Most of the names are omitted. (The south should be at the -top)] - -[Sidenote: Walsperger's map of 1448] - -A curious delineation of the North is found on the round mappamundi which -was drawn at Constance in 1448 by the Benedictine monk Andreas Walsperger -of Salzburg [cf. Kretschmer, 1891a]. The map is in most respects imperfect -and antiquated, but shows also more recent, particularly German, -influence. - - The Mediterranean and the Baltic are disproportionately large, and the - mass of land between them has been contracted. There are many mediæval - mythical conceptions, and items showing possible influence by Adam of - Bremen [cf. Miller, iii. 1895, p. 147]. Thus in northern Asia we have - "Cenocephali" and Cannibals ["Andropophagi"], bearded women, Gog, - Magog, etc. In Norway we read: "Here demons often show themselves in - human shape and render service to men, and they are called trolls." - Claudius Clavus also speaks of trolls in Norway. In the northern ocean - to the north-west of Norway is written: "In this great sea there is no - sailing on account of magnets." This is evidently the widely - distributed mediæval myth of the magnet-rock, which attracted all - ships with iron in them; in Germany it occurs in the legend of Duke - Ernst's wanderings in the Liver Sea, and it is doubtless derived from - the Arabian Nights. On the mainland to the north-east of Norway we - read that "here under the North Pole the land is uninhabitable on - account of the excessive cold which produces a condition of continual - frost...." In the extreme north of the ocean, near the Pole, is - written: "Hell is in the heart or belly of the earth according to the - opinion of the learned." - - "Palus meotidis" [the Sea of Azov] is marked as a lake due east of the - Baltic. Along the north coast of Europe (and Norway) is indicated a - ridge of mountains, somewhat similar to that in the Sanudo-Vesconte - maps of the world. The delineation of Denmark ("dacia," with - "koppenhan" and "londoma," i.e., Lund), the straight south coast of - the Baltic, and a long-shaped island called "Suecia" (with "Stocholm" - and "ipsala") on the north, remind us a good deal of Edrisi's map (p. - 203), and also somewhat of the Cottoniana (vol. i. p. 183). To the - north of the island of Suecia "the very great kingdom of Norway - ['Norwegie']" projects to the west as a long peninsula bounding the - Baltic, with "brondolch" [Bornholm ?] and "nydrosia metropolis" [the - capital Nidaros] as towns on its south coast, and with the land of - "Yslandia" [Iceland] and the town of "Pergen" [Bergen] on its extreme - promontory. - -[Sidenote: The Borgia map, after 1410] - -Another peculiar type of the round mappamundi is the so-called Borgia map -of the fifteenth century (after 1410). Its representation of Europe, with -the Mediterranean on the southern side of the earth's disc, is very -imperfect and far removed from reality. The same is the case with its -delineation of the North, but curiously enough its Scandinavia, which is -different from that of the compass-charts, and in which Skåne forms a -peninsula on the south, to the east of Denmark, has a greater resemblance -to reality than that of other maps of this time. This map, too, has a -chain of mountains along the north coast of the continent, as in the -Vesconte maps [see Nordenskiöld, 1897, Pl. XXXIX.]. - -[Illustration: North-western portion of Fra Mauro's mappamundi (of -1457-59), preserved at Venice. The legends and most of the names are -omitted. (The south should be at the top)] - -[Sidenote: Fra Mauro's map, 1458] - -The best known fifteenth-century map of the world is that of Fra Mauro -(1457-59), which is also drawn in wheel-form and is preserved at Venice. -The coast-lines are taken to a great extent from the compass-charts, but a -great deal of new matter has been added. As regards Norway, this consists -of information from Querini's voyage in 1432, as well as from other -sources which are unknown to us; this is indicated by, amongst other -things, an inscription on the sea to the north of Russia ["Permia"], which -relates that a short time before two Catalan ships had sailed thither [cf. -Vangensten, 1910]. On this map the Scandinavian Peninsula has been given a -more reasonable extension to the north; but the west coast is very -imaginatively supplied with peninsulas and islands, while the ocean -outside is full of fabulous islands and contains many legends. - - Denmark ["Datia"] has been made into an island (which is also called - "Isola islandia"), and the Baltic ["Sinus germanicus"] has been - widened into an inland sea with islands. In its northern part is a - note that on this sea the use of the compass is unknown [cf. - Vangensten, 1910]. Could this inscription be due to a misunderstanding - like that on the Walsperger map in the ocean to the north-west of - Norway, that it could not be navigated on account of magnets (cf. p. - 283)? There is no hint of the name of Greenland on this map; on the - other hand, Iceland appears in three or four different places: besides - Denmark, as mentioned above, there is in northern Norway or Finland a - peninsula named "Islant," "where wicked people dwell, who are not - Christians"; also a large island, "Ixilandia," north-west of Ireland, - and finally an intricate peninsula in the middle of Norway called - "Isola di giaza" [i.e., the island of ice]. On the north of Norway or - Finland a peninsula projects into the Polar Sea with the name of - "Scandinabia." The map does not contribute anything new of importance - about the North, but points to a few fresh pieces of information about - Norway, which are not to be traced in the older compass-charts; thus - Bergen comes nearly in its right place on the west coast, and - Marstrand appears to the east of Christiania fjord. - -[Sidenote: Genoese mappamundi, 1447] - -A picture of the North of a wholly different type is given on the -elliptical Genoese mappamundi [of 1447 or 1457], which is still more -fantastic than any of those hitherto mentioned. The Scandinavian Peninsula -has a very long extension to the west, and ends in a promontory projecting -northwards. To the north of this Scandinavia there is another fantastic -peninsula where Lelewel thinks he can read the name "Grinland," which is -probably due to a misunderstanding, since, as pointed out by Björnbo -[1910, p. 80], the name cannot be seen on the much-damaged original, or on -Ongania's photographic reproduction [Fischer-Ongania, Pl. X.]. Many -imaginary islands are scattered about in the sea round these peninsulas. - -[Illustration: Northern Europe on the Genoese mappamundi of 1447 or 1457] - -[Sidenote: Globes of the fifteenth century] - -[Sidenote: Behaim's globe, 1492] - -Towards the close of the fifteenth century the discovery was made of -representing the surface of the earth, with land and sea, on globes. It -was evidently the efforts of Toscanelli that led to the general adoption -of this mode of representation, which had been used by the Greeks at an -early time (cf. vol. i. p. 78); in 1474 he announced that his idea of the -western route to India could best be shown on a sphere. Columbus seems to -have taken a globe with him on his voyage of 1492, according to his own -words in the ship's log. The oldest known terrestrial globe that is -preserved was made in 1492 by the German Martin Behaim (born at Nuremberg -in 1459).[276] He spent much time in Portugal, and also in the Azores, -after making a distinguished marriage with a native of those islands, a -sister-in-law of Gaspar Corte-Real's sister. But it was during a visit to -his native town (1490-93) that he constructed his globe. The sources of -Behaim's representation of the North were principally Nicolaus Germanus's -mappamundi in the Ulm editions of Ptolemy, of 1482 and 1486, where -Greenland is placed to the north of Norway, and Marco Polo's travels, -which speak of the northern regions of Asia. Besides these a name like -"tlant Venmarck" (the land of Finmark), for instance, points to a use of -the same older authority as in the anonymous letter to Pope Nicholas V., -of about 1450, where in the existing French translation there is mention -of "lieux champestres de Venmarche" [the plains of Finmark].[277] Thus we -are here again led to the lost work of Nicholas of Lynn, "Inventio -fortunata" (1360), as the possible source. That it really was this work -that was used seems also to result from the fact that the countries about -the North Pole on Behaim's globe bear a remarkable resemblance to Ruysch's -map of 1508, where this note is given at the North Pole: - - "In the book 'De Inventione fortunata' it may be read that there is - high mountain of magnetic stone, 33 German miles in circumference. - This is surrounded by the flowing 'mare sugenum,' which pours out - water like a vessel through openings below. Around it are four - islands, of which two are inhabited. Extensive desolate mountains - surround these islands for 24 days' journey, where there is no human - habitation." - -[Illustration: Northernmost Europe and the north polar regions on Behaim's -globe, 1492] - -What is new in Behaim's picture of the North is chiefly this circle of -land and islands around the North Pole, which he evidently took from -Nicholas of Lynn, and which is not represented on any older map known to -us. It consists of a continuous mass of land proceeding from his -Greenland-Lapland to the north of Scandinavia, and extending eastward -nearly to the opposite side of the Pole, where the Arctic Ocean ("das -gefroren mer septentrional") to the north of the continent becomes an -enclosed sea. On the other side of the Pole are two large islands and a -number of smaller ones. On one of the large islands is a picture of an -archer in a long dress attacking a polar bear (which may be connected with -myths about Amazons ?), and on the other side is written: "Hie fecht man -weisen valken" [here they catch white falcons]. It might be supposed that -this was derived from statements about Scandinavia or Iceland (cf. e.g., -the legends of the compass-charts); but, as assumed by Ravenstein [1908, -p. 92] and Björnbo [1910, p. 156], it is more likely to come from Marco -Polo's travels, where the Arctic coast of Siberia is spoken of. The many -correct names, in a German form, in Martin Behaim's Scandinavian North -point to the possibility of his also having received oral information, -though they may equally well be derived from older German maps. - -[Illustration: A portion of the Laon globe of 1493. (After d'Avezac.)] - -[Sidenote: Laon globe, 1493] - -Almost contemporary with Behaim's globe is the so-called Laon globe of -1493, which was accidentally discovered in a curiosity shop at Laon some -years ago. It gives a wholly different representation of the North, more -in agreement with the usual maps of the world of the Nicolaus Germanus -type, with sea at the pole round the north of the continent, which -terminates approximately at the Arctic Circle. The Scandinavian Peninsula -(called "Norvegia") has a form somewhat resembling this type; but to the -north of it "Gronlandia" appears as an island, with a land called Livonia -projecting northward on the east, and two islands, Yslandia and Tile, on -the west. Nothing is known of the origin of the Laon globe, or of the -sources of its representation of the North. - -Such were the geographical ideas of the North at the close of the Middle -Ages, when the period of the great discoveries was at hand; they were -vague and obscure, and the mists had settled once more over large regions -which had been formerly known; but out in the mists lay mythical islands -and countries in the north and west. - - - - -[Illustration] - - -CHAPTER XIV - -JOHN CABOT AND THE ENGLISH DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA - - -[Sidenote: Awakening of geographical research] - -Over the cloud-bridge of illusion lies the path of human progress. The -greatest achievements in history have been brought about more by the aid -of ideas than of truth. Religious illusions have ennobled the rude masses -and raised them to higher forms of society; in the domain of science -intuition and hypothesis have led to fresh victories, as also in -geographical exploration; there too illusions, like a fata Morgana, have -impelled men forward to great discoveries. - -It is true that Columbus's plan was based on the correct idea that the -world was round; but if he had known the real distance of India--if he had -not been fettered by the ancient dogmas of the Greeks about the great -extension of the continent to the east, and their low estimate of the -earth's circumference, which made India appear so enticingly near--if he -had not believed in myths of lands in the west--he certainly would never -have been the discoverer of a new world. - -The people of the Middle Ages lived, as we have seen, to a great extent -on remnants of the geographical knowledge and conceptions of the Greeks. -It was the age of superstition and speculation; with the exception of the -Norsemen and the Arabs, and in some degree also the Irish monks, there was -during the earlier part of this period no enterprise that broke through -the bounds of the known, except in the mythical world of fancy. It was not -until the Crusades that the horizon began to be widened. The eastern trade -of the Italian republics and the development of capable Italian seamen -were of great significance. At an early date they made discoveries along -the west coast of Africa. Of even greater importance was it that the -Portuguese learned seamanship from them, and no doubt from the Arabs as -well, and displayed great enterprise on the ocean along the shores of -Africa, finding groups of islands in the west, and finally the Azores in -1427; but these must have been discovered earlier, since similar islands -occur on Italian maps of the fourteenth century (cf. the Catalan Atlas of -1375). - -When Ptolemy's work, and through it the geography of the Greeks, became -known in Western Europe at the beginning of the fifteenth century, it -created a greater stir in the learned world than even the discovery of -America did later; the circle of geographical ideas was greatly changed, -and the world was regarded with new eyes as a sphere. The doctrine of the -possibility of circumnavigating the earth was especially framed and -scientifically established by the celebrated astronomer Toscanelli of -Florence. But this was not a new doctrine; for the Greeks, Eratosthenes -and Posidonius, for example (cf. vol. i. pp. 77, 79), had already -announced it clearly enough, and even in the Middle Ages it was not -forgotten. We saw that Mandeville, the writer of fabulous narratives, -fully understood the possibility of sailing round the globe, and related -ancient tales about such a voyage (cf. p. 271). But at the close of the -fifteenth century the idea was seriously taken up by two men of action, -both Genoese. One of them was Columbus, the other Cabot. Whether the -latter had already conceived the idea before the first voyage of Columbus -we do not know for certain, but it is not improbable; the thought was -latent in the age, and many must have come near it. Another force -impelling men to the western voyage, and perhaps as powerful a one as -these scientific speculations, was the belief in the mythical world of -enticing islands that lay out in the ocean to the west of Europe and -Africa; the Isles of the Blest of the Greeks and the Atlantis of Plato, -conceptions, originally derived from the East, which were still alive, -though in other forms. There lay Antillia, the Isle of the Seven Cities, -mythical islands of the Arabs, and the Irish legendary world, Brandan's -isles and many others; some of them had had a part in creating the Norse -idea of Wineland and the White Men's Land; now they were given a fresh -lease of life, and power over the imagination of Western Europe. Possibly -in connection with echoes of tales of the Norsemen's discoveries--coming -from Iceland to Bristol, and thence to the continent--these mythical -islands helped to form a widespread belief in countries in the far west -across the ocean. The fact that the Portuguese, as has been said, really -found islands, the Azores, out in the Atlantic in 1427, also contributed -to establish this belief. From these islands many expeditions set out in -the course of the fifteenth century to search for new lands farther -west.[278] - -[Sidenote: Connection of Bristol with Iceland] - -From the beginning of the fifteenth century Bristol was in frequent -communication with Iceland, both for the fishery and for trade. As already -pointed out, this was certainly due in no small degree to the number of -Norwegians who had settled in the town. Sailors and merchants returning -from voyages to Iceland doubtless brought thence many tales of marvels and -of unknown islands and countries out in the ocean; legends of the -Icelanders' voyages to Greenland and Wineland may have served to entertain -the winter evenings in Bristol.[279] It was therefore surely not an -accident that attempts to find land in the west should originate -precisely in this enterprising sea-port. - -[Sidenote: The Isle of Brazil] - -On the maps of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries there lay out in the -ocean to the west of Ireland the Isle of Brazil (cf. p. 228). It was the -Irish fortunate isle Hy Breasail, of which it is sung: - - "On the ocean that hollows the rocks where ye dwell, - A shadowy land has appeared, as they tell; - Men thought it a region of sunshine and rest, - And they called it O'Brazil--the isle of the blest. - - From year unto year, on the ocean's blue rim, - The beautiful spectre showed lovely and dim; - The golden clouds curtained the deep where it lay, - And it looked like an Eden, away, far away." - [Gerald Griffin.] - -[Sidenote: Expedition to find Brazil, 1480] - -We have seen that on certain maps this round fabled isle was brought into -connection with an "Insula verde," probably Greenland, and this conception -of the latter probably came from Iceland by way of England. We do not know -what myths were associated with Brazil at that time; but the belief in it -was so much alive that ships were sent out from Bristol to search for the -island. A contemporary account of such an attempt made in 1480 has come -down to us:[280] - - "On the 15th of July [25th of July N.S.] ships ... [belonging to ?] - ... and John Jay junior, of 80 tons burthen, sailed out of the port of - Bristol [to navigate] as far as the island of Brazil ["insulam de - Brasylle"] on the west side of Ireland, ploughing the seas by ... and - ... Thlyde [Thomas Lyde or Lloyd ?] is the most expert seaman in the - whole of England, and on the 18th of September [27th of September - N.S.] the news reached Bristol that after having sailed the seas for - about 9 months they had not discovered the island, but on account of - storms had returned to the port ... in Ireland to allow the ships and - men to rest." - -Parts of the MS. being illegible, it does not appear whether John Jay, -junior, was one of the leaders of the expedition or (as Harrisse thinks) -one of the owners of the ships, but in any case we must suppose that the -Thomas Lyde mentioned above was the actual leader or navigator. The "nine -months" ("9 menses") must either be a clerical error for two months or for -nine weeks, either of which would fit the dates given, while nine months -is meaningless. This must at any rate have been a serious attempt to find -lands in the west, twelve years before Columbus's discovery of the West -Indies; and this was not the last attempt made from Bristol to find this -happy land, for in 1497 Ayala, the Spanish Minister in London, writes: - - "For the last seven years the Bristol people have equipped every year - two, three, or four caravels to go in search of the islands of Brazil - and of the Seven Cities,[281] following the imagination of this - Genoese." - -[Sidenote: Giovanni Caboto] - -"This Genoese" is Giovanni Caboto, or John Cabot, as he was called in -England. We find only a few casual statements about this man, who was to -give England the right of discovery to a new continent, and who, together -with his fellow townsman, Columbus, forms the great turning-point in the -history of discovery; for the most part an impenetrable obscurity rests -upon his life and activity.[282] As he is often called, e.g., in letters -from the contemporary Spanish Ambassadors in London, "this Genoese," or "a -Genoese like Columbus," we must suppose that he was born in Genoa; but -from existing State documents of the republic of Venice it appears that -Joanni Caboto obtained his freedom in Venice on March 28, 1476, after -having lived there fifteen years, which was the legal period necessary to -enable a foreigner to become a citizen of the republic.[283] From the -statements of contemporaries we must conclude that John Cabot was a -capable seaman and navigator, with a good knowledge of charts and -cartography; he also constructed a globe to illustrate his voyages. This -is no more than was to be expected of a Genoese, trained in the Venetian -school, which at that time was the foremost in seamanship. It may, -therefore, be regarded as probable that John Cabot was familiar with the -leading ideas of the geographical world of his time. Thus, while still -living at Venice, he may have heard of the idea of reaching Eastern Asia -by sailing to the west, which was put forward, notably by Toscanelli, as -early as 1474, and in this way it is possible that, independently of -Columbus, he may have thought of accomplishing this voyage to the fabulous -riches of the East by a shorter route than that which the Portuguese -sought to the south of Africa. In support of this it may be mentioned that -in 1497 he himself told the Minister of Milan in London, Raimondo di -Soncino, that - - "he had once been at Mecca, whither spices were brought by caravans - from distant lands, and that those who brought them, when asked where - the said spices grew, answered that they did not know, but that other - caravans came to their home with this merchandise from more distant - lands, and these [other caravans] again say that it is brought to them - from other regions situated far away." Soncino adds that "Cabot - reasons thus--that if the eastern people tell those in the south that - these things come from places far distant from them, and so on from - hand to hand, then, granting the earth to be round, the last people - must obtain them in the north-west; and he says it in such a way that, - as it does not cost me more than it costs, I too believe it...."[284] - -It is not improbable that Cabot may have thought that as, on account of -the spherical form of the earth, the circumference of the lines of -latitude decreases towards the north, the shortest way over the western -ocean to the east coast of Asia must lie along the northern latitudes (cf. -Posidonius, vol. i. p. 79). But we cannot lose sight of the fact that -Cabot did not advance this until long after the first voyage of Columbus, -and it is, therefore, uncertain whether the idea occurred to him before or -after that time. When this journey to Mecca took place we do not know. - -Pedro de Ayala, the Spanish Minister in London, says in a letter to -Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, in 1498, that Cabot is "another Genoese -like Columbus, who has been in Seville and Lisbon, endeavouring to obtain -help for this discovery" [i.e., of land in the west]. The question is -whether this "who" refers to Columbus or Cabot. The latter appears more -likely, as it seems superfluous for the Minister to inform Ferdinand and -Isabella that Columbus had been in Seville. But here again we do not learn -when Cabot may have made this journey to Spain and Portugal, whether -before or after Columbus's voyage in 1492. In any case it may point to his -having been occupied for a long time with plans of this sort. - -[Sidenote: John Cabot arrives in England, circa 1490 ?] - -Nor do we know when John Cabot came to England; but perhaps it was about -1490 that he settled in Bristol. If he really came there with ideas of -making for Asia across the western ocean, he certainly found a favourable -soil for such plans in the port which had already sent out ships in 1480 -to look for the island of Brazil. But it is also very possible that these -plans occurred to him after he had heard of this expedition, and had -become familiar at first hand with the ideas of western lands which -dominated the minds of the sailors of Western Europe (Englishmen and -Portuguese) of that time. With the many fresh arguments he brought with -him from Italy and the Mediterranean countries, it cannot have been -difficult for him to induce the merchants of Bristol to make fresh -attempts to find these countries in the west or north-west; and, to judge -from Ayala's letter of 1497 about the expeditions sent out annually for -the previous seven years, he seems to have been persistent. - -We do not know whether Cabot himself took part in the attempts made after -1490. None of them seems to have met with any success before 1497, for -otherwise it would have been mentioned. But it was while the people of -Bristol were occupied with such enterprises that Cabot's great -fellow-countryman, Columbus, made his remarkable voyage across the ocean -farther to the south, in 1492, and found a new world, which he took to be -India. With that came the awakening with which the time was pregnant. The -news of the achievement, which fired all the adventurers of Europe, must -soon have reached Bristol, and put new life and a wider purpose into the -old plans.[285] That Cabot now became the soul of these plans is clear -enough from all the facts, and we see from existing public documents that -at the beginning of 1496 he was making special efforts to get an important -expedition sent out, and was applying to the King of England for -protection and letters patent to assure to himself and his three sons, -Lewis, Sebastian and Sancto, the profit of the discoveries he expected to -make on this expedition, which was to consist of five ships. - -[Sidenote: Cabot's letters patent, 1496] - -The letters patent were accorded on March 5 (14th N.S.), 1496,[286] and -give Cabot and his sons the right under the English flag - - "to sail in all parts, regions and bays of the sea, in the east, west - and north, with five ships or vessels of whatever burthen or kind, and - with as many men as they wished to take with them, at their own - expense, and to find, discover and investigate whatever islands, - countries, regions or provinces belonging to heathens or infidels, in - whatsoever part of the world they might be, which before that time - were unknown to all Christians." They also had the right as vassals or - governors of the King of England, to take possession of whatsoever - towns, camps or islands they might discover and be in a position to - capture and occupy. They were to give the king a fifth part of all - merchandise, profits, etc., of this voyage or of each voyage, as often - as they came to Bristol, to which port alone they were bound to - return. They were exempted from all duty on goods they might bring - from newly discovered lands, and were given a monopoly of all trade - and traffic with them. Furthermore, all English subjects, both by land - and sea, were ordered to afford the said John, his sons, heirs and - assigns, good assistance, "both in fitting-out their ships or vessels, - and in supplying them with provisions which were paid for with their - own money." - -As the south is not mentioned among the regions which might be explored, -and as the new countries might not be known to Christians, it is clear -that Cabot is here enjoined not to frequent those waters where the -Spaniards and Portuguese had just made their most important discoveries, -and thus run the risk of bringing England into conflict with the Spanish -or Portuguese Crown. - -[Sidenote: Cabot's preparations and plans] - -As the letters patent bear the same date (March 5) and are to some extent -couched in the same terms as Cabot's petition, they must have been granted -as the result of previous negotiation and agreement between Cabot and the -King, and must therefore contain Cabot's plans for the new voyage, which -were thus already formed in March 1496, when he had doubtless made at all -events some preparations for the expedition. - -That Cabot's plans had been spoken of at the English Court as early as -January of that year appears from an existing letter from Ferdinand and -Isabella of Spain to the Spanish Ambassador in England, Dr. Ruy Gonzales -de Puebla. The letter is dated March 28 (April 6, N.S.), 1496, and is an -answer to a letter, now lost, of January 21 (30, N.S.) from the -Ambassador. The answer is as follows: - - "You write that one like Columbus has come to propose to the King of - England another enterprise like that of the Indies, without prejudice - to Spain or Portugal. He has full liberty. But we believe that this - enterprise was put in the way of the King of England by the King of - France in order to divert him from other business. Take care that the - King of England be not deceived in this or any other matter. The - French will try as much as they can to lead him into such enterprises; - but they are very uncertain undertakings, and are not to be commenced - for the moment. Moreover they cannot be put into execution without - prejudice to us and to the King of Portugal."[287] - -It will be understood from this that Cabot's plans had attracted attention -in London, and that great importance was attached to them; consequently -they must have been discussed for some time before the granting of letters -patent. For this reason also, we must suppose that Cabot was prepared for -his expedition in March 1496. It seems therefore unlikely that this was -the expedition which did not leave until the year following that in which -he applied for the letters patent, all the more so as the expedition of -1497 consisted of only one ship.[288] If we may interpret Ayala's words -of 1498 literally, that Bristol had sent out ships yearly for the seven -previous years to search for the island of Brazil, etc., then we must -suppose that Cabot actually set out in 1496 with the projected expedition -of five ships, but for some reason or other turned back without having -accomplished his object. After having been unfortunate in so large an -undertaking, Cabot may have found it less easy to enlist support for a -fresh attempt in 1497, and was thus obliged to content himself with one -small ship and a scanty crew (eighteen men).[289] It may also be supposed -that as the earlier expeditions consisting of several ships had failed to -find the land they were looking for, Cabot as a practical seaman wished to -make a pioneer expedition with a small swift-sailing craft and a picked -crew, before again embarking on a large and costly undertaking. He was -more independent, and could sail farther and more rapidly to the west, -than when he was tied by having to keep a fleet of several ships together. - -[Sidenote: Sebastian Cabot's participation in 1497 doubtful] - -Cabot's sons, who are mentioned in the letters patent, may have taken part -in the voyage of 1496; on the other hand, it is less probable that they -were among the eighteen men in 1497.[290] It is true that his son -Sebastian claimed to have been present as one of the leaders of the -expedition, but he also claimed to have made the voyage alone, so that no -weight can be attached to his words. In any case, he must have been very -young at that time, and he cannot have played any important part. Nor is -a word said about him in a single one of the letters from contemporary -foreign ambassadors in London, and in Pasqualigo's letter of August 23, -1497, we are told of John Cabot after his return that "in the meantime -[i.e., until his next voyage] he is staying with his Venetian wife and his -sons in Bristol." This does not seem to show that any of the sons had been -with him; and the protest of the Wardens of the Drapers' Company of London -(see later) against Sebastian as a navigator points in the same direction. - -Not a line have we from Cabot's own hand either about this important -voyage of 1497 or any other. We hear that he made maps of his discoveries; -but these too have been lost, like so many other maps that must have been -drawn during this period before 1500.[291] We can, therefore, only draw -our conclusions from the statements of others, some contemporary and some -later. - -The most important documents giving trustworthy information about John -Cabot's voyage in 1497 are the following: - -[Sidenote: Most important authorities for the voyage of 1497] - -(1) The three letters from his two compatriots in London: one from the -Venetian, Lorenzo Pasqualigo, to his two brothers in Venice, dated August -23 (September 1, N.S.), 1497; and two letters from the Milanese Minister, -Raimondo di Soncino, to the Duke of Milan, dated August 24 (September 2, -N.S.) and December 18 (27), 1497. - -(2) An entry in the accounts of the King of England's privy purse, from -which we see that Cabot was back in London by August 10 (19, N.S.), 1497. - -(3) The map of the world, drawn in 1500, by the well-known Spanish pilot, -Juan de la Cosa. - -(4) A Bristol chronicle by Maurice Toby, written in 1565, but from older -sources. - -Besides these may be mentioned a legend on the map of the world of 1544 -which, according to what is written on it, was the work of Sebastian -Cabot. But even if this be correct, the legend is of no great value, as he -cannot be regarded as a trustworthy authority.[292] - -[Sidenote: Pasqualigo's letter of Aug. 23, 1497] - -Lorenzo Pasqualigo writes on August 23 (September 1, N.S.), 1497, to his -two brothers in Venice, amongst other things: - - "Our Venetian, who set out with a little ship from Bristol to find new - islands, has returned, and says that he has discovered 700 leagues - [Italian nautical leagues] away the mainland of the kingdom of the - Great Khan ('Gran Cam') [China], and that he sailed 300 leagues along - its coast and landed, but saw no people; but he brought here to the - King some snares that were set up to catch game, and a needle for - making nets, and he found some trees with cuts in them, from which he - concluded that there were inhabitants. Being in doubt he returned to - the ship,[293] and was three months on the voyage, and this is - certain; and on the way back he saw two islands on the right hand, but - would not land so as not to lose time, as he was short of provisions. - He says that the tides are sluggish and do not run as here [i.e., in - England]. The King has promised him next time ten ships fitted out - according to his desires, and has given him as many prisoners to take - with him as he has asked, except those who are in prison for high - treason; and he has given him money to enjoy himself with in the - meantime, and now he is with his Venetian wife and his sons at - Bristol. His name is Zuam Talbot [sic, for Cabot], and he is called - the Grand Admiral and great honour is shown him, and he goes dressed - in silk and the Englishmen run after him like madmen, but he will have - nothing to do with any of them, and so [do] many of our vagabonds. The - discoverer of these things has planted on the soil he has found the - banner of England and that of St. Mark, as he is a Venetian; so that - our flag has been hoisted far away" [cf. Harrisse, 1882, p. 322]. - -[Sidenote: Soncino's letter of Aug. 24, 1497] - -The Minister, Raimondo di Soncino, writes on August 24 (September 2, -N.S.), 1497, to the Duke of Milan, amongst other things: - - "Some months ago ('sono mesi passate') his majesty the King [of - England] sent out a Venetian who is a good sailor, and has much - ability in finding islands, and he has returned safely and has - discovered two very large and fertile islands, and found as it seems - the seven cities[294] 400 leagues to the west of the island of - England. His majesty the King here will on the first opportunity send - him with fifteen or twenty ships..." [cf. Harrisse, 1882, p. 323]. - -[Sidenote: Soncino's letter of Dec. 18, 1497] - -On December 18 (27), 1497, Soncino again writes to the Duke more fully -about Cabot's voyage: - - "Perhaps amongst Your Excellency's many occupations it may not be - unwelcome to hear how this Majesty has acquired a part of Asia without - drawing his sword. In this kingdom is a Venetian called Messer Zoanne - Caboto, of gentle bearing, very skilful in navigation, who, seeing - that the most serene Kings, first of Portugal and then of Spain, had - taken possession of unknown islands, proposed to himself to make a - similar acquisition for the said Majesty. After having obtained the - royal privilege, which assured to him the use of the dominions he - might discover, while the Crown retained the sovereignty over them, he - gave himself into the hands of fortune with a small ship and eighteen - men, and sailed from Bristol, a port on the west of this kingdom; and - after passing Ireland farther west, and then steering to the north, he - began to sail towards the eastern regions [i.e., westwards to the - lands of the Orient, thus making for the east coast of Asia], leaving - (after some days) the pole-star on his right hand; and after a good - deal of wandering ('havendo assai errato') he finally came to the land - ('terra ferma'), where he raised the royal banner and took possession - of the country for this Highness, and after having taken some tokens - [of his discovery] he returned. As the said Messer Zoanne [John] is a - foreigner and poor, he would not be believed, if his crew, who are - nearly all English and belong to Bristol, had not confirmed the truth - of what he said. This Messer Zoanne has the description of the world - on a chart, and also on a solid sphere which he has made, showing on - it where he has been; and in travelling towards the East he went as - far as to the land of the Tanais [i.e., Asia], and they say that the - country there is excellent and temperate, and expect that brazil-wood - (il brasilio) and silk[295] grow there, and they declare that this sea - is full of fish which can be caught not only with the seine, but also - with a dip-net [or bow-net ?], to which is fastened a stone to sink it - in the water, and this I have heard related by the said Messer Zoanne. - And the said Englishmen, his companions, say that they took so many - fish that this kingdom will no longer have any need of Iceland, from - which country there is a very great trade in the fish they call - stockfish. But Messer Zoanne has set his mind on higher things, and - thinks of sailing from the place he has occupied, keeping along the - coast farther to the east, until he arrives opposite to an island - called Cipango [i.e., Japan], lying in the equinoctial region, where - he thinks that all the spices of the world, as well as jewels, are to - be found." Then follows the reference to his visit to Mecca, already - cited (p. 296). The letter continues: "And what is more, this Majesty, - who is prudent and not prodigal, has such confidence in him on account - of what he has accomplished, that he gives him a very good subsidy, as - Messer Zoanne himself tells me. And it is said that his Majesty will - shortly fit out some ships for him, and will give him all the - criminals to go out to this land and form a colony, so that they hope - to establish in London an even greater emporium of spices than that at - Alexandria. The principals in this enterprise belong to Bristol; they - are great sailors, and now that they know where to go, they say that - the voyage thither will not take more than fifteen days, if they have - a favourable wind on leaving Ireland. I have also spoken with a - Burgundian of Messer Zoanne's company, who confirms all this, and who - wishes to return thither, because the Admiral (for this is the title - they give Messer Zoanne) has given him an island; and he has given - another to his barber [surgeon ?] from Castione,[296] a Genoese, and - both consider themselves counts, nor do they reckon Monsignor the - Admiral for less than a prince. I believe some poor Italian monks who - have been promised bishoprics will also go on this voyage. And if I - had made friends with the Admiral when he was about to sail, I should - at least have got an archbishopric; but I thought the benefits that - Your Excellency has reserved for me were more certain..." [cf. - Harrisse, 1882, pp. 324, ff.]. - -As confirming and to some extent supplementing what is said in these -letters, we have various statements in the letters of the two Spanish -Ambassadors about the voyage in the following year (see later); they both -say that the newly discovered country lay not more than four hundred -Spanish leagues distant. - -[Sidenote: Toby's chronicle] - -In Maurice Toby's Bristol chronicle of 1565, we read of the year 1497: - - "This year, on St. John the Baptist's day, the land of America was - found by the merchants of Bristowe in a shippe of Bristowe called the - 'Mathew,' the which said shippe departed from the port of Bristowe the - second day of May, and came home again the 6th of August next - following."[297] - -Of course this chronicle was written long after the voyage took place; but -it is extremely probable that it was taken from older sources; for it -agrees in every way (both as to the length of the voyage and the time of -the return) with the contemporary statements of the Italian Ministers, -with whose letters the author of the chronicle cannot possibly have been -acquainted. I can, therefore, see no reason why this statement should not -be correct. But the most important authorities are the letters referred -to. - -[Sidenote: Cabot's western course in 1497] - -If we compare all this we shall get a fairly complete idea of the voyage -of 1497. After sailing round the south of Ireland, probably in the middle -of May according to our calendar, Cabot would at first have held a -somewhat northerly course. If this is correct, he may have done so for -several reasons: unfavourable winds, which in May are prevalent from the -south-west; the idea that great-circle sailing would prove the shortest -way;[298] fear of encroaching on the waters of the Spaniards and -Portuguese to the south; finally, perhaps, an idea that the course to Asia -was shorter in northern latitudes (?). But we cannot tell what reasons -decided him, nor whether he steered very far to the north at all; for it -must be remembered that in speaking to a foreign Minister he may have had -good reason for making his course appear somewhat northerly, lest it might -be said that the lands he had arrived at were those discovered by the -Spaniards. In any case, it was not long before he made for the west as -rapidly as possible towards his goal, and we cannot, therefore, suppose -that he went very far north. And it is expressly stated in Soncino's first -letter that the lands lay to the west of England, and in the letters of -the Spanish Ambassadors in the following year we read that, after having -seen the direction taken by Cabot, they thought that the land he had found -was that belonging to Spain, or was "at the end of that land." This again -does not point to any northerly course. - -Many writers have thought that from Soncino's statements about the courses -a conclusion might be drawn as to where on the American coast Cabot made -the land; but this is impossible. In the first place Soncino's words are -anything but definite; besides which, of course, Cabot could not steer in -a straight line across the Atlantic, but with the frequent contrary winds -of May and June was obliged to shape many courses, and often had to beat; -in fact, we are told as much in Soncino's words, "havendo assai errato." -Every one who has had experience of the navigation of sailing ships knows -how difficult it is under such conditions to make way in the precise -direction one wishes, however good one's reckoning may be; currents and -lee-way set one far out of the reckoned course, and on a voyage so long as -across the Atlantic the lee-way may be considerable. Whether Cabot was -able to correct his reckoning by the aid of astronomical observations -(with a Jacob's staff or an astrolabe) we do not know, but we hear nothing -of latitudes, so that it is not very probable (cf. also Columbus's gross -error in latitude). Especially during the first part of the voyage -currents and prevailing winds may have set Cabot to the north-east; but he -may also have encountered, particularly during the latter part of the -voyage in June, heavy north-westerly gales which set him still farther to -the south, and he may thus have had a southerly lee-way. In addition, as -Dawson has so strongly insisted, the error of the compass must have set -him to the south. Whether Cabot was aware of the error, and remarked its -variation during the westward voyage, we do not know; it is possible, -since we know that Columbus remarked this variation during his first -voyage; but in any case, Cabot doubtless paid as little attention to it as -Columbus in his navigation. Unfortunately we do not know the amount of the -error at that time, but by examining the relation between the true -direction of the coast-lines and those we find on the most trustworthy -compass-charts (especially the Cantino chart) of a little later than 1500 -(which are drawn in ignorance of the error), I have attempted to -reconstruct the distribution of the error in the Atlantic Ocean at that -time (cf. chart below); of course, this is purely hypothetical. According -to this, during Cabot's voyage westwards the error would have varied from -about 6° east at Bristol to about 30° west off the coast of America. If we -suppose that he was able to follow a magnetic western course the whole way -from the south coast of Ireland, then he must have passed quite to the -south of Cape Race in Newfoundland. But we are told that he first held -somewhat to the north, though we do not know how much, and, on the other -hand, his lee-way may have set him at least as far to the south. The -assertion that the course mentioned by Soncino must have brought Cabot to -land in Labrador or Newfoundland is thus untenable. Nor does it agree with -Soncino's allusion to the country as excellent and temperate, and one -where dye-wood and silk might be expected to grow. If this be explained -away as due to the usual propensity of discoverers at that time to exhibit -the newly found countries in the most favourable light, which is very -possible, it is not so easy to explain why we do not hear a word about -their having encountered ice on the voyage. If on his western voyage Cabot -came to Labrador or the north-east coast of Newfoundland some time in -June, it is improbable that he should not have seen icebergs, and it is -equally unlikely that the Italian Ministers should not have mentioned -this, which to them would be a great curiosity, if they had heard of it; -we see, too, that later, in descriptions of Sebastian Cabot's alleged -voyage, the ice is mentioned above all else. Even if John Cabot might -have kept quiet about the ice, lest it should cool the hopes raised by -his narrative, it is not likely that his crew would have done so, if they -had met with it. But although other statements of the crew are reported, -we do not hear a single word about ice, nor even of icebergs, which are -common enough on the Newfoundland Banks at that time of the year, and -would be an entirely new experience even to Bristol sailors who were -accustomed to the voyage to Iceland. From this we must suppose that in the -course of his beating to the west Cabot was set so far to the south of the -Newfoundland Banks that he did not encounter icebergs, and that he first -made land somewhere farther west.[299] - -[Illustration: Hypothetical chart of the variation of the compass in the -Atlantic, circa 1500] - -[Sidenote: Cabot sighted America June 24, 1497] - -According to the Bristol chronicle already quoted (Toby, 1565), and -according to a legend on the map of 1544, which is ascribed to the -collaboration of Sebastian Cabot, it was on St. John's Day (July 3, N.S.) -that the first land was discovered. In spite of Harrisse's objections[300] -it does not appear to me unlikely that this may be correct. If he sailed -on May 2 (11), he was fifty-three days at sea. Supposing that he landed at -Cape Breton, the distance in a straight line on the course indicated is -about 2200 nautical miles. Consequently he would have made an average of -forty-two miles a day in the desired direction. This is doubtless not very -fast sailing, but agrees with just what we should expect, since he often -had to beat, and "wandered a good deal," in the words of Soncino. - -[Sidenote: La Cosa's map represents Cabot's discoveries in 1497] - -For determining the question, what part of North America it was that Cabot -discovered, it appears to me there is no trustworthy document but La -Cosa's map of the world of 1500.[301] The Basque cartographer, Juan de la -Cosa, who owned and navigated Columbus's ship in 1492, and who was -afterwards entrusted with many public undertakings, enjoyed a reputation -in Spain as a map-maker and sailor. He was commissioned by the Spanish -Crown to produce a map of the world, and we must suppose that for this -work he was provided with all the maps and geographical information that -were available in Spain. From a letter of July 25, 1498, to Ferdinand and -Isabella of Spain, from Ayala, the Spanish Minister in London, we know -that the latter had obtained a copy of "the chart or mapa mundi" that John -Cabot had made in order to set forth his discoveries of 1497; and there -can be no doubt that a copy of this was also sent to Spain, as Ayala says -he believes their Majesties already had the map. It may, therefore, be -regarded as a matter of course that La Cosa was in possession of this map -when, less than two years later, he was about to make his own, and that it -is from this source and no other that he derived his information about the -English discoveries. We do not know of any other map being sent from -England to Spain during these two years, and there is no ground whatever -for assuming that La Cosa's information may be derived from Cabot's voyage -of 1498, which in any case must have been a failure. - -[Illustration: North-western portion of Juan de la Cosa's map of 1500. -Only a few of the names are given; the network of compass-lines is -omitted] - -For the understanding of La Cosa's map it must be remarked first of all -that it is a compass-chart, and that it takes no notice of the magnetic -variation on the American coast. This explains the fact that, for -instance, lines of coast which in reality run from west to south-west, are -made to appear on the chart as running from west to east. Furthermore, the -latitude of the coast of North America is made too northerly, through -coasts which, for instance, lie magnetic west of Ireland, being placed on -the chart true west of it. In this way Cape Breton (or Cape Race in -Newfoundland ?) can be brought to about the same latitude as the south of -Ireland, whereas in reality it lies nearly 5° farther south. - -The coast marked with five English flags is, of course, the land -discovered by Cabot. That La Cosa had a map of this district is further -shown by the details, which distinguish it from his delineation of the -remainder of the North American coast, but which give it a resemblance to -that part of South America which is marked with Spanish flags and of which -he had a map. Curiously enough only part of the English district has -names; we must suppose that this is the coast that Cabot is said to have -sailed along. La Cosa's representation of the rest of the North American -coast is doubtless guesswork, although it has features which bear a -remarkable resemblance to reality; but it is not altogether impossible -that he may have had oral or written reports of later voyages (?), which -are unknown to us. - -La Cosa's map is in complete agreement with the statements in the letters -of Pasqualigo, Soncino, and the two Spanish Ambassadors. Soncino says that -the country lies four hundred Italian leagues to the west of England, -while both Puebla and Ayala say that they believe the distance to be no -more than four hundred Spanish leagues. On the other hand, according to -Pasqualigo, Cabot said that at a distance of seven hundred Italian leagues -he had discovered the mainland of the kingdom of the Great Khan, and that -he had sailed [i.e., after having sailed ?] three hundred leagues along -the coast. It has been thought that there is here a disagreement between -the four hundred leagues of the three first-named and the seven hundred of -Pasqualigo, but if we interpret it, in what must be the most reasonable -way, as meaning that the distance of seven hundred leagues does not refer -to the nearest land, but to the most distant, where Cabot thought that he -had at last come within the boundaries of the kingdom of the Great Khan -(China) and did not venture to go farther, then we have complete -agreement, since the three hundred leagues he must first have sailed along -the coast must be deducted in order to get the distance from England to -the nearest land. The length of a Venetian "lega," or a Spanish "legua," -cannot be precisely determined. If we assume [cf. Kretschmer, 1909, pp. -63, ff.] that between 20 and 17-1/2 went to a degree of latitude, each -league would correspond to between 3 and 3.43 geographical miles -(minutes), or between 5.6 and 6.3 kilometres. According to the former -estimate (three miles), four hundred leagues will be about equal to 1200 -miles, and seven hundred leagues to about 2100 miles.[302] The first -distance is, at any rate, a good deal too small, while the second is too -great. This may easily be explained by Cabot, or his crew, having -naturally wished to make the voyage to the newly discovered country appear -as little deterrent as possible, and, therefore, having underestimated the -distance, while, desiring to make the country itself as large as possible, -they greatly over-estimated the length of their sail along the coast. That -the voyagers really supposed the distance to the newly discovered land to -be four hundred leagues from Ireland agrees also with Soncino's statement -that the Bristol sailors thought the voyage would not occupy more than -fifteen days from Ireland. - -La Cosa's map is drawn as an equidistant compass-chart, and we can -therefore make ourselves a scale of miles by using the distance between -the Equator and the Tropic. In this way we find that the easternmost -headland, "Cauo de Ynglaterra" (Cape England), on the coast discovered by -Cabot lies four hundred leagues from Ireland, while the distance from it -to the most western headland with a name, "Cauo descubierto" (the -discovered cape), is about three hundred leagues.[303] Furthermore this -coast lies on the map due west of Bristol and southern England, as it -should according to Soncino's first letter. - -[Sidenote: Cabot's discovery, according to La Cosa's map, is probably Nova -Scotia] - -There is thus full agreement between this map and all the contemporary -information we have of the voyage, and there is no room for doubt that its -names represent John Cabot's discoveries of 1497, which thus extended from -Cauo de Ynglaterra on the east (with two islands, Y. verde and S. Grigor, -to the east of it) to Cauo descubierto on the west. But it seems to me -that this tract must be either the south coast of Newfoundland or the -south-east coast of Nova Scotia, and Cauo de Ynglaterra must be either -Cape Race or Cape Breton; the latter is more probable;[304] this also -agrees best with all the documents we possess and involves fewest -difficulties. It might then seem probable that Cabot first arrived off the -land at Cauo de Ynglaterra or Cape Breton,[305] and that he sailed -westward (magnetic) from there to explore the newly discovered country. -The main direction of the coast of Nova Scotia is about W.S.W., and if we -suppose that the compass error at Cape Breton was then about 28° W., which -I have found in another way[306] (cf. above, p. 308; it is now 25° W.), -this will mean that the coast extended a little to the north of west by -compass, which exactly agrees with La Cosa's map. On account of contrary -winds, and of the care necessary in sailing along an unknown coast, the -voyage may have proceeded slowly, and Cabot greatly over-estimated his -distances, which is not an uncommon thing with explorers in unknown -waters, ever since the days of Pytheas. Finally, about three hundred miles -on, Cabot came to the south-western point of Nova Scotia, which at first -he must have taken for the end of the land. But as he certainly would be -bent upon deciding this, he may have continued to sail across the mouth of -the Bay of Fundy until he again sighted land, the fertile coast of smiling -Maine, stretching westward as far as the eye could reach, and he would -then have thought that he had surely arrived at the coast of the mainland -of the vast kingdom of the Great Khan. Here it must have been that he -landed, as related by Pasqualigo and Soncino,[307] and saw signs of -inhabitants, but met with none. He may, of course, have landed earlier at -Cape Breton or in Nova Scotia without finding trace of inhabitants, and -said nothing about it; for he was not looking for an uninhabited country, -but the wealthy Eastern Asia. It may also very well be the spot where he -first found signs of men that is called Cauo descubierto; for it is -striking that on La Cosa's map this name is not placed on any projecting -headland of the coast, but in front of a comparatively deep gulf, which in -that case might be the mouth of the Bay of Fundy. And it is in the sea to -the west of this bay, across which Cabot sailed, that La Cosa has placed -his "mar descubierta por jnglese" (sea discovered by the English). La -Cosa's "mar" will then be probably the whole gulf between Cape Sable and -Cape Cod.[308] - -[Sidenote: Cabot's homeward voyage, 1497] - -Cabot now thought he had found what he so eagerly sought. He was not -provisioned for any long stay, and with his small crew he could not expose -himself to possible attacks of the inhabitants of the country. -Consequently he had good reason for turning back. To provide himself with -the necessary water, and perhaps wood, for the homeward voyage would not -take long. Food was a greater difficulty, and we are told that he was so -short of it that on the way back he would not stop at new islands; it is -true that we hear of abundance of fish, but this cannot have been -sufficient. He then returned to Cauo de Ynglaterra, and thence homewards -as quickly as possible.[309] The distance from Cape Breton past the -southern point of Nova Scotia to the coast of Maine is 420 geographical -miles. There and back, with a cruise in the open sea towards Cape Cod, it -might be 1200 miles. If we suppose Cabot to have taken twenty days to do -it, including the time occupied in going ashore, this will be sixty miles -a day, which may seem a good deal; but if on the way back he had a -favourable wind and was able to sail a somewhat straight course, it is -possible; and, in that case, he may have been back at Cape Breton or Cauo -de Ynglaterra about July 14 (23), and then have laid his course for home -east by compass out to sea. This course took him off Newfoundland, and he -had the island of Grand Miquelon, with Burin Peninsula to the east of it -["S. Grigor" on La Cosa's map ?], in sight on his starboard bow, or on his -right hand, as Pasqualigo says. As he was afraid of more land in that -direction, which would be awkward to come near, especially when sailing at -night, he bore off to the south-east, where he knew from the outward -voyage that there was open water. After a time, thinking himself safe, he -again set his course east by compass, but then had fresh land, Avalon -Peninsula, ahead or on his starboard bow, and again had to bear off. He -took this for another large island ["Y. verde"], but would not land, both -on account of shortness of provisions, and because he wanted to be home as -soon as possible with the news of his discovery, and to prepare a larger -expedition to take possession of the new country.[310] To be quite sure of -encountering no more land, Cabot may then have borne off well to the -south-east, thus reaching the Newfoundland Banks on the south, and keeping -quite clear of the icebergs which are found farther north. For his eastern -voyage he was well served by the wind, since nearly all the winds in this -part of the Atlantic are between south and west or north-west in July and -the beginning of August. He was further helped by the current to some -extent, and may, therefore, very easily have made the homeward voyage in -twenty-three days, and sailed back into the port of Bristol about the 6th -(15th) of August, 1497. That Cabot cannot have taken much more than twenty -days on the return voyage also appears from the statement already quoted -of the Bristol sailors, that they could make the voyage in fifteen -days.[311] - -[Sidenote: Legend on the map of 1544] - -The view of John Cabot's voyage of 1497 set forth above agrees also with -the map of the world of 1544, which is attributed to the collaboration of -Sebastian Cabot, but which the latter in any case cannot have seen or -corrected after it was engraved, probably in the Netherlands, and by an -engraver who did not understand Spanish, the language of the map [cf. -Harrisse, 1892, 1896; Dawson, 1894]. Its delineation of the northern east -coast of North America is for the most part borrowed from the -representation on French maps of Cartier's discoveries in the Gulf of St. -Lawrence (cf. Deslien's map of 1541). Cape Breton is called "Prima tierra -vista," and in the inscription referring to the northern part of the -American coast,[312] the import of which must apparently be derived from -Sebastian Cabot, we read: - - "This land was discovered by Joan Caboto Veneciano and Sebastian - Caboto his son in the year 1494 [sic] after the birth of our saviour - Jesus Christ, the 24th of June in the morning; to which they gave the - name 'Prima Tierra Vista,' and to a large island which is near the - said land they gave the name of St. John, because it was discovered - the same day" [i.e., St. John's Day].[313] - -The remainder of this legend--that the natives wear the skins of animals, -that the country is unfertile, that there are many white bears, vast -quantities of fish, mostly called bacallaos, etc. etc.--cannot refer, as -Harrisse appears to think, to this land (Cape Breton) which was first -discovered, but to the northern regions of the new continent as a whole. -It is characteristic of this map, as of the earlier French ones, that -Newfoundland is cut up into a number of small islands. If the view is -correct that Y. Verde and S. Grigor on La Cosa's map are also parts of -Newfoundland, it may explain the fact of Sebastian Cabot having no -difficulty in bringing this map, or his father's, into agreement with the -French ones, since he must have thought that a number of "islands," -discovered later, had been added. - -[Illustration: Northern portion of the map of the world of 1544, -attributed to Sebastian Cabot] - -[Sidenote: The island of St. John] - -No island of St. John is to be found on La Cosa's map, but there is a Cauo -S. Johan not far from Cauo de Ynglaterra and close to the island that is -called Illa de la trinidat. That the name is attached to a cape instead of -to an island may be due to a transposition in the course of repeated -copyings. On the Portuguese map of Pedro Reinel, of the beginning of the -sixteenth century (that is, only a few years after 1497), Cape Breton is -marked without a name, but an island lies off it, called "Sam Johã" [St. -John]; on Maggiolo's map of 1527 there is "C. de bertonz," with an island, -"Ja de S. Ioan," in the same place; and on Michael Lok's map, in Hakluyt's -"Divers Voyages," 1582, we have "C. Breton" with the island of "S. Johan," -lying off it, and on Cape Breton Island (or Nova Scotia), called -Norombega, is written "J. Cabot, 1497" (see p. 323). There seems thus to -have been a definite tradition that it was here that John Cabot made the -land, and St. John may then be the little Scatari Island which lies on the -outside of Cape Breton Island [cf. Dawson, 1897, pp. 210, ff.]. That the -"I. de S. Juan" on the map of 1544 lies on the inside of "Prima tierra -vista" and answers to the Magdalen Islands is of minor importance; we do -not even know whether Sebastian Cabot can be made responsible for it, as -it may be due to a confusion on the part of the draughtsman. More -importance must be attached on this point to the agreement between the -earlier maps of 1500, 1527, and that of Reinel (compared with Lok's map in -Hakluyt), than to the map of 1544.[314] - -[Illustration: Portion of Pedro Reinel's map, beginning of the sixteenth -century] - -[Sidenote: Cabot's return] - -John Cabot returned to Bristol at the beginning of August, probably about -the 6th (15th, N.S.). He naturally hastened to London to tell the King of -his discovery, and we know that he must have been there on the 10th (20th) -August, for there is an entry in the accounts of the King's privy purse: - - "10 August, 1497. To hym that found the new isle, £10." - -This cannot be called an exaggerated regal payment for discovering a new -continent, even though £10 in the money of that time corresponds to about -£120 now. Later in the same autumn Cabot was granted a pension from the -King of £20 a year. - -Meanwhile, as the letters already quoted show, his discovery attracted -much attention in England, and gave rise to great expectations. - -[Illustration: Portion of Michael Lok's map, London, 1582] - -What Cabot accomplished by his voyage of 1497 was in the first place to -prove the existence of a great country beyond the ocean to the west of -Ireland, which country he himself assumed to belong to Asia and to be part -of China. Besides this he discovered great quantities of fish off the -newly discovered coast; a discovery which was soon to create a great -fishery, carried on by several nations, off Newfoundland, and one which -surpassed the Iceland fishery, hitherto the most important. But John Cabot -evidently had little idea of the importance of this last discovery. He -had, as Soncino says, "set his mind on higher things," for he thought that -by following the coast of the mainland farther to the west he would be -able to reach the wealthy Cipango (Japan) and the Spice Islands in the -equatorial regions. - -[Sidenote: Cabot's voyage of 1498] - -Here we have in brief the plan of his next voyage. Cabot himself had -great expectations and saw a brilliant future before him, when he would -rule as a prince over newly conquered kingdoms which he would make subject -to the English Crown. And, as we have seen, he was liberal in distributing -islands to his barber, to a Burgundian, etc. - -At the beginning of 1498 Cabot obtained new letters patent, dated February -3, in the thirteenth year of Henry VII.'s reign.[315] These letters are in -John Cabot's name alone (his sons are not mentioned this time). - - They give him the right of taking at his pleasure six English ships in - any English port, of 200 tons or under, with their necessary - equipment, "and theym convey and lede to the Londe and Iles of late - founde by the seid John in oure name and by oure commaundemente, payng - for theym and every of theym as and if we should in or for our owen - cause paye and noon otherwise." And the said John might further "take - and receyve into the seid shippes and every of theym all suche - maisters maryners pages and our subjects, as of their owen free wille - woll goo and passe with hym in the same shippes to the seid Londe or - Iles," etc. etc. - -It thus seems as if this not very prodigal king had on second thoughts -considerably reduced his first plan of sending a fleet of ten, fifteen or -twenty ships with all the prisoners of the realm. - -[Sidenote: Authorities for the voyage of 1498] - -The most important documents on this voyage are: - -(1) Two contemporary letters, written before the return of the expedition, -by the older Spanish Ambassador in London, Ruy Gonzales de Puebla, and the -younger contemporary Spanish Minister in London, Pedro de Ayala, to -Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain. The latter's is dated July 23 (August 3, -N.S.), 1498; the former's is undated, but of about the same time. - -(2) A narrative in the so-called "Cottonian Chronicle"[316] (the contents -of which are the same as in Robert Fabyan's Chronicle) undoubtedly refers -to this voyage of 1498 and not, as many have assumed, to the voyage of -1497. It appears to be a contemporary notice of 1498, written before the -return of the expedition. - -These documents contain all that we know with certainty about John Cabot's -voyage of 1498. - -[Sidenote: Puebla's letter of July 1498] - -The Spanish Ambassador, Ruy Gonzales de Puebla, writes in 1498 to -Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain (probably in July): - - "The King of England sent five armed ships with another Genoese like - Columbus to search for the island of Brasil and others near it,[317] - and they were provisioned for a year. It is said that they will return - in September. Seeing the route they take to reach it, it is what Your - Highnesses possess. The King has spoken to me at various times about - it, he hopes to derive great advantage from it. I believe that it is - not more than 400 leagues distant from here" [cf. Harrisse, 1882, p. - 328]. - -[Sidenote: Ayala's letter of July 25, 1498] - -Pedro de Ayala writes, July 25, 1498: - - "I believe Your Highnesses have heard how the King of England has - fitted out a fleet to discover certain islands and mainland that - certain persons, who sailed out of Bristol last year, have assured him - they have found. I have seen the chart that the discoverer has drawn, - who is another Genoese like Columbus, who has been in Seville and - Lisbon to try to find some one to help him in this enterprise. The - people of Bristol have sent out yearly for the last seven years a - fleet of two, three or four caravels to search for the island of - Brasil and the Seven Cities, following the fancy of this Genoese. The - King has determined to send out an expedition because he is certain - that they found land last year. One of the ships, on which a certain - Fray Buil sailed, recently came into port in Ireland with great - difficulty, the ship being wrecked. - - "The Genoese continued his voyage. After having seen the course he has - taken and the length of the route, I find that the land they have - found or are looking for is that which Your Highnesses possess, - because it is at the end of that which belongs to Your Highnesses - according to the convention with Portugal. It is hoped that they will - return in September. I will let Your Highnesses know of it. The King - of England has spoken to me at various times about it; he hopes[318] - to derive great advantage from it. I believe the distance is not more - than 400 leagues. I told him I believed the lands that had been found - belonged to Your Highnesses, and I have given him a reason for it, but - he would not hear of it. As I believe Your Highnesses are now - acquainted with everything, as well as with the chart or mapa mundi - that he [i.e., this Genoese] has drawn, I do not send it yet, though - I have it here, and it seems to me very false to give out that it is - not the islands in question." - -[Sidenote: Cottonian Chronicle] - -According to the Cottonian Chronicle, the King - - "at the besy request and supplicacion of a Straunger venisian [i.e., - John Cabot], ... caused to manne a ship ... for to seche an Iland - wheryn the said Straunger surmysed to be grete commodities,"[319] and - it was accompanied by three or four other ships of Bristol, "the said - Straunger" [i.e., Cabot] being leader of this "Flete, wheryn dyuers - merchauntes as well of London as Bristowe aventured goodes and sleight - merchaundises, which departed from the West Cuntrey in the begynnyng - of Somer, but to this present moneth came nevir Knowlege of their - exployt."[320] - -[Sidenote: Fabyan's account] - -Hakluyt, in "Divers Voyages" (1582) [cf. Hakluyt, 1850, p. 23], has a -rather fuller version of this account, quoted from Robert Fabyan, where we -read that the ships from Bristol were - - "fraught with sleight and grosse merchandizes as course cloth, Caps, - laces, points, and other trifles, and so departed from Bristowe in the - beginning of May: of whom in this Maior's time returned no - tidings."[321] - -"This Mayor" would be William Purchas, who was Lord Mayor of London until -October 28 (November 6, N.S.), 1498. Thus, if this is correct, the -expedition had not yet returned in the late autumn. - -[Sidenote: John Cabot probably never returned from the voyage of 1498] - -The information contained in Ayala's letter, that one of Cabot's ships had -put in to Ireland, is the last certain intelligence we have of this -expedition, which was looked forward to with such great hopes. John Cabot -now disappears completely and unaccountably from history, and his -discovery, which the year before had attracted so much attention, seems to -have been more or less forgotten in the succeeding years, and is never -referred to in the later letters of the Spanish Ambassadors in London. It -may, therefore, seem reasonable to suppose that the expedition disappeared -without leaving a trace. The probability of this is confirmed by the fact -that two years and a half later, in March 1501, Henry VII. again granted -letters patent, for the discovery of lands, to three merchants of Bristol -and three Portuguese, without mentioning Cabot; it is merely stated that -all former privileges of a similar kind were cancelled. But according to -some old account books from Bristol, found at Westminster Abbey, John -Cabot's royal pension of £20 a year was paid as late as the administrative -year beginning September 29, 1498. This, as Harrisse and others think, -shows that Cabot returned from the voyage and was still alive in that -year. But this seems to be uncertain evidence. The money need not have -been paid to him personally; it may have been paid to his wife or his sons -or other representatives during his absence on the voyage, and we cannot -conclude anything certain from it. As the pension is not entered in the -following years, it seems rather to show that Cabot was really lost, and -the money was only paid during the first year of his absence. - -It has been supposed that the following is another proof of the -participators in the voyage of 1498 having returned: the accounts of Henry -VII.'s privy purse for 1498 show that on March 22 and April 1 the King -advanced money (sums of £20, £3, and 40s. 5d., in all about £650 in the -money of the present day) to Launcelot Thirkill (who seems to have had a -ship of his own), Thomas Bradley and John Carter, who were all going to -"the new Isle." Probably these men may have fitted out their own ships to -accompany Cabot's expedition; but we do not know whether they sailed. This -is probably the same Launcelot Thirkill who, according to an old -document, was in London on June 6, 1501, when he and three others whose -names are given (perhaps his sureties) were "bounden in ij obligations to -pay" £20 to the King before next Whitsuntide. Possibly it was this loan -received from the King for the voyage, which he then had to repay. If he -really started, it may be supposed that his ship was the one that put back -to Ireland; and this document is therefore no certain proof of any of the -other four ships having ever returned. For that matter they may all have -been lost in the same gale. But in the year 1501 the ship that returned -from Gaspar Corte-Real's expedition is reported to have brought back to -Lisbon a broken gilt sword of Italian workmanship from the east coast of -North America; and it is also stated that two Venetian silver rings had -been seen on a native boy from that country. It has been assumed that -these objects may have belonged to some of the participators in John -Cabot's expedition of 1498, which in that case must have reached America, -and there met with some disaster. - -It is difficult to say more of this voyage. That John Cabot should have -returned after having reached America, and after having sailed a greater -or less distance along the coast without finding the riches he was in -search of, appears to me unlikely. Such an assumption would provide no -explanation of the complete silence about him. As the foreign Ministers -had followed this expedition with so much attention, we might surely -expect them to say something about its having disappointed the great -expectations that were formed of it; and in any case it was unlikely that -the whole should be buried in complete silence, which, on the other hand, -is easily comprehensible if nothing more was heard of the expedition, -since it may all have been forgotten for other things which claimed -attention. Thus the story of Giovanni Caboto, the discoverer of the North -American continent, ends, as it began, in obscurity. He was too early with -his discovery. England had not yet developed her trade and navigation -sufficiently to be able to follow it up and avail herself of it; this was -not to come until about eighty years later. - -[Sidenote: Sebastian Cabot's voyages doubtful] - -But John Cabot's discovery was not altogether unheeded in the years that -followed; it was considered of sufficient importance for his son, -Sebastian Cabot, by appropriating the honour of it, to acquire much fame -and reputation in his day as a great discoverer and geographer. But -whether he ever made discoveries on the east coast of North America is -very doubtful; indeed, it is not even certain that he ever undertook a -voyage to these regions. There can be no doubt that he himself asserted he -had done so repeatedly and to different men, though his various -utterances, so far as we know them, agree imperfectly. We see, too, that -as early as 1512 he had the reputation of being acquainted with -north-western waters, since he obtained an appointment in the service of -King Ferdinand of Aragon on account of the remarkable knowledge he claimed -to possess of "la navigacion á los Bacallaos" (the voyage to Newfoundland) -[cf. Harrisse, 1892, p. 20]. But Sebastian Cabot seems, on the whole, to -have been one of those men who are more efficient in words than deeds. It -was the habit of the time to be not too scrupulous about the truth, if one -had any advantage to gain from the contrary, and Sebastian was evidently -no better than his age. If his utterances are correctly reported, he -endeavoured, when his father had long been dead and forgotten, to claim -for himself the honour of his voyages, in which he succeeded so well that -for many centuries he, and not his father, was regarded as the discoverer -of the continent of America. In the legend on the map of the world of -1544, it is true, he was modest enough to share the honour with his -father, and this legend is at the same time the only evidence which might -point to Sebastian as having been present on that occasion; but, as we -have already seen, no great importance can be attached to it, and it is -not confirmed by contemporary statements about the voyage. His assertion -that he had been in north-western waters is in direct conflict with -statements in the protest made on March 11, 1521, by the Wardens of the -Drapers' Company of London against King Henry VIII.'s attempt to obtain -contributions towards an expedition to "the newe found Iland" (the coast -of North America) in 1521 under the command of Sebastian Cabot. The -protest says: - - "... And we thynk it were to sore avent{r} to joperd V shipps w{t} men - and goods vnto the said Iland vppon the singuler trust of one man - callyd as we vnderstond Sebastyan, whiche Sebastyan as we here say was - neu{r} in that land hym self, all if he maks reports of many things as - he hath hard his Father and other men speke in tymes past," etc. - -This statement is clear enough, and, coming as it does from men who were -acquainted with his father's services, it cannot be disregarded. It is -also confirmed by a remarkable statement in Peter Martyr's narrative (in -1515) of an alleged voyage of Sebastian Cabot (see later), which -concludes: - - "Some of the Spaniards deny that Cabot [i.e., Sebastian] was the first - discoverer of the land of Bacallaos, and assert that he had not sailed - so far to the west." - -This might point to his really having made a voyage, but, in the opinion -of the Spaniards, never having reached the coast of North America. - -[Sidenote: Beginning of the Newfoundland fishery] - -The immediate consequence of John Cabot's discovery of the continent of -North America was probably that the practical merchants of Bristol, who -were accustomed to fishing ventures in Iceland, at once sent out vessels -to take advantage of the great abundance of fish that John Cabot had found -in 1497 and that had evidently made so deep an impression on his crew that -they told every one about it. But the English fishermen were soon -followed, and, indeed, outstripped, by Portuguese, Basque and French -(chiefly Breton) fishermen, and thus arose the famous Newfoundland -fisheries. The cause of the fishermen of Portugal and other countries -having followed so soon was doubtless the discovery of Newfoundland by the -Portuguese Corte-Real on his voyages of 1500 and 1501 (see next chapter). - -But of the development of this fishery we hear little or nothing in -literature; just as in the Icelandic literature of earlier times these -fishing expeditions of ordinary seamen are passed over; in the first -place, they were not "notable" travellers, and in the second, men of that -class in all ages have preferred to avoid advertising their discoveries -for fear of competition. - -[Sidenote: Expeditions from Bristol in 1501 and following years] - -From various documents and statements we may conclude that fresh -expeditions were sent out from Bristol in 1501 and the following years; -but these were Anglo-Portuguese undertakings and may have been occasioned, -at any rate in part, by the discoveries of the Portuguese, although, of -course, the knowledge of Cabot's voyage may have had some -significance.[322] - -On March 19 (28), 1501, Henry VII. issued letters patent to Richard Warde, -Thomas Ashehurst and John Thomas, merchants of Bristol, who were in -partnership in the enterprise with three Portuguese from the Azores, John -and Francis Fernandus [i.e., João and Francisco Fernandez] and John -Gunsolus [João Gonzales ?].[323] They were given the right for ten years -"to explore all Islands, Countries, Regions, and Provinces whatever, in -the Eastern, Western, Southern, and Northern Seas, heretofore unknown to -Christians," and all former privileges of this kind, granted to "any -foreigner or foreigners," were expressly cancelled. This last provision -must refer to the letters patent granted to Cabot in 1496 and 1498. - -[Sidenote: Expedition in 1502] - -That this new expedition from Bristol really took place and returned -before January 1502, seems to result from the accounts of Henry VII.'s -privy purse, where on January 7, 1502, there is an entry: "To men of -Bristoll that found Thisle £5."[324] In 1502 there was possibly a new -expedition, as in the same accounts there is an entry of September [24], -1502: "To the merchants of Bristoll that have bene in the Newfounde Lande, -£20."[324] According to a document of December 6, 1503, Henry VII. further -granted on September 26, 1502, to the two Portuguese, ffranceys ffernandus -[Francisco Fernandez] and John Guidisalvus [Gonzales ?] a yearly pension -of ten pounds each, for the service they had done to the King's "singler -pleasur as capitaignes unto the new founde lande." - -Hakluyt states (1582) in "Divers Voyages" [1850, p. 23], after Robert -Fabyan's Chronicle, that in the seventeenth year of the reign of Henry -VII. [i.e., August 22, 1501, to August 21, 1502][325] - - "were brought unto the king three men, taken in the new founde Iland, - that before I [i.e., Fabyan ?] spake of in William Purchas time, being - Maior.[326] These were clothed in beastes skinnes, and ate rawe - fleshe, and spake such speech that no man coulde understand them, and - in their demeanour like to bruite beastes, whom the king kept a time - after. Of the which vpon two yeeres past after I [i.e., Fabyan] saw - two apparelled after the maner of Englishmen, in Westminster pallace, - which at that time I coulde not discerne from Englishemen, till I was - learned what they were. But as for speech, I heard none of them vtter - one worde."[327] - -These natives must have been brought back from the expedition of 1501 or -from that of 1502 (if the latter returned before August 21 ?). They were -most likely Eskimo, since Indians with their darker skin could scarcely -have looked like Englishmen. It might even be supposed that they came from -Greenland, and were descendants of the Norsemen there, in which case their -resemblance to Englishmen is most naturally explained. - -[Illustration: North-western portion of Robert Thorne's map, of 1527 (copy -of a Spanish map of the world)] - -[Sidenote: English voyage in 1503] - -On December 9 (18), 1502, Henry VII. again granted letters patent to -Thomas Ashehurst, Joam Gonzales, Francisco Fernandes and Hugh Elliott for -a voyage of discovery to parts not hitherto found by English subjects. -That this projected expedition took place in 1503 is possibly shown by an -entry in the accounts of the King's privy purse: "1503, Nov. 17. To one -that brought hawkes from the Newfounded Island. 1.L." [cf. Harrisse, 1882, -p. 270]. - -It seems that it must be the same voyage to the north-west that is -mentioned by Robert Thorne of Bristol in his letter of 1527 to Henry -VIII.'s Ambassador in Spain. Thorne was then living in Seville, and was -interested in Indian enterprises. He tries to induce Henry VIII. to send -an expedition to the Indies by way of the Polar Sea, and sends with his -project a rough copy he has had made of a Spanish mappamundi. He says that -he has inherited the "inclination or desire of this discoverie" from his - - "father, which with another marchant of Bristow named Hugh Eliot, were - the discoverers of the New found lands, of the which there is no - doubt, (as nowe plainely appeareth) if the mariners would then have - bene ruled, and followed their Pilots minde, the lands of the West - Indies (from whence all the gold commeth) had bene ours. For all is - one coast, as by the Carde appeareth, and is aforesayd." - -On the map the northern east coast of America extends uninterruptedly to -the north (see the reproduction), and upon it is written: "the new land -called laboratorum," and along the coast there is: "the land that was -first discovered by the English." It might appear as though it was really -the present Labrador that was then discovered; but this is hardly the -case; what we see on the map is probably Greenland,[328] which is here -moved over to America as on other Spanish maps, and the east coast of -which is given a northerly direction as on Ruysch's map of 1508. - -It is possible that another expedition set out in 1504; for in the -accounts of the King's privy purse we find an entry on April 8, 1504, of -£2 "to a preste that goeth to the new Islande." We see thus that there is -a probability of many expeditions having left England for the west and -north-west at this time, and that thus Greenland, Newfoundland, and -doubtless also Labrador had been reached by the English; and this would -explain their being recorded on Spanish maps as discoverers of the -northern part of the east coast of America. But we have no further -information about these voyages. - -Just as we have seen that the note on Robert Thorne's map of 1527 (that -the English had discovered the northern part of the east coast of America) -must probably refer to the expedition of 1501 or to one in the following -year, so it is doubtless discoveries of the same voyages that are alluded -to on Maggiolo's compass-chart of 1511 (see reproduction, p. 359), where a -peninsula to the north of Labrador is marked as "Terra de los Ingres" [the -land of the English]. On later maps, such as Verrazano's of 1529, Ribero's -of 1529 (see reproduction, p. 357), the Wolfenbüttel map of 1530, and -others, Labrador is marked as having been discovered by the English, -sometimes, indeed, with the addition that they came from Bristol. As -already mentioned, no hint is to be found in trustworthy documents of -Sebastian Cabot's having taken part in these expeditions or having been in -any way connected with them, and there is therefore no ground for assuming -this. And the remarkable thing is that even his father's name is not -mentioned in connection with them, though it was so few years since he had -sailed from the same port. - -[Sidenote: Accounts of a voyage of Sebastian Cabot in 1508-1509] - -We find, however, in various works of the sixteenth century records of -voyages to northern or north-western waters, supposed to have been made by -Sebastian Cabot; which may be due, directly or indirectly, to himself. -Formerly there was a tendency to connect these statements with John -Cabot's voyages of 1497 and 1498 [cf. Harrisse], but this assumption seems -to have little probability. G. P. Winship [1899, pp. 204, ff.], on the -other hand, has pointed out with good reason that according to Sebastian -Cabot's own words the voyage was undertaken by himself in the years -1508-9; but even this appears to me uncertain; in any case I doubt that he -reached America. - -We hear of a voyage to the north-west said to have been undertaken by -Sebastian Cabot from Peter Martyr (in his Decades, 1516), from the -Venetian Minister to Spain, Contarini, especially in a report to the -Venetian Senate in 1536, from Ramusio (1550-1554 and 1556), from Gomara -(1553), and from Antonio Galvano (1563).[329] - -We may expect the most trustworthy of these authorities to be Peter -Martyr, who was the oldest, and who knew Sebastian Cabot personally; but -certain main features of the voyage are to some extent common to all the -accounts. If we compare these, the voyage is said to have taken place -somewhat in the following manner: the expedition, consisting of two ships -with three hundred men,[330] was according to Peter Martyr fitted out at -Sebastian's own cost, but according to Ramusio it was sent out by the -King. They sailed so far to the north (according to Gomara, even in the -direction of Iceland) that in the month of July they found enormous masses -of ice floating on the sea; daylight was almost continuous, and the land -was in places free of ice which had melted away. According to the various -accounts Cabot is said to have reached 55°, 56°, 58°, or 60°.[331] - - According to Galvano they first "sighted land in 45° N. lat. and then - sailed straight to the north until they came to 60° N. lat., where the - day is eighteen hours long [sic], and the night is very clear and - light. There they found the air cold and great islands of ice - [icebergs ?] but no bottom with soundings of seventy, eighty, or one - hundred fathoms,[332] but they found much ice which terrified them." - -When, according to Peter Martyr, their hopes of making their way to the -west in these northern latitudes were thus annihilated by the ice, they -sailed back to the south and south-west along the North American coast, as -far as the latitude of Gibraltar, 36° (according to Peter Martyr), or to -38° (according to Gomara and Galvano), while according to Ramusio's -anonymous informant they sailed as far as Florida.[333] From thence the -expedition returned to England. - -With regard to the date of this voyage, we are told in the continuation of -Peter Martyr's Decades [Dec. vii], written in 1524 (published 1530), that -"Bacchalaos [i.e., Newfoundland, or the northern east coast of America] -was discovered from England by Cabot sixteen years ago." According to -this the voyage took place in 1508. In Contarini's report of 1536 [cf. -Winship, 1900, p. 36] it is said of Sebastian Cabot's voyage that on his -return he "found the King dead, and his son cared little for such an -enterprise." As Henry VII. died on April 21, 1509, it would be during the -autumn of that year that Cabot returned; but then he must have sailed -before April, which is unlikely, at any rate if it is a question of a -voyage up into the ice to the north or north-west, such as is described. -That he should have sailed in the previous year and not returned until -after the King's death is still more improbable. - -These accounts contain so many improbabilities, and to some extent -impossibilities, that it is on the whole extremely doubtful whether -Sebastian Cabot ever made such a voyage to the north-west. That he did so -is contradicted in the first place by the already quoted protest against -Sebastian of the Wardens of the Drapers' Company, which was issued in the -name of the various Livery Companies of London, and which is of great -significance, as it was written so soon after the events are supposed to -have taken place that they must have been in the memory of most people; -and it must have been easy for the King to inquire into the justification -of the protest (cf. above, p. 330). - -The map of 1544, which is attributed to the collaboration of Sebastian -Cabot, may also point to his having never sailed along the northern part -of the coast of America, since, according to the custom of that time, the -coast of Labrador is made to run to the east and north-east. This agrees -with the statement of Ramusio's anonymous informant, that Sebastian had to -turn back because in 56° N. lat. he found the land turning eastward -(Galvano says the same). This is evidently derived from the study of maps. -As such a delineation of the coast had not yet occurred on maps of Peter -Martyr's time, it is natural that this reason for turning back is also -absent from his account. - -In addition to all this, there are in the various accounts several -statements which we must suppose to be really derived from Sebastian -Cabot, but which are evidently untruthful. Thus Ramusio's anonymous guest -attributes to Sebastian the words that his father was dead when the news -of the discovery of Columbus reached England, and that it was then -Sebastian conceived the plan of his voyage which he submitted to the King. -That, as stated by Peter Martyr, he should have fitted out two ships with -crews of three hundred men at his own expense, is extremely improbable. He -is also reported to have told Peter Martyr that he - - "called these countries Baccallaos, because in the seas about there he - found such great quantities of certain large fish--which might be - compared to tunny [in size], and were thus called by the - inhabitants--that sometimes they stopped his ships." - -These are nothing but impossibilities. In the first place, _he_ never gave -the name of Bacallaos; in the second, the inhabitants cannot have called -the fish so, if by inhabitants is meant the native savages. These -statements are, therefore, of the same kind as that of the masses of fish -stopping the ships. Peter Martyr further relates that he said of these -regions that - - "he also found people in these parts, clad in skins of animals, yet - not without the use of reason." He says also that "there are a great - number of bears in these parts, which are in the habit of eating fish; - for, plunging into the water where they see quantities of these fish, - they fasten their claws into their scales, and thus draw them to land - and eat them, so that (as he says) the bears are not troublesome to - men, when they have eaten their fill of fish. He declares also that in - many places of these regions he saw great quantities of copper among - the inhabitants." - -The statement about the bears may come from older literary sources, and -resembles a similar statement in the Geographia Universalis (see above, p. -191). That the inhabitants have copper and are clad in skins may be -derived from reports of the various voyages. - -From what we have been able to conclude as to Sebastian Cabot's character, -it seems reasonable to suppose that, in consequence of his position as -Pilot Major in Spain, he was acquainted with the various maps and -accounts of voyages in western and north-western waters, and that from -this knowledge he constructed the whole story of his alleged voyage; he -was then incautious enough to magnify his exploits to such an extent that -he made the whole story improbable; for his claim was nothing less than -that he had first discovered land as far north as between 55° and 60°, -that is to say, to about Hudson Strait, and then sailed along and -discovered the whole coast of North America to about 36° N. lat., that is, -to Cape Hatteras or Florida; in other words, a voyage of discovery to -which we have no parallel in history, and it is truly remarkable that we -should have had no certain information about it, while we have so much -about other expeditions which step by step discovered the various parts of -this same extent of coast. - -[Sidenote: Another doubtful voyage of Sebastian Cabot in 1516 or 1517 ?] - -Sebastian Cabot seems to have laid claim to having made yet another voyage -in north-western waters, unless, indeed, it is the same one again with -variations. In the third volume of his "Navigationi et Viaggi," etc., -published at Venice 1556, Ramusio says (writing in Venice, June 1553) that - - "Sebastian Gabotto, our Venetian, a man of great experience, etc., - wrote to me many years ago." Sebastian is said to have sailed "along - and beyond the land of New France, at the charges of Henry VII., King - of England. He told me that after having sailed a long time west by - north [ponente e quarta di Maestro] beyond these islands, lying along - the said land, as far as to sixty-seven and a half degrees under our - pole [i.e., the North Pole], and on June 11th [20th] finding the sea - still open and without any kind of impediment, he thought surely by - that way to be able to sail at once to Cataio Orientale [China], if - the mutiny [malignità] of the master and mariners had not compelled - him to return."[334] - -As will be seen, this statement is altogether different from those -previously mentioned; but such assertions as that Cabot had got so far to -the north-west by June 11, and found the sea free of ice in 67-1/2° N. -lat., are not of a kind to strengthen our confidence. It might seem to be -the same voyage that is referred to in a statement of Richard Eden, which -he may have had from Sebastian Cabot himself. In the dedication (written -in June 1553) of Eden's translation of the fifth part of Sebastian -Munster's "Cosmographia" we read that - - "Kinge Henry the viij. about the same yere [i.e., the eighth year] of - his raygne, furnished and sent forth certen shippes vnder the - gouernaunce of Sebastian Cabot yet liuing, and one Syr Thomas Perte, - whose faynt heart was the cause that that viage toke none effect; yf - (I say) such manly courage whereof we haue spoken, had not at that - tyme bene wanting, it myghte happelye haue comen to passe, that that - riche treasurye called Perularia, (which is now in Spayne in the citie - of Ciuile, and so named, for that in it is kepte the infinite ryches - brought thither from the newe found land of Peru) myght longe since - haue bene in the town of London."[335] - -As Peru is mentioned, it might doubtless appear as though a voyage to -South America were in question; but we often see that the western -countries beyond the sea were spoken of as a continuous possession (cf. -Robert Thorne's letter, above, p. 334), and it may therefore refer to the -same alleged expedition as is spoken of by Ramusio; for both Ramusio and -Eden have evidently the same statements from Sebastian Cabot, and the -latter can hardly have spoken of two expeditions which were both -unsuccessful merely because his companions failed him. - -If this is correct, the voyage took place in the eighth year of Henry -VIII.'s reign, i.e., April 16, 1516, to April 15, 1517[336]; but, as -Harrisse contends, it is very doubtful whether the voyage was made at all. -It is true that a poem of Henry VIII.'s time also speaks of an English -expedition which may have taken place at this time, and which failed on -account of the cowardice of the crew. Robert Thorne, too, as we have seen -(p. 335), tells of a voyage made by his father and Hugh Eliot, on which -the sailors would not "follow their pilot's mind." It may, indeed, have -occurred on several voyages that the crews refused to proceed farther, and -for that matter these statements need not refer to the same voyage; but at -the same time it is by no means incredible that Sebastian Cabot may have -heard of such an expedition, and, when it was more appropriate than the -ice, used it as an explanation of his not having discovered the north-west -passage to China. We know that Sebastian Cabot was in the service of Spain -(and appointed "Pilot Major") in 1515, and that he was occupied with plans -of a voyage to the north-west for the King of Spain; for Peter Martyr -writes of him in that year that he was impatiently looking forward to -March 1516, when he had been promised a fleet with which to complete his -discoveries [cf. Winship, 1900, p. 71]. As Ferdinand of Aragon died on -January 23, 1516, nothing came of this voyage, and as we hear nothing of -Sebastian Cabot before February 5, 1518, when he was appointed Pilot Major -by Charles V., it is not impossible that in the meantime he may have been -in England, and have taken part in an English expedition; but no record of -his having come to England is extant, and it would hardly agree with the -protest against him of the Drapers' Company a few years later. - -[Sidenote: Henry VIII.'s attempted expedition in 1521] - -There may yet be mentioned the attempts made by Henry VIII. in 1521 to -prepare an expedition to north-western waters under the command of -Sebastian Cabot, chiefly at the expense of the merchants of London, which, -however, evoked a powerful protest against Sebastian on the part of these -merchants (see above, p. 330). It is true that, upon pressure from the -King, they afterwards declared themselves willing to give a smaller sum, -but the expedition never came to anything. Sebastian Cabot was at that -time, as he had been since 1512, in the service of Spain, and he remained -so until in 1547 he again took up his abode in England and entered the -service of the English King. In December 1522 Sebastian Cabot informed the -Venetian Minister in Spain, Contarini, that he had been in England three -years before [i.e., in 1519], and that the Cardinal there [i.e., Wolsey, -who was trying on behalf of Henry VIII. to get together the expedition of -1521] had endeavoured to persuade him to undertake the command of a fleet -which was almost ready [sic!], for the discovery of new lands; but he had -replied that, as he was in the service of Spain, he must first obtain the -permission of the Emperor; and that he had then written to the Emperor, -requesting him not to grant such permission, but to recall him. This -Sebastian asserted that he had done on account of his desire of serving -his own city of Venice; for in 1522 and later he was carrying on -treacherous intrigues with Contarini to enter the Venetian service, -presumably with the hope of a high salary. Thus, wherever we are able to -check Sebastian Cabot's utterances, they prove to be extremely -untrustworthy. - -[Sidenote: Cabot's discovery before its time] - -Even, if, therefore, there was no lack of attempts after 1500 to follow up -John Cabot's great and important discoveries in the west, it is -nevertheless surprising how little persistence seems to have been shown. -The love of discovery and adventure which had been so prominent a feature -of the Northern Viking nature had not yet awakened in earnest among the -English people. England's mercantile marine was at that time still -comparatively unimportant, it had not the strength for such great -enterprises or for colonisation. The earliest voyages were mainly the work -of a foreigner, an Italian, and the later ones were in part undertaken by -Portuguese; they did not grow naturally from the English people -themselves. Cabot's plan was like an exotic flower springing up in -immature soil, and more than half a century before its time. Another -factor was doubtless the disappointment of the King and of the merchants; -they had ventured their money in fitting out ships in the hope of -immediate profit. What they were looking for was the way to the rich East -of Asia, where mountains of spices lay ready to hand, and gold and -precious stones in heaps, only waiting to be picked up. What they found -was nothing but new, unknown countries on the ocean, inhabited by -wandering tribes of hunters, countries the opening up of which demanded -much time and labour. All this had scarcely more than a geographical -interest for the time being, and for that they cared little. - - - - -[Illustration] - - -CHAPTER XV - -THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES IN THE NORTH-WEST - - -VOYAGES OF THE BROTHERS CORTE-REAL - -[Sidenote: Early attempts of the Portuguese to find new lands] - -The Portuguese, who in the fifteenth century were the most enterprising of -seafaring peoples as regards discoveries, had, as already stated, made -various attempts to find new countries out in the ocean to the west of the -Azores, from which islands the majority of the expeditions proceeded. It -was therefore to be expected that the important discoveries of Columbus -should encourage them to fresh attempts of this kind; it was also natural -that such enterprises should originate especially in the Azores. From what -has been stated above (p. 128), it appears that the King of Portugal -(Alfonso V.) induced Christiern I. to send out expeditions (Pining and -Pothorst) to search for new islands and lands in the North. It seems -probable that the King of Portugal was informed of the results of these -expeditions, and that in this way the Portuguese may have known of the -existence of Greenland or of countries in the north-west. In the same way, -as we have seen (p. 132, note 2), the fact that the earliest literary -allusions to Scolvus seem to be derived from Portugal may be explained. - -[Sidenote: Boundary between the Portuguese and Spanish spheres] - -Possible Portuguese enterprises in the western regions were barred by the -claim of the Spanish Crown to the dominion over all lands to the west of a -certain boundary, and in the final treaty of Tordecillas, June 7, 1404, -between Portugal and Spain, this boundary was fixed by the Pope at 370 -leagues (about 1200 geographical miles) to the west of the Cape Verde -Islands, and it was to follow the meridian from pole to pole. All that lay -to the west of this meridian was to belong to Spain, while Portugal had -the right to take advantage of all lands to the east. Thereby the -Portuguese were debarred from the search for India and China to the west. -These enterprising seafarers must therefore have had every reason to find -out whether there were any countries on their side of the boundary-line, -and it may be supposed that their attention would naturally be drawn in -the direction of the north-western lands (Greenland) of which they had -already heard. - -And, in fact, such voyages were undertaken from Portugal (and the Azores -?) about 1500; but the accounts of them are meagre and casual, and have -been interpreted in very different ways. - -In order to enable one to form as unbiased a view as possible of these -voyages, it will be necessary to begin by reviewing the most important -contemporary documents which may contain statements of value; and -afterwards to summarise what may be concluded from these documents. - -[Sidenote: Letters patent to João Fernandez, 1499] - -On October 28, 1499, King Manuel of Portugal issued at Lisbon to João -Fernandez letters patent (preserved in the Portuguese State archives, -Torre do Tombo) for discoveries, evidently in the north-west, in which it -is said: - - "We [the King] make known to all who may see this our letter, that - Joham Fernamdez [now written João Fernandez] domiciled in our island - of Terceira [Azores] has told us that he, in God's and our service, - will work and travel and try to discover certain islands of [for ?] - our conquest at his own cost, and we, seeing his good will and - purpose, promise him and hereby give him de facto--in addition to - taking him into our service--the mark of our favour and the privilege - of Governor over every island or islands, both inhabited and - uninhabited, that he may discover and find for the first time, and - this with such revenues [taxes], dignities, profits and interests as - we have given to the Governors of the islands of Madeira and others, - and for this observance and our remembrance we command that this - letter be given him, signed by us and sealed with our attached - seal."[337] - -[Sidenote: Letters patent to Gaspar Corte-Real, 1500] - -On May 12, 1500, King Manuel granted to Gaspar Corte-Real letters patent, -as follows: - - "We [i.e., the King] make known to all who may see this deed of gift, - that forasmuch as Caspar Cortereall, a nobleman of our household, has - in times past made great endeavours at his own charges for ships and - men, employing his own fortune and at his personal danger, to search - for and discover and find certain islands and mainland, and in future - will still continue to carry this into effect, and in this way will do - all that he can to find the said islands and lands, and bearing in - mind how much he deserves honour and favour and promotion in our - service, to our honour, and to the extension of our realms and - dominions through such islands and lands being discovered and found by - our natives [i.e., Portuguese], and through the said Gaspar - Corte-Reall thus performing so much labour, and exposing himself to so - great danger; we are therefore pleased to decree that, if he discovers - and finds any island, or islands, or mainland, he be granted by our - own consent and royal and absolute power, the concession and gift, - with the privilege of Governor and its attendant rights, etc. ... over - whatsoever islands or mainland he may thus find and discover, etc. ... - and we decree that he and his heirs in our name and in the name of our - successors shall hold and govern those lands or islands, which are - thus found, freely and without any restriction, as has been said.... - The said Caspar Cortereall and his heirs shall have one quarter free - of all that they can thus obtain [i.e., realise] in the said islands - and lands at what time soever..." [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 196, f.]. - -An order is preserved dated April 15, 1501, from King Manuel to the master -of the bake-house at the city gate of La Cruz to deliver biscuits to -Gaspar Corte-Real, and further, a receipt of April 21, 1501, for the -biscuits, signed by Gaspar Corte-Real himself, proving that the latter was -in Portugal on that date.[338] - -[Sidenote: Pasqualigo's letter to the Council at Venice, Oct. 1501] - -Pietro Pasqualigo, the Venetian Minister at Lisbon, wrote as follows to -the Council at Venice on October 18, 1501: - - "On the 9th of this month there arrived here one of the two caravels - which the said King's majesty sent last year to discover lands in the - direction of the northern regions (verso le parte de tramontana), and - they have brought seven men, women, and children from the country - discovered, which is in the north-west and west, 1800 miglia distant - from here. These men resemble gypsies in appearance, build, and - stature. They have their faces marked in different places, some with - more, others with fewer figures. They are clad in the skins of various - animals, but chiefly of otter; their speech is entirely different from - any other that has ever been heard in this kingdom, and no one - understands it. Their limbs are very shapely, and they have very - gentle faces, but their manners and gestures are bestial, and like - those of savage men. The crew of the caravel believe that the land - alluded to is mainland, and that it is joined to the other land which - was discovered last year in the north by the other caravels belonging - to this majesty, but they were unable to reach it, for the sea was - frozen over with the great masses of snow, so that it rose up like - land. They also thought that it was connected with the Andilii - [Antilles], which were discovered by the sovereign of Spain, and with - the land of Papaga [Brazil], newly found by a ship belonging to this - king, on her way to Calcutta. The grounds for this belief are, in the - first place, that after having sailed along the coast of the said land - for a distance of six hundred miglia and more, they found no end to - it; and further because they say they found many very great rivers - which there fell into the sea. The second caravel, that of the - commander (caravella capitania), is expected from day to day, and from - it the nature and condition of the aforesaid land will be clearly - understood, since it went farther along the coast in order to discover - as much of it as possible. This royal majesty has been much rejoiced - by this news, for he thinks that this land will be very profitable for - his affairs in many respects, but especially because it is so near to - this kingdom that it will be easy to obtain in a short time a very - great quantity of timber for making ships' masts and yards of, and to - get a sufficient supply of male slaves for all kinds of labour, for - they say that that country has many inhabitants, and is full of - pine-trees and other excellent wood. The news in question has rejoiced - his majesty so much that he has given orders that the ships are to - sail to the said place, and for the increase of his Indian fleet, in - order to conquer it more quickly, as soon as it is discovered; for it - seems that God is with his majesty in his undertakings, and brings all - his plans to accomplishment." [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 209, ff.]. - -[Sidenote: Pasqualigo's letter to his brothers, Oct. 1501] - -On October 19, 1501, Pietro Pasqualigo writes to his brothers at Venice: - - "On the 8th of this month there arrived here one of the two caravels - which this most serene majesty sent last year to discover lands in the - north under Captain Gaspar Corterat [sic]; and they state that they - found land two thousand miglia from here between north-west and west, - which before was not known to any one; along the coast of this land - they sailed perhaps six hundred or seven hundred miglia without - finding an end to it; therefore they believe that it is a continent - which is continuous with another land that was discovered last year in - the north [by some other caravels], which caravels could not reach the - end of it, because the sea was frozen and there was an infinite - quantity of snow. They believed it also on account of the great number - of rivers that they found there, and that certainly would not be so - numerous or so large on an island. They say that this land has many - inhabitants, and that their houses are made of great wooden poles, - which are covered on the outside with skins of fish [i.e., seals ?]. - They have brought seven men, women, and children from thence and fifty - more are coming in another caravel, which is hourly expected. These - are of similar colour, build, stature, and appearance to gypsies, clad - in skins of various animals, but mostly otter; in the summer they turn - the skin in, in winter the reverse. And these skins are not sewed - together in any way, and not prepared, but they are thrown over the - shoulders and arms just as they are taken off the animals. The loins - are fastened together with strings made of very strong fish sinews. - Although they seem to be savages, they are modest and gentle, but - their arms, legs, and shoulders are indescribably well shaped; they - have the face marked [tattooed] in the Indian fashion, some with six, - some with eight, and some with no figures [lines ?]. They speak, but - are understood by no one; I believe they have been addressed in every - possible language. In their country they have no iron, but make knives - of certain stones, and spearheads in the same way. They have brought - from thence a fragment of a broken gilt sword, which was certainly - made in Italy. A boy among them wore in his ears two silver rings, - which seem without doubt to have been made in Venice. This induced me - to believe that it is a continent, for it is not a place to which - ships can ever have gone without anything having been heard of - them.[339] They have a very great quantity of salmon, herring, cod, - and similar fish. They have also great abundance of trees, and above - all of pine-trees for making ships' masts and yards of. For this - reason it is that this most serene King thinks he will derive the - greatest profit from the said land, not only on account of the trees - for shipbuilding, of which there is much need, but also on account of - the men, who are excellent labourers, and the best slaves that have - hitherto been obtained; this seems to me to be a thing worth giving - information about, and if I hear anything more when the commander's - caravel (caravella capitania) arrives, I will also communicate it." - [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 211, f.]. - -[Sidenote: Cantino's letter, Oct. 1501] - -Alberto Cantino, Minister at Lisbon of Duke Ercule d'Este of Ferrara, -wrote to the Duke as follows, on October 17, 1501: - - "It is already nine months since this most serene King sent two - well-equipped ships to the northern regions (alle parte de tramontana) - with the object of finding out whether it was possible to discover - lands and islands in those parts; and now on the 11th of this month - one of these ships has safely returned with a cargo, and brought - people and news, which I have thought it my duty to communicate to - Your Excellency, and thus I write here below accurately and clearly - all that the captain [of the ship] reported to the King in my - presence. First he stated that after leaving the port of Lisbon they - sailed for four months at a stretch always with the same wind, and - towards the same pole, and in all that time they never saw anything. - When they had entered the fifth month and still wished to proceed, - they say that they encountered immense masses of snow frozen together, - floating on the sea and moving under the influence of the waves. On - the top of these [ice-masses] clear fresh water was formed by the - power of the sun, and ran down through little channels hollowed out by - itself, wearing away the foot [of the ice] where it fell. As the ships - were already in want of water they approached in boats, and took as - much as they required; and for fear of staying in that place on - account of the danger, they were about to turn back, but impelled by - hope they consulted as to what they could best do, and determined to - proceed for a few days yet, and they resumed their voyage. On the - second day they found the sea frozen, and being obliged to abandon - their purpose, they began to steer to the north-west and west, and - they continued on this course for three months, always with fair - weather. And on the first day of the fourth month they sighted between - these two points of the compass a very great land, which they - approached with the greatest joy; and many great rivers of fresh water - ran through this region into the sea, and on one of them they - travelled for a legha [== about three geographical miles] inland; and - when they went ashore they found a quantity of beautiful and varied - fruits, and trees, and pines of remarkable height and size, that - would be too large for the masts of the largest ship that sails the - sea. Here is no corn of any kind, but the people of the country live, - they say, on nothing but fishing and hunting animals, of which the - country has abundance. There are very large stags [i.e., caribou, - Canadian reindeer] with long hair, whose skin they use for clothes and - for making houses and boats; there are also wolves, foxes, tigers - [lynxes ?], and sables. They declare, what seems strange to me, that - there are as many pelerine falcons as there are sparrows in our - country; and I have seen them, and they are very handsome. Of the men - and women of that place they took about fifty by force, and have - brought them to the King; I have seen, touched, and examined them. To - begin with their size, I may say that they are a little bigger than - our countrymen, with well-proportioned and shapely limbs, while their - hair is long according to our custom, and hangs in curly ringlets, and - they have their faces marked with large figures like those of the - Indians. Their eyes have a shade of green, and, when they look at you, - give the whole face a very wild aspect. Their speech is not to be - understood, but it is without harshness, rather is it human. Their - conduct and manners are very gentle, they laugh a good deal, and show - much cheerfulness; and this is enough about the men. The women have - small breasts and a very beautiful figure, and have a very attractive - face; their colour may more nearly be described as white than - anything else, but that of the males is a good deal darker. - Altogether, if it were not for the wild look of the men, it seems to - me that they are quite like us in everything else. All parts of the - body are naked, with the exception of the loins, which are kept - covered with the skin of the aforesaid stag. They have no weapons, nor - iron, but all the work they produce is done with a very hard and sharp - stone, and there is nothing so hard that they cannot cut it with this. - This ship came thence in one month, and they say that it is 2800 - miglia [miles] distant; the other consort has decided to sail along - this coast far enough to determine whether it is an island or - mainland, and thus the King is awaiting the arrival of this [the - consort] and the others [i.e., his companions] with much impatience, - and when they have come, if they communicate anything worthy of Your - Excellency's attention, I shall immediately inform you of it..." [cf. - Harrisse, 1883, pp. 204, ff.]. - -[Illustration: Portion of the "Cantino" map of 1502, preserved at Modena. -The network of compass-lines omitted] - -[Sidenote: The Cantino map, 1502] - -At the request of the Duke of Ferrara Cantino had a map made at Lisbon, -chiefly for the purpose of representing the Portuguese discoveries, and -sent it to the Duke in 1502. In a letter to the Duke, dated November 19, -1502, he mentions having already sent it. This map, commonly called the -Cantino map, and now preserved at Modena, gives a remarkably good -representation of southern Greenland, which is called "A ponta de [asia]" -[i.e., a point of Asia]. On its east coast are two Portuguese flags to -show that it is a Portuguese discovery, one flag somewhat to the north of -the Arctic Circle, the other a little to the west of the southern point, -and this coast bears the following legend: - - "This country, which was discovered by the command of the most highly - renowned prince Dom Manuel, King of Portugal, is a point of Asia (esta - a ponta d'asia). Those who made the discovery did not land but saw the - land, and could see nothing but precipitous mountains. Therefore it is - assumed, according to the opinion of the cosmographers, to be a point - of Asia." - -To the west of Greenland on the same map a country is marked, called -"Terra del Rey de portuguall" (the Land of the King of Portugal); it -answers approximately to Newfoundland, possibly with the southern part of -Labrador (?). The north and south ends are marked with two Portuguese -flags, and the country bears the following legend: - - "This land was discovered by command of the most exalted and most - renowned royal prince Dom Manuel, King of Portugal; Gaspar de - Corte-Real, a nobleman of the said King's household, discovered it, - and when he had discovered it, he sent [to Portugal] a ship with men - and women taken in the said land, and he stayed behind with the other - ship, and never returned, and it is believed that he perished, and - there are many masts [i.e., trees for masts]." - -[Sidenote: Letters patent to Miguel Corte-Real, 1502 or 1503 (?)] - -On January 15, 1502,[340] King Manuel gave Gaspar's brother, Miguel -Corte-Real, fresh letters patent as follows: - - "We make known to all who may see this letter that Miguell Cortereall, - a nobleman of our household and our head doorkeeper [chamberlain ?], - now tells us that, seeing how Gaspar Cortereall, his brother, long ago - sailed from this city with three ships to discover new land, of which - he had already found a part, and seeing that after a lapse of time two - of the said ships returned to the said city [Lisbon], and five months - have elapsed without his coming,[341] he wishes to go in search of - him, and that he, the said miguell corte-reall, had many outlays and - expenses of his own in the said voyage of discovery, as well as in the - said ships, which his said brother fitted out the first time for that - purpose [i.e., for the first voyage], when he found the said land, and - likewise for the second [i.e., the second voyage], wherefore the said - gaspar cortereall in consideration of this promised to share with him - the said land which he thus discovered and ... which we had granted - and given to him by our deed of gift, for which the said gaspar - cortereall asked us before his departure, etc." Therefore Miguel - claimed his share of the lands discovered by his brother, which he - obtained from the King by these letters patent, as well as the right - to all new islands and lands he might discover that year (1502), - besides that which his brother had found.[342] - -[Sidenote: Portuguese chart of about 1520] - -Two legends on the anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520 are also of -interest.[343] On the land "Do Lavrador" [i.e., Greenland] is written: - - "This land the Portuguese saw, but did not enter." - -On Newfoundland, called "Bacalnaos," is written: - - "To this land came first Gaspar Corte Regalis, a Portuguese, and he - carried away from thence wild men and white bears. There is great - abundance of animals, birds, and fish. In the following year he - suffered shipwreck there, and did not return, and his brother, - Micaele, met with the same fate in the next year." - -[Illustration: Portion of an anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520, -preserved at Munich. The network of compass-lines omitted] - -In addition to this may also be mentioned the various maps of Portuguese -origin of 1502 or soon after, especially the Italian mappamundi, the -so-called King map of about 1502 (p. 373), which must be a copy of a -Portuguese map, where Newfoundland is called Terra Corte Real. - -[Sidenote: Later notices] - -Besides these documents contemporary with the voyages, or of the years -immediately succeeding, there are also several much later notices of them -in Gomara (1552), Ramusio (1556), Antonio Galvano (1563) and Damiam de -Goes (1566), but as these were written so long after, we will leave them -on one side for the present. - -[Sidenote: Gaspar Corte-Real not the discoverer of Greenland (Labrador)] - -When we endeavour to form an opinion as to the Portuguese voyages of -these years on the basis of the oldest documents, the first thing that -must strike us is that there are indications of several voyages, and of -the discovery of two wholly different countries, which must undoubtedly be -Greenland and Newfoundland. As it is expressly stated on the Cantino map, -on the Portuguese chart of about 1520, and in many other places, that -Newfoundland was discovered by Gaspar Corte-Real, while his name is not -mentioned in a single place in these documents in connection with -Greenland (or Labrador), and as Pasqualigo's letter to the Council of -Venice expressly says that that land was seen the previous year (1500) by -"the other caravels [l'altre caravelle] belonging to this majesty,"[344] -the logical conclusion must be that it was not Gaspar Corte-Real who saw -Greenland in the year 1500, but some other Portuguese. It may be in -agreement with this that on the King map (of about 1502) Newfoundland is -called Terra Cortereal (see p. 373), while the island which clearly -answers to Greenland is called Terra Laboratoris. One might be tempted to -suppose that both lands were named after their discoverers, one, that is, -after Corte-Real, the other after a man who is described as "laborator." -The generally accepted view that it was Gaspar Corte-Real who saw -Greenland on his voyage of 1500 is thus unsupported by the above-mentioned -documents. - -[Sidenote: João Fernandez sighted Greenland, 1500 ?] - -On the other hand, we seem to be able to conclude from the royal letters -patent to Miguel Corte-Real that Gaspar made two voyages, one in 1500, and -another in 1501, and that it was the same country (i.e., Newfoundland) -that he visited on both occasions. This is also confirmed by the legend on -the Portuguese chart of about 1520. If it was not he who on the first -voyage, in 1500, saw Greenland without being able to approach it, we must -conclude that yet another expedition, on which Greenland was sighted, left -Portugal in the year 1500. One is then inclined to suppose that this was -commanded by the same João Fernandez, to whom the King gave letters patent -as early as October 1499. This supposition becomes still more probable -when we take it in conjunction with what has already been said as to the -possible origin of the name of Labrador (see p. 331). We must suppose that -this is the same man from the Azores who, under the name of John -Fernandus, took part in the Bristol enterprise of 1501, and who is further -mentioned in documents of as early as 1492, together with another man from -the Azores, Pero de Barcellos, and is described as a "llavorador." These -men would already at that time have been engaged in making discoveries at -sea. - -If we compare the legend attached to Labrador (Greenland) on Diego -Ribero's Spanish map of 1529 with the corresponding legend on the -anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520 this will also confirm our -supposition. While on the latter we read that "the Portuguese saw the -land, but did not enter it," Ribero's map has: "this land was discovered -by the English, but there is nothing in it that is worth having." As this -part of Ribero's map is evidently a copy of the Portuguese maps, we may -conclude Ribero's alteration of the legend to mean that doubtless the land -was first sighted by the Portuguese, but that it was the English who first -succeeded in landing there, and in this way were its real discoverers. If -we add to this the statement on the sixteenth-century Portuguese chart -preserved at Wolfenbüttel, that the land was discovered by Englishmen from -Bristol, and that the man who first gave news of it was a "labrador" from -the Azores, then everything seems to be in agreement. - -We may hence suppose the connection to be somewhat as follows: having -obtained his letters patent in October 1499, João Fernandez fitted out -his expedition, and sailed in the spring of 1500; he arrived off the east -coast of Greenland and sailed along it, but the ice prevented him from -landing. We have no information at all as to where else he may have been -on this voyage. But having returned to Portugal, perhaps after a -comparatively unsuccessful expedition, and finding furthermore that the -King had issued letters patent to Gaspar Corte-Real, whose voyage had been -more successful, Fernandez may have despaired of finding support for fresh -enterprises in Portugal, and have turned at once to Bristol, where he took -part in getting together an Anglo-Portuguese undertaking, and was thus the -"llavorador" who first brought news of Greenland. - -[Illustration: Portion of Diego Ribero's map of 1529. (Nordenskiöld, -1897)] - -It must, of course, be admitted that the hypothesis here put forward of -the voyage and discovery of João Fernandez is no more than a guess; but it -seems more consistent than any of the explanations hitherto offered, and, -as far as I can see, it does not conflict on any point with what -contemporary documents have to tell us. It may be supposed that here, as -so frequently has happened, the name of the discoverer, João Fernandez, -has been more or less forgotten. His memory has perhaps only been -preserved in the name Labrador itself--originally applied to Greenland, -but afterwards transferred to the American continent[345]--whilst all the -Portuguese discoveries in the north have been associated in later history -with the other seafarer, Gaspar Corte-Real, who was of noble family and -belonged to the King's household, and who came from the same island of the -Azores, Terceira. - -[Illustration: Portion of Maggiolo's map of 1527 (Harrisse, 1892). -Compass-lines omitted] - -[Sidenote: Gaspar Corte-Real] - -Gaspar Corte-Real belonged to a noble Portuguese family from Algarve and -was born about 1450. He was the third and youngest son of João Vaz -Corte-Real, who for twenty-two years, since 1474, had had a "capitanerie" -as Governor of the Azores--first at Angra in the island of Terceira, later -in São Jorge--and died in 1496.[346] Gaspar probably spent a part of his -youth in the Azores, which were altogether "a hot-house of all kinds of -ideas of maritime discovery"; he certainly became familiar at an early age -with narratives of the numerous earlier attempts, and with the many plans -of new ocean voyages which were discussed by the adventurous sailors of -those islands. As already mentioned, the German, Martin Behaim, was also -living in the Azores (cf. p. 287). - -[Illustration: The newly discovered north-western lands made continuous -with Asia, on Maggiolo's map of 1511. (Harrisse, 1900)] - -[Sidenote: Corte-Real's voyage of 1500] - -From the letters patent of May 1500, we see that Gaspar Corte-Real had at -his own expense been trying even before that time to discover countries in -the ocean, but as no more is said about it, the attempt was doubtless -unsuccessful. It was pointed out above that from the King's letters -patent to his brother Miguel it looks as though Gaspar had made two -voyages to the land he had discovered, which is also confirmed by the -legend referred to on the anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520. On the -other hand, nothing is said about this voyage in the letters of the two -Italian Ministers, nor on the Cantino map. It may seem natural to conclude -that Gaspar, after having obtained his letters patent in May 1500, set out -on an expedition, the expenses of which were defrayed by himself and his -brother Miguel in partnership (cf. the letters patent to the latter). - -On his first voyage of 1500 Gaspar had already discovered a part of -Newfoundland; but we know nothing of what else he may have accomplished on -this expedition. He must have returned to Lisbon by the same autumn. - -[Sidenote: Corte-Real's voyage of 1501] - -Encouraged by his success he then set out again with a larger expedition -in 1501, after April 21, at which date he was still in Lisbon. This time -the expenses were again borne by himself and his brother Miguel in -partnership. According to the King's letters patent of January 1502, he -had three ships on this voyage, of which two returned. This does not agree -with the letters of the two Italian Ministers, which distinctly say that -he left with two ships. But these letters, it is true, do not mutually -agree in their statements as to the ship that had returned: Pasqualigo -says that the ship arrived at Lisbon on October 9 in one of his letters, -on the 8th in the other, and that it brought seven natives; while Cantino -says that the ship arrived on October 11 and brought fifty natives to the -King. As Pasqualigo says that the other ship was expected daily with fifty -natives, it has been thought (cf. Harrisse) that this was the ship -referred to by Cantino; but in that case it is puzzling that two Ministers -in the same city should have heard of two different ships, and that they -should both be ignorant of more than one ship having arrived, although -there was an interval of no more than two or three days between each -ship's arrival, and they are both writing a week after that time. Besides, -both mention that the second ship, and only one, is expected, and -Pasqualigo calls it the commander's caravel (caravella capitania). We may -readily suppose that it is the arrival of the same ship that is alluded to -by the two Ministers (no importance need be attached to the discrepancy of -dates, since we see that Pasqualigo alters the date of his ship's arrival -from one letter to the other). They may both have heard of fifty natives -having been captured, of which they had seen some (seven, for instance); -but while Cantino understood that the whole fifty had arrived, Pasqualigo -thought that only the seven he had seen had come, while the other fifty -were expected on the next ship. Considerable weight must be attached to -the fact that in the legend on the Cantino map, which must evidently have -been drawn from Portuguese documents, only one ship is mentioned as having -returned. The chief difficulty is that this is in direct conflict with the -King's later letters patent to Miguel. We should then have to suppose that -the statement in this document as to three ships having sailed and two -returned is due to a clerical error or a lapse of memory, which may seem -surprising. But the question is, after all, of minor importance. The main -point is that Gaspar Corte-Real's ship never returned. - -In estimating the degree of trustworthiness or accuracy to be attributed -to Pasqualigo's and Cantino's statements about the voyage, it must be -remembered that they are both only repeating what they have heard said on -the subject in a language not their own, and that when the letters were -written they had probably seen no chart of the voyage or of the new -discoveries. Cantino says that he was present when the captain of the ship -gave his account to the King, and that he is writing down everything that -was then said; so that perhaps he had only heard the narrative once, and -without a chart, which easily explains his obvious errors; it is no -difficult matter to fall into gross errors and misunderstandings in -reproducing the account of a voyage which one hears in this way told even -in one's own language. Pasqualigo does not tell us how he had heard about -the voyage, but it may have been on the same occasion. The letters of the -two Italians reproducing the Portuguese narrative cannot therefore be -treated as exact historical documents, every detail of which is correct. - -Cantino says in his letter (of October 1501) that Gaspar Corte-Real had -sailed nine months before, that is, in January 1501. Pasqualigo says that -he left in the previous year, which agrees with Cantino, since the civil -year at that time began on March 25. But the existing receipt of April 21, -1501, from Gaspar Corte-Real proves with certainty that the two Italians -were mistaken on this point. It may be supposed that they regarded the -expeditions of the two consecutive years as a connected voyage (?), but -even this will not agree with Cantino's nine months. According to -Cantino's letter, Corte-Real on leaving Portugal held a northerly course -("towards the pole" are the words), and Pasqualigo says something of the -same kind; but this is scarcely to be taken literally, for otherwise we -should have to suppose that from Portugal he sailed northward towards -Iceland; besides which, Pasqualigo says in both his letters that the land -discovered was between north-west and west. Cantino's statement about the -ice might give us firm ground for determining Corte-Real's route; if it -were not unfortunately the case that there are here two possibilities, and -that Cantino's words do not agree well with either of them. The -description of the ice points most probably to Corte-Real's having first -met with icebergs; he may have come upon these in the sea off the southern -end of Greenland, and as in continuing his course he found the "sea -frozen," he may have reached the edge of the ice-floes. As nothing is said -about land, we must suppose that he did not sight Greenland. It is a more -difficult matter when, by changing his course to the north-west and west, -he finally in this direction sighted land, which according to the -description, and the Cantino map, must have been Newfoundland. To arrive -there from the Greenland ice he would have had to steer about -west-south-west by compass, and in fact Newfoundland (Terra del Rey de -portuguall) lies approximately in this direction in relation to the -southern point of Greenland on the Cantino map. But it may be, of course, -that Cantino's statement of the direction is due to a -misunderstanding;[347] he may have heard that the newly found land lay to -the north-west and west from Lisbon, as Pasqualigo says. - -Another possibility is that it was on the Newfoundland Banks that -Corte-Real met with icebergs; but in that case he must have held a very -westerly course, almost west-north-west, all the way from Lisbon, and -there would then be little meaning in the statement that he altered his -course to north-west and west to avoid the ice, even if we take into -account the possibility of the variation of the compass having been 20° -greater on the Newfoundland Banks than at Lisbon. Another difficulty is -that on the Newfoundland Banks he would hardly have found "the sea -frozen," if by this ice-floes are meant; for that he would have had to be -(in June ?) farther to the north-west in the Labrador Current. In neither -case would he have been very far from land, so that the times mentioned, -three months with a favourable wind from the ice to land, and four months -from Lisbon, are out of proportion.[348] - -Thus Cantino's words cannot be brought into agreement with facts; but at -the same time many things point to its having been the Greenland ice that -Corte-Real first met with in 1501. Doubtless it might be objected that he -is said in the previous year to have already found part of Newfoundland, -and in that case he would be likely to make straight for it again; but -Pasqualigo's letter gives one the impression that Gaspar Corte-Real may -have been interested in finding out whether the land he had found was -mainland and continuous with the country (Greenland) which in the previous -year (1500) had been seen by the other caravels (João Fernandez ?), and -thus it may have been natural that he should first steer in that -direction, but he was then forced by the ice westward towards the land he -himself had discovered. - -[Illustration: - - Modern Cantino Reinel's King - map map map map - -The eastern coast-line of Newfoundland, with possibly the southern part of -Labrador] - -That it was really Newfoundland, and not the coast of Labrador farther -north, that Corte-Real arrived at, appears plainly enough from the maps -(the Cantino map, the King map, etc.), and may also be concluded from the -descriptions in the letters of Pasqualigo and Cantino. We read, amongst -other things, that many great rivers ran through that country into the -sea. The east coast of Labrador has no rivers of importance, with the -exception of Hamilton River; but the entrance to this is by a long -estuary, Hamilton Inlet and Lake Melville, up which they would hardly have -sailed. On the other hand, there are in Newfoundland several considerable -rivers falling into the sea on the east coast, up the mouths of which -Gaspar Corte-Real might have sailed. The allusion to the country as -fertile, with trees and forests of pines of remarkable height and size, -and to there being abundance of timber for masts, etc., also agrees best -with Newfoundland. In addition, the coast-line of the country, both on the -Cantino map and on later Portuguese maps, agrees remarkably well with the -coast-line along the east and north-east sides of Newfoundland. - -The statement in Pasqualigo's letter of October 18, that they sailed -"along the coast of the said land for a distance of six hundred miglia and -more," which agrees with the extent of the coast on the Cantino map, must -be an exaggeration. It is a common error to exaggerate the distance during -a voyage along a coast so indented as that of Newfoundland, where -Corte-Real may perhaps have sailed in and out of bays and inlets. - -[Sidenote: Late authorities of the sixteenth century] - -[Sidenote: Galvano on G. Corte-Real] - -As already stated, Gaspar Corte-Real's voyages are mentioned in several -works of the sixteenth century, but as these were written so long after -the events took place, no particular importance can be attached to them in -cases where they conflict with the earlier documents. The allusions to -Gaspar Corte-Real in the Spanish author Gomara and the Italian Ramusio -seem for the most part to be derived from Pietro Pasqualigo's letter of -October 19, 1501, to his brothers at Venice, which was published for the -first time as early as 1507. The Portuguese Antonio Galvano says in his -"Tratado" (1563) that Gaspar Corte-Real sailed in 1500 - - "from the island of Terceira with two ships, fitted out at his own - expense, and travelled to the region that is in the fiftieth degree of - latitude, a land which is now called by his name. He returned safely - to Lisbon; but when he again set out, his ship was lost, and the other - ship returned to Portugal." - -This, it will be seen, agrees remarkably well with the conclusions we -arrived at above; but as Galvano spent the greater part of his life in the -East Indies, and only came home to end his days in a hospital at Lisbon, -no great importance can be attached to his statements [cf. Harrisse, 1900, -p. 35], except in so far as they reproduce a Portuguese tradition. - -[Sidenote: De Goes on G. Corte-Real] - -Damiam de Goes, in his "Chronica do Felicissimo Rei dom Emanuel" (Lisbon, -1566), has a more detailed account of Gaspar Corte-Real's voyage of 1500, -and of the land he visited. He says: - - "He sailed from the port of Lisbon at the beginning of summer, 1500. - On this voyage he discovered in a northerly direction a land which was - very cold, and with great forests, as all those [countries] are that - lie in that quarter. He gave it the name of Terra verde [i.e., green - land]. The people are very barbaric and wild, almost like those of - Sancta Cruz [i.e., Brazil], except that they are at first white, but - become so weather-beaten from the cold that they lose their whiteness - with age and become almost dark brown. They are of middle height, very - active, and great archers, using sticks hardened in the fire for - throwing-spears, with which they make as good casts as though they had - points of good steel. They clothe themselves in the skins of beasts, - of which there is abundance in that country. They live in caves, and - in huts, and they have no laws. They have great belief in omens; they - have marriage, and are very jealous of their wives, in which they - resemble the Lapps, who also live in the north from 70° to 85°.... - After he [Gaspar Corte-Real] had discovered this land, and sailed - along a great part of its coast, he returned to this kingdom. As he - greatly desired to discover more of this province, and to become - better acquainted with its advantages, he set out again immediately in - the year 1501 on May 15 from Lisbon; but it is not known what happened - to him on this voyage, for he was never seen again, nor did there come - any news of him" [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, p. 233]. - -The last statement, that Corte-Real disappeared without any more being -heard of him, shows that De Goes was not well informed, in spite of his -being chief custodian (Guarda m'or) of the Torre do Tombo, where the State -archives were kept at Lisbon. His whole account may therefore be of -doubtful value as a historical document. His description of the newly -discovered land and of the inhabitants may be derived from other -statements, or from literary sources, and is of the same kind as we often -meet with in accounts of natives in the authorities of that time. It -appears that the cold country, Terra verde, with great forests and wild, -barbaric people, must be the Greenland (Gronolondes) that is referred to -in the anonymous letter of about 1450 to Pope Nicholas V.[349] Most of -what is said about these natives would apparently suit the Eskimo quite as -well as the Indians, but as we do not know from whence the whole is -derived, it is not easy to form an opinion as to which people is really -referred to in the description. The remarkable statement that the natives -are at first white, but turn brown through the cold, will hardly suit the -Indians, but might apply to the Eskimo, who at an early age have a very -fair skin, perhaps quite as light as the Portuguese. - -[Sidenote: Mention of the natives in Pasqualigo and Cantino] - -What is said of the natives in the letters of Pasqualigo and Cantino seems -on the whole to suit the Eskimo better than the Indians; typical Eskimo -features are: that they had boats covered with hides (it is true that -Cantino says stags' hides, i.e., reindeer hides, but this must be a -misunderstanding);[350] also houses (i.e., tents) of long poles covered -with fish skin (i.e., sealskin); that the colour of their skin was rather -white than anything else, that they laughed a good deal and showed much -cheerfulness. It may seem somewhat surprising that the Eskimo should be "a -little bigger than our countrymen" (i.e., the Italians), but, in the first -place, it may have been particularly good specimens of the race that were -exhibited, and in the next place the Eskimo are a race of medium stature, -and, perhaps, on an average, quite as tall as Italians and Portuguese. -That they were naked with the exception of a piece of skin round the loins -answers to the indoor custom of the Eskimo. Pasqualigo's description: that -they were clothed in the skins of various animals, mostly otter, and that -the skins were unprepared and not sewed together, but thrown over the -shoulders and arms as they were taken from the animals, conflicts with the -words of Cantino, and is, no doubt, due to a misunderstanding; it does not -sound probable. If it is correct, Pasqualigo and Cantino must have seen -different natives. - -It is probable that there were Eskimo in the north-east of Newfoundland at -that time, and that the natives may have been brought from thence or from -southern Labrador. - -[Sidenote: Evidence of the Cantino map as to the Portuguese discoveries] - -Of all known maps the Cantino map undoubtedly gives the most complete and -trustworthy representation of the Portuguese discoveries of 1500 and 1501 -in the north-west; we know, too, that it was executed with an eye to -these, at Lisbon, and immediately after the return thither of those who -had taken part in the later voyage. We may consequently suppose that the -cartographer availed himself of the sources then at his disposal. He may -either himself have had access to log-books, with courses and distances, -and to the original sketch-charts of the voyages, or he may have used -charts that were drawn from these sources. But he used in addition maps -and authorities of a more learned kind, as appears, for instance, in the -legend attached to Greenland, where he speaks of the opinion of -cosmographers, and says that this country is a point of Asia. It is clear, -as pointed out by Björnbo [1910, p. 167], that Greenland was connected on -the map with Scandinavia, which is called "Parte de assia," but the upper -edge of the map has been cut off, so that this land connection is -lost,[351] as is the last part (asia) of the inscription on Greenland. The -basis of this idea of a land connection must have been a map of Clavus's -later type; while the delineation of Greenland itself is evidently new. In -fact, it is here placed for the first time very nearly at a correct -distance from Europe, and with Iceland in a relatively correct position; -and in addition to this it has been given a remarkably good form. If we -assume that the variation of the compass was unknown, and that the coasts -were laid down according to the courses sailed by compass as though they -were true, then the southern point of Greenland comes just where it -should, if the variation during the voyage from Lisbon averaged 11° west. -The Portuguese flags on the coast indicate that the Portuguese sailed -along the east coast of Greenland from north of the Arctic Circle of the -map to past Cape Farewell (without landing, according to what the legend -says), and its direction on the map is explained by a variation of about -14° west. The remarkably good representation of Greenland with the -characteristic form of the west coast cannot possibly be derived from the -Clavus maps, where Greenland is a narrow tongue of land with its east and -west coasts running very nearly parallel. The west coast has been given a -form approximately as though it were laid down from courses sailed with a -variation increasing towards the north-west from 20° to nearly 30° (cf. p. -371). It is also characteristic that while the east coast is without -islands, a belt of skerries is shown on the north along the west coast. It -may seem a bold assumption to attribute this to pure chance and the -caprice of the draughtsman, even though it may be pointed out that he has -given the west coast of Norway a similar curved form with a belt of -skerries outside (as on the Oliveriana map, p. 375). If the cartographer -was acquainted with the representation of Greenland on the Clavus maps, -the probability becomes still greater that he had definite authority for -his west coast, since it differs from that of the Clavus maps. It is true -that the Portuguese flags on the map and the statement in the legend that -the Portuguese did not land on the coast do not seem to point to their -having sailed any considerable distance to the north along the west coast, -for otherwise there would doubtless be mention of this; but there may have -been lost authorities for the Cantino map, which were based upon voyages -unknown to us, as well as to the cartographer.[352] - -If we may suppose that the lighter tone of the sea off the east coast of -Greenland and over to Norway (on the original map) represents ice-floes, -then this again gives evidence of a knowledge of these northern waters -which we cannot assume to have been derived merely from Portuguese voyages -on which the east coast of Greenland was sighted; it must have had other -sources, unknown to us. - -[Sidenote: Construction of the Cantino map.] - -There can be no doubt that the "Terra del Rey de portuguall" of the -Cantino map is the east coast of Newfoundland, which, through the -variation of the compass being disregarded, is given a northerly -direction. If we draw the east coast of Newfoundland from Cape Race to -Cape Bauld on approximately the same scale as that of the Cantino map, and -turn the meridian to the west as far as the variation may have been at -that time (about 20° at Cape Race, and 4° or 5° more at Belle Isle -Strait), we shall have a map (see p. 364) the coast-line of which bears so -great a resemblance to that of the Cantino map that it is almost too good -to believe it not to be in part accidental (the Newfoundland coast on -Reinel's map is also very nearly the same as that of the Cantino map). The -resemblance is so thorough that we might even think it possible to -recognise the various bays and headlands; but perhaps a part of the -southern coast of Labrador has been included in the Cantino map. According -to the scale attached to the map, in which each division represents fifty -miglia, the distance between the south-eastern point of the country and -the northern Portuguese flag is seven hundred miglia, which thus -corresponds to the six hundred or seven hundred miglia that Pasqualigo -says the Portuguese sailed along the coast. If we divide the map into -degrees according to the distance between the tropic and the Arctic -Circle, the extent of the country will be about eleven degrees of -latitude. On Reinel's map the length of Newfoundland from north to south -is between ten and eleven degrees of latitude. The distance from Cape Race -to Belle Isle Strait corresponds in reality to about 5-1/2°, that is, -fairly near the half. - -[Illustration: Reconstruction of an equidistant chart on which the coasts -are laid down from magnetic courses without regard to the variation] - -Both Greenland and Newfoundland lie too far north on the Cantino map. The -southern point of Greenland lies in about 62° 20' N. lat., instead of 59° -46', while Cape Race, the south-eastern point of Newfoundland, lies in -about 50° N. lat., instead of 46° 40'. It is unnecessary to assume that -the too northerly latitude of Greenland is derived from the Clavus map, -where its southern point lies in 62° 40' N. lat., since a natural -explanation of the position both of this point and of Cape Race is -provided by the way in which the Cantino map is drawn. It is, in fact, an -equidistant compass-chart, which takes no account of the surface of the -earth being spherical and not a plane, and on which the courses sailed -have been laid down according to the points of the compass, presumably in -ignorance of the variation of the needle. If we try to draw a map of the -same coasts in the same fashion, using the correct distances, and taking -the courses as starting from Lisbon, and the variation to be distributed -approximately as given on p. 308,[353] we shall then get a map in its -main outlines as here represented. The southern point of Greenland comes -in about 62° 20', or the same as on the Cantino map, and Cape Race comes -still farther to the north than on it. The distance from Lisbon to -Greenland is almost exactly the same on both maps, and this seems to point -to remarkable capabilities of sailing by log and compass, while, on the -other hand, astronomical observations were probably not used. The distance -between Lisbon and Newfoundland (Terra del Rey de portuguall) is on the -Cantino map a little longer than reality,[354] and the southern end of the -latter is brought so far to the south that it would correspond to an -average variation of about 4° west, instead of 10°, during the voyage from -Lisbon. Newfoundland accordingly comes farther west in relation to -Greenland, and its southern end farther south than it should do on a map -constructed like this one. But we do not know whether the course from -which the position of Newfoundland is laid down was taken as going -directly to that country from Lisbon; perhaps, for instance, it went first -up into the ice off Greenland, and in that case a greater error is -natural. If we lay down the West Indian islands (and Florida) on our -sketch-map according to the same method, we shall get them in a similar -position to that of the Cantino map, except that there they have a far too -northerly latitude, and the distance from Lisbon is much too great; but -this is due to the Spanish maps which served as authorities; for we know -that even Columbus was guilty of gross errors in his determination of -latitude,[355] and on La Cosa's map they lie for the most part to the -north of the tropic. - -[Sidenote: Variation in the Portuguese representation of Greenland] - -The representation of the Portuguese discoveries in the north-west -evidently varied a good deal even on early maps, and sometimes diverged -considerably from the Cantino map; Greenland especially was given various -forms, while Newfoundland was more uniform in the different types of map. -This, again, strengthens the supposition that these countries were -discovered on various voyages, and not by the same man. - -[Illustration: North-western portion of the "King" map, an anonymous -Italian mappamundi of about 1502. Scandinavia, with Greenland -("Evglovelant") to the north of it, is of the type of Nicolaus Germanus's -maps; Newfoundland and the Greenland ("Terra Laboratoris") discovered by -the Portuguese and shown as an island, are taken from a Portuguese source. -Compass-lines omitted] - -[Sidenote: The King map, circa 1502] - -Thus, on the so-called King map--an Italian mappamundi of about 1502, -which was probably taken from Portuguese sources--Newfoundland, called -Terra Cortereal, lies in about the same place and has the same form as on -the Cantino map (its southern point is called capo raso), while Greenland, -called Terra Laboratoris, lies farther south than on the Cantino map and -has become a long island, the south-east coast of which should doubtless -correspond to the east coast of Greenland on the Cantino map, but has a -very different direction and form, and has in addition many islands to the -south of it. A similar, but still more varied, representation is found on -another Italian mappamundi, the so-called "Kunstmann, No. 2." If Greenland -and Newfoundland were both discovered by Gaspar Corte-Real and on the same -voyage, and if these discoveries formed the basis both of the Cantino map -and of the prototype of the King map, then it would be incomprehensible -how the representation of one of these countries should vary so much, and -not that of the other.[356] - -[Sidenote: The Oliveriana map, after 1503] - -The so-called Oliveriana map, an anonymous Italian compass-chart of a -little later than 1503, shows more resemblance to the representation of -Greenland on the Cantino map; but here that of Newfoundland is very -different from what we find on the other maps, as its east coast is -remarkably short and the south coast extends a long way to the west, in -the same direction as the coast discovered by the English on La Cosa's map -of 1500;[357] but the names have no resemblance to those of that map, -unless the island "Groga Y" should be La Cosa's "S. Grigor" (?), which -however lies farther east, while the island corresponding to "Groga" is -called by La Cosa "I. de la trinidat." "Cauo del marco" might also remind -us of the Venetian Cabot. Dr. Björnbo thinks, as mentioned above (p. 369), -that the prototype of the Greenland on the Oliveriana map was Gaspar -Corte-Real's own admiral's chart of his voyage of 1500. It seems to me -possible that Björnbo may be right, in so far as the representation may be -derived from the Portuguese expedition which sighted Greenland in 1500; -but, from what has been advanced above, this was not commanded by -Corte-Real, but more probably by João Fernandez. As the Newfoundland of -the map has so little resemblance to reality and to the usual Portuguese -representations [cf. also Björnbo, 1910, p. 315], it is improbable that -the prototype of the map was due to Gaspar Corte-Real. Moreover one cannot -imagine that mythical islands such as "Insula de labrador," "Insula -stille," etc., were drawn by him; in such a case they would have to be -explained as later additions from another source. - -[Illustration: Northern portion of an anonymous Italian chart, a little -later than 1503. In the Oliveriana Library at Pesaro. Compass-lines -omitted] - -We saw from the letters of the two Italian Ministers that King Manuel was -very well satisfied with the discoveries of Gaspar Corte-Real, and -expected great advantages therefrom, both on account of the trees for -masts and of the slaves, etc.; he therefore awaited his return with -impatience. But he waited in vain. Gaspar Corte-Real never returned. -Whether he fell fighting with the natives on an unknown coast, or whether -he plunged into the mists and ice of the unknown north, there to find a -cold grave, or was lost in a storm on the homeward voyage across the -Atlantic, will never be revealed. - -[Sidenote: Miguel Corte-Real's voyage, 1503] - -As he did not return, his brother, Miguel Corte-Real, fitted out a new -expedition in the hope, on the one hand of going to help his brother, and -on the other of making fresh discoveries. On January (?) 15, 1502 (or 1503 -?), he obtained letters patent from King Manuel (see p. 353). On May 10, -according to Damiam de Goes, he sailed from Lisbon with two ships, and -nothing more was heard of him. Antonio Galvano, on the other hand, says -that he had three ships, and that these arrived in Newfoundland (Terra de -Corte-Real), but there separated and went into different inlets - - "with the arrangement that they should all meet again on August 20th. - The two other ships did so, and when they saw that Miguel Corte-Real's - ship did not come at the appointed time, nor for some time after that, - they returned to Portugal, and never since was any more news heard of - him, nor did any other memory of him remain; but the country is called - to this day the Land of the Corte-Reals."[358] - -[Sidenote: The King despatches ships] - - "The King felt deeply the loss of the two brothers, and, moved by his - royal and compassionate feeling, he caused in the year 1503[359] two - ships to be fitted out to go and search for them. But it could never - be discovered how either the one or the other (of the brothers) was - lost." - -If this account of Galvano's is correct, then the last relief expedition -returned without having accomplished its purpose. As to what discoveries -it may have made, we hear nothing, nor do we see any trace of them on the -maps, unless, indeed, the hint of an extension of Newfoundland to the -north on the so-called Pilestrina map of about 1511 (see p. 377) may be -due to this expedition or to the ship that returned from Miguel -Corte-Real's voyage of 1502. On Pedro Reinel's map (p. 321) there is -marked a land answering to Cape Breton, with a coast extending westward -from it. It is possible that this may be derived from these expeditions, -and in the same way all the Portuguese names along Newfoundland, the -coast-line of which must be taken from the same source as the Cantino map. -It is, however, more probable that the names are due to Portuguese -fishermen; though there is also a possibility that Reinel's additions may -be referred to the Anglo-Portuguese expeditions from Bristol in 1501 and -the following years. His island, Sam Joha [St. John], points, as has been -said (p. 321), to a possible connection with John Cabot's discoveries. - -[Illustration: Northern portion of an Italian map, possibly drawn by -Pilestrina, 1511. Only a few of the names are given. (Björnbo and -Petersen, 1908)] - -[Sidenote: Vasqueanes Corte-Real refused leave to sail] - -When neither of the brothers returned, the eldest brother, Vasqueanes -Corte-Real--who held very high positions both at the King's Court and as -Governor of the islands of São Jorge and Terceira in the Azores--wished -"to fit out ships at his own expense in order to go out and search for -them. But when he asked the King to excuse his absence, his Majesty could -not consent to his going further in the matter, and insisted that it was -useless, and that all had been done that could be done" (De Goes). Thus -the spirit of the capable and enterprising Portuguese for further -exploration in these difficult northern waters seems to have become -cooled, and we do not hear much more of official expeditions despatched -from Portugal to find other new countries in that quarter. Meanwhile -Newfoundland (Terra de Corte-Real) continued through the whole of the -sixteenth century to be regarded as a province under the Portuguese Crown, -and the post of its Governor, with special privileges, was hereditary in -the family of Corte-Real, until Manuel Corte-Real II., the last of the -male line, fell fighting by the side of King Sebastian, in the fatal -battle of Kas-rel-Kebir in 1578.[360] - -The Portuguese seem for a long time to have kept up the connection with -Newfoundland, more especially in order to avail themselves of the rich -fisheries that had been discovered there. But of this it is only by the -merest accident that history has anything to relate. It appears as though -this fishery became active immediately after Corte-Real's discovery; for -we see that as early as 1506 King Manuel gave orders that the fishermen on -their return from Newfoundland to Portugal were to pay one-tenth of the -proceeds in duties [cf. Kunstmann, 1859, p. 69]. - - - - -[Illustration] - - -CONCLUSION - - -If we would discover how a watercourse is formed, from the very first -bog-streams up in the mountain, we must follow a multitude of tiny rills, -receiving one fresh stream after another from every side, running together -into burns, which grow and grow and form little rivers, till we come to -the end of the wooded hillside and are suddenly face to face with the -great river in the valley below. - -A similar task confronts him who endeavours to explore the first trickling -rivulets of human knowledge; he must trace all the minute, uncertain, -often elusive beginnings, follow the diversity of tributaries from all -parts of the earth, and show how the mass of knowledge increases -constantly from age to age, sometimes reposing in long stretches of dead -water, half choked with peat and rushes, at other times plunging onward in -foaming rapids. And then he too is rewarded; the stream grows broader and -broader, until he stands beside the navigable river. - -But a simile never covers the whole case. The latter task is rendered not -only wider, but incomparably more difficult, by the fact that the brooks -and rivers whose course is to be followed are even more intricate and -scarcely ever flow in an open stream. True knowledge is so seldom -undiluted; as a rule it is suffused with myths and dogmatic conceptions, -often to such a degree that it becomes entirely lost, and something new -seems to have arisen in its place. - -For one thing, man's power of grasping reality varies greatly; in -primitive man it is clouded to a degree which we modern human beings can -hardly understand. He is as yet incapable of distinguishing between idea -and reality, between belief and knowledge, between what he has seen and -experienced and the explanation he has provided for his experience. - -But even with those who have long outgrown the primitive point of view -imagination steps in, supplying detail and explanation wherever our -information fails us and our knowledge falls short; it spreads its haze -over the first uncertain outlines of perception, and the distant contours -are sometimes wholly lost in the mists of legend. - -This is a universal experience in the history of intellectual life. In the -domain to which this work is devoted, it makes itself felt with perhaps -more than its usual force. - -The inquiry embraces long periods. In all times and countries we have seen -the known world lose itself in the fogs of cloudland--never uniformly, it -is true, but in constantly changing proportions. Here and there we have a -glimpse, now and again a vision over wider regions; and then the driving -mists once more shut out our view. Therefore all that human courage and -desire of knowledge have wrested in the course of long ages from this -cloudland remains vague, uncertain, full of riddles. But for this very -reason it is all the more alluring. - -We saw that to the eyes of the oldest civilisation in history and down -through the whole of antiquity, the North lay for the most part concealed -in the twilight of legend and myth; here and there genuine information -finds its way into literature, but is again effaced. At the beginning of -the Middle Ages the dark curtain thickens. - -Again there is a glimmer of light, first from the intermingling of nations -at the time of the migrations, then from new trading voyages and -intercourse, until the great change is brought about by the Norsemen, who -with their remarkable power of expansion overran western and southern -Europe and penetrated the vast unknown solitudes in the North, found -their way to the White Sea, discovered the wide Polar Sea and its shores, -colonised the Faroes, Iceland and Greenland, and were the first -discoverers of the Atlantic Ocean and of North America. - -As early as in the writings of King Alfred and Adam of Bremen the -Norsemen's initiatory knowledge of this new northern world made its way -into European literature. - -No doubt the mists closed again, much of the knowledge gained was -forgotten even by the Norsemen themselves, and in the latter part of the -Middle Ages it is mostly mythical echoes of this knowledge that are to be -traced in the literature of Europe and that have left their mark on its -maps. None the less were the discoveries of the Norsemen the great -dividing line. For the first time explorers had set out with conscious -purpose from the known world, over the surrounding seas, and had found -lands on the other side. By their voyages they taught the sailors of -Europe the possibility of traversing the ocean. When this first step had -been taken the further development came about of itself. - -It was in the Norsemen's school that the sailors of England had their -earliest training, especially through the traffic with Iceland; and even -the distant Portuguese, the great discoverers of the age of transition, -received impulses from them. - -Through all that is uncertain, and often apparently fortuitous and -chequered, we can discern a line, leading towards the new age, that of the -great discoveries, when we emerge from the dusk of the Middle Ages into -fuller daylight. Of the new voyages we have, as a rule, accounts at first -hand, less and less shrouded in mediævalism and mist. From this time the -real history of polar exploration begins. - -Cabot had then rediscovered the mainland of North America, Corte-Real had -reached Newfoundland, the Portuguese and the English were pushing -northward to Greenland and the ice. And this brings in the great -transformation of ideas about the Northern World. - -It is true that as yet we have not passed the northern limits of our -forefathers' voyages; and that views of the arctic regions are still -obscure and vague. While some imagine a continent at the pole, others are -for a wreath of islands around it with dangerous currents between them, -and others again reckon upon an open polar sea. There is obscurity enough. -But new problems are beginning to shape themselves. - -When it became apparent to the seamen of Europe that the new countries of -the West were not Asia, but part of a new continent, the idea suggested -itself of seeking a way round the north--as also round the south--of this -continent, in order to reach the coveted sources of wealth, India and -China: the problem of the North-West Passage was presented--a continuation -on a grand scale of the routes opened up by the Norsemen towards the -north-west. - -But equally present was the thought that perhaps there was another and -shorter way round the north of the old world; and the problem of the -North-East Passage arose. The working out of this problem was simply a -continuation of the north-eastern voyages of the Norwegians to the White -Sea. - -In this way were born the two great illusions, which for centuries held -the minds of explorers spellbound. They could never be of value as -trade-routes, these difficult passages through the ice. They were to be no -more than visions, but visions of greater worth than real knowledge; they -lured discoverers farther and farther into the unknown world of ice; foot -by foot, step by step, it was explored; man's comprehension of the earth -became extended and corrected; and the sea-power and imperial dominion of -England drew its vigour from these dreams. - -What a vast amount of labour lies sunk in man's knowledge of the earth, -especially in those remote ages when development proceeded at such an -immeasurably slower pace, and when man's resources were so infinitely -poorer. By the most manifold and various ways the will and intelligence of -man achieve their object. The attraction of long voyages must often -enough have been the hope of finding riches and favoured lands, but deeper -still lay the imperious desire of getting to know our own earth. To riches -men have seldom attained, to the Fortunate Isles never; but through all we -have won knowledge. - -The great Alexander, the conquering king, held sway over the greater part -of the world of his day; the bright young lord of the world remained the -ideal for a thousand years, the hero above all others. But human thought, -restless and knowing no bounds, found even his limits too narrow. He grew -and grew to superhuman dimensions, became the son of a god, the child of -fortune, who in popular belief held sway from the Pillars of Hercules, the -earth's western boundary, to the trees of the sun and moon at the world's -end in the east; to whom nothing seemed impossible; who descended to the -bottom of the sea in a glass bell to explore the secrets of the ocean; -who, borne by tamed eagles, tried to reach heaven, and who was fabled by -Mohammedans and Christians to have even attempted to scale the walls of -Paradise itself--there to be checked for the first time: "Thus far and no -farther." No man that is born of woman may attain to the land of heart's -desire. - -The myth of Alexander is an image of the human spirit itself, seeking -without intermission, never confined by any bounds, eternally striving -towards height after height, deep after deep, ever onward, onward, -onward.... - -The world of the spirit knows neither space nor time. - - -FINIS - - - - -LIST OF THE MORE IMPORTANT WORKS REFERRED TO - - -1876 ADAM of Bremen: Adami Gesta Hamburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum ex -recensione Lappenbergii. Editio altera. "Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum." -Hannoverae, 1876. - -1862 ADAM of Bremen: Om Menigheden i Norden o. s. v. Overs. af P. W. -Christensen. Copenhagen, 1862. - -1893 ADAMS von Bremen Hamburgische Kirchengeschichte. Übers. von J. C. W. -Laurent. 2. Aufl. Leipzig, 1893. - -1839 AELIANUS (Claudius): Varia. "Vermischte Nachrichten," Werke, Bd. I, -übers. von Ephorus Dr. Wunderlich. "Griech. Prosaiker in neuen Uebers.," -hgb. v. Tafel, Osiander, und Schwab, Bd. 182. Stuttgart, 1839. - -1894 AHLENIUS (Karl): Pytheas' Thuleresa, "Språkvetenskapliga Sällsk. i -Upsala Förhandl.," I, 1882-94, pp. 101-124, in "Upsala Universitets -Årsskrift," 1894. - -1900 AHLENIUS (K.): Die älteste geographische Kenntnis von Skandinavien. -"Eranos," III, 1898-1899. Upsala, 1900. - -1859 ALFRED, King: Anglo-Saxon Version of Orosius. Ed. by JOSEPH BOSWORTH, -London, 1859. As to Ottar, see also HENRY SWEET: An Anglo-Saxon Reader, -Oxford, 1884; R. RASK in "Skandinaviske Litteraturselskabs Skrifter," XI, -Copenhagen, 1815, with Danish transl. and notes; G. PORTHAN: "Kgl. -Vitterh. Hist. o. Antique Acad. Handl." VI, Stockholm, 1800, with Swedish -transl. and notes. - -1845 d'AVEZAC (M. P.): Les Iles fantastiques de l'océan occidental au -moyen-âge. Paris, 1845. - -1887 AVIENUS (Rufus Festus): Rufi Festi Avieni Carmina. Ed. Alfred Holder, -Innsbruck, 1887. - -BATÛTA (Ibn): Voyages d'Ibn Batoutah, Texte arabe et traduction par -DEFRÉMERY et SANGUINETTI. - -1902 BAUMGARTNER (A.): Island und die Färöer. 3 Aufl. Freiburg, 1902. - -1876 BAUMSTARK (Anton), See TACITUS. - -1880 BAUMSTARK (A.): Ausführliche Erläuterung des besondern -völkerschaftlichen Theiles der Germania des Tacitus. Leipzig, 1880. - -1904 1905 BEAUVOIS (Eug.): "Journal de la Société des Américanistes de -Paris," 1904, No. 2; 1905, No. 2. - -1897 1906 BEAZLEY (C. Raymond): The Dawn of Modern Geography, I, 1897; II, -1901; III, 1906, London. - -1898 BEAZLEY (C. R.): John and Sebastian Cabot. London, 1898. - -1902 BÉRARD (Victor): Les Phéniciens et l'Odyssée. I, 1902; II, 1903. -Paris. - -1880 BERGER (Hugo): Die geographischen Fragmente des Eratosthenes. -Leipzig, 1880. - -1887-93 BERGER (H.): Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der -Griechen. I, 1887; II, 1889; III, 1891; IV, 1893. Leipzig. - -1904 BERGER (H.): Mythische Kosmographie der Griechen. Appendix to -Roscher's "Mythol. Lexikon." Leipzig, 1904. - -1878 BETHMANN (L.) and WAITZ(G.), see PAULUS WARNEFRIDI. - -1909 BJÖRNBO (Axel Anthon): Adam af Bremens Nordensopfattelse. "Aarb. f. -nord. Oldk o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1909. - -1910 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) Cartographia Groenlandica. Indledning og Perioden til -Aar 1576. Medd. om Grönland, XLVIII, 1. Copenhagen, 1911. - -1910a BJÖRNBO (A. A.): Die echte Corte-Real-Karte. "Peterm. Geogr. Mitt." -1910, II. - -1904 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) and PETERSEN (Carl S.): Fyenboen Claudius Claussön -Swart o.s.v. "Kgl. Danske. Vid. Selsk. Skr." 6. R., hist. filos. Afd. VI. -2. Copenhagen, 1904. - -1908 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) and PETERSEN (C. S.): Anecdota Cartographica -Septentrionalia. Havnia, 1908. - -1909 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) and PETERSEN (C. S.): Der Däne Claudius Claussön -Swart. Innsbruck, 1909. - -1867 BLOM (O.): Om Kongespeilets Affattelsestid. "Aarb. f. nord. Oldk. o. -Hist." Copenhagen, 1867. - -1901 BOAS (Franz): Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay. "Bull. Amer. Mus. -Nat. Hist." XV, 1901. - -1909 BOBÉ (Louis): Aktstykker til Oplysning om Grönlands Besejling. -"Danske Magazin," 5. R., VI. Copenhagen, 1909. - -1859 BOSWORTH (J.), see King ALFRED. - -1910 BREDA (O. J.): Rundt Kensington-stenen. "Symra," VI. Decorah 1910. - -1877 BRENNER (Oskar): Nord- und Mitteleuropa in den Schriften der Alten. -Zuang. Diss. München, 1877. - -1909 BRÖGGER (A. W.): Den Arktiske Stenalder i Norge. "Vid. Selsk. Skr." -II Hist. filos. Kl., 1909. No. 1. Christiania. - -1896 BRUUN (Daniel): Arkæologiske Undersögelser i Julianehaabs Distrikt, -1895. "Medd. om Grönland," XVI. Copenhagen, 1896. - -1902 BRUUN (D.): Det höie Nord. Copenhagen, 1902. - -1899 BUGGE (Alexander): Vore forfædres opdagelsesreiser i Polaregnene. -"Kringsjå," XI. Christiania, 1899. - -1900 BUGGE (A.): Contributions to the History of the Norsemen in Ireland, -III. "Vid.-Selsk Skr.," II Hist. filos. Kl. 1900. 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Berlin, 1909. - - - - -INDEX - - - Aasen, I., i. 352; ii. 9 - - Abalus, Island of, i. 70, 71, 72, 73, 118, 365 - - Ablabius, i. 129, 142, 144, 155 - - Abû Hâmid, ii. 145, 146 - - Abyss, at the edge of the world, i. 12, 84, 157-9, 195, 199; ii. 150, - 154, 240 - - Adam of Bremen, i. 21, 59, 84, 112, 135, 159, 179, 182, 183, 184-202, - 204, 206, 229, 252, 258, 303, 312, 353, 362, 363, 365, 367, 382-4; - ii. 2, 11, 26, 29, 31, 32, 58, 63, 64, 65, 101, 143, 147-54, 165, - 168, 177, 192, 214, 224, 237, 238, 240, 243, 278, 284 - - "Adogit," Northern people, i. 131-3, 143, 194 - - Ææa, Isle of, i. 13 - - Ælian, i. 12, 16, 17 - - Æningia, i. 101, 104 - - Æstii (_see_ Esthonians) - - Æthicus Istricus, i. 154-5, 187, 188 - - "Ætternis stapi" (the tribal cliff), i. 18-9 - - Africa, Supposed connection with Wineland, i. 326; ii. 1-2, 29, 61, 240, - 248, 280 - - Agathemerus, i. 44 - - Agricola, i. 107-8, 117 - - Agrippa, i. 97, 106 - - Ahlenius, K., i. 43, 93, 104, 112, 131 - - Aithanarit, i. 144, 153, 154 - - Alani, i. 188, 383 - - Albertus Magnus, ii. 158, 163, 178, 234 - - Albi, mappamundi at, ii. 183 - - Albion (_see_ Britain), i. 38, 39, 117 - - Aleutians, ii. 69, 71 - - Alexander the Great, i. 19, 182, 363; ii. 57, 206, 207, 213 - - Alexander VI., Pope, Letter from, on Greenland (1492-3), ii. 106, 121-2 - - Alexander, Sir William, ii. 3 - - Alfred, King, i. 104, 160, 169-81, 204, 252; ii. 156, 243 - - Al-Gazâl, voyage to the land of the Maggûs, ii. 200-2 - - Algonkin tradition, ii. 7-8, 93; - lacrosse among, ii. 40 - - Alociæ, i. 118, 119, 132 - - Amalcium (northern sea), i. 98-9, 105 - - Amazons, i. 20, 87, 88, 112, 114, 150, 154, 159, 160, 186, 187, 189, - 198, 356, 383; ii. 64, 188, 197, 206, 209, 214 - - Amber, i. 14, 19, 22, 23, 27, 31-4, 70, 71, 72, 96, 101, 106, 109-10; - ii. 207 - - Amdrup, Captain, i. 290 - - America, discovered by the Norsemen, i. 234, 248, 312; ii. 22, 61, 63 - - Ammianus Marcellinus, i. 44, 123 - - Anaxagoras, i. 12 - - Anaximander of Miletus, i. 11 - - Anaximenes, i. 11, 128 - - Angles, i. 180 - - Anglo-Portuguese expeditions of 1501, ii. 331-2, 357; - of 1502, ii. 332-4; - of 1503, ii. 334-5; - of 1504, ii. 335 - - Angmagsalik, Greenland, i. 261, 263, 282, 290, 291; ii. 73 - - "Anostos," The gulf, i. 17, 158; ii. 150, 240 - - Ants, fabulous, i. 154, 336; ii. 197 - - Apollo, worshipped among the Hyperboreans, i. 16, 18, 19 - - Apollonius of Rhodes, i. 19, 44 - - Appulus, Guillelmus, ii. 162 - - Arabs, i. 362, 366; ii. 57; - their trade with North Russia, ii. 143-7, 194; - their culture, ii. 194-5; - possible exchange of ideas with the Irish, ii. 207; - Arab geographers, ii. 194-214 - - Arab myths, i. 382; ii. 10, 51, 197, 206-8, 213-4; - affinity to Irish, ii. 207 - - Arctic, origin of the word, i. 8; - Arctic Circle, i. 53, 55-7, 62, 76, 117 - - Arctic Ocean, Voyages in, i. 287; ii. 177 (_see also_ Polar Sea) - - Are Frode (_Islendingabók_), i. 165-6, 201, 253-4, 257, 258-60, 312, - 313, 331, 332, 353, 354, 366, 367, 368; ii. 11, 16, 26, 58, 60, - 77-8, 82, 86, 91 - - Are Mársson, voyage to Hvítramannaland, i. 331-2, 353-4, 377; ii. 42, - 43, 46, 50 - - Argippæans, i. 23, 88, 114, 155 - - Arimaspians, i. 16, 19, 98 - - Arimphæi, i. 88; ii. 188 - - Aristarchus of Samos, i. 47, 77 - - Aristeas of Proconnesus, i. 19 - - Aristotle, i. 28, 40, 41, 44, 76, 182; ii. 48, 194 - - Arnbjörn Austman, lost in Greenland, i. 283 - - Arngrim Jónsson, i. 263; ii. 79 - - "Arochi" (or "Arothi"; _see_ Harudes), i. 136, 148 - - Asbjörnsen, i. 381 - - Askeladden, Tale of, i. 341 - - Assaf Hebræus, ii. 200 - - Assyria, supposed communication with the North, i. 35, 36 - - "Astingi," or "Hazdingi" (Haddingjar, Hallinger), i. 104 - - Athenæus, i. 46, 351 - - _Atlamál en groenlenzku_, i. 273 - - Atlantic Ocean, i. 10, 39, 40, 77, 78, 252, 315, 316, 346; ii. 154, 293, - 307, 308 - - Atlantis, i. 376; ii. 293 - - Aubert, Karl, ii. 253 - - "Augandzi," i. 136 - - Austlid, Andreas, i. 340 - - Avallon, Isle of, i. 72, 365-6, 379; ii. 20 - - d'Avezac, M. P., i. 362; ii. 216, 290 - - Avienus, Rufus Festus, i. 37-42, 68, 83, 123, 128, 130 - - Aviones, i. 95, 118 - - Ayala, Pedro de, adjunct to the Spanish Ambassador in London, ii. 295, - 297, 298, 299, 301, 310, 311, 324, 325-6 - - Azores, discovered, ii. 292; - expeditions from, ii. 293, 345, 346, 347 - - - "Bacallaos," name for Newfoundland, ii. 329, 337, 339 - - Bacon, Roger, ii. 215, 249 - - Baffin Land, i. 322, 323; ii. 41 - - Baffin's Bay, i. 248, 250, 304, 305, 308, 309; ii. 41, 72 - - Bahlûl, Ibn al-, ii. 197 - - Balcia, Island of, i. 71, 72, 99, 100, 101, 185 - - Balder, i. 372 - - Baltic, amber from, i. 14, 22, 32, 34, 35, 96; - ancient names for, and ideas of, i. 93, 99, 100, 105, 109, 121, 131, - 167, 169, 185; ii. 210, 211, 219; - representation of in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 224, 227, 257, - 269, 284, 286; - overland communication with the Black Sea, i. 244; ii. 199 - - Basilia, island, i. 70, 71, 99 - - Basques, as whalers, ii. 159-62 - - Bastarni (Bastarnæ), i. 111, 112, 113, 114 - - Batûta, Ibn, ii. 144, 145 - - Baumgartner, A., i. 193 - - Baumstark, A., i. 113 - - Baunonia, Island of, i. 70, 98 - - Bavarian geographer, The, i. 167 - - Bayeux tapestry, i. 239, 248, 249; ii. 237, 239 - - Bears, Polar, i. 191, 192, 323; ii. 72, 112, 177, 191 - - Beatus map, i. 198, 199; ii. 184, 185-6 - - Beauvois, E., ii. 40, 90 - - Beazley, C. R., ii. 215, 295 - - Bede, i. 151, 184, 193, 194, 199; ii. 20, 156 - - Behaim, Martin, ii. 86, 287-9, 359, 372 - - Beheim, Michel, i. 226; ii. 85, 86, 111, 117, 144, 270 - - Belcæ, or "Belgæ," i. 89, 92 - - Benedikson, E., i. 59 - - Beormas, i. 171, 173-5, 214, 218, 219, 222; ii. 135 (_see also_ Bjarmas) - - _Beowulf_, i. 234, 372 - - Bérard, V., i. 348, 371, 379 - - Bergen, ii. 80, 120, 122, 125, 157, 169, 178, 210, 220, 221, 222, 260, - 261, 264, 265, 266, 281, 286 - - Berger, H., i. 11, 12, 43, 75 - - "Bergos," island, i. 106, 107 - - Bering Strait, i. 212, 223; ii. 68, 69, 84 - - Berneker, Prof., ii. 175-6 - - "Berricen" (or "Nerigon"), i. 53, 57-8, 106, 107 - - Bethmann and Waitz, i. 139 - - Bexell, ii. 56 - - Bianco, Andrea, map of Europe (1436), ii. 267, 282 - - Bible, The, i. 125, 126, 153, 184, 338, 358, 363; ii. 45, 46, 184, 185 - - Birds, used to find position at sea, i. 250-1, 257, 318 - - Bîrûnî, ii. 199, 200 - - Bishops of Greenland, i. 273, 283; ii. 29, 30-1, 98-9, 106, 108, 113-4, - 121, 122, 134 - - _Biskupa Sögur_, i. 284; ii. 8 - - Bjarmas (_see also_ Beormas), ii. 135-40, 167 - - Bjarmeland (Northern Russia), i. 173-5, 288; ii. 135-42, 154, 164, 165, - 166, 168, 172, 237, 268; - "Farther Bjarmeland," ii. 165-6 - - Bjarne Grimolfsson, Wineland voyager, i. 319, 320, 326, 329, 330; ii. 20 - - Bjarne Herjulfsson, traditional discoverer of Wineland, i. 314, 317, - 334; ii. 21 - - Bjarneyjar (Bear-islands), Greenland, i. 301, 302, 304, 321, 322, 323, - 335, 336 - - Björn Breidvikingekjæmpe, i. 360; ii. 49-50, 53, 54, 56 - - Björn Einarsson Jorsalafarer, ii. 82, 106, 112, 113 - - Björn Jónsson of Skardsá (Annals of Greenland), i. 263, 282-3, 288, 292, - 295, 299, 301, 308, 309, 321, 377; ii. 35, 37, 82, 83, 239 - - Björn Thorleifsson, shipwrecked in Greenland, ii. 82 - - Björnbo, Dr. A. A., i. 200, 201, 202, 297; ii. 2, 31, 32, 116, 123, 127, - 132, 147, 154, 193, 220, 221, 223, 224, 225, 226, 233, 234, 240, - 249, 250, 253, 261, 262, 264, 273, 277, 278, 281, 283, 284, 287, - 289, 332, 353, 368, 369, 370, 374, 375 - - Björnbo and Petersen, i. 226; ii. 85, 123, 124, 127, 219, 231, 234, 249, - 250, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 258, 262, 263, 267, 273, 275, 277, - 377 - - Bláserkr (Greenland), i. 267, 291-6 - - Blom, O., ii. 8 - - Boas, F., ii. 69, 70 - - Boats of hides (coracles, &c.), in the Oestrymnides, i. 38, 39; - Scythians, Saxons, &c., i. 154, 242; - Greenlanders', i. 305; - Irish, ii. 92; - Skrælings', in Wineland, i. 327; ii. 10, 19; - in Trondhjem cathedral, ii. 85, 89, 117, 269, 270; - in Irish tales, i. 336; ii. 20; - in Newfoundland (?), ii. 367; - Eskimo, _see_ Kayaks _and_ Women's Boats - - Bobé, Louis, ii. 126 - - Borderie, A. de la, i. 234 - - Borgia mappamundi, ii. 284-5 - - Bornholm, i. 169, 180; ii. 204, 265 - - Bothnia, Gulf of, i. 169, 187; ii. 269; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 219 - - "Boti," i. 87 - - Bran, Voyage of, i. 198, 354, 356, 365, 370; ii. 56 - - Brandan, Legend of, i. 281-2, 334, 337, 344, 345, 358-364, 366, 376; - ii. 9, 10, 13, 18, 19, 43-5, 50, 51, 61, 64, 75, 151, 206, 214, - 228-9, 234 - - Brattalid, in Greenland, i. 268, 270, 271, 275, 317, 319, 320, 331 - - Brauns, D., i. 377; ii. 56 - - "Brazil," Isle of (Hy Breasail, O'Brazil, &c.), i. 3, 357, 379; ii. 30, - 228-30, 279, 294-5, 318; - expeditions to find, ii. 294-5, 301, 325 - - Breda, O. J., ii. 31 - - Brenner, O., i. 58 - - Brinck (_Descriptio Loufodiæ_), i. 378 - - Bristol, trade with Iceland, ii. 119, 279, 293; - Norwegians living at, ii. 119, 180; - expeditions sent out from, ii. 294-5, 298, 301, 304, 325, 326, 327, - 330, 331 - - Britain, i. 193, 234, 240, 241; - visited by Pytheas, i. 49, 50-3; - Cæsar on, i. 79-80; - Mela on, i. 97; - Pliny on, ii. 106; - Ptolemy on, i. 117; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 220, 227 - - Brittany, cromlechs in, i. 22; - tin in, i. 23, 26, 27, 29-31, 38-42 - - Broch, Prof. Olaf, ii. 142, 175, 176 - - Brögger, A. W., i. 14 - - Brönlund, Jörgen, i. 2-3 - - Bruun, D., i. 164, 270, 271, 274, 275 - - Bugge, Prof. A., i. 136, 137, 138, 146, 163, 164, 166, 170, 173, 234, - 245, 246, 258, 297, 304; ii. 7, 55, 80, 168, 201 - - Bugge, Sophus, i. 93, 94, 103, 132, 134, 135, 136, 138, 146, 148, 207, - 273; ii. 27, 28, 175 - - Bulgarians of the Volga, ii. 142-5, 195, 200, 210 - - Bunbury, E. H., i. 30, 107 - - "Burgundians" (== Bornholmers ?), i. 169, 180 - - Burrough, Stephen, ii. 173 - - - Cabot, John, i. 3, 115, 312; ii. 130, 295-330, 333, 343, 374, 377; - settles at Bristol, ii. 297; - voyage of 1496, ii. 299-301; - voyage of 1497, ii. 301-23; - voyage of 1498, ii. 311, 324-8, 349; - his discovery premature, ii. 343 - - Cabot, Sebastian, ii. 129, 130, 295-6, 299, 301-2, 308, 319, 326, 329, - 330, 332, 333, 336-43; - reported voyage of 1508-9, ii. 336-40; - doubtful voyage of 1516 or 1517, ii. 340-2; - his credibility, ii. 296, 298, 303, 329, 338-40; - map of 1544, attributed to, ii. 303, 309, 310, 314-5, 319-20 - - Cæsar, C. Julius, i. 39, 40, 79-80, 92, 242 - - Callegari, G. V., i. 43, 58, 59 - - Callimachus, i. 375 - - Callisthenes (Pseudo-), ii. 213, 234 - - Calypso, i. 347, 355, 370; ii. 43 - - "Cananei," i. 154-5 - - Canary Isles, i. 117, 348-50, 362, 376; ii. 2 - - Canerio map (1502-07), ii. 368 - - Cannibalism, among the Irish, Scythians, Celts, Iberians, i. 81; - Issedonians, i. 81; - Massagetæ, i. 81, 148; - in Scandinavia, i. 149 - - Cantino, Alberto, his map of 1502, ii. 316, 350-1, 355, 361, 362, 364, - 365, 368-74; - his letter of Oct. 1501, ii. 349-52, 360, 361, 362, 363, 367, 372 - - Canto, Ernesto do, ii. 331 - - Cape Breton, i. 324, 329, 335; ii. 309, 312, 314, 315, 316, 317, 319, - 321, 322; - John Cabot's probable landfall in 1497, ii. 314-15 - - Capella, Marcianus, i. 123, 126, 184, 188, 195, 197, 334 - - Carignano, Giovanni da, compass-chart by, ii. 220-2, 227, 235 - - "Carte Pisane," ii. 220 - - Carthage, Sea-power of, i. 45, 75 - - Caspian Sea, i. 10, 74, 76, 122; ii. 142, 183, 195, 197, 213 - - Cassiodorus, i. 120, 128-30, 132, 137, 138, 142, 154, 155, 203 - - Cassiterides, i. 23, 24, 25, 27-9, 89; ii. 47, 48 - - Catalan Atlas, mappamundi of 1375, ii. 233, 266, 292 - - Catalan compass-chart at Florence, ii. 231, 232-3, 235 - - Catalan compass-chart (15th century) at Milan, ii. 279, 280 - - Catalan sailors and cartographers (_see_ Compass-charts), ii. 217 - - Catapult, used by the Skrælings, i. 327; ii. 6-8, 92 - - Cattegat, The, i. 93, 100, 101, 102, 105, 169, 180 - - "Cauo de Ynglaterra" on La Cosa's map, ii. 314-5, 317, 321-2; - probably Cape Breton, ii. 314; - or Cape Race (?), ii. 321-2 - - Celts, i. 19, 41, 42, 68, 81, 208; - early Celtic settlement of the Faroes, i. 162-4; - of Iceland, i. 167, 258; - possible Celtic population in Scandinavia, i. 210; - mythology of the, i. 379 - - Chaldeans, i. 8, 47 - - Chancellor, Richard, ii. 135 - - Chinese myths of fortunate isles, i. 377; ii. 213 - - Christ, The White, ii. 44, 45, 46 - - Christ, Wilhelm, i. 14, 37 - - Christianity introduced in Iceland, i. 260, 332; - introduced in Greenland, i. 270, 272, 357, 332, 380; - decline of, in Greenland, ii. 38, 100-2, 106, 113, 121 - - Christian IV. of Denmark, ii. 124, 178 - - Christiern I. of Denmark, ii. 119, 125, 127, 128, 132, 133, 134, 345 - - Chukches, i. 212 - - Church, ii. 301 - - Cimbri, i. 14, 21, 82, 85, 91, 94, 99, 100, 101, 118, 145 - - Cimmerians, i. 13, 14, 21, 79, 145 - - Circumnavigation, Idea of, i. 77, 79; ii. 271, 291-3, 296-7 - - Clavering, ii. 73 - - Clavus, Claudius, i. 226, 303; ii. 11, 17, 85, 86, 89, 117, 248-76, 284; - his Nancy map and text, ii. 249, 250, 253, 255-69; - his later map and Vienna text, ii. 250, 251, 252-3, 254, 265-76; - his methods, ii. 252-3, 259-61; - his influence on cartography, ii. 276-9, 335, 368, 369, 370, 371 - - Cleomedes, i. 44, 52, 53, 55, 57, 134 - - Codanovia, island, i. 91, 93-4, 103 - - Codanus, bay, i. 90-5, 101, 102, 103, 105, 118 - - Collett, Prof. R., i. 345; ii. 91 - - Collinson, R., ii. 129 - - Columbus, i. 3, 77, 79, 115, 116, 312, 376; ii. 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, - 296, 297, 300, 307, 310, 325 - - Compass, Introduction of, i. 248; ii. 169, 214, 215-6; - variation of, ii. 217, 307-8, 370-1 - - Compass-charts, ii. 215-36, 265, 279, 280, 282, 308, 313; - development of, ii. 215-8; - limits of, ii. 218 - - Congealed or curdled sea, beyond Thule, i. 65-9, 70, 100, 106, 121, 165, - 181, 195, 363, 376; ii. 149, 200, 231 - - Connla the Fair, Tale of, i. 371 - - Contarini, G., ii. 303, 336, 337, 338, 342, 343 - - Converse, Harriet Maxwell, i. 377 - - Cornwall, Tin in, i. 23, 29, 31 - - Corte-Real, Gaspar, ii. 130, 328, 330, 331, 332, 347-53, 354, 357, - 358-66, 373; - letters patent to (1500), ii. 347; - voyage of 1500, ii. 360; - voyage of 1501, ii. 347-53, 360-75; - his fate, ii. 353, 375; - his discoveries, ii. 354-5, 362, 364 - - Corte-Real, João Vaz, unhistorical expedition attributed to, ii. 359 - - Corte-Real, Miguel, ii. 353, 360, 361; - letters patent to, ii. 353, 355, 376; - voyage of 1502 or 1503, ii. 353, 376; - probably reached Newfoundland, ii. 376; - his fate, ii. 376 - - Corte-Real, Vasqueanes, refused leave to search for his brothers, ii. 377 - - Corte-Real, Vasqueanes IV., reported expedition of, in 1574, ii. 378 - - Cosa, Juan de la, map by, ii. 302, 309-18, 321, 374; - represents Cabot's discoveries of 1497, ii. 311-2 - - Cosmas Indicopleustes, i. 126, 127, 128; ii. 183 - - Costa, B. T. de, ii. 129, 214 - - "Cottoniana" mappamundi, i. 180, 182, 183; ii. 192-3, 208, 220, 284 - - Cottonian Chronicle, ii. 303, 324, 326 - - Crassus, Publius, visits the Cassiterides, i. 27 - - Crates of Mallus, i. 44, 78-9 - - Croker, T. Crofton, i. 379 - - Cromlechs, Distribution of, i. 22, 239 - - Cronium, Mare, i. 65, 100, 106, 121, 182, 363, 376 - - Crops, in Thule, i. 63; - in Britain, i. 63; - in Greenland, i. 277 - - Cuno, J. G., i. 59 - - Cwên-sæ, i. 169 - - Cyclopes, i. 189, 196; ii. 10, 147, 148, 238 - - Cylipenus, i. 101, 104, 105 - - Cynocephali, i. 154-5, 159, 187, 189, 198, 383 - - _Cystophora cristata_ (bladder-nose seal), i. 276, 286 - - - Daae, L., i. 226; ii. 125, 129 - - Dalorto (or Dulcert), Angellino, ii. 226-30; - his map of 1325, ii. 177, 219, 226, 229, 235, 236; - his map of 1339 (Dulcert), ii. 229, 230, 235, 265, 266 - - Damastes of Sigeum, i. 16 - - Danes, i. 94, 121, 136, 139, 142, 143, 145, 146, 153, 167, 169, 180, - 188, 245; ii. 115, 161 - - Darkness, Sea of, i. 40-1, 192, 195, 199, 363, 382; ii. 149, 204, 206, - 212 - - Dauciones, i. 120, 121 - - Davis Strait, i. 269 - - Dawson, S. E., ii. 295, 307, 319, 321 - - Debes, Lucas, i. 375 - - Delisle, L., ii. 161 - - Delos, i. 375 - - Delphi, i. 18, 19 - - Democritus, i. 127 - - Denmark, i. 82, 94, 180, 185, 234; ii. 179, 201, 204, 205, 208, 237; - called "Dacia" on mediæval maps, ii. 188, 190, 222, 225; - representation of, in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 225, 235, 250, 286 - - Denys, Nicolas, ii. 3 - - Desimoni, C., ii. 325 - - Deslien's map of 1541, ii. 322 - - Detlefsen, D., i. 43, 70, 71, 72, 83, 84, 85, 93, 97, 99, 102, 119 - - Dicæarchus, i. 44, 73 - - Dicuil, i. 58, 160, 162-7, 252, 362; ii. 43, 51, 229 - - Dihya, Ibn, ii. 200-1, 209 - - Dimashqî, ii. 212-3 - - Diodorus Siculus, i. 23, 29-30, 44, 50, 51, 52, 58, 63, 71, 80, 87, 90, - 346; ii. 48 - - Dionysius Periegetes, i. 114-5, 123, 356; ii. 47, 48, 192 - - Dipylon vases, i. 236-7 - - Disappearing (fairy) islands, i. 370, 378-9; ii. 213 - - Disc, Doctrine of the earth as a, i. 8, 12, 126, 127, 153, 198; ii. 182 - - Disco Bay, Greenland, i. 298, 300, 301, 302, 306, 307; ii. 72 - - "Doegr" (== half a 24 hours' day), used as a measure of distance, i. - 287, 310, 322, 335; ii. 166, 169, 170, 171 - - Dogs as draught-animals, ii. 69, 72, 145, 146 - - Down Islands (Duneyiar), i. 285, 286 - - Dozy, R., ii. 55, 200, 201 - - Dozy and de Goeje, ii. 51, 204 - - Drapers' Company, Protest of, against Sebastian Cabot, ii. 302, 330, - 338, 342 - - _Draumkvæde_, i. 367, 381 - - Driftwood, in Greenland, i. 299, 305, 307, 308; ii. 37, 96 - - Drusus (The elder Germanicus), i. 83 - - "Dumna," island, i. 106, 117; ii. 257 - - Dumont d'Urville, i. 376 - - Dvina, river, i. 173, 174, 222; ii. 135, 136, 137, 142, 146, 164, 176 - - Eastern Settlement of Greenland, i. 263, 265, 267, 271, 272, 274, 275, - 276, 296, 301, 302, 307, 310, 311, 321; ii. 71, 82, 90, 107, 108, - 112, 116; - decline of, ii. 95-100, 102 - - Ebstorf map, i. 102, 191; ii. 187 - - Edda, The older (poetic), i. 273 - - Edda, the younger (_Snorra-Edda_), i. 273, 298, 304, 342, 364 - - Eden, Richard, ii. 341 - - Edrisi, i. 182, 382; ii. 51-53, 202-8, 209, 210, 216; - his map, ii. 192, 203, 208, 220, 284 - - Egede, Hans, ii. 40, 41, 74, 101, 104, 105, 106 - - Egil Skallagrimsson's Saga, i. 175, 218 - - Egyptian myths, i. 347 - - Einar Sokkason, i. 283, 294 - - Einar Thorgeirsson, lost in Greenland, i. 284 - - Einhard, i. 167, 179, 180, 185 - - Elk (_achlis_), i. 105, 191 - - _Elymus arenarius_ (lyme-grass), ii. 5 - - Elysian Fields, i. 347, 349, 351 - - Empedocles, i. 12, 127 - - England (_see_ Britain), Arab geographers on, ii. 204, 211; - maritime enterprise of, ii. 180, 294-5, 343; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 218 - - English State document (1575) on North-West Passage, ii. 129-30, 132 - - "Engronelant," ii. 277, 279, 373 - - d'Enjoy, Paul, i. 377 - - Eratosthenes of Cyrene, i. 20, 29, 44, 47, 52, 55, 61, 73, 75-7, 78, 82, - 115; ii. 292 - - Eric Blood-Axe, ii. 136 - - Eric of Pomerania, ii. 118, 119 - - Eric the Red, i. 252, 256, 259, 262, 280, 288, 293, 318-21, 324, 330, - 337, 344, 368; ii. 22, 77, 88; - discovers Greenland, i. 260, 263, 266-70 - - Eric the Red, Saga of, i. 260, 266, 273, 291, 292, 293, 296, 310, 313, - 314, 318, 322, 331, 332-5, 337, 338, 342, 343, 367, 382; ii. 4, 6, - 8, 10, 11, 14, 15, 22, 23, 24, 42, 43, 50, 59, 61, 89, 91, 206; - its value as a historical document, ii. 62 - - Eric's fjord (Greenland), i. 267, 268, 271, 275, 317, 318, 319, 321; - ii. 112 - - Eric Upsi, bishop of Greenland, ii. 29-31 - - Eridanus, river, i. 31, 32, 34, 42 - - Eruli, i. 21, 94, 136, 137-8, 139-49, 153, 235, 245 - - Erythea, i. 9 - - Erythræan Sea, i. 10 - - Eskimo, i. 19, 51, 150, 212, 215, 216, 223, 231-2, 260, 298, 306, 307, - 308, 309, 310, 368; ii. 10, 12, 16, 17, 19, 66-94, 102-6, 107, - 111-2, 113-6, 333, 366-7; - fairy-tales and legends of, ii. 8, 105, 115; - ball-game among, ii. 40-1; - distribution of, ii. 66-74; - racial characteristics of, ii. 67-8; - their culture, ii. 68-9, 91-2; - Norse settlers absorbed by, ii. 100, 102-105, 106, 107-11, 117; - unwarlike nature of, ii. 114, 115-6 - - Esthonians (Æstii, Osti), Esthonia, i. 69, 72, 104, 109, 131, 167, 169, - 170, 181, 186; ii. 205 - - "Estotiland," fictitious northern country, ii. 131 - - Eudoxus, i. 46 - - _Eyrbyggja-saga_, i. 313, 376; ii. 42, 46, 48, 50 - - - Fabricius, A., ii. 55 - - Fabyan, Robert, Chronicle (quoted by Hakluyt), ii. 303, 324, 326, 333 - - Fadhlân, Ibn, ii. 143 - - Fairies, Names for, i. 372-3 - - Fairylands, Irish, i. 357, 370-1, 379; ii. 60; - Norwegian, i. 369-70, 378; ii. 60, 213; - laudatory names for, i. 374; - characteristics of, i. 375-9; ii. 213-4 - - Faqîh, Ibn al-, ii. 197 - - Farewell, Cape, i. 261, 267, 280, 282, 284, 288, 291, 295, 307, 316; - ii. 73 - - Faroes, The, i. 254, 255, 257, 316, 324, 362; ii. 51, 229, 262; - discovered by the Irish, i. 162-4, 233; - Irish monks expelled from, i. 252, 253; - early Celtic population in, i. 164, 253 - - Felix, The monk, in mediæval legend, i. 381 - - Fenni (Finns), i. 109, 112, 113, 114, 120, 149, 203 - - Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, letter from, ii. 300 - - Fernald, M. L., ii. 3, 5-6 - - Fernandez, João (called "Lavorador"), ii. 331-2, 356; - letters patent to (1499), ii. 346, 356; - probably sighted Greenland (1500), ii. 356, 357, 375; - took part in Bristol expedition (1501), ii. 331, 356, 357; - Greenland (Labrador) named after him, ii. 358 - - Filastre, Cardinal, ii. 249-50, 278 - - Finland (_see_ Kvænland), i. 206, 209, 210, 214; - the name confused with Vinland, i. 198, 382; ii. 31, 191; - and with Finmark, i. 382; ii. 191, 205; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 224 - - Finmark, i. 61, 173, 175, 177, 191, 198, 204, 210, 213, 220, 222, 225; - ii. 86, 141, 163, 164, 172, 178, 179, 205, 211, 237; - the name confused with Finland, i. 382; ii. 32, 191, 205; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 221 - - "Finn," The name, i. 198, 205-7, 210 - - "Finnaithæ" (Finnédi, Finvedi) (_see_ Finns), i. 135, 137, 189, 198, - 203, 204, 206, 382 - - Finn mac Cumhaill, i. 363; ii. 45 - - Finns, i. 109, 112, 113, 114, 120, 135, 136, 137, 149, 171, 173-8, 189, - 198, 203-32, 382; ii. 68, 143; - Horned Finns, ii. 167 - - "Finns," in southern Scandinavia, i. 103, 203, 205, 206-11; ii. 159 - - Finn's booths (_Finnsbuðir_), in Greenland, i. 283, 296, 305 - - "Finnur hinn Friði," Faroese lay of, ii. 33-4 - - Fisher, J., ii. 33, 121, 229, 249, 276, 277, 278, 279, 281 - - Fischer, M. P., ii. 161 - - Fischer, Theobald, ii. 216, 220, 230, 234 - - Fishing Lapps, i. 204, 205, 207, 218, 221, 223-32 - - _Flateyjarbók_, i. 254, 283, 313, 304, 317, 318, 324, 329, 331, 334, - 338, 340, 343, 344, 359, 360; ii. 4, 14, 15, 18, 21, 22, 23, 25, - 59, 61 - - Fletcher, Giles, i. 226 - - _Floamanna-Saga_, i. 280, 281; ii. 46, 81 - - Floating islands, Legends of, i. 375-7; ii. 213-4 - - Floki Vilgerdarson, sails to Iceland, i. 255, 257, 269 - - Florus, L. Annæus, i. 350 - - Forbiger, A., i. 58, 102 - - Forster, i. 179 - - Fortunate Isles (_Insulæ Fortunatæ_), i. 117, 198, 334, 345-53, 367, - 370, 372, 373, 382-4; ii. 1-6, 24, 31, 42, 55, 59-61, 64, 191, - 228, 280, 304 - - Fortunate Lake, Irish myth of, ii. 229-30 - - _Foster-Brothers' Saga_, i. 276, 320; ii. 9, 18 - - Frähn, C. M., ii. 143, 145 - - Franks Casket, The, i. 176 - - Freydis, daughter of Eric the Red, i. 320, 328, 332, 333; ii. 11, 51 - - Friesland, Frisians, i. 95, 153, 205 - - Friis, J. A., i. 372 - - Friis, Peder Claussön, i. 224, 227-9, 232, 369; ii. 153, 158, 178, 268 - - Frisian noblemen's polar expedition, i. 195-6, 200, 383; ii. 147-8 - - Frisius, Gemma, ii. 129, 132 - - Frisland, fabulous island south of Iceland, i. 377; ii. 131 - - Fritzner, ii. 9 - - Furðustrandir, i. 273, 312, 313, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 334, 336, 337, - 339, 357; ii. 24, 36 - - Fyldeholm (island of drinking), i. 352 - - - Gadir (Gadeira, Gades, Cadiz), i. 24, 27, 28, 30, 36, 37, 66, 79 - - Galvano, Antonio, ii. 336, 337, 338, 354, 364, 376 - - Gandvik (the White Sea), i. 218-9, 228; ii. 136-8, 164, 223, 237, 239 - - Gardar, discoverer of Iceland, i. 255-7, 263 - - Garðar, Greenland, i. 272, 273, 275, 311; ii. 106, 107, 108, 121, 122 - - "Gautigoth" (_see_ Goths), i. 135 - - _Gautrek's Saga_, i. 18-9 - - Geelmuyden, Prof. H., i. 52, 54, 311; ii. 23 - - Geijer, E. G., i. 60, 102, 111, 131, 205, 207 - - Gellir Thorkelsson, i. 366 - - Genoese mappamundi (1447 or 1457), ii. 278, 286, 287 - - Geminus of Rhodes, i. 43, 44, 53, 54, 57, 63, 64 - - _Geographia Universalis_, i. 382; ii. 32, 177, 188-91, 220, 227, 339 - - Gepidæ, i. 139, 142, 153 - - Gerfalcons, Island or land of, ii. 208, 227, 266, 289 - - Germania, i. 69, 71, 73, 87, 90, 95, 101, 108-14, 154, 169; - Roman campaigns in, i. 81, 83, 85, 97 - - Germanicus, The younger, i. 83 - - Germanus, Nicolaus, ii. 251, 276-9, 288, 290, 373 - - Germany, coast of, in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 257 - - _Gesta Francorum_, i. 234 - - Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, ii. 340 - - Gildas, i. 234, 364 - - Ginnungagap, i. 12, 84, 158; ii. 35, 150, 154, 239-41 - - Giraldus Cambrensis, i. 379; ii. 151, 220, 245 - - Gisle Oddsson's Annals, ii. 82, 100-2, 109 - - Gissur Einarsson, Bishop, i. 285 - - Gjessing, H., ii. 31 - - Glæsaria, island, i. 101, 106 - - Glastonbury, Legend of sow at, i. 378-9 - - "Gli," mythical island, i. 364 - - Globes, used by the Greeks, i. 78; - introduced by Toscanelli, ii. 287; - Behaim's, ii. 287-9; - Laon globe, ii. 290; - used by Columbus, ii. 287; - and Cabot, ii. 304, 306 - - Gnomon, The, i. 11, 45-6 - - Godthaab, Greenland, i. 271, 304, 307, 321; ii. 73, 74 - - Goe, month of, i. 264, 265 - - Goeje, M. de, i. 344, 362; ii. 51, 194, 197, 198 - - Goes, Damiam de, ii. 354, 366, 376, 377 - - Gokstad ship, i. 246 - - Gomara, Francesco Lopez de, ii. 129, 130, 131, 336, 337, 354, 364 - - _Gongu-Rólv's kvæði_, i. 356 - - Göta river, i. 131; ii. 190, 205 - - Göter (Gauter), i. 120, 135, 141, 144, 147; ii. 190 - - Goths (Gytoni, Gythones, Getæ), i. 14, 21, 71, 120, 129, 130, 135, 137, - 139, 145, 147, 153; ii. 143, 190 - - Gotland, i. 121, 180, 378; ii. 125, 237; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 221, 224, 233, 265 - - Gourmont, Hieronymus, map of Iceland, ii. 122-3, 127 - - Graah, Captain, i. 297; ii. 104 - - Grail, Legends of the, i. 382 - - Grampus, i. 50-1 - - Granii, i. 136 - - Grape Island (_Insula Uvarum_), i. 358, 361, 363, 365, 366 - - Greenland, i. 184, 192, 194, 197, 199, 200, 201, 215, 223, 252, 315-21, - 322; ii. 1, 5, 12, 25, 36, 38, 40-2, 66-94, 95-134, 167, 169, 177, - 244, 345, 366; - Eskimo of, ii. 71-5; - discovered and settled by Norwegians, i. 258-78; - estimated population of settlements, i. 272; - conditions of life in i. 274-8, 319; ii. 96-7; - voyages along the coasts of, i. 279-311; - glaciers (inland ice) of, i. 288-95, 301, 308; ii. 246-7; - decline of Norse settlements in, ii. 90, 95-100; - last voyage to (from Norway), ii. 117; - last ship from, ii. 118; - geographical ideas of, ii. 237-40, 246-8, 254-5, 259-62, 270-6, 278, - 279, 280; - east coast of, i. 271-2, 279-96, 308; ii. 168, 170, 171, 238; - uninhabited parts (_ubygder_) of, i. 279-311, 320, 321; ii. 28, 166, - 172; - sixteenth-century discovery of, ii. 315, 332, 335, 352, 363, 364, 375; - called Labrador, ii. 129, 132, 133, 315, 335, 353; - in sixteenth-century maps, ii. 368-75 - - Gregory of Tours i. 234 - - "Greipar," in Greenland, i. 298, 299, 300-1, 304 - - _Grettis-saga_, i. 313, 367 - - Griffins, i. 19, 254; ii. 263 - - Grim Kamban, i. 253 - - Grimm, J., i. 18, 94, 95, 355, 372; ii. 45, 56 - - Grimm, W., i. 373 - - Grip, Carsten, letter to Christiern III., ii. 126-8 - - _Gripla_, i. 288; ii. 35-6, 237, 239, 241 - - Gröndal, B., i. 371, 375 - - _Grönlands historiske Mindesmærker_, i. 262, 263, 271, 281, 282, 283, - 284, 285, 288, 292, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, - 304, 305, 311, 333, 359, 377; ii. 1, 9, 14, 17, 22, 25, 31, 35, - 46, 79, 82, 86, 100, 102, 106, 108, 112, 113, 117, 119, 120, 125, - 127, 172, 237, 278 - - _Grönlendinga-þáttr_ (_see_ Flateyjarbók) - - Groth, Th., ii. 103 - - _Grottasongr_, i. 159 - - Gudleif' Gudlaugsson, story of his voyage, ii. 49-50, 53-4; - compared with Leif Ericson, ii. 50-1 - - Gudmund Arason's Saga, i. 284 - - Gudmundsson, Jón, map by, ii. 34, 241 - - Gudmundsson, V., ii. 25 - - Gudrid, wife of Karlsevne, i. 318, 319, 320, 321, 329, 330, 333; ii. - 14-5, 51 - - Guichot y Sierra, A., i. 376 - - Gulathings Law, ii. 140 - - Gulf Stream, i. 251; ii. 54 - - Gunnbjörnskerries, i. 256, 261-4, 267, 280; ii. 276 - - Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, i. 256, 261-4, 267, 280, 296 - - Gustafson, Prof. G., i. 237, 240 - - Gutæ, i. 120 - - _Guta-saga_, i. 378 - - Gutones (_see_ Goths), i. 70, 71, 72, 72, 93 - - Gytoni (_see_ Goths), i. 71 - - - Hægstad, Prof. M., ii. 242 - - Hægstad and Torp (_Gamal-norsk Ordbog_), ii. 9 - - Hæmodæ ("Acmodæ," "Hæcmodæ"), i. 90, 106 - - "Hafsbotn" (the Polar Sea), i. 283, 303; ii. 137, 151, 165, 166, 167, - 168, 171, 172, 237, 240 - - Hakluyt. R., i. 226; ii. 129, 132, 152, 261, 319, 321, 326, 333 - - Håkon Håkonsson's Saga, i. 299; ii. 139, 141 - - _Halichoerus grypus_ (grey seal), i. 217; ii. 91, 155 - - Halli Geit, Tale of, ii. 239 - - Hallinger, i. 104, 247 - - Hallstatt, i. 24, 36 - - Hâlogaland (Hålogaland, Hâlogi, Halgoland, Halagland, Halogia, - Helgeland), i. 61, 62, 64, 132, 135, 138, 175, 179, 194, 197, 200, - 231, 247, 264, 381, 383; ii. 64, 137, 139, 140, 142, 165, 168, 172; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 227, 236 - - Halsingia, or Alsingia, i. 104 - - Hamberg, Axel, ii. 69 - - Hammershaimb, V. U., i. 356, 375; ii. 33 - - Hamy, ii. 220, 223, 229, 230, 234 - - Hanno, i. 37, 88, 350; ii. 45 - - Hans (John), king of Denmark, ii. 125, 128 - - Hanseatic League, ii. 99, 119, 125, 179, 218 - - Hansen, Dr. A. M., i. 149, 192, 206, 207, 208, 218, 221, 222, 228, 229, - 230, 236-7, 239 - - Harold Fairhair, i. 253-4, 255, 258 - - Harold Gråfeld, ii. 136, 153, 154 - - Harold Hardråde, i. 185, 195, 201, 283, 383; ii. 147, 199; - his voyage in the Polar Sea, i. 195; ii. 148-54 - - Harpoons, i. 214-7, 277; ii. 145-6, 156-63 - - Harrisse, Henry, ii. 132, 230, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 300, 302, 303, - 304, 305, 309, 314, 315, 319, 320, 326, 327, 329, 331, 332, 333, - 334, 336, 341, 347, 348, 349, 353, 358, 359, 360, 365, 374 - - Harudes (Charydes, Charudes, Horder), i. 85, 118, 136, 143, 148, 246 - - _Hauksbók_, i. 188, 251, 256, 257, 261, 262, 264, 268, 286, 291, 293, - 308, 309, 322, 327, 331, 333, 353, 367, 369; ii. 10, 11, 166, - 169, 172, 216, 261 - - Hebrides (Ebudes, Hebudes), i. 57, 90, 106, 117, 123, 158, 159, 160, - 161, 234, 273, 316; ii. 151, 200 - - Hecatæus of Abdera, i. 8, 9, 10, 15, 16, 98 - - Heffermehl, A. V., ii. 242 - - Heiberg, Prof. J., i. 219, 220 - - _Heimskringla_, i. 270, 313, 331; ii. 59, 137, 171, 239 - - Heiner, i. 138 - - Heinrich of Mainz, map by, ii. 185, 187 - - Helge Bograngsson, killed in Bjarmeland, ii. 139-40 - - Heligoland, i. 197 - - Helland, A., i. 226, 231, 369, 372, 373, 378, 381; ii. 46, 152, 177, 228 - - Helluland, i. 312, 313, 322, 323, 334, 336, 357; ii. 1, 23, 35-6, 61, 237 - - Helm, O., i. 14 - - Helsingland, Helsingers, i. 189; ii. 237 - - Henry V. of England, ii. 119 - - Henry VI. of England, ii. 119 - - Henry VII. of England, ii. 130, 298, 299, 302, 303, 322, 324, 326, 327, - 331, 332, 333, 334, 337, 338, 340 - - Henry VIII. of England, ii. 319, 330, 334, 338, 341, 342, 343 - - Heraclitus, i. 12 - - "Herbrestr" (war-crash), ii. 8-9 - - Hereford map, i. 91, 92, 102, 154, 157, 190; ii. 186, 187 - - Hergt, G., i. 43, 51, 60, 65, 66, 67, 71, 72 - - Herla, mythical king of Britain, ii. 76 - - Hermiones, i. 91, 104 - - Hermits, in Irish legends, ii. 19, 43-6, 50 - - Herodotus, i. 9, 12, 20, 23, 24, 27, 31-2, 46, 76, 78, 81, 88, 114, 148, - 155, 156, 161, 187 - - Hertzberg, Ebbe, ii. 38, 39, 40, 61, 93 - - Hesiod, i. 9, 11, 18, 42, 84, 348 - - Hesperides, i. 9, 161, 334, 345, 376; ii. 2, 61 - - Heyman, i. 342; ii. 8 - - Hielmqvist, Th., i. 381 - - Hieronymus, i. 151, 154 - - Higden, Ranulph (_Polychronicon_), i. 346, 382; ii. 31-2, 288-92, 220; - his mappamundi, ii. 188, 189, 192 - - Hilleviones, i. 101, 104, 121 - - Himilco's voyage, i. 29, 36-41, 68, 83 - - Himinrað (Hunenrioth, &c.), mountain in Greenland, i. 302-4; ii. 108 - - Hipparchus, i. 44, 47, 52, 56, 57, 73, 77-8, 87, 116; ii. 197 - - Hippocrates, i. 13, 88 - - Hippopods, i. 91 - - Hirri, i. 101 - - _Historia Norwegiæ_, i. 204, 229, 252, 255, 256, 257, 298; ii. 1, 2, 17, - 29, 61, 79, 87, 88, 135, 151, 167, 168, 172, 222, 227, 235, 239, - 240, 280 - - Hjorleif, settles in Iceland with Ingolf, i. 166, 252, 254, 255 - - Hoegh, K., ii. 31 - - Hoffmann, W. J., ii. 39, 40 - - Hofmann, C., i. 59 - - Holand, H. R., ii. 31 - - Holberg, Ludvig, ii. 118 - - Holm, G. F., i. 271, 274 - - Holz, G., i. 85, 102 - - Homer, i. 8, 10-11, 13, 14, 25, 33, 77, 78, 196, 347, 348, 371; ii. 53, - 54, 160 - - Homeyer, C. G., i. 214 - - Hönen, Ringerike, Runic stone from, ii. 27-9, 58 - - Honorius Augustodunensis, i. 375 - - Honorius, Julius, i. 123; ii. 183 - - Horace, i. 349, 350-1 - - Horaisan, Japanese fortunate isle, ii. 56-7, 213 - - Horder (_see_ Harudes), i. 85, 118, 136, 138, 143, 147, 209, 246 - - Horn, Georg, (_Ulysses peregrinans_), ii. 132, 133 - - Horses, Swedish, i. 135; - in Greenland, i. 276 - - Hrabanus Maurus, i. 159, 167, 184 - - "Huldrefolk" (Norwegian fairies), i. 355, 356, 370-3, 381; ii. 12, 60 - - "Huldrelands" (_see_ Fairylands) - - Humboldt, i. 363 - - Huns, i. 188 - - Hvarf point, in Greenland, i. 263, 267, 269, 279, 288, 290, 292, 294, - 295, 303, 310, 315; ii. 169, 171, 261 - - Hvergelmer, i. 158, 159 - - Hvítramanna-land (the White Men's Land), i. 312, 313, 330, 353, 366, - 368, 376; ii. 2, 19, 42-56, 60, 61, 92; - called Great Ireland, i. 330, 353, 366; ii. 42, 48; - Are Mársson's voyage to, i. 331-2, 353-4; ii. 42, 46, 50 - - Hvitserk glacier, in Greenland, i. 283, 286, 288, 291, 292, 294-5, 303; - ii. 122, 123, 124, 127, 128 - - Hyperboreans, i. 13, 15-21, 79, 81, 88, 89, 98, 128, 187, 188, 348; - ii. 188 - - - Iberians, in British Isles, i. 26; - in Brittany, i. 30; - cannibalism among, i. 81 - - Ibrâhîm ibn Ja'qûb, i. 187 - - Iceland, i. 181-4, 192, 193-4, 197, 201, 248, 251, 262, 263, 267, 278, - 285, 286, 289, 295, 305, 308, 324, 337, 353, 362, 374; ii. 43, 49, - 102, 112, 169, 170, 191, 211, 242, 244, 245, 281; - discovered by Irish monks, i. 59, 164-7, 233, 258; - identified with Thule, i. 59-60, 164, 193; - fables of ice in, i. 181, 183-4, 193; ii. 191; - Norwegian settlement of, i. 252-8; - called "Gardarsholm," i. 255; - called "Snowland," i. 255; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 225, 230, 231, 250, 262, 275, 279, 284, - 286 - - Icelandic Annals (_Islandske Annaler_), i. 282, 284, 285, 305; ii. 25, - 29, 36, 37, 82, 88, 99, 111, 112, 117, 118, 166, 172 - - Ictis, i. 29 - - "Illa verde," on fifteenth and sixteenth century maps, ii. 279-81, 294, - 318 - - Indian myths, i. 19, 92, 351, 356, 363; ii. 57, 213, 214 - - Indiana, North American, i. 327, 377; ii. 7, 12, 16, 23, 25, 68, 69, 90, - 92, 93, 334, 367; - lacrosse among, ii. 39-41, 93 - - Ingævones, i. 101 - - Ingimund Thorgeirsson, lost in Greenland, i. 284 - - Ingolf Arnarson, first Norse settler in Iceland, i. 252, 253, 254, 255, - 257, 267 - - Ingolf's Fjeld, Greenland, i. 291, 293, 294, 296 - - Ingram, Dr., i. 179 - - Ireland (Hierne, Hibernia, Juverna, Ivernia, Ibernia), i. 38, 57, 80, - 81, 90, 117, 179, 192, 234, 253, 326; ii. 201, 211, 244, 245; - connection with Iceland, i. 167, 258, 353; - whaling in, ii. 156 - - Irgens, O., i. 248, 250 - - Irish monks, i, 162-7, 362; ii. 43; - ("Papar") in Iceland, i. 254, 258; ii. 77, 78 - - Irish myths, i. 281-2, 334, 336-9, 353-64, 370, 371; ii. 18, 19, 20, - 43-5, 50, 53-4, 56, 60-1, 206, 207, 228-9, 234 - - Iroquois myth of floating island, i. 377 - - Isachsen, G., i. 300, 304, 306; ii. 168, 171 - - Isidorus Hispalensis, i. 44, 102, 151, 159, 160, 167, 184, 187, 345, - 346, 347, 352, 353, 367, 382-4; ii. 2, 3-4, 58, 59, 64, 75, 183, - 184, 185, 189, 247 - - Isles of the Blest, The, i. 9, 84, 348, 349, 351, 363, 370; ii. 59 - - Issedonians, i. 16, 19, 81 - - Italian sailors and cartographers (_see_ Compass-charts), ii. 217 - - _Itinéraire Brugeois_, ii. 250, 256, 262, 263, 272 - - Itineraries, Roman, i. 116, 123, 153 - - Ivar Bárdsson's description of Greenland, i. 262-3, 290, 292, 295, 302, - 304; ii. 82, 87, 88, 102, 106, 107-11, 126, 166, 171, 241, 256, - 261, 276 - - Ivar Bodde, probable author of the _King's Mirror_, ii. 242 - - - Jacob, G., i. 187, 284; ii. 145, 157, 202 - - Jakobsen, Dr. J., i. 163, 293, 374 - - Jan Mayen, i. 287; ii. 168, 169, 171 - - Japanese myth, ii. 56-8, 213 - - Jaqût, ii. 143, 144 - - Jaubert, P. A., ii. 204 - - Jenkinson, Anthony, ii. 152 - - Jensen, A. S., ii. 104 - - Jomard, ii. 220, 229 - - Jones Sound, i. 304, 306 - - _Jónsbók_, Icelandic MS., i. 316, 320, 329; ii. 24 - - Jónsson, Finnur, i. 166, 198, 256, 258, 260, 262, 265, 266, 273, 301, - 305, 314, 331, 367; ii. 79, 107, 108, 167, 237 - - Jordanes, i. 104, 120, 129-38, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 153, - 154, 155, 194, 203, 206; ii. 211 - - Jörgensen, N. P., i. 272, 274-5 - - Jotunheim, i. 303; ii. 147, 172, 238 - - Jovius, Paulus, ii. 111 - - Joyce, P. W., i. 360, 379 - - Julianehaab, Greenland, i. 267, 271, 274 - - Jutland, i. 69, 71, 72, 82, 85, 93, 94, 101, 102, 105, 117, 139, 144, - 143, 147, 169, 180, 185, 246; ii. 192; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 224, 225, 235, 257, 265 - - - Kähler, F., i. 43, 68 - - Kandalaks, river and gulf, i. 174, 218-9, 222 - - Kara Sea, i. 212 - - Karelians (Kirjals), Karelia, i. 175, 218, 219, 220, 222, 223; ii. 85, - 137, 140, 146, 167, 173, 174; - "Kareli infideles," ii. 85, 117, 224, 225, 255, 262, 270, 271, 272 - - Karlsevne, Thorfinn, i. 260, 313, 318, 319, 331, 333, 336, 346, 354; - ii. 14, 15, 18, 23, 25, 65; - voyage to Wineland, i. 320-30, 334-45; - battle with the Skrælings, i. 328; ii. 6-11 - - "Kassiteros," Derivation of, i. 25-6 - - Kayaks, Eskimo, ii. 10, 68, 70, 72, 74, 85, 91, 92, 127, 270 - - Kemble, John M., i. 364 - - Kensington stone, Minnesota, ii. 31 - - Keyser, R., i. 58, 59, 60, 65, 93, 99, 104, 105, 107 - - Khordâdbah, Ibn, ii. 195, 196-7 - - Kiær, A., ii. 63 - - Kingigtorsuak, Runic stone from, i. 297; ii. 84 - - King map (_circa_ 1502), ii. 331, 354, 355, 358, 364, 373, 374 - - _Kings Mirror_, The, (_Konungs-Skuggsjá_), i. 3, 272-3, 277, 279-80, - 300, 352; ii. 1, 2, 29, 87, 88, 95, 96, 98, 155, 157, 172, 193, - 234, 242-8; - authorship of, ii. 242 - - Kjær, A., i. 324 - - Kjalarnes, i. 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 329; ii. 23 - - Kjelmö, archæological find from, i. 212-9, 224 - - Kjölen range, i. 102, 224; ii. 222 - - Kleiven, Ivar, i. 340 - - "Knarren," Royal trading ship to Greenland, ii. 38, 98-9, 106, 122 - - Knattleikr, Norse ball-game, ii. 38-9, 61, 93; - similar to lacrosse, ii. 39 - - "Kobandoi" (Cobandi), i. 93-4, 118 - - Koch, J., i. 156 - - Kohl, J. G., ii. 148, 340, 353 - - Kohlmann, P. W., i. 194 - - Koht, H., i. 247; ii. 43 - - Kola peninsula, i. 173, 174, 217, 223; ii. 135, 142, 165, 176 - - Koren-Wiberg, Christian, ii. 80 - - Krabbo, Hermann, i. 202 - - Krag, H. P. S., i. 340 - - Kraken, sea monster, i. 375; ii. 234, 244 - - Kretschmer, K., i. 10, 12, 14, 74, 78; ii. 215, 222, 223, 226, 228, 229, - 230, 282, 284, 294, 313, 353 - - Kristensen, W. Brede, i. 347 - - _Kristni-saga_, i. 313, 331, 367; ii. 59 - - Kröksfjarðarheiðr (Greenland), i. 267, 299, 300-1, 304, 306, 308, 309, - 310; ii. 72, 83, 88 - - Kulhwch and Olwen, Tale of, i. 342; ii. 8 - - Kunstmann, F., ii. 229, 378 - - "Kunstmann, No. 2," Italian mappamundi, ii. 374 - - Kvænland (Cvenland, Cwênland; Finland), i. 155, 170, 175, 178, 198; - the name mistaken for "Land of Women," i. 112, 186-7, 383; ii. 64, - 214, 237 - - Kvæns (_see_ Finns), Cwênas, i. 178, 191, 206, 207, 220, 223; ii. 137, - 141, 167; - their name confused with "cyon" (dog), i. 155, 188 - - - Labrador, i. 322, 323, 334, 335; ii. 5, 23, 41, 68, 105, 106, 131, 133, - 308, 314, 335, 338, 352, 358, 364, 370; - == Greenland, ii. 129, 132, 133, 315, 331, 335; - the name of, ii. 331-2, 357-8 - - Lacrosse, ii. 38-41; - perhaps derived from Norsemen, ii. 40 - - Lactantius, i. 127 - - Læstrygons, i. 13, 78 - - Läffler, Prof. L. F., i. 132, 134, 136, 297; ii. 63 - - "Lageniensis," i. 357, 379; ii. 228 - - Lagnus, bay, i. 101, 105 - - Lambert map, ii. 188, 259 - - Lampros, S. P., ii. 281 - - Landa-Rolf, i. 285-6 - - Landegode (_Landit Góða_), island off Bodo, Norway, i. 369-70, 372, 373, - 374; ii. 60 - - _Landnámabók_, i. 166, 251, 255, 256, 258, 260, 261, 266, 273, 288, 291, - 293, 313, 324, 330, 332, 353, 366, 367, 368, 369, 377; ii. 21, 42, - 58, 60, 62, 166, 168, 169, 170, 172 - - Langebek, i. 179 - - Langobards, i. 138, 139, 155, 156, 159 - - Laon globe, ii. 290 - - Lappenberg, I. M., i. 193, 195, 303 - - Lapps, i. 61, 113, 150, 171, 173, 177, 190, 191, 203-8, 218, 220, - 224-32, 372; ii. 76, 135, 164, 168, 175, 178; - their magic, i. 191, 204, 219, 227, 229; ii. 32, 77, 136, 137; - their archery, i. 227-30; - their languages, i. 228-9 - - Lascaris, Cananos, travels in the North, ii. 281 - - Las Casas, ii. 214 - - Latitude, calculation of, i. 46-8, 64, 76, 78, 116-7; ii. 22, 260, 307; - scale of, on Ptolemy's and other maps, ii. 259, 260-1, 264, 274-5 - - Latris, island, i. 101, 105 - - Laurentius Kálfsson's saga, ii. 8 - - Leardus, Johannes, mappamundi by, ii. 282 - - L'Ecuy globe (or Rouen globe), ii. 129, 131-2 - - Leem, K., ii. 178, 191 - - Leif Ericson, i. 270, 313, 314, 315-8, 321, 331, 332, 338, 339, 343, - 346, 359, 380, 384; ii. 4, 21, 22, 25, 50, 51, 59, 65; - called "the Lucky," i. 270, 313, 317, 331; - meaning of the name, i. 380-2; - discovers Wineland the Good, i. 313, 317, 332; - rescues the shipwrecked crew, i. 317; - introduces Christianity, i. 317, 332, 380 - - Lelewel, J., ii. 131, 203, 278, 282, 284, 286 - - Leucippus, i. 12, 127 - - Liebrecht, F., ii. 228 - - Ligurians, i. 41, 42, 114 - - Lik-Lodin, i. 282-3 - - Lillienskiold, Hans Hansen, i. 177 - - Lind, E. H., i. 332 - - "Liver Sea" (_Lebermeer_), i. 69, 181, 363; ii. 20, 51, 231 - - Lok, Michael, Map of 1582, ii. 130, 321, 323 - - Lönborg, S. E., i. 102, 112, 131, 135, 156, 174, 180, 193, 197; ii. 150 - - Longest day, calculation of, ii. 52, 54 - - Lot, F., i. 357, 379 - - Loth, J., i. 342 - - Lucian, i. 352, 355, 356, 360, 361, 363, 366, 376; ii. 54, 150 - - Lugii (Vandal tribe), i. 247 - - "Lycko-Par" ("Lykke-Per"), i. 381 - - "Lykk-Anders," Tale of, i. 381 - - Lyschander (_Grönlands Chronica_), ii. 101, 102, 111 - - Lytton, Lord, i. 350 - - - Machutus, St., Voyage of, i. 334, 354, 363 - - Macrobius, i. 123, 126, 184; ii. 182, 193, 247 - - Maelduin, Voyage of, i. 336-7, 338, 355, 356, 358, 360, 361, 362, 363, - 364, 366; ii. 9, 18, 45, 150 - - Maelstrom, Legends of the, i. 157-9; ii. 138, 150-3, 241 - - Mæotides, i. 88 - - Mæotis Palus (Sea of Azov), i. 89; ii. 199, 211, 283, 284 - - Maggiolo, map by (1527), ii. 321, 335, 358, 359 - - "Mag Mell" (the happy plain), i. 355, 357, 365, 370 - - Magnaghi, A., ii. 227, 230 - - Magnus Barfot's Saga, i. 197 - - Magnussen, Finn, ii. 102 - - Magûs, Arab name for Northern Vikings, ii. 55, 196, 200, 201, 209, 210 - - Maine, coast of, ii. 316, 317 - - Mair, G., i. 35, 36, 37, 43, 47, 59 - - Manannán mac Lir, i. 363, 370; ii. 45 - - Mandeville, Sir John, ii. 271, 292 - - Manna, i. 338 - - Mannhardt, W., i. 365 - - Manuel, King of Portugal, ii. 346, 347, 352, 353, 375, 376, 377, 378 - - Mapes, Walter, ii. 75-6 - - Maps (_see also_ Compass-charts), earliest Greek, i. 11, 76, 77, 78; - ii. 182; - Ptolemy's, i. 116-22; - wheel-maps, i. 151; ii. 183-8, 193, 218, 222; - T- and OT-maps, i. 151; ii. 183-4, 193; - Arab maps, ii. 203; - 15th century mappemundi, ii. 281-7 - - Marcianus of Heraclea, i. 123 - - Margaret, Queen of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, ii. 118, 132 - - Marinus of Tyre, i. 115, 116, 121, 122; ii. 194, 249 - - Markham, Sir C. R., i. 43, 58, 64; ii. 295, 336, 373 - - Markland, i. 299, 305, 307, 312, 313, 322, 323, 324, 329, 334, 335, 336, - 338; ii. 1, 19, 22, 23, 36, 37, 42, 61, 92-93, 96, 229, 279; - ship from M. reaches Iceland, ii. 22, 25, 36-8, 61, 229 - - Martellus, Henricus, ii. 276, 279 - - Martyr, Peter, ii. 303, 330, 336, 337, 338, 339, 342 - - Marx, F., i. 37 - - Massagetæ, i. 81, 148; ii. 188 - - Massalia, i. 31, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 67, 70 - - Mas'ûdî, ii. 198-9, 207 - - Matthew Paris, ii. 281 - - Matthias, Franz, i. 36, 43 - - Maurenbrecher, B., i. 349 - - Maurer, K., i. 265; ii. 9 - - Mauro, Fra, map by, ii. 177, 278, 285, 286 - - Medici Atlas (1351), i. 362; ii. 229, 234-6, 236, 240, 255, 256, 257, - 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 272-6 - - Mehren, A. F., ii. 143, 145, 212 - - Meissner, R., i. 255 - - Mela, Pomponius, i. 15, 19, 28, 38, 44, 55, 63, 72, 75, 85-96, 97, 101, - 103, 114, 118, 131, 144, 155; ii. 32, 192, 208 - - Melville Bay, i. 305, 310 - - Mercator, Gerard, ii. 261; - his map of 1569, ii. 130 - - _Meregarto_, i. 69, 181-4, 193, 252; ii. 51 - - Mevenklint (Kolbeins-ey), i. 264, 286, 287; ii. 166, 169, 170, 172 - - Meyer, Kuno, i. 198, 354 - - Michelsen, A. L. J., i. 214 - - Midgards-worm, i. 364; ii. 234 - - Mid-glacier (_Miðjokull_), Greenland, i. 267, 288, 290, 293, 294, 295 - - Midnight sun (long summer day and winter night in the North), i. 14, 45, - 53-4, 62, 79, 92, 98, 106, 131, 133-4, 140, 157, 165, 193, 194, - 309-11; ii. 144, 190, 212, 281 - - Mikhow, Andrei, ii. 163, 173, 174 - - Mikkola, Prof., ii. 175 - - Miller, K., i. 77, 87, 90, 109, 115, 123, 150, 152, 180, 182; ii. 185, - 186, 187, 192, 193, 223, 226, 282, 284 - - Modena compass-chart, ii. 230-1, 235, 266, 282 - - Moe, Prof. Moltke, i. 69, 247, 304, 332, 341, 342, 352, 358, 364, 366, - 370, 372, 373, 374, 378, 379, 381; ii. 8, 11, 15, 16, 20, 33, 44, - 45, 46, 51, 56, 75, 147, 213, 228, 242, 245 - - Mommsen, T., i. 57, 123, 129, 136, 137, 193; ii. 143 - - Monopoly of trade with Greenland, ii. 98, 118-9, 179-80; - with Finmark, ii. 179 - - Montelius, O., i. 239, 241 - - "Moorbrücken," i. 36 - - Mordvins, ii. 142, 143, 199 - - Morimarusa, i. 99, 100, 105; ii. 58 - - Moskenström (Lofoten), i. 158; ii. 152-3, 154, 241 - - "Mosurr" (masur), wood from Wineland, i. 317; ii. 5, 25 - - Much, R., i. 93, 94, 95, 99, 110, 112, 119, 120, 246, 247 - - Müllenhoff, K., i. 37, 38, 41, 42, 43, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 65, 83, 85, - 92, 93, 102, 103, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 120, 128, 132, 134, - 136, 137, 145, 206, 207, 234, 235, 246, 247 - - Müllenhoff and Scherer, i. 181 - - Müller, I., i. 83 - - Müller, S., i. 22 - - Munch, P.A., i. 50, 132, 134, 136, 146, 179, 180, 205, 246, 247, 258, - 331; ii. 154 - - Muratori, ii. 162 - - Murman coast, i. 212; ii. 173, 176, 269 - - Mylius-Erichsen, i. 2, 3 - - - Naddodd Viking, i. 255-7 - - Nansen, F., _First Crossing of Greenland_, i. 281, 293 - - Nansen, F., _Eskimo Life_, ii. 72, 73, 105 - - Narwhale, i. 300, 303 - - Natives of North America, brought to England in 1501 or 1502, ii. 333; - probably Eskimo, ii. 334; - brought to Lisbon by Corte-Real's expedition, ii. 348, 349, 351-2, - 366-7; - perhaps Eskimo, ii. 367 - - Negri, Francesco, i. 226 - - Nepos, Cornelius, i. 87 - - Nestor's Russian Chronicle, ii. 143 - - Newfoundland, i. 248, 322, 323, 324, 334, 335; ii. 23, 91, 308, 309, - 312, 313, 314, 315, 317, 318, 321, 322, 329, 335, 337, 355, 362, - 363, 364, 376; - discovery of, by Corte-Real, ii. 330, 354, 355, 362; - on 16th century maps, ii. 370-5; - fisheries of, ii. 330-1, 378; - called Terra de Corte-Real, ii. 354, 355, 376, 378 - - Newfoundland Banks, ii. 154, 309, 318, 363 - - New Land (_Nyaland_), i. 285-6 - - Nicholas V., Pope, Letter to, on Greenland, ii. 17, 86, 112, 116, 256, - 270, 288, 366; - Letter from, on Greenland (1448), ii. 113-5, 278 - - Nicholas of Lynn, ii. 86, 151, 153, 214, 249, 256, 261, 270, 289 - - Nicolayssen, O., i. 375 - - Nielsen, Prof. Konrad, i. 219, 223; ii. 175 - - Nielsen, Prof. Yngvar, i. 369; ii. 29, 39, 90, 92, 154 - - Niese, B., i. 14 - - Nikulás Bergsson, Abbot, of Thverâ, (Icelandic geographical work), - i. 198, 313; ii. 1, 2, 237, 256 - - Nilsson, Sven, i. 35, 60, 205 - - "Nisse," Scandinavian fairy, i. 373, 381; ii. 15 - - Njál's Saga, i. 372 - - Noel, S. B. J., ii. 160, 173 - - "Nordbotn," (Norderbondt, Nordhindh Bondh, Nordenbodhn), the Polar Sea, - i. 303, 304; ii. 171, 256, 259, 267, 268, 269 - - Nordenskiöld, A. E., i. 226; ii. 32, 220, 223, 229, 230, 234, 249, 250, - 266, 282, 285, 357 - - Norðrsetur (Greenland), i. 267, 296, 298-307, 308, 309, 300; ii. 83, 88 - - _Norðrsetudrápa_, i. 273, 298 - - Normans, i. 145, 146, 153, 188, 234; ii. 159-62, 200-2 - - North Cape, i. 171, 172, 174; ii. 124 - - North Pole, whirlpool at, i. 159; - land at, ii. 239, 263, 272 - - North Sea, amber from, i. 14, 32, 34, 35 - - North-West Passage, i. 115; ii. 129, 130, 378 - - Norway, i. 58, 60-5, 147, 253, 292, 316, 324, 353; ii. 98-100, 169, 170, - 204, 237; - the name of, i. 107, 179; - Jordanes on, i. 136-8; - Solinus MSS. on, i. 161; - Ottar on, i. 170-1, 175-80; - Adam of Bremen on, i. 188, 190-2, 194, 200; - anthropological characteristics in, i. 209-10; - fairylands in, i. 369-70; - whaling in, ii. 155-9; - Edrisi on, ii. 205; - Shîrazî on, ii. 211; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 221, 225, 227, 230, 235-6, 257, - 258-61, 265-9, 286 - - Norwegian seafaring, i. 62, 221, 223, 224, 233-5, 246-52, 287; ii. 135, - 140; - decline of, ii. 179-81 - - Nova Scotia, i. 329, 335, 345; ii. 3, 5, 90, 91, 309, 314-6, 321; - probably discovered by John Cabot, ii. 314-6 - - Novaya Zemlya, i. 212, 248; ii. 165, 166, 173, 238 - - Novilara, Carvings on grave-stone at, i. 238, 239 - - Novgorod, ii. 140, 142 - - Nydam, Boat from, i. 110, 238, 241, 244, 246 - - - Oceanus, i. 8, 9, 10, 11, 16, 79, 192, 198, 199, 200, 201; ii. 1, 154, - 182, 198, 200, 204, 239, 248 - - Ochon, King of the Eruli, i. 141, 148 - - Odysseus, i. 13, 78; ii. 53, 54 - - "Oecumene" (the habitable world), i. 8, 10, 12, 45, 55, 76, 78, 79, 81, - 82, 115, 121, 198; ii. 182, 217 - - Oeneæ, or Oeonæ (egg-eaters), i. 91, 92, 95, 131, 155 - - Oestrymnides, i. 28, 37-41; - == Cassiterides, i. 39 - - Ogygia, i. 182, 347, 355, 363; ii. 43 - - Olaf the Saint, i. 331; ii. 49, 50, 171 - - Olaf Tryggvason, i. 270, 316, 321, 339; ii. 50 - - Olaus Magnus, i. 205, 211, 228; ii. 17, 89, 111, 123, 124, 125, 127, - 128, 129, 131, 139, 141, 152, 163, 173, 178 - - Oliveriana map (_circa_ 1503), ii. 358, 369, 370, 374-5 - - Olrik, Axel, ii. 252, 253 - - Olsen, Gunnar, i. 377 - - Olsen, Prof. Magnus, i. 228, 219, 246, 297 - - Omar al 'Udhri, i. 284; ii. 156 - - Ongania (reproductions of maps), ii. 221, 234, 278, 282, 287 - - Oppert, J., i. 35 - - Orcades, i. 57, 90, 106, 107, 117, 123, 130, 160, 161, 192, 199, 200; - ii. 186, 192, 200 - - Ordericus Vitalis, i. 382; ii. 31 - - "Orkan" (or "Orkas"), i. 50-3, 58, 90 - - Orkneys, i. 52-3, 90, 107, 113, 117, 192, 195, 258; ii. 55, 148; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 228 - - Orosius, Paulus, i. 38, 44, 123, 151, 169, 184; ii. 183, 192, 193 - - Oseberg ship, i. 246, 247 - - Ostiæi, i. 69, 72 - - Ostiimans (Ostimnians), i. 38, 69, 72 - - Ost-sæ, i. 169 - - Ostyaks, i. 207; ii. 147 - - Ottar (Ohthere), i. 170-80, 204, 211, 213, 214, 218, 220, 225, 230, 231, - 247; ii. 135-6, 142, 156, 159, 164, 173, 243 - - - Panoti (long-eared), i. 92 - - Paris, Gaston, i. 359 - - Parmenides of Elea, i. 12, 123; ii. 182 - - Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, ii. 301, 302, 303, 312, 314, 316, 317 - - Pasqualigo, Pietro, Venetian Minister at Lisbon, ii. 347-9, 355, 360, - 361, 362, 363, 365, 367, 372 - - Paulus Warnefridi, i. 136, 139, 155-60, 184, 187, 196, 203, 284; - ii. 147, 148, 150, 153 - - Pechora, river, ii. 144, 146, 147, 173 - - Pedo, Albinovanus, i. 82-4; ii. 148 - - "Perdita" (the Lost Isle), i. 376; ii. 213 - - Permians, i. 174 - - Peschel, Johannes, i. 352; ii. 147 - - Peucini, i. 111, 112, 113, 114 - - Peyrere (_Relation du Groënland_), ii. 120 - - Phæacians, i. 347, 371, 378; ii. 53, 54 - - Philemon, i. 99, 100 - - _Phoca foetida_, i. 177 - - _Phoca groenlandica_ (saddleback seal), i. 217, 276 - - _Phoca vitulina_, i. 217 - - Phoenicians, i. 24, 25, 27, 30, 33, 34-6, 40, 41, 99, 233, 249, 346, - 349, 362, 376 - - Pilestrina, map of 1511, attributed to, ii. 374, 376, 377 - - Pindar, i. 18, 348 - - Pining, Didrik, ii. 123-9, 133, 345 - - Pistorius, ii. 173 - - Pizigano map (1367), ii. 229, 230, 236 - - Plato, ii. 46, 293 - - Pliny, i. 15, 19, 20, 26, 28, 30, 33, 37, 38, 44, 52, 53, 55, 57, 58, - 65, 70, 71, 72, 75, 84, 85, 87, 93, 96-107, 118, 121, 123, 126, - 134, 155, 162, 185, 334, 348, 349, 362, 376; ii. 48, 55, 59, 214 - - Plutarch, i. 156, 182, 187, 349, 363, 376; ii. 43 - - Polar Sea, i. 169, 172, 195-6, 213, 283, 303; ii. 145, 164, 165, 166, - 171, 173, 174, 176, 177, 238 - - Polo, Marco, ii. 288, 289 - - Polus (equinoctial dial), i. 46, 48 - - Polybius, i. 43, 44, 45, 52, 56, 66, 67, 73, 74, 78, 80; ii. 160 - - Pontoppidan, Erich, i. 375 - - Porthan, H. G., i. 179 - - _Portolani_, ii. 216 - - Portuguese adventurers, Arab tale of, ii. 51-5 - - Portuguese chart of about 1520, at Munich, ii. 353, 354, 355, 356 - - Portuguese, maritime enterprise of, ii. 292-3, 345, 377 - - Posidonius, i. 14, 23, 27, 52, 79, 115; ii. 292, 297 - - Pothorst, associate of Pining, ii. 123-9, 133, 345 - - Priscianus Cæsariensis, i. 123 - - Procopius, i. 60, 94, 132, 134, 138, 139-50, 154, 194, 203, 372 - - Promised Land (_see_ Tír Tairngiri _and_ Terra Repromissionis) - - Provisioning of Viking ships, i. 268-9 - - Psalter map, ii. 187, 188 - - Ptolemy, i. 26, 38, 44, 72, 75, 76, 79, 93, 99, 102, 111, 112, 115-22, - 128, 130, 131, 132, 142, 143, 144, 246, 349; ii. 182, 194, 195, - 197, 206, 208, 210, 211, 212, 220, 236, 249, 250, 254, 255, 256, - 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 275, 277, - 278, 279, 280, 292 - - Puebla, Ruy Gonzales de, Spanish Ambassador to Henry VII., ii. 300, 324, - 325 - - Pullè and Longhena, ii. 230 - - _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, ii. 126 - - Pygmies, ii. 17, 75, 76, 85, 86, 111, 117, 206, 255, 263, 269, 270 - - Pythagoras, i. 11, 12 - - Pytheas, i. 2, 29, 38, 41, 43-73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 90, 92, - 97, 100, 106, 116, 165, 172, 193, 234, 246; - date of his voyage, i. 44; - his astronomical measurements, i. 45; - his ship, i. 48; - in Britain, i. 50; - in Thule, i. 53; - on the sea beyond Thule, i. 65; - voyage along the coast of Germania, i. 69 - - - Qazwînî, i. 187, 284; ii. 57, 144, 156, 202, 209-11, 234 - - Qodâma, ii. 198 - - Querini's travels in Norway (1432), ii. 177, 286 - - Qvigstad, J. K., i. 173, 220, 221, 226, 228, 229, 372; ii. 210 - - - Rafn, C., i. 304, 340; ii. 31, 33, 193 - - Ragnaricii (_see_ Ranrike), i. 136 - - Râkâ, island in Arab myth, ii. 207-8 - - Ramusio, G. B., ii. 298, 303, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 354, 364 - - Ranii, i. 136, 137 - - Ranisch, W., i. 18 - - Ranrike, i. 136 - - Rask, R., i. 179 - - Raumarici (_see_ Romerike), i. 136 - - Ravenna geographer, The, i. 144, 152-4, 203 - - Ravenstein, E. G., ii. 287, 289 - - Ravn Hlymreks-farer, i. 354, 366 - - Reeves, A. M., i. 267, 322; ii. 30 - - Reinach, S., i. 26, 27 - - Reindeer, i. 175, 176, 191, 204, 212, 217, 226, 227, 230, 276, 277 - - Reindeer-Lapps, i. 61, 190, 204, 205, 207, 218, 220-32; ii. 269 - - Reinel, Pedro, map by, ii. 321, 322, 358, 364, 370, 371, 374, 376, 377 - - Rheims mappamundi in MS. of Mela, ii. 282-3 - - Rhipæan, or Riphæan, Mountains, i. 13, 16, 79, 81, 88, 89, 98, 101, 128, - 189, 190, 191, 194, 200; ii. 223 - - Riant, Paul, ii. 55 - - Ribero, Diego, map of 1529, ii. 315, 335, 356, 357, 359 - - Rietz, i. 373 - - Rimbertus, i. 167 - - Rink, H., ii. 8, 69, 70, 71, 106 - - Rock-carvings, Scandinavian, i. 236-41, 245 - - Rodulf, Norwegian king, i. 129, 132, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 143, 147 - - Roger II., Norman king of Sicily, ii. 202, 203 - - Rohde, E., ii. 57, 58, 234 - - Rök-stone, The, i. 138, 148 - - Rolf of Raudesand, i. 264, 315 - - Romerike, i. 136 - - Romsdal, i. 136, 137, 147 - - Rördan, Holger (_Monumenta Historiæ Danicæ_), ii. 129 - - Ross, H., i. 341, 352; ii. 13, 171 - - _Rudimentum Novitiorum_, Map in, ii. 32; - geography in, ii. 189 - - Rûm (Eastern and Central Europe), ii. 197, 209, 211 - - Rûs (Scandinavians in Russia), ii. 196, 197, 198, 199 - - Rusbeas, or Rubeas, promontory, i. 99-100, 102 - - Russia (_see also_ Bjarmeland), i. 185, 187, 188, 191, 214, 383; ii. - 141, 143, 164, 174, 195, 196, 197, 206 - - Ruste, Ibn, ii. 146, 198 - - Ruysch's map (1508), i. 262; ii, 289 - - Rydberg, Viktor, i. 156, 158 - - Ryger (Ruger, Rugii), i. 136, 138, 147, 179, 209, 246 - - Rygh, K., i. 173, 304, 323, 324, 369 - - Rygh, O., i. 304, 324, 374; ii. 211 - - _Rymbegla_, i. 188, 249, 287, 322, 335; ii. 11, 167, 170, 239, 240, 256, - 260, 263, 264, 271, 272 - - - Sabalingii, i. 72, 118 - - Sævo, Mons, (_or_ Suevus), i. 85, 101, 102 - - Sa'id, Ibn, ii. 177, 208-9 - - Sailing-directions, Icelandic, i. 262, 285, 288, 290; ii. 166, 168-71, - 261 - - St. John, Island of, on sixteenth-century maps, ii. 320-1, 377 - - St. John, Valley of, New Brunswick, i. 335; ii. 3, 5 - - St. Lawrence, Gulf of, ii. 68 - - Sallust, i. 349; ii. 183, 186; - "Sallust map" at Geneva, ii. 282, 283 - - Samoyeds, i. 212, 223; ii. 143, 146, 175 - - Samson Fagre's Saga, ii. 172 - - Sanali (long-eared), i. 91, 92 - - San-Marte, i. 365 - - Santa Cruz, Alonso de, ii. 332 - - Sanudo, Marino, ii. 222-5, 227, 262, 272, 282 - - Sargasso Sea, i. 40 - - Sarmatia, Sarmatians (Slavs), i. 87, 91, 95, 97, 101, 109, 113, 120, 170 - - Sars, J. E., i. 234, 258 - - Säve, P. A., i. 374 - - Savolotchie (the country on the Dvina), ii. 141-2 - - Saxo Grammaticus, i. 193, 206, 355, 364; ii. 101, 147, 165-6, 221, - 222-3, 224, 227, 238, 242, 258, 259, 263 - - Saxons, i. 145, 153, 154, 180, 235, 242, 245 - - "Scadinavia," or "Scatinavia," i. 93, 101, 102-4, 105, 155, 156 - - "Scandia" ("Scandza"), i. 102-4, 106, 107, 119, 120, 130-1, 136, 142-4, - 153, 155; ii. 254, 257 - - Scandinavia, regarded as a peninsula, i. 185; ii. 222; - as an island, ii. 186, 188, 225; - representation of, in mediæval cartography, ii. 221-5, 227, 234-6, - 250, 258-69, 285, 286; - geography of, in Northern writers, ii. 237-9 - - Schafarik, i. 185 - - Schanz, M., i. 83 - - Schiern, F., i. 191 - - Schirmer, G., ii. 44 - - Schlaraffenland, i. 352 - - Schliemann, H., i. 24 - - Schönnerböl, ii. 152, 153 - - Schoolcraft, H. R., ii. 7 - - Schrader, O., i. 24, 34, 36 - - Schröder, C., i. 360; ii. 9, 19, 43, 44, 50 - - Schübeler, Prof., ii. 5 - - Schuchhardt, C., i. 14 - - Schultz-Lorentzen, ii. 73 - - Sciringesheal (Skiringssal), i. 179, 247 - - Scirri (Skirer), i. 101, 179, 247 - - Scisco, Dr. L. D., ii. 43 - - Scolvus, Johannes, ii. 129-33 - - Scotland, i. 161; ii. 204; - Pytheas in, i. 53-6; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 221, 257 - - Scottish runners, Karlsevne's, i. 321, 324-5, 337, 339-43; ii. 65 - - Scythia, Scythians, i. 13, 16, 19, 20, 23, 69, 70, 71, 81, 85, 87, 88, - 89, 95, 97, 98, 99, 101, 114, 153, 154, 185, 187 - - Sealand, i. 93, 94, 103, 105, 138; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 254, 255, 257, 265 - - Seals, Sealing, i. 177, 216-9, 224, 276-8, 286-7, 299, 300; ii. 72, 91, - 97, 155, 156, 165, 173, 243 - - "Sea-lung," i. 66-7 - - Sébillot, P., i. 377 - - Seippel, Prof. Alexander, ii. 143, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 202, 203, - 204, 205, 208, 210, 211 - - Seleucus, i. 77 - - Semnones, i. 85 - - Sena, island off Brittany, i. 29, 356; ii. 32, 47 - - Seneca, i. 82, 84 - - Seres, Serica (China), ii. 262, 271 - - "Sermende" (== Sarmatians ?), i. 170 - - Sertorius, i. 349-50 - - Setälä, Prof. E., i. 219; ii. 175 - - Seven Cities, Isle of the, ii. 293, 295, 304, 325 - - Seven Sleepers, Legend of the, i. 20, 156, 284 - - Severianus, i. 127 - - Shetland Isles, i. 52-3, 57, 58, 67, 90, 106, 107, 117, 161, 163, 179, - 192, 234, 257, 292, 374; ii. 207; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 228, 266 - - Ship-burials, i. 239, 241 - - Ships, Egyptian, i. 7, 23, 235, 237, 242, 243; - Greek, i. 48-9, 235, 237, 242, 243, 245; - Phoenician, i. 35, 237, 243, 245; - early Scandinavian, i. 110, 236-44; - Viking, i. 236, 238, 241, 242, 243, 246-7; - in Greenland, i. 305 - - Shîrazî, ii. 211-2 - - "Síd" (Irish fairies), i. 356, 371; ii. 16, 20, 45-6, 60 - - Sigurd Stefansson's map of the North, ii. 7 - - Simonssön, Jón, i. 227 - - Sinclair, Legends of, in Norway, i. 339-41 - - Sindbad, i. 159; ii. 57, 234 - - Siret, L., i. 22, 24, 29 - - Sitones, i. 111-2 - - Skaði, Norse goddess, i. 103, 207 - - _Skáld-Helga Rimur_, i. 298-9, 300 - - Skåne, i. 72, 103, 104, 180; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 221, 222, 235, 257, 258, 267, 285 - - Skaw, The, i. 85, 100, 105, 186; ii. 204 - - Ski-running, i. 149, 157, 158, 203, 223; ii. 139 - - Skolte-Lapps, i. 214, 220, 231 - - Skrælings, in Greenland, i. 260, 298, 308, 312, 327; ii. 17, 77-90, 101, - 108, 111, 117; - in Wineland, i. 260, 312, 313, 327-30, 368; ii. 6-11, 26, 60, 90-3, - 206, 208; - in Markland, i. 329; ii. 15, 19, 20, 92-3; - in Helluland, ii. 35; - originally mythical beings, ii. 11-20, 26, 60, 75-6; - meaning of the word, ii. 13; - called Pygmæi, ii. 12, 17, 75, 270 - - Skridfinns (Screrefennæ, Scrithifini, Rerefeni, Scritobini, - Scride-Finnas, Scritefini), i. 131-2, 140, 143, 144, 149-50, - 153-4, 156-7, 170, 189, 191, 194, 198, 203-8, 210, 221, 222, 223, - 382; ii. 139, 192 - - Skull-measurements, of Scandinavians, i. 209, 211; - of Lapps, i. 219-20; - of Eskimo, ii. 67 - - Slavs (_see also_ Sarmatians), i. 167, 188, 208, 209, 210; ii. 142, 143, - 197, 198 - - Sleswick, i. 70, 72, 101, 119, 179, 180; ii. 202, 204 - - Sluggish sea, outside the Pillars of Hercules, and in the North, i. 38, - 40-1, 68, 83, 100, 108, 112-3, 130, 165 - - Smith Sound, i. 304, 306; ii. 71, 72, 73, 74 - - "Smörland" as a name for fairyland, i. 374 - - Snæbjörn, Galti, i. 264, 280 - - Snæfell (Greenland), i. 267, 308, 310 - - Snæfellsnes (Iceland), i. 257, 262, 267, 288, 290, 293, 294, 295 - - Snedgus and Mac Riagail, Voyage of, ii. 53-4 - - Snorre Sturlason, i. 270, 273; ii. 18, 64, 137, 239 - - Snorre Thorbrandsson, Wineland voyager, i. 313, 319, 320, 326, 327, 333 - - Söderberg, Prof. Sven, on Wineland, ii. 63-5 - - Solberg, Dr. O., i. 213, 214, 217, 219, 230, 306; ii. 72, 73, 103 - - Soleri map (1385), ii. 229 - - Solinus, C. Julius, i. 52, 55, 57, 64, 66, 99, 123, 126, 151, 160, 184, - 189, 193, 348 - - Soncino, Raimondo di, Milanese Minister in London, ii. 296-7, 298, 301, - 302, 303-5, 306, 307, 308, 309, 312, 314, 316, 323 - - Sörensen, S. A., i. 179 - - Spain, tin in, i. 23, 31; - suggested origin of the name of, i. 380; - Viking raids in, ii. 199, 200 - - Spherical form of the earth, Doctrine of, i. 11, 97, 126, 127, 151, 194, - 199; ii. 185, 247 - - Spies, in land of Canaan, i. 339 - - Spitzbergen, i. 248; ii. 165, 168, 170, 172, 173, 179, 238 - - Steensby, H. P., ii. 69, 70 - - Steenstrup, Japetus, i. 172 - - Steenstrup, Johannes, ii. 161, 162 - - Stenkyrka (Gotland), Stone from, i. 239, 243 - - _Stjórn_ (Norwegian version of Old Testament), i. 338; ii. 4 - - Stokes, Whitley, i. 357 - - Storm, Gustav, i. 132, 174, 196, 218, 228, 254, 255, 260, 284, 285, 292, - 301, 305, 313, 314, 317, 321, 322, 324, 329, 333, 369; ii. 1, 2, - 3, 7, 11, 14, 17, 19, 22, 23, 25, 27, 29, 30, 35, 36, 43, 47, 48, - 75, 79, 82, 86, 90, 93, 99, 100, 101, 107, 111, 112, 114, 117, - 118, 121, 122, 124, 129, 131, 136, 137, 141, 147, 150, 153, 158, - 167, 168, 229, 235, 237, 240, 242, 249, 250, 256, 257, 258, 262, - 267, 268, 270, 272, 279, 289, 294 - - Stow, John, Chronicle, ii. 333 - - Strabo, i. 14, 15, 20, 23, 24, 27, 28, 38, 42, 43, 44, 45, 50, 52, 53, - 55, 56, 57, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, - 77, 80-2, 87, 111, 112, 161, 187, 349; ii. 47, 75, 160, 201 - - Straumsfjord (Wineland), i. 325, 326, 329, 330, 337, 343, 345 - - Ström, Han (_Description of Söndmör_), i. 370, 375 - - Strong Men, Island of, ii. 43, 46, 50, 61 - - _Sturlubók_, i. 255, 256, 257, 261, 262, 293, 331, 354, 367, 368; ii. - 169, 261 - - Styx, i. 359, 372 - - "Suehans" (_see_ Svear), i. 135, 137 - - Sueones (_see_ Svear), i. 188-9 - - "Suetidi," i. 136, 137 - - Suevi (Suebi), i. 87, 108-9 - - Suhm (_Historie af Danmark_), ii. 154 - - Suiones (_see_ Svear), i. 110-2, 236, 238, 244, 245 - - Sun-dial, i. 46-7 - - Sun's altitude, measurement of, i. 249, 250, 309-11; ii. 307 - - Svalbard (Spitzbergen ?), ii. 165, 166-73, 238 - - Svear (Swedes, Suiones, Suehans, Sveones, Sueones), i. 110-2, 135, 137, - 167, 170, 188-9; ii. 190 - - Svein Estridsson, King of Denmark, i. 184, 188, 189, 195, 201, 383; ii. - 148 - - Sverdrup, Otto, i. 306; ii. 70, 71 - - Sviatoi Nos, promontory, i. 171, 174; ii. 136, 138, 140, 155 - - Svinöi, name of island off Sunnmör, i. 369-70, 378; - island off Nordland, i. 378; - island in the Faroes, i. 375, 378; - probable origin of the name, i. 378 - - Sweden, i. 71, 101, 112, 134-5, 178, 187, 188-9, 210, 381, 383; ii. 190, - 205, 237; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 221, 222, 223 - - Swedes (_see_ Svear _and_ Göter) - - Swedish legends and fairy-tales, ii. 55-6 - - Sydow, C. W. von, i. 342, 364 - - - Tacitus, i. 69, 71, 83, 95, 104, 107-14, 131, 144, 149, 150, 203, 236, - 238, 244, 245; ii. 47 - - Tanais (the Don), i. 66, 70, 78, 88, 151; ii. 186 - - Tarducci, F., ii. 295, 304, 319 - - Tarsis (Tarshish, Tartessos), i. 24, 28, 31, 38 - - Tartarus, i. 11, 68, 158; ii. 150, 240 - - Tartûshi, at-, i. 187; ii. 202 - - Tastris, promontory, i. 101, 105 - - Terfinnas, i. 171, 173-5, 204, 213, 218; ii. 146 - - "Terra del Rey de portuguall" on Cantino map, ii. 352, 363, 372; - == Newfoundland, ii. 363, 370 - - "Terra Repromissionis Sanctorum," i. 357, 358, 359, 363, 364; ii. 19, 228 - - Teutones, i. 70, 72, 91, 93, 94 - - Thalbitzer, W., ii. 19, 67, 70, 73, 88, 90, 93 - - Thales of Miletus, i. 12, 33, 34, 47 - - Theodoric, King of the Goths, i. 128, 129, 136, 137, 138, 147 - - Theopompus, i. 12, 16, 17, 355 - - Thietmar of Merseburg, i. 229 - - Thomsen, V., ii. 175, 198, 199 - - Thor, i. 325, 333, 341, 343, 364; - "Thor-" names, i. 332-3; ii. 51 - - Thorbjörn Vivilsson, i. 318, 319, 320, 332 - - Thorbrand Snorrason, killed in Wineland, i. 313, 328, 333; ii. 10 - - Thore Hund's expedition to Bjarmeland, ii. 137-8 - - Thorfinn, Earl of Orkney, i. 354; ii. 50 - - Thorgils Orrabeinsfostre, sails to Greenland, i. 280-2; ii. 81, 89 - - Thorgunna, Leif's mistress, i. 316, 333 - - Thorhall Gamlason, Wineland voyager, i. 313, 319, 320, 333, 367 - - Thorhall the Hunter, i. 296, 320, 321, 325-6, 329, 333, 338, 343-4; ii. - 24 - - Thorkel Gellisson, i. 253, 258, 260, 313, 354, 366, 367, 368; ii. 42 - - Thormod Kolbrunarskald, i. 276; ii. 18 - - Thorne, Robert, ii. 324, 341; - map by, 334, 335 - - Thoroddssen, Th., i. 262; ii. 225 - - Thorolf Kveldulfsson, i. 175, 231 - - Thorolf Smör, i. 257, 374 - - _Thorsdrápa_, i. 219 - - Thorstein Ericson, i. 249, 317-9, 320, 321, 331, 333; - attempts to find Wineland, i. 318 - - Thorvald Ericson, i. 318, 320, 329, 332; ii. 4, 13, 17-8 - - Thorvard, Wineland voyager, i. 320, 332 - - Three Brethren, Strait of the, ii. 130, 133 - - Thue, H. J., i. 60 - - Thule (Tyle, Thyle, Ultima Tile, &c.), i. 123, 134, 147; ii. 75, 149, - 188, 192, 197, 198, 200; - visited by Pytheas, i. 53-64; - derivation of, i. 58-9; - == Norway, i. 60; - Mela on, i. 92; - Pliny on, i. 106; - Tacitus, i. 108; - Ptolemy, i. 117, 120, 121; - Jordanes, i. 130; - Procopius, i. 140-4; - Solinus MSS., i. 160-1; - Adam of Bremen, i. 193-4; - Dicuil on (== Iceland), i. 164-7; - Tjodrik Monk (== Iceland), i. 254; - Historia Norwegiæ (== Iceland), i. 255; - in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 228, 257, 266, 268, 269 - - Thyssagetæ, i. 88 - - Tides, on W. coast of France, i. 40; - observed by Pytheas, i. 50; - on coast of N. America, ii. 316 - - Timæus, i. 44, 51, 70, 71 - - Tin in ancient times, i. 23-31; - derivation of Greek, Celtic and Latin words for, i. 25-7; - tin-trade in southern Britain, i. 68 - - "Tír fo-Thuin" (Land under Wave), i. 358, 370, 373 - - "Tír Mor" (The Great Land), i. 357, 367; ii. 48 - - "Tír na Fer Finn" (the White Men's Land), ii. 44 - - "Tír na m-Ban" (Land of Women), i. 354, 355 - - "Tír na m-Beo" (Land of the Living), i. 357, 371 - - "Tír na n-Ingen" (Land of Virgins), i. 355, 356, 363; ii. 45 - - "Tír na n-Og" (Land of Youth), i. 357 - - "Tír Tairngiri" (Promised Land), i. 357; ii. 228 - - Tjodhild, wife of Eric the Red, i. 267, 270, 318, 331 - - Tjodrik Monk, i. 166, 254, 255, 256, 257 - - Toby, Maurice, Bristol chronicle, ii. 302, 305-6 - - Torfæus, Tormodus, ii. 7, 32, 34, 154, 241 - - Torlacius (Gudbrand Torlaksson), ii. 241 - - Torp, Prof. Alf, i. 25, 26, 27, 58, 59, 94, 107, 148, 181, 183, 210, - 304, 361, 371; ii. 13, 14, 228 - - Toscanelli, ii. 287, 292, 296, 372 - - Trade-routes to the North in ancient times, i. 14, 21-2, 28, 31, 36, 75, - 96 - - "Trág Mór" (the Great Strand), i. 339, 357, 371; ii. 48 - - Triads, in legend, i. 337-8; ii. 6 - - Triquetrum (regula Ptolemaica), i. 47 - - Trolls, attributes of, i. 327, 344; ii. 10, 14-6, 19, 76 - - Trondhjem, i. 192; ii. 85, 117, 177, 205, 227, 235, 264, 265, 266, 267, - 268, 269, 270 - - Troy, Bronze in, i. 24, 25 - - Turcæ, i. 88 - - Tylor, E. B., i. 380 - - Tyrker (in Wineland story), i. 341, 343-4, 360; ii. 4 - - - Ua Corra, Navigation of the Sons of, i. 338-9, 355, 361; ii. 20 - - Unger, C. R., i. 331, 338, 360 - - Unipeds (Einfötingar, Ymantopodes), i. 189, 329; ii. 11, 13, 17, 263 - - _Urus_ (aurochs), i. 191 - - "Uttara Kuru," i. 19, 351 - - - Vandals, i. 247 - - Vangensten, O., i. 226; ii. 85, 111, 233, 268, 286 - - Van Linschoten, i. 376 - - Varanger Fjord, i. 213, 214, 217, 219, 220; ii. 178, 210-11 - - Varangians' Sea (_see_ Warank), ii. 210, 211, 212, 213 - - Vardöhus fortress, ii. 126, 127, 141 - - Varzuga, river, i. 174; ii. 135 - - Vaux, C. de, ii. 213 - - Velleius, i. 85 - - Venedi (Wends), i. 101, 113 - - Vener, Lake, i. 131; ii. 266 - - Veneti, i. 39, 40, 242 - - Venusberg myth, i. 355, 371 - - Verrazano's map of 1529, ii. 335 - - Vesconte, Perrinus, map of 1327, ii. 229; - atlas of 1321, ii. 230 - - Vesconte, Pietro, ii. 222-5, 230, 255, 257, 258, 259, 276, 282, 283, - 284, 285 - - Vigfússon, Gudbrand, i. 258, 314 - - Viking expeditions, the earliest, i. 234-5; - in Spain, ii. 200 - - Vikings, origin of the name, i. 244, 245 - - Viladeste, Mecia de, compass-chart of 1413, ii. 234 - - "Villuland" (Norse land of glamour), i. 377; ii. 206 - - Vincent of Beauvais, ii. 158 - - Vine, Wild, (_Vitus vulpina_), in N. America, i. 317; ii. 3-4 - - "Vinili," i. 136 - - "Vinoviloth," i. 136, 203 - - Virgil, i. 130, 157, 159, 363 - - Vistula, i. 71, 75, 95, 96, 101, 104, 119, 120, 121, 130, 131, 181 - - Vogel, i. 235 - - Volga, ii. 142, 143, 144, 146, 197 - - Voyage of 1267, to the north of Baffin's Bay, i. 250, 307-11; ii. 82, - 83, 88 - - - Wackernagel, W., ii. 32, 189 - - Walkendorf, Archbishop Eric, ii. 86, 112, 117, 163, 174 - - Walrus, ii. 112, 155, 163, 165, 243; - hunting, i. 172, 176-8, 212, 216, 221, 276-8, 287, 300; ii. 72, 163-4, - 173-8; - tusks, i. 172, 176, 192, 212, 217, 277, 300, 303; ii. 163, 174; - hide for ropes, i. 172, 176, 212, 277, 303; ii. 164, 178 - - Walsperger, Andreas, mappamundi by, ii. 283, 284, 286 - - Warank, Varyag, Varangi (Arab, Russian and Greek name for - Scandinavians), ii. 196, 199, 200, 210-1 - - Wattenzone, Die, i. 68 - - Welcher, F. G., i. 371 - - Wends, i. 101, 113, 169, 180 - - Western Settlement of Greenland, i. 266, 271, 272, 300, 301, 302, 307, - 311, 321, 322, 334; ii. 71, 90; - decline of, ii. 95-100, 102, 106, 107-111; - visit of Ivar Bárdsson to, ii. 108 - - West-sæ, i. 169, 170 - - Whales, Whaling, i. 251; ii. 145, 173; - in Bay of Biscay, i. 39; ii. 159, 161; - in Normandy, ii. 159, 161; - Norwegian, i. 172; ii. 155-9, 178, 243; - in Greenland, i. 276, 277; ii. 72; - in Ireland, ii. 156; - in the Mediterranean, ii. 162; - in legend, i. 325-6, 344, 363, 364; ii. 213, 234 - - Whirlpools (_see_ Maelstrom) - - White Men's Land, The (_see_ Hvítra-manna-land, _and_ Tír na Fer Finn) - - White Sea, i. 169, 171, 172, 174, 175, 218-9, 222; ii. 135-42, 164, 173, - 179, 237 - - Wichmann, Prof., i. 219 - - _Wîdsîð_, i. 234 - - Wieland, C. M., i. 352, 362; ii. 54, 150 - - Wieser, von, ii. 249 - - Wiklund, K. B., i. 112; ii. 175 - - "Wildlappenland," i. 226; ii. 256, 263, 268; - "Wildlappmanni," ii. 269, 270 - - Wilhelmi, ii. 366 - - Wille, Prof. N., ii. 3 - - William of Malmesbury, i. 378 - - Wilse, J. N., i. 352 - - Wineland (Vínland, Vinland, Vindland, Winland, Wyntlandia, etc.), i. - 184, 195, 196-8, 201, 249, 260, 273, 312-84; ii. 1-65, 90-3, 110, - 154, 188, 190-1, 228, 239, 240, 293, 294, 304; - called "the Good," i. 313, 353, 369, 373; ii. 60; - vines and wheat in, i. 195, 197-8, 317, 325, 326-7, 345-53, 382-3; ii. - 3-6, 59; - == the Fortunate Isles, i. 345-53, 382-4; ii. 1-2, 61; - authorities for the Wineland voyages, i. 312-3; - discovered by Leif Ericson, i. 317; - Karlsevne's voyage, i. 320-30; - Irish origin of ideas of, i. 167, 258, 353-69; ii. 60; - the name of, i. 353, 367; ii. 61; - summary of conclusions on, ii. 58-62 - - Winge, Herluf, i. 275 - - Winship, G. P., ii. 295, 305, 319, 320, 324, 326, 333, 336, 340, 341, 342 - - "Wîsu" (or "Isû"), Arabic name for a people in North Russia, ii. 143-6, - 200, 270 - - Wizzi, i. 188, 383; ii. 64, 143 - - Wolf, Jens Lauritzön, i. 364 - - Wolfenbüttel, Portuguese 16th century map at, ii. 331, 332, 335, 356 - - Women, Land of (_Terra Feminarum_), on the Baltic, i. 186-7, 383; ii. 214 - - Women's boats (umiaks), Eskimo, ii. 19, 70, 72, 74, 85, 92, 269, 270 - - _Wonders, Book of_ (Arabic), ii. 207, 213-4 - - Worcester, Willemus de, ii. 294 - - Wulfstan, i. 104, 180 - - Wuttke, H., i. 154 - - Wytfliet, Cornelius, ii. 131 - - - Xamati, i. 88 - - Xenophon of Lampsacus, i. 71, 99, 100 - - - Yâgûg and Mâgûg, ii. 144, 212, 213 - - _Ynglinga Saga_, i. 135 - - York, Cape, i. 306; ii. 71 - - Yugrians, ii. 173, 174, 200 - - - Zarncke, ii. 242 - - Zeno map, ii. 131, 132 - - Zeuss, K., i. 112, 120, 145, 234, 235 - - Ziegler, Jacob, i. 294; ii. 17, 86, 106, 111, 127, 128 - - Zimmer, H., i. 234, 281, 334, 336, 339, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 360, - 361, 363, 364, 371; ii. 9, 10, 20, 44, 45, 53, 54, 150, 151 - - _Zizania aquatica_ (wild rice), in N. America, ii. 5 - - Zones, Doctrine of, i. 12, 76, 86, 123; ii. 182, 193, 247 - - - PRINTED BY - BALLANTYNE & COMPANY LTD - TAVISTOCK ST. COVENT GARDEN - LONDON - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. pp. 216, 220; G. Storm, 1888, p. 12. The -latter part (in parenthesis) does not occur in the oldest MS. - -[2] Storm thinks that Sir William Alexander's "red wineberries" from the -south-east coast of Nova Scotia (in 1624) would be grapes, but this is -uncertain. - -[3] "Vínber" (grapes) are mentioned in the whole of Old Norse literature -only in the translation of the Bible called "Stjórn," in the -"Grönlendinga-þáttr," and in a letter (Dipl. Norv.) where they are -mentioned as raisins or dried grapes. In addition, "vínberjakongull" (a -bunch of grapes) occurs in the Saga of Eric the Red. - -[4] Schübeler, Christiania Videnskabs-Selskabs Forhandlinger for 1858, pp. -21, ff.; Viridarium Norvegium, i. pp. 253, f. - -[5] It should be mentioned that the American botanist, M. L. Fernald, has -recently [1910] made an attempt to locate the Icelanders' Wineland the -Good in southern Labrador, explaining the "vínber" of the Icelandic sagas -as a sort of currant or as whortleberry, the self-sown wheat as the -Icelanders' lyme-grass (Elymus arenarius), and the "másurr" as "valbirch." -By assuming "vinber" to be whortleberries he even thinks he can explain -how it was that Leif in the "Grönlendinga-Þáttr" was able to fill the ship -with "grapes" in the spring (and what of the vine-trees that he cut down -to load his ship, were they whortleberry-bushes?). Apart from the -surprising circumstance of the Icelanders having called a country Wineland -the Good because whortleberries grew there, the explanation is -inadmissible on the ground that whortleberries were never called "vinber" -(wineberries) in Old Norse or Icelandic. Currants have in more recent -times been called "vinbær" in Norway and Iceland, but were not known there -before the close of the Middle Ages. In ancient times the Norse people did -not know how to make wine from any berry but the black crowberry; but -there are plenty of these in Greenland, and it was not necessary to travel -to Labrador to collect them. Fernald does not seem to have remarked that -the sagas most frequently use the expression "vínviðr," or else "vínviðr" -and "vínber" together, and this can only mean vines and grapes. His -explanation of the self-sown wheat-fields does not seem any happier. That -the Icelanders should have reported these as something so remarkable in -Wineland is not likely, if it was nothing but the lyme-grass with which -they were familiar in Iceland. On the other hand, it is possible that the -"másurr" of the sagas only meant valbirch. But apart from this, how can -the sagas' description of Wineland--where no snow fell, where there was -hardly any frost, the grass scarcely withered, and the cattle were out the -whole winter--be applied to Labrador? Or where are Markland or Helluland -to be looked for, or Furðustrandir and Kjalarnes? Nor do we gain any more -connection in the voyage as a whole. It will therefore be seen that, even -if Professor Fernald had been right in his interpretation of the three -words above mentioned, this would not help us much; and when we find that -these very features of the vine and the wheat are derived from classical -myths, such attempts at explanation become of minor interest. - -[6] Professor Alexander Bugge has pointed out to me that Schoolcraft -[1851, i. p. 85, pl. 15] mentions a tradition among the Algonkin Indians -that they had used as a weapon of war in ancient times a great round -stone, which was sewed into a piece of raw hide and fastened thereby to -the end of a long wooden shaft. The resemblance between such a weapon with -a shaft for throwing and the Skrælings' black ball is distant; but it is -not impossible that ancient reports of something of the sort may have -formed the nucleus upon which the "modernised" description of the saga has -crystallised; although the whole thing is uncertain. This Algonkin -tradition has a certain similarity with some Greenland Eskimo fairy-tales -[cf. Rink, 1866, p. 139]. - -[7] As arquebuses or guns had not yet been invented at that time, this -strange name may, as proposed by Moltke Moe, come from "fusillus" or -"fugillus" (an implement for striking fire) and mean "he who makes fire," -"the fire-striker." - -[8] Evidently saltpetre has been forgotten here, and so we have gunpowder, -which thus must have been already employed in war at that time, and -perhaps long before. - -[9] Moltke Moe has found a curious resemblance to the description of the -"herbrestr" given above in the Welsh tale of Kulhwch and Olwen [Heyman: -Mabinogion, p. 78], where there is a description of a war-cry so loud that -"all women who are with child fall into sickness, and the others are -smitten with disease, so that the milk dries up in their breasts." But -this "herbrestr" may also be compared with the "vábrestr" spoken of in the -Fosterbrothers' Saga [Grönl. hist. Mind., ii. pp. 334, 412], which M. -Hægstad and A. Torp [Gamalnorsk Ordbog] translate by "crash announcing -disaster or great news" [cf. I. Aasen, "vederbrest"]. Fritzner translates -it by "sudden crash causing surprise and terror," and K. Maurer by -"Schadenknall." It would therefore seem to be something supernatural that -causes fear [cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., ii. p. 198]. The "Grönlandske -historiske Mindesmærker" mention in the same connection "isbrestr" or -"jökulbrestr" in Iceland. I have myself had good opportunities of studying -that kind of report in glaciers, and my opinion is that it comes from a -starting of the glacier, or through the latter skrinking from changes of -temperature; similar reports, but less loud, are heard in the ice on lakes -and fjords. Burgomaster H. Berner tells me that the small boys of -Krödsherred make what they call "kolabrest," by heating charcoal on a flat -stone and throwing water upon it while simultaneously striking the embers -with the back of an axe, which produces a sharp report. - -[10] Scorium (slag) is also used in mediæval Latin for "corium," animal's -skin, hide. - -[11] The poles that are swung the way of the sun or against it seem -incomprehensible, and something of the meaning must have been lost in the -transference of this incident from the tale from which it was borrowed. It -may be derived from the kayak paddles of the Greenland Eskimo, which at a -distance look like poles being swung, with or against the sun according to -the side they are seen from. It may be mentioned that in the oldest MS. of -Eric the Red's Saga, in the Hauksbók, the reading is not "trjánum" as in -the later MS., but "triom" and "trionum." Now "triónum" or "trjónum" might -mean either poles or snouts, and one would then be led to think of the -Indians' animal masks, or again, of the trolls' long snouts or animal -trunks, which we find again in fossil forms in the fairy-tales, and even -in games that are still preserved in Gudbrandsdal, under the name of -"trono" (the regular Gudbrandsdal phonetic development of Old Norse -"trjóna"), where people cover their heads with an animal's skin and put on -a long troll's snout with two wooden jaws. But that snouts were waved with -or against the sun does not give any better meaning; there may be some -confusion here. - -[12] It is worth remarking that Gustav Storm, although he did not doubt -that the Skrælings of Wineland were really the natives, seems nevertheless -to have been on the track of the same idea as is here put forward, when he -says in his valuable work on the Wineland voyages [1887, p. 57, note 1]: -"It should be remarked, however, that this inquiry [into 'the nationality -of the American Skrælings'] is rendered difficult by the fact that in the -old narratives the Skrælings are everywhere enveloped, wholly or in part, -by a mythical tinge; thus even here [in the Saga of Eric the Red] they are -on the way to becoming trolls, which they really become in the later -sagas. No doubt it is learned myths of the outskirts of the inhabited -world that have here been at work." In a later work [1890a, p. 357] he -says that it is "certain enough that in the Middle Ages the Scandinavians -knew no other people in Greenland and the American countries lying to the -south of it than 'Skrælings,' who were not accounted real human beings and -whose name was always translated into Latin as 'Pygmæi.'" If Storm had -remarked the connection between the classical and Irish legends and the -ideas about Wineland, the further step of regarding the Skrælings as -originally mythical beings would have been natural. - -[13] This is the same word as the Old Norse "skratti" or "skrati" for -troll (poet.) or wizard. "Skræa," "sickly shrunken and bony person," in -modern Norwegian, from north-west Telemarken [H. Ross], is evidently the -same word as Skræling; cf. also "skræaleg" and "skræleg"; further, -"Skreda" (Skreeaa), "sickly, feeble person, poor wretch," from outer -Nordmör [H. Ross]. - -[14] It is, perhaps, of importance, as Professor Torp has mentioned to me, -that the word "blá" is more often used than "svart" (black), when speaking -of trolls and magic, as an uncanny colour. This may have been a common -Germanic trait; cf. Rolf Blue-beard. - -[15] Grönl. hist. Mind., i. p. 242; G. Storm, 1891, p. 68. - -[16] W. Thalbitzer's attempt [1905, pp. 190, ff.] to explain the words, -not as originally names, but as accidental, misunderstood Eskimo -sentences, which are supposed to have survived orally for over 250 years, -does not appear probable (see next chapter). - -[17] Moltke Moe has called my attention to the possibility of a connection -between "Avalldamon" and the Welsh myth of the isle of "Avallon" (the isle -of apple-trees; cf. vol. i. pp. 365, 379), to which Morgan le Fay carried -King Arthur. It is also possible that it may be connected with "dæmon" and -"vald" (== power, might). The possibility suggested above seems, however, -to be nearer the mark. - -The Skrælings of Markland having kings agrees, of course, neither with -Indians nor Eskimo, who no more had kings than the Greenlanders and -Icelanders themselves. On the other hand, it exactly fits elves and -gnomes. The Ekeberg king and other mountain kings are well known in -Norway. The elves of Iceland had a king who was subject to the superior -elf-king in Norway. The síd-people in Ireland, the pygmies and gnomes in -other lands (such as Wales) also have kings. This feature again points, -therefore, in the direction of the fairy-nature of the Skrælings, like the -name "Vætthildr." - -[18] It might be objected that when it is so distinctly stated that "it -was there more equinoctial [i.e., the day and night were more nearly equal -in length] than in Greenland or Iceland, the sun there had 'eykt' position -and 'dagmål' position [i.e., was visible between 8 a.m. and 4 p.m.] on the -shortest day" [cf. Gr. h. Mind., i. p. 218; G. Storm, 1891, p. 58; 1887, -pp. 1, ff.], this shows that the Greenlanders were actually there and made -this observation. In support of this view it might also be urged that it -was not so very long (about forty years) before the Flateyjarbók was -written that the ship from Markland (see later) arrived at Iceland in -1347, and through the men on board her the Icelanders might have got such -information as to the length of days. This can hardly be altogether -denied; but it would have been about Markland rather than Wineland that -they would have heard, and Markland is only once mentioned in passing in -the "Grönlendinga-þáttr." Moreover, it was common in ancient times to -denote the latitude by the length of the longest or shortest day (cf. vol. -i. pp. 52, 64), and the latter in particular must have been natural to -Northerners (cf. vol. i. p. 133). The passage quoted above would thus be a -general indication that Wineland lay in a latitude so much to the south of -Greenland as its shortest day was longer; they had no other means of -expressing this in a saga, nor had they perhaps any other means of -describing the length of the day than that here used. It appears from the -Saga of Eric the Red that Kjalarnes was reckoned to be in the same -latitude as Ireland (see vol. i. p. 326); as a consequence of this we -might expect that Wineland would lie in a more southern latitude than the -south of Ireland, the latitude of which (i.e., the length of the shortest -day) was certainly well known in Iceland. If, therefore, in a tale of the -fourteenth century, the position of Wineland is to be described, it is -natural that its shortest day should be given a length which according to -Professor H. Geelmuyden [see G. Storm, 1886, p. 128; 1887, p. 6] would -correspond to 49° 55' N. lat. or south of it; in other words, the latitude -of France, and that was precisely the land that the Icelanders knew as the -home of wine, and that they would therefore naturally use in the -indication of a Wineland. - -[19] Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 220; Storm, 1887, p. 12. -"Húsa-snotra" is explained as a vane or similar decoration on the gable of -a house or a ship's stern [cf. V. Guðmundsson, 1889, pp. 158, ff.]. The -statement given above shows that a "húsa-snotra" was something to which -great importance was attached, otherwise attention would not have been -called to it in this way. And in the "Grönlendinga-Þáttr" [Gr. hist. -Mind., i. p. 254] we read that Karlsevne, when he was in Norway, would not -sell his "húsa-snotra" (made of "mausurr" from Wineland) to the German -from Bremen, until the latter offered him half a mark of gold for it. One -might suppose that this ornament (vane-staff) on the prow of a ship or the -gable of a house was connected with religious or superstitious ideas of -some kind, like the posts of the high seat within the house, or the -totem-poles of the North American Indians, which stood before the house. - -[20] On the initiative of Professors Sophus Bugge and Gustav Storm, a -thorough examination of the spot was made in 1901, the first-named being -himself present; but the stone was not to be found. - -[21] I cannot accept the conjectures that Professor Yngvar Nielsen thinks -may be based upon this inscription [1905]. - -[22] It is true that only a portion of this work has been preserved, and -that Wineland may have been mentioned in the part that has not come down -to us (if indeed the work was ever finished); but this is not likely. - -[23] Cf. Storm's edition, 1888, pp. 19, 59, 112, 252, 320, 473. - -[24] "Upsi" (or "ufsi") would mean "big coalfish" or "coalfish." - -[25] It has been generally considered that it was not until 1124, when -Bishop Arnaldr was consecrated at Lund. In any case this is the first -ordination of which we have any information. - -[26] Cf. G. Storm, 1887, p. 26; Reeves, 1895, p. 82. - -[27] Cf. Ordericus Vitalis, Hist. Eccles., iii. 1, x. c. 5; Grönl. hist. -Mind., iii. p. 428; Rafn, 1837, pp. 337, 460, ff.; A. A. Björnbo, 1909, p. -206. - -[28] In a similar fashion Torfæus [1705] confused Vinland and Vindland. - -[29] Cf. Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden, etc. Rerum Britanicarum Medii Ævi -Scriptores, London, 1865, i. p. 322; Eulogium Historiarum, etc. Rer. Brit. -Script., 1860, ii. pp. 78, f.; W. Wackernagel, 1844, pp. 494, f. - -[30] Cf. Nordenskiöld, 1889, p. 3; A. A. Björnbo, 1909, pp. 197, 205, 240. - -[31] Cf. Hammershaimb, 1855, pp. 105, ff.; Rafn, Antiqu. Americ., pp. 330, -ff. - -[32] This image of blood upon snow is taken from Irish mediæval texts, as -Moltke Moe informs me. - -[33] Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. pp. 516, ff.; Storm, 1887, pp. 37, ff. - -[34] G. Storm [1890, P. 347] thinks that something is omitted in Gripla -and that it should read: "suðr frá er Helluland, þá er Markland, þat er -kallat Skrælingaland" (to the South is Helluland, then there is Markland, -which is called Skrælingaland). But this seems doubtful; it would not in -any case explain why Furðustrandir is placed to the north of Helluland. -When Storm alleges as a reason that Helluland is never mentioned as a -place of human habitation, but only for trolls (in the later legendary -sagas), he forgets that the Skrælings were trolls, or, as he himself puts -it elsewhere [1890a, p. 357], that the Skrælings were not accounted "true -human beings." - -[35] The Menomini Indians, Fourteenth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of -Ethnology, 1892-1893. Washington, 1896, vol. i. pp. 127, ff.; cf. also -"American Anthropologist," vol. iii. pp. 134, f., Washington, 1890. - -[36] "Journal de la Société des Américanistes de Paris," 1905, No. 2, p. -319. - -[37] Storm's explanation [1887, pp. 68, ff.]: that it was Dicuil's account -of the discovery of Iceland by Irish monks (see vol. i. p. 164) which -formed the basis of the myth of Hvítramanna-land, may appear very -attractive and simple; but Storm does not seem to have noticed the -connection that exists between the Irish mythical islands in the west and -those of classical literature. When he points out the similarity between -the six days' voyage west of Ireland and Dicuil's statement of six days' -voyage to Iceland (Thule) northward from Britain, it must be remembered -that in Dicuil this is merely a quotation from Pliny, and, further, that -the six days' voyage has Britain and not Ireland for its starting-point. -In the Saga of Eric the Red Wineland lies six "doegr's" sail from -Greenland. Cf. that in Plutarch ["De facie in orbe Lunæ," 941] Ogygia lies -five days' voyage west of Britain, and to the north-west of it are three -islands, to which the voyage might thus be one of six days. Let us -suppose, merely as an experiment, that Ogygia, the fertile vine-growing -island of the "hulder" Calypso, was Wineland, then the other three islands -to the north-west might be Hvítramanna-land, Markland and Helluland, which -would fit in. The northernmost would then have to be the island on which -the sleeping Cronos is imprisoned, with "many spirits about him as his -companions and servants" (cf. vol. i. pp. 156, 182). Dr. Scisco [1908, pp. -379, ff., 515, ff.] and Professor H. Koht [1909, pp. 133, ff.] think that -Are Mársson may have been baptized in Ireland and have been chief of a -Christian tribe on its west coast, where Hvítramanna-land may have been a -district inhabited by fair Norsemen. - -[38] Since the above was printed in the Norwegian edition of this book, -Professor Moltke Moe has found a "Tír na Fer Finn," or the White Men's -Land, mentioned in Irish sagas of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. -The white men (fer finn) are evidently the same as the "Albati" (i.e., the -baptized dressed in white). Tír na Fer Finn and Hvítramanna-land are -consequently direct renderings of the "Terra Albatorum" (i.e., the land of -the baptized dressed in white), which is mentioned in earlier Irish -literature. The origin of the Icelandic legend about Hvítramanna-land -seems thus to be quite clear. - -[39] Hermits like this, covered with white hair, also occur outside -Ireland. Three monks from Mesopotamia wished to journey to the place where -heaven and earth meet, and after many adventures, which often resemble -those of the Brandan legend, they came to a cave, where dwelt a holy man, -Macarius, who was completely covered with snow-white hair, but the skin of -his face was like that of a tortoise [cf. Schirmer, 1888, p. 42]. The last -feature might recall an ape. - -[40] The resemblance to the hairy women (great apes ?) that Hanno found on -an island to the west of Africa and whose skin he brought to Carthage (cf. -vol. i. p. 88) is doubtless only accidental. The hair-covered hermits may -be connected with stories of hermits and the hairy wild man, "wilder -Mann," "Silvanus," who, in the opinion of Moltke Moe, is the same that -reappears in the Norwegian tale of "Villemand og Magnhild" (== der wilde -Mann and Magdelin). - -[41] White and snow-white women and maidens are, moreover, of common -occurrence also in Germanic legends [cf. J. Grimm, 1876, ii. pp. 803, -ff.]. Expressions like white or snow-white to depict the dazzling beauty -of the female body also occur in Icelandic literature, just as the -lily-white arms are already found in Homer. Cf. further such names as -Snjófriðr, Snelaug, Schneewitchen (Snow-white), etc. [Cf. Moltke Moe's -communications in A. Helland, 1905, ii. pp. 641, f.] - -[42] Before the convent on this island Brandan and his companions were met -by the monks "with cross, and cloaks [white clothes ?], and hymns"; cf. -the men in white clothes who cried aloud and carried poles in Eric the -Red's Saga. On the "Strong Men's Island" they also sang psalms, and one -generation wore white clothes. - -[43] Cf. Dozy and de Goeje, 1866, p. 223, ff.; de Goeje, 1891, pp. 56, 59. -Moltke Moe has called my attention to this resemblance. - -[44] The stench may be connected with ideas like those in the "Meregarto," -the sailors stuck fast and rotted in the Liver-sea, see vol. i. p. 181. - -[45] As Portugal was at that time under the Moors, Arabic must be regarded -as these men's mother-tongue. - -[46] They first drifted to the north-west in the outer ocean, and after -three days suffered intolerable thirst; but Christ took pity on them and -brought them to a current which tasted like tepid milk. Zimmer's -explanation [1889, p. 216] of this current as the Gulf Stream to the west -of the Hebrides is due to modern maps, and is an example of how even the -most acute of book-learned inquirers may be led astray by formal -representations. That the Irish should have possessed such comprehensive -oceanographical knowledge as to regard this ocean-drift as a definitely -limited current is not likely, and still less that they should have -regarded it as so much warmer than the water inshore as to be compared to -tepid milk. The difference in temperature on the surface is in summer -(August) approximately nil, and in spring and autumn perhaps three or four -degrees; and of course the Irish had no thermometers. Last summer I -investigated this very part of the ocean without finding any conspicuous -difference. The feature may be derived from Lucian's Vera Historia, where -the travellers come to a sea of milk [Wieland, 1789, iv. p. 188]. - -[47] It is doubtless due to this communication that an unknown Arabic -author (of the twelfth century) relates that the "Fortunate Isles" lie to -the north of Cadiz, and that thence come the northern Vikings ("Magûs"), -who are Christians. "The first of these islands is Britain, which lies in -the midst of the ocean, at a great distance to the north of Spain. Neither -mountains nor rivers are found there; its inhabitants are compelled to -resort to rain-water both for drinking and for watering the ground" -[Fabricius, 1897, p. 157]. It is clear that there is here a confusion of -rumours of islands in the north--of which Britain was the best known, -whence the Vikings were supposed to come--with Pliny's Fortunate Isles: -"Planaria" (without mountains) and "Pluvialia" (where the inhabitants had -only rain-water). That the Orkneys in particular should have been -intended, as suggested by R. Dozy [Recherches sur l'Espagne, ii. pp. 317, -ff.] and Paul Riant [Expéditions et Pèlerinages des Scandinaves en Terre -Sainte, Paris, 1865, p. 236] is not very probable. We might equally well -suppose it to be Ireland, which through Norse sailors ("Ostmen") and -merchants had communication with the Spaniards from the ninth till as late -as the fourteenth century [cf. A. Bugge, 1900, pp. 1, f.]. The Arabic name -"Magûs" for the Norman Vikings comes from the Greek [Greek: magos]; -(Magian, fire-worshipper), and originally meant heathens in general. - -[48] In one of his lays Björn Breidvikinge-kjæmpe also, as it happens, -speaks of Thurid as the snow-white ("fannhvít") woman. - -[49] See D. Brauns: Japanische Märchen und Sagan. Leipzig, 1885, p. 146, -ff. - -[50] Cf. the resemblance to the second voyage of Sindbad, to the tales in -Abû Hâmid, Qaswînî, Pseudo-Callisthenes' romance of Alexander, Indian -tales, etc. [cf. E. Rohde, 1900, p. 192]. - -[51] The Ringerike runic stone is not given here, as its mention of -Wineland is uncertain. - -[52] It should be remarked that the beginning of this saga, dealing with -the discovery of Greenland by Eric the Red, is taken straight out of the -Landnámabók, and is thus much older. - -[53] It would be otherwise on the west coast of Greenland, with its -excellent belt of skerries; but as the Eskimo could not reach this coast -without having developed, at least in part, their peculiar maritime -culture, it is, of course, out of the question that this can have been -their cradle. - -[54] Cf. on this subject H. Rink [1871, 1887, 1891]; F. Boas [1901]; cf. -also H. P. Steensby [1905], Axel Hamberg [1907] and others. These authors -hold various views as to the origin of the Eskimo, which, however, are all -different from that set forth here. While Rink thought the Eskimo came -from Alaska and first developed their sea-fishing on the rivers of Alaska, -Boas thinks they come from the west coast of Hudson Bay, and Steensby that -they developed on the central north coasts of Canada. Since the above was -written W. Thalbitzer has also dealt with the question [1908-1910]. - -[55] This has been definitely and finally proved by the researches of Dr. -O. Solberg [1907], referred to in vol. i. (p. 306). It results from these -that the oldest stone implements of the Eskimo from the districts round -Disco Bay must be of very great age--far older, indeed, than I was -formerly [1891, pp. 6, f.; Engl. ed., pp. 8, ff.] inclined to suppose. It -results also from Solberg's researches that, while the Eskimo occupied the -districts from Umanak-fjord southward to Egedesminde and Holstensborg -(from 71° to 68° N. lat.) during long prehistoric periods, they do not -appear to have settled in the more southern part of Greenland until much -later. As will be pointed out later (p. 83), it was especially in the -districts around Kroksfjarðarheidr that according to the historical -authorities the Skrælings were to be found. Since we may assume, as shown -in vol. i. p. 301, that this was Disco Bay, the conclusion from historical -sources agrees remarkably well with the archæological finds. - -[56] Solberg, however, in the researches referred to, has been able to -show some development in Eskimo sealing appliances in the course of the -period since their first arrival in Greenland, but perhaps chiefly after -they had come in contact with the Norsemen and learnt the use of iron. - -[57] As will be seen (cf. p. 72), this agrees surprisingly well with the -conclusions which Dr. Solberg has reached in another way in the work -already mentioned [1907], which was published since the above was written. - -[58] Cf. also William Thalbitzer's valuable work on the Eskimo language -[1904]. - -[59] Cf. Gualteri Mapes, De nugis curialium. Ed. by Thomas Wright, 1850, -pp. 14, ff. - -[60] If it was the tradition of Karlsevne's encounter with the Skrælings -that was referred to, then of course neither he nor the greater part of -his men were Greenlanders, but Icelanders, so that it might equally well -have been said that the Icelanders called them Skrælings. - -[61] Cf. Christian Koren-Wiberg: "Bidrag til Bergens Kulturhistorie," -Bergen, 1908, pp. 151, f. I owe it to Professor A. Bugge that my attention -was drawn to this interesting find. - -[62] Jón Egilsson's continuation of Húngurvaka, Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. -p. 469. - -[63] It is striking how accurately this agrees with what we have arrived -at in an entirely different way with regard to the places inhabited by the -Eskimo in ancient times (see p. 73). - -[64] From this it cannot, of course, be concluded that they were not -living there too at that time; it only shows that the voyagers did not -meet with them in the most northerly regions, although they saw empty -sites. As the Eskimo leave their winter houses in the spring and lead a -wandering life in tents, this need not surprise us. - -[65] Cf. Björnbo and Petersen, 1904, pp. 179, 236. - -[66] Jacob Ziegler (circa 1532), who probably made use of statements from -Walkendorf, confuses the Norsemen and Eskimo in Greenland together into -one people, who breed cattle, have two episcopal churches, etc.; but "on -account of the distance and the difficulty of the voyage the people have -almost reverted to heathendom, and are ... especially addicted to the arts -of magic, like the Lapps...." They use light boats of hides, with which -they attack other ships [cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 499]. - -[67] In the account attributed to Ivar Bárdsson, first written down in -Norway, the Skrælings also receive a good deal of attention. - -[68] William Thalbitzer, the authority on the Eskimo, has lately [1909, p. -14] adduced the silence of the "King's Mirror" and of the Icelandic Annals -on the subject of the Skrælings of Greenland as evidence that the Norsemen -had not met with them on their northern expeditions to Nordrsetur; but -what has been brought forward above shows that nothing of the kind can be -concluded from the silence of the "King's Mirror" (which, moreover, says -nothing about the Nordrsetur expeditions); and why in particular the -Icelandic Annals should allude to the Skrælings in Greenland seems -difficult to understand. This is no evidence, especially as we see that -the Skrælings are mentioned in other contemporary authorities, such as the -Historia Norwegiæ, Ivar Bárdsson's description, the account of the voyages -in 1266 and 1267, etc. Besides, in the last authority it is expressly -stated that there were Skrælings in Nordrsetur (Kroksfjardarheidr, cf. p. -83). - -[69] E. Beauvois, 1904, 1905; Y. Nielsen, 1904, 1905; W. Thalbitzer, 1904, -1905. - -[70] As so much weight has been attached to single words in order to prove -the similarity of culture between the Skrælings in Wineland and Markland -and those in Greenland, it is strange that no notice has been taken of -points of difference such as this, that the Skrælings in Markland are said -to dwell in caves, while the Greenlanders must have known, at any rate -from the dwelling-sites they had found, that the Skrælings in Greenland -lived in houses and tents. - -[71] If we might suppose (which is not probable) that the missile -mentioned on p. 7, note, from a myth of the Algonkin Indians has any -connection with the Skrælings' black ball which frightened Karlsevne's -people, this would be another feature pointing to knowledge of the -Indians. Hertzberg's demonstration that the Indian game of lacrosse is -probably the Norse "knattleikr" (pp. 38, ff.) may point in the same -direction; for it seems less probable that the transmission, if it -occurred, should have been brought about by the Eskimo. - -[72] That it was due to changes in the climate, as some have thought, is -not the case. The ancient descriptions of the voyage thither and of the -drift-ice (cf. for instance, the "King's Mirror," vol. i. p. 279) show -exactly the same conditions as now. - -[73] The driftwood that was washed ashore along the coasts could not -possibly suffice for shipbuilding; but they doubtless obtained timber also -from Markland (cf. pp. 25, 37). - -[74] Existing royal documents show that the prohibition of trade with -these tributary countries was again strictly enforced by Magnus Smek in -1348, and by Eric of Pomerania in 1425. - -[75] Cf. Islandske Annaler, ed. by Storm, 1888, p. 228. - -[76] It is shown by Solberg's [1907] researches that they did so. - -[77] As stated on p. 86, Jacob Ziegler (circa 1532) also says that the -people of Greenland "have almost lapsed to heathendom," etc. Although -mythical, this shows a similar tradition. - -[78] Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 258; F. Jónsson, 1899, p. 328. - -[79] This seems very doubtful, as it is not known that a bishop ever -resided in the Western Settlement. - -[80] It is true that this is not stated in the narrative; it is only said -that the Skrælings possessed the whole Western Settlement, and that Ivar -and his companions found no people there, either Christian or heathen, but -only wild cattle; and it may, of course, be doubtful whether the meaning -was that the whole settlement had been destroyed by a predatory incursion. - -[81] This explanation offers, of course, the difficulty that it would not -be applicable to dairy cattle; but in this way of life the settlers may -have had to give up milking. - -[82] These last ideas may well be supposed to have originated in a -confusion with the tales about Wineland. - -[83] We find conceptions of the Skrælings as dangerous opponents or -assailants in Michel Beheim in 1450 [Vangensten, 1908, p. 18], Paulus -Jovius in 1534, Jacob Ziegler in 1532, Olaus Magnus in 1555, and others. -But it is evident that these conceptions are to a great extent due to myth -and superstition. - -[84] Cf. Islandske Annaler, ed. by Storm [1888], pp. 365, f., 414, f. -Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. pp. 135, ff., 436, ff. - -[85] According to my experience the bear avoids the walrus, and I have -never seen a sign of their fighting on land or on the ice. - -[86] A complaint previously sent to the Pope, which, however, was false, -as will be shown later. - -[87] Mention should be made of two other factors, which Dr. Björnbo has -suggested to me. It is possible that while the majority of the Norsemen -were compelled more and more to adopt the Eskimo mode of life in order to -support themselves, some more strong-minded individuals among them, and a -few zealous priests, may have resisted stubbornly, and this may have led -to fighting such as is spoken of in the legends. Nor must it be forgotten -that the relentlessness of the Eskimo is usually accentuated when dealing -with individuals who are only a burden to the community without benefiting -it; and no doubt some among the Norsemen may have been reduced to such a -position after the cessation of imports from abroad, since they were -inferior to the Eskimo in skill as fishermen and sealers. - -[88] It is true that Clavus mentions the warrior hosts of the infidel -Karelians in Greenland; but this is evidently myth or invention (cf. -chapter xiii.). - -[89] According to another authority it was not till 1413. In any case it -looks as if travelling took a good time in those days. - -[90] As evidence of the state of things it may be mentioned that we read -in the Icelandic Annals [Storm, 1888, p. 290] under 1412: "No tidings came -from Norway to Iceland. The queen, Lady Margaret, died...." When -communication even with Iceland had fallen off to this extent, we can -understand its having ceased altogether with Greenland. - -[91] Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. pp. 160, ff. - -[92] See G. Storm, 1892, pp. 399-401. The letter was discovered some years -ago in the papal archives by a priest from Dalmatia, Dr. Jelic. Cf. also -Jos. Fischer, 1902, p. 49. - -[93] Published by J. Metelka [1895]. - -[94] A. A. Björnbo, Berlingske Tidende, 1909; Björnbo and Petersen, 1909, -p. 249. - -[95] Cf. L. Daae, 1882. Besides the authorities mentioned by Daae, See -"Scriptores rerum Danicarum," ii. 563, where "Puthorse" is mentioned as -"pirata Danicus" together with "Pynning." Cf. also Grönl. hist. Mind., -iii. pp. 473, ff. - -[96] This was the usual representation at that time; cf. Ziegler's map of -1532. - -[97] A. A. Björnbo, Berlingske Tidende, Copenhagen, July 17, 1909; Björnbo -and Petersen, 1909, p. 249. - -[98] Monumenta Historiæ Danicæ, ed. Holger Rördam, i. Copenhagen, 1873, p. -28; L. Daae, 1882. - -[99] Cf. G. Storm [1886]. B. T. de Costa [1880, p. 170] points out that -Hakluyt says that the voyage of this navigator is mentioned by Gemma -Frisius and Girava. Gemma Frisius published amongst other works a revised -edition of Petrus Apianus's "Cosmographicus Liber" in 1529. Girava -published in 1553 "Dos Libros de Cosmographia," Milan, 1556. I have not -had an opportunity of referring to these authorities; the former, if this -be correct, may have given information about Scolvus earlier than Gomara. -De Costa also says that on the Rouen globe [i.e., the L'Ecuy globe, see p. -131] in Paris, of about 1540, there is an inscription near the north-west -coast of Greenland stating that Skolnus [Scolvus] reached that point in -1476. - -[100] Cf. R. Collinson, 1867, pp. 3, f. - -[101] Lelewel's conjecture [1852, iv. p. 106, note 50, 52] that Scolvus's -name was Scolnus and that he came from a little Polish inland town near -the frontier of East Prussia, is, as shown by Storm [1886, p. 400], -improbable. - -[102] Storm [1886, p. 399] thought that Wytfliet might have borrowed from -Gomara, and himself invented and added the date 1476, in order to -disparage the Spaniards and Portuguese as discoverers; but Storm was not -aware that this date, as we have seen, is mentioned in an earlier English -source. - -[103] Cf. Harrisse, 1892, pp. 286, ff., 658. The inscription reads: "Quii -populi ad quos Johannes Scovvus danus pervenit. Ann. 1476." - -[104] Just as the above is at press, I have received a sheet of Dr. -Björnbo's new work [1910, pp. 256, ff.], from which it appears that the -inscription mentioned above is already found on Gemma Frisius's globe -engraved by Gerard Mercator, probably 1536-1537 (found at Zerbst, and -reproduced for the first time in Björnbo's work). The inscription is -placed on the polar continent, to the north-west of Greenland, and reads: -"Quij populi ad quos Joes Scoluss danus peruenit circa annum 1476." -Björnbo translates it: "Quij, the people to whom the Dane Johannes -Scolvuss (Scolwssen ?) penetrated about the year 1476." (The -interpretation of the word "Quij" as the name of a people may be probable, -especially as the same word occurs, as pointed out by Björnbo, as the name -of a people on Vopell's map of the world of 1445.) This is therefore the -oldest notice of Scolvus's voyage at present known, and it may seem -possible, though not very probable, that he reached a land to the west of -Greenland. The L'Ecuy or Rouen globe (of copper) is evidently a copy of -the Frisius-Mercator globe, and has the same inscriptions. It may be to -the same source (or to a contemporary work of Gemma Frisius) that Hakluyt -referred (cf. above, p. 129, note 2), and several statements in the -English document of about 1575 (p. 129) seem also to be derived from it. -As Gomara calls Joan Scolvo "piloto," which is not on the globe (but on -the other hand is found in the English document!), and as, further, he has -not the dates, he may possibly have had a somewhat different authority. It -is interesting to note, as shown by Björnbo, that the Frisius-Mercator -globe seems to betray Portuguese associations, and thus its information -about Scolvus may also have come from Portugal. - -[105] G. Storm [Mon. hist. Norw., 1880, p. 78] thought that "Vegistafr" -might be "Sviatoi Nos" at the entrance to Gandvik (the White Sea). - -[106] This was the market-place on the bank of the Dvina, presumably the -same that the Russians afterwards called Kholmogori, and that lay a little -higher up the river than Archangel (founded in 1572). - -[107] This is Karelian for heaven or the sky-god; the Kvæns (Finlanders) -called their god "Jumala," and the Finns (Lapps) theirs "Ibmel," which is -the same word. [Cf. G. Storm's translation of Heimskringla, 1899, p. 322.] - -[108] From the account it would look as though Thore Hund was already well -acquainted with the country. Even if the tale as a whole is not -historical, a feature like this may point to the Norwegians having been in -the habit of visiting Bjarmeland, and therefore looking upon it as natural -that a man like Thore knew the country. - -[109] Håkon Håkonsson's Saga in Fornmanna-sögur, ix. p. 319. - -[110] The Russian chronicles in translation, "Suomi" for 1848. - -[111] Professor Alexander Seippel has given me valuable help in the -translation of the Arabic authors. - -[112] The Volga was often called Itil after the town of that name, but was -later named after Bulgar (Bolgar == Volga). - -[113] Cf. Frähn, 1823, p. 218. - -[114] Chronica Nestoris, ed. Fr. Miklosisch, Vindobonæ, 1860, pp. 9, f.; -Nestors russiske Krönike, overs, og forkl. af C. W. Smith, Copenhagen, -1869, p. 29. - -[115] Cf. T. Mommsen, 1882, pp. 88, 166. - -[116] Jaqut, 1866, i. p. 113; cf. also Mehren, 1857, p. 171. - -[117] Ibn Fadhlân's mission as ambassador from the Caliph al-Muktadir -billâh of Bagdad to Bulgar took place, according to his own statements, -reproduced by Jaqût (ob. 1229), in the years 921 and 922 A.D. Ibn Fadhlân, -like Jaqût, was a Greek by birth. - -[118] Jaqut, 1866, iv. p. 944; i. p. 113. - -[119] This agrees with reality. Along the Volga one can reach the land of -the Vesses on Lake Byelo-ozero. - -[120] Al-Qazwînî, 1848, ii. p. 416. - -[121] Ibn Batûta, Voyages, etc., par Defrémery et Sanguinetti, ii. pp. -399, ff. - -[122] This is doubtless an expression for a conveyance of some kind, which -must here have been a sledge. - -[123] Cf. Frähn, 1823, pp. 230, ff. - -[124] Cf. Peschel, 2nd ed., 1877, p. 107. There has also been found a -metal mirror with an Arabic inscription of the tenth or eleventh century -at Samarovo in the land of the Ostyaks, where the Irtysh and the Ob join. - -[125] Cf. on this subject G. Storm, 1890, pp. 340, ff.; A. A. Björnbo, -1909, pp. 234, ff. - -[126] Saxo also has conceptions of half-awake or half-dead ("semineces") -giants in the underworld in the north as guardians of treasures (cf. -Gorm's and Thorkel's voyage). Moltke Moe thinks they may be derived from -ancient notions of the giants as the evil dead, who guard treasures. - -[127] Kohl [1869, pp. 11, ff.] supposes that they may have carried on -piracy, and invented their story to explain to the bishop how they had -come by the booty they brought home and how they had lost their -companions, who may have been killed in fighting. - -[128] Giraldus Cambrensis also mentions the dangerous whirlpool north of -the Hebrides. - -[129] Cf. Amund Helland, Lofoten og Vesteraalen. Norges geologiske -Undersögelse. No. 23. Christiania, 1897, p. 106. - -[130] Hakluyt: Principal Navigations, Glasgow, 1903, ii. p. 415. - -[131] Cf. Storm, 1895, pp. 190, f. - -[132] It is not impossible that it was of this Norwegian king Harold's -voyage that Adam heard from the Danes; in that case he may readily be -supposed to have made a mistake and connected it with the King Harold who -was then living, to whom he also attributes a voyage in the Baltic; it is -a common experience that many similar incidents in which different persons -were engaged collect about one of them. The circumstance that Harold is -here mentioned without any term of abuse, with which Adam is elsewhere in -the habit of accompanying any mention of him, is perhaps, as already said -(vol. i. p. 195, note), of no particular significance. Harold Gråfeld was -much in Denmark, and reports of his expedition to Bjarmeland may well have -lived there, as in Iceland. If it is this to which Adam's words refer, -this would also explain the curious silence of the Icelandic authorities -about Harold Hardråde's alleged voyage in the Arctic Ocean. - -[133] Professor Yngvar Nielsen [1904, 1905] thinks that Adam's description -cannot be explained otherwise than as referring to a voyage to the west, -and probably a Wineland voyage. The Icelandic historian Tormodus Torfæus -regarded it in the same way two hundred years ago. Professor Nielsen even -thinks he can point to the Newfoundland Banks with their "surf caused by -the current" (?) as a probable place where King Harold turned back to -avoid the gulf of the abyss. I will not here dwell on the improbability of -so daring a man as Harold, whom we are to suppose to have sailed across -the Atlantic in search of Wineland, being frightened by a tide-race (of -which he knew worse at home) on the Newfoundland Banks, so as to believe -that he was near the abyss ("Ginnungagap"), and therefore making the long -voyage home again without having accomplished his purpose, without having -reached land, and without having renewed his supplies--of fresh water, for -instance. I can only see that all this is pure guesswork without any solid -foundation and far beyond the limits of all reasonable possibility. But in -addition, as Dr. A. A. Björnbo [1909, pp. 121, 234, ff.] has clearly -shown, the whole of this view becomes untenable if we pay attention to the -universal cartographical representation of that time, by which Adam of -Bremen was obviously also bound, and in particular it is impossible to -conclude from his words that Harold's voyage should have been made to the -_west_. - -[134] Suhm (Historie af Danmark, 1790) was the first to think that the -gulf of the abyss was the maelstrom by Mosken. - -[135] A peculiarity of the account in the "King's Mirror" is that whales, -seals and walruses are mentioned only in the seas of Iceland and -Greenland, and not off Norway, although the Norwegian author most -undoubtedly have heard of most of them in his native land. In the same way -the northern lights are only spoken of as something peculiar to Greenland. -Of the six species of seal that are mentioned, one ("örknselr") must be -the grey seal or "erkn" (Halichoerus grypus), which is common on the coast -of the northern half of Norway, but is not found in Greenland. - -[136] One might receive a different impression from Bede's Statement that -in Britain "seals are frequently taken ('capiuntur'), and dolphins, as -also whales ('balenæ')" [Eccles. hist. gent. Angl. i. c. 1]. But it is -uncertain whether this refers to regular hunting of great whales with -harpoons in the open sea, or whether it does not rather refer to stranded -whales, which must have been of frequent occurrence in those days, to -judge from the Norman and later English regulations regarding them. - -[137] He belonged to the South Arabian tribe 'Udhra, "die da sterben, wann -sie lieben." - -[138] This is exactly what is still done with the whale on the west coast -of Norway. - -[139] Cf. G. Jacob, 1896, pp. 23, ff. - -[140] Louis the Gentle confirms a division of the property of the abbey of -St. Dionysius, which the abbot Hilduien had made in 832 [cf. Bouquet, -Historiens de France, vi. p. 580]. He says in this document that "we give -them this property ... on the other side of Sequana the chapel of St. -Audoenus for repairing and clearing fishing nets ... in Campiniago two -houses for fish ... the water and fish in Tellis ... and Gabaregium in -Bagasinum with all the manorial rights and lands attached, of which part -lies in the parish of Constantinus [Coutances] for taking large fish -('crassus piscis')." It is probable that "crassus piscis" means Biscayan -whale (Baloena Biscayensis or glacialis), which at that time was common on -these shores. In that case the people of Côtantin would have carried on -whaling as early as the beginning of the ninth century, but of their -methods we can form no conclusions. - -[141] It is possible that the peoples on the shores of the Indian Ocean -(and Red Sea) even in early antiquity caught whales and ate whales' flesh -[cf. Noel, 1815, p. 23]. Strabo [xv. 725, f.; xvi. 767, 773] tells of the -great numbers of whales, 23 fathoms long, that Nearchus is said to have -seen in this ocean, and says that the Ichthyophagi (fish-eaters) used -whales' bones for beams and rafters in their huts. Strabo thinks [i. 24] -that the mention of the monster Scylla (who catches dolphins, seals, etc.) -in the Odyssey [xii. 95, ff.] would point to large marine animals having -been taken in ancient times; but all this may be very doubtful. - -[142] Cf. M. P. Fischer, 1872, pp. 3, ff. In 1202 the merchants of Bayonne -bound themselves to pay King John Lackland ten pounds sterling a year for -permission to catch whales between St. Michael's Mount (in Normandy) and a -place called Dortemue [cf. Delisle, 1849, p. 131]. This may point to a -connection in the whale-fishery between the south of France and Normandy. - -[143] Cf. Johannes Steenstrup, 1876, vol. i. p. 188. Professor Steenstrup -puts forward the view that it was the Danes who developed this whaling in -Normandy. This is scarcely possible. There cannot be much doubt that it -was the comparatively valuable Biscay whale or nord-caper that was the -chief object of the active whaling on the coast of Normandy, and that was -specially called "crassus piscis"; for it was precisely this species of -whale which then at certain times of the year appeared in great numbers -along the whole French coast, and which the Basques also pursued so -actively along the shores of the Bay of Biscay, Brittany and Normandy. The -name "crassus piscis" (i.e., the thick or fat fish) would also exactly -describe this species, which is remarkable beyond all other whales that -occur on the coasts of France for its striking breadth and bulk in -proportion to its length, which is about fifty feet. This whale was more -valuable than the other great whales that occurred along these coasts, and -was in addition much easier to catch. But this species certainly never -regularly frequented the shallow Danish waters, any more than other great -whales that might be an object of hunting. There is, therefore, scarcely a -possibility that Danish Vikings should have brought with them from their -native land any experience in hunting great whales. If we may assume that -the Normans were already acquainted with the hunting of great whales -before they came to Normandy, then it may have been Norwegians who -possessed this experience, which, in fact, agrees with the statement of -Qazwînî (see above). - -[144] Muratori: Script. rer. Ital., v. p. 265. Cf. also Joh. Steenstrup, -1876, i. p. 188. - -[145] The text has "culmi" (literally, straw), which gives no sense. We -must suppose that something has been omitted in the MS. of Albertus that -was used in the printed edition; or else he has taken the description from -an older source, which had it correctly, and from which later authors have -taken the same expression; for otherwise it is difficult to understand -their using it in a reasonable way. Erik Walkendorf (circa 1520) says of -the walrus in Finmark: "They have a stiff and bristly beard as long as the -palm of a hand, as thick as a straw ('crassitudine magni culmi'), they -have rough bristly ('hirsuta') skin, two fingers thick, which has an -incredible strength and firmness"; but he says nothing about the method of -catching them [Walkendorf, 1902, p. 12]. Olaus Magnus [I, xxi. c. 25] says -that walruses ("morsi" or "rosmari") appear on the northern coast of -Norway. "They have a head like an ox, have rough (bristly, 'hirsutam') -skin, and hair as thick as straw ('culmos') or the stalks of corn -('calamos frumenti') which stands in all directions. They heave themselves -up by their tusks to the tops of rocks as with ladders, in order to eat -the grass bedewed with fresh water, and roll themselves back into the sea, -unless in the meantime they are overcome by very deep sleep and remain -hanging." Then follows the same story of catching them as in Albertus -Magnus. This is done, he says, chiefly for the sake of the tusks, "which -were highly prized by the Scythians, Rutens and Tartars," etc. "This is -witnessed also by Miechouita." This description of Olaus is evidently put -together from older statements which we find in Albertus Magnus, in -Walkendorf, and in Russian sources, of which he himself quotes Mikhow (who -is also mentioned in Pistorius; see below). - -[146] This was very valuable on account of its strength, and was much used -for ships' cables, mooring-hawsers, and many other purposes. - -[147] Saxo, viii. 287, f.; ed. by H. Jantzen, 1900, pp. 447, ff.; ed. by -P. Herrmann, 1901, pp. 385, ff. - -[148] In the description of Greenland attributed to Ivar Bárdsson we read: -"Item from Langanes, which lies uppermost (or northernmost) in Iceland by -the aforesaid Hornns it is two days' and two nights' sail to Sualberde in -haffsbaane (or haffsbotnen)." [F. Jónsson, 1899, p. 323.] - -[149] Monumenta hist. Norv., ed. G. Storm, 1880, pp. 74. f., 79. - -[150] In the "Rymbegla" [1780, p. 350] is mentioned, together with other -fabulous beings in this part of the world, "the people called -'Hornfinnar,' they have in their foreheads a horn bent downwards, and they -are cannibals." - -[151] Cf. also A. Bugge, 1898, p. 499; G. Isachsen, 1907. - -[152] True north of Langanes there is no land: Jan Mayen lies nearest, -N.N.E., and Greenland W.N.W. As the "leidar-stein" (compass) was known in -Iceland when Hauk's Landnámabók was written (cf. vol. i. p. 248), magnetic -directions might be meant here, and the variation of the compass may at -that time have been great enough to make Greenland lie north (magnetic) of -Langanes. In that case it is perhaps strange that Langanes should be -mentioned as the starting-point, and not some place that lay nearer; but -it might be supposed that this was because one had first to sail far to -the east to avoid the ice, when making for the northern east coast of -Greenland. A large eastern variation would also agree with Jolldulaup in -Ireland lying south of Reykjanes, the uninhabited parts of Greenland lying -north of Kolbeins-ey (Mevenklint, see vol. i. p. 286), and the statement -in the Sturlubók that from Snæfellsnes it was "four 'doegr's' sea west to -Greenland" [i.e., Hvarf]. But it does not agree with this that from Bergen -(or Hennö) the course was "due west" to Hvarf in Greenland; and still less -does it agree with its being, according to the Sturlubók, "seven 'doegr's' -sail west from Stad in Norway to Horn in East Iceland." If these are -courses by compass, we must then suppose a large _eastern_ variation -between Norway and Iceland, which indeed is not impossible, but which will -not accord with a large _western_ variation between Reykjanes and Ireland. -The probability is, therefore, that magnetic courses are not intended. - -[153] As already mentioned, a "doegr" was half a day of twenty-four hours, -and a "doegr's" sail is thus the distance sailed in a day or in a night. -One might, perhaps, be tempted to think that here, where it is a question -of sailing over the open sea, and where it would therefore be impossible -to anchor for the night, as on the coast, a "doegr's" sail might mean the -distance covered in the whole twenty-four hours [cf. G. Isachsen, 1907]; -but it appears from a passage in St. Olaf's Saga (in "Heimskringla"), -amongst others, that this was not the usual way of reckoning; for we read -there (cap. 125) that Thorarinn Nevjolfsson sailed in eight "doegr" from -Möre in Norway to Eyrar in south-western Iceland. Thorarinn went straight -to the Althing and there said that "he had parted from King Olaf four -nights before...." The eight "doegr" mean, therefore, four days' and four -nights' sailing. Precisely the same thing appears from the sailing -directions given above (p. 166) from Ivor Bárdsson's description, where -four "doegr's" sea is taken as two days' and two nights' sail. - -[154] Sometimes also called Nordbotn (cf. vol. i, pp. 262, 303), perhaps -mostly in fairy-tales. This form of the name is still extant in a -fairy-tale from Fyresdal and Eidsborg about "Riketor Kræmar" [H. Ross in -"Dölen," 1869, vii. No. 23]. - -[155] Pistorius, Polonicæ historiæ corpus, 1582, i. 150. I have not had an -opportunity of consulting this work. We saw above (p. 163, note) that -Olaus Magnus also quotes Mikhow. - -[156] Cf. Noël, 1815, p. 215. - -[157] The idea may have arisen through a misunderstanding of stories that -the walruses often lie in great herds, close together, on the tops of -skerries and small islands, and are there speared in great numbers by the -hunters. - -[158] He calls my attention to two papers by Professor Sophus Bugge [in -"Romania," iii. 1874, p. 157, and iv. 1875, p. 363], in which the -etymology of the French word "morse" is discussed. Bugge first seeks to -explain the word (precisely as above) as a metathesis for "rosme," from -the Danish "rosmer" == Old Norwegian "rosmáll," "rosmhvalr." In the second -paper he withdraws this explanation, and says that V. Thomsen has pointed -out to him the identity of "morse" with the Russian "morsh," Polish -"mors," Czeckish "mrz," Finnish "mursu," Lappish "mors." The word would -"according to V. Thomsen be rather of Slavic (cf. 'more,' sea ?) than of -Finnish origin." After what has been advanced above, this last conclusion -may be somewhat improbable. Professor Nielsen also refers to Matzenauer, -Cizi slova, p. 257, which I have not had an opportunity of consulting. - -[159] Professor Olaf Broch has described to me the peculiar river-boat -that is used far and wide in North Russia, and that is evidently a very -old type of boat. Broch saw it on the Súkhona, a tributary of the Dvina. -The bottom of the boat is a dug-out tree-trunk of considerable size, which -can only be found farther up the country. By heating the wood the sides -are given the desired shape, and to the dug-out foundation is fastened a -board on each side; Broch did not remember whether it was sewed or nailed -on. The boat is thus a transitional form between the dug-out canoe and the -clinker-built boat. This type of boat may also have reached the shore of -the Polar Sea; but there cannot have been timber for building it there. - -[160] Cf. A. Helland, Nordlands Amt, 1908, ii. p. 888. - -[161] Cf. K. Leem, 1767, p. 216. - -[162] The Florentine MS. of it dates from the ninth century. - -[163] For this reason they were also called OT-maps, which corresponded to -the initial letters of "orbis terrarum." - -[164] The work is preserved in the British Museum in a MS. of the -fourteenth century, which unfortunately has not been published. The -geographical descriptions in the Eulogium Historiarum of about 1360 (vol. -ii. Rerum Britann. Medii Ævi Script., London, 1860, cf. the introduction -by F. S. Hayden) may be taken from this work. It is evidently a MS. of the -same "Geographia" that W. Wackernagel found in the library at Berne, and -of which he published extracts relating to the North [1844]. It is -probably the same "Geographia Universalis," again, that is published in -Bartholomæus Anglicus: De proprietatibus rerum, and in Rudimenta -Novitiorum, Lübeck, circa 1475. - -[165] The name of "Dacia" for Denmark, which frequently occurs on maps of -the Middle Ages, arose through a confusion of the name of the Roman -province on the Danube with "Dania." - -[166] "Nero," which appears before this word on the map (see vol. i. p. -183), is crossed out, and was evidently an error. - -[167] Cf. Rafn, Antiquités Russes, ii. pp. 390, ff., Pl. IV.; K. Miller, -iii., 1895, p. 125. - -[168] Cf. M. de Goeje in the "Livre des Merveilles de l'Inde," ed. by v. -d. Lith and Devic, Leiden, 1883-86, p. 295. - -[169] Bulgar was the capital of the country of the Mohammedan Bulgarians. -These were a Finnish people. From Bulgar or Bolgar comes the name Volga. - -[170] For the origin of the name, see p. 55, note. - -[171] Cf. Ibn Khordâdhbeh, 1889, pp. xx., 67, 88, 115; 1865, pp. 214, 235, -264. - -[172] "Rûs" was the name of the Scandinavians (mostly Swedes) in Russia -who founded the Russian empire ("Gardarike" or "Sviþjoð hit mikla"). - -[173] Among the four wonders of the world Ibn Khordâdbah mentions "a -bronze horseman in Spain [cf. the Pillars of Hercules], who with -outstretched arm seems to say: Behind me there is no longer any beaten -track, he who ventures farther is swallowed up by ants." So De Goeje -translates it. It might seem to be connected with the swarms of ants that -came down to the shore and wanted to eat the men and their boat on the -first larger island out in the ocean that Maelduin arrived at in the Irish -legend (cf. vol. i. p. 336); but Professor Seippel thinks it possible that -the original reading was "is swallowed up in sand" (and not by ants). - -[174] This comes very near to Hippocrates' words about the Amazons, that -the mothers burn away the right breast of their girl children, "thereby -the breast ceases to grow and all the strength and fullness goes over to -the right shoulder and arm" (cf. also vol. i. p. 87). - -[175] Cf. V. Thomsen, 1882, p. 34. - -[176] As to the trade in furs, etc., see above, pp. 144, f. - -[177] Seippel, 1896; cf. Maçoudi, 1861, p. 275; 1896, pp. 92, f.; 1861, p. -213. - -[178] Maçoudi, 1861, pp. 364, f. - -[179] Seippel, 1896, pp. 42, 43. - -[180] In the Russian chronicles the word is "Varyag" (plur. "Varyazi"), -and the Baltic is called "Varyaz'skoye More" (the Varægian Sea). It is the -same word as Varæger, Varanger, or Væringer (in Greek Varangoi) for the -originally Scandinavian life-guards in Constantinople. The Greek princess -Anna Comnena (circa 1100), celebrated for her learning, speaks of the -"Varangians from Thule" as the "axe-bearing barbarians." In a Greek work -of the eleventh century, by an unknown author, it is said of Harold -Hardråde that "he was the son of the king of 'Varangia' ([Greek: -Baraggia])." The word is evidently from a Scandinavian root; but its -etymology can hardly be regarded as certain. It was probably used -originally by the Russians in Gardarike of their kindred Scandinavians, -especially the Swedes on the Baltic [cf. Vilhelm Thomsen, 1882, pp. 93, -ff.]. - -[181] The Persian version and as-Shîrâzî add "tall, warlike." - -[182] The Christian Jew Assaf Hebræus's cosmography, of the eleventh -century, was probably written in Arabic, but is only known in a Latin and -a Hebrew translation [cf. Ad. Neubauer, in "Orient und Occident," ed. Th. -Benfey, ii., Göttingen, 1864, pp. 657, ff.]. He mentions beyond "Scochia" -[Scotland] the land of "Norbe" [Norway] with an archbishopric and ten -bishoprics. In these northern lands, and particularly in Ireland, there -are no snakes. Many other countries and islands are beyond Britain and the -land of "Norve" [Norway], but the island of "Tille" [Thule] is the most -distant, far away in the northern seas, and has the longest day, etc. -There is the stiffened, viscous sea. Next the Hebrides ("Budis") are -mentioned, where the inhabitants have no corn, but live on fish and milk -(cf. vol. i. p. 160), and the Orcades, where there dwell naked people -("gens nuda," instead of "vacant homines," see vol. i. p. 161). - -[183] Cf. R. Dozy, 1881, pp. 267, ff. - -[184] This island may have been Noirmoutier, in the country of the Normans -of the Loire (according to A. Bugge). - -[185] It is the name "Magûs," from the Greek [Greek: Magos] (Magian, -fire-worshipper, cf. p. 55), that led the author into this error. Magûs -was used collectively of heathens in general, but especially of the Norse -Vikings [cf. Dozy, 1881, ii. p. 271]. - -[186] Her name may be read "Bud" (Bodhild ?), or--according to Seippel's -showing--with a trifling correction, "Aud." - -[187] Probably this was made from Edrisi's design and corresponded to the -map of the world in his work. Khalîl as-Safadî (born circa 1296) also -relates that Roger and Edrisi sent out trustworthy men with draughtsmen to -the east, west, south and north, to draw from nature and describe -everything remarkable; and their information was then included in Edrisi's -work. If this is true (which is probably doubtful), these would be real -geographical expeditions that were sent out. - -[188] Cf. Jaubert's translation [Edrisi, 1836], where, however, the -geographical names must be used with caution. See also Dozy and De Goeje -[Edrisi, 1866]. - -[189] The Arabs have the same word for island and peninsula. - -[190] Professor Seippel considers this the probable interpretation of the -name, and not "the island of the Danes," as in Jaubert. - -[191] Edrisi reckoned a degree at the equator as 100 Arabic miles, -according to which his mile would be fully a kilometre. According to other -Arab geographers the degree at the equator has been reckoned as 66-2/3 -Arabic miles, in which case the mile would be about 1.7 km., or nearly a -statute mile. - -[192] This name is doubtless a confusion of Finmark and Finland. - -[193] Of the names of these towns given on the map there can, according to -Seippel's interpretation, be read with certainty "Oslô" and probably -"Trônâ" [Trondheim]. The third name is difficult to determine. - -[194] This may be the same idea that we meet with again in the description -of the Skrælings in Eric the Red's Saga, where we are told that they were -"breiðir i kinnum." - -[195] As, amongst others, the name "Norveci" is misplaced (in Jutland) in -the Cottoniana map (cf. p. 192), one might almost be tempted to suppose -that the cartographer had made use of Edrisi's map without understanding -the Arabic names; but this would assume so late a date for the Cottoniana -map that it is scarcely probable. - -[196] Cf. Seippel, 1896, pp. 138, ff. - -[197] Al-Qazwînî, 1848, ii. pp. 356, 334, 412. - -[198] Jacob, 1896, pp. 11, f. - -[199] Seippel, 1896, p. 44. - -[200] It might seem tempting to suppose that the some "Varanger" is -connected with "Warank"; but this can hardly be the case. Mr. J. Qvigstad -informs me that in his view the name of the fjord must be Norwegian, "and -was originally '*Verjangr' (from '*Varianger'); thence arose '*Verangr,' -and by progressive assimilation 'Varangr,' cf. the fjord-names Salangen -(from Selangr), Gratangen (from Grytangr), Lavangen (from Lovangr) in the -district of Tromsö. In old Danish assessment rolls of the period before -the Kalmar war we find 'Waranger.'" The first syllable must then be the -Old Norse "ver" (gen. pl. "verja") for "vær," fishing-station, and the -name would mean "the fjord of fishing-stations" ("angr" == fjord). In -Lappish the Varanger fjord is called "Varjagvuödna" ("vuödna" == fjord), -which "presupposes a Norwegian form '*Varjang' ('*Verjang'). The Lappish -forms 'Varje-' and 'Varja-' are abbreviated from 'Varjag.' The district of -Varanger is called in Lappish 'Varja' (gen. 'Varjag,' root 'Varjag'). -Norwegian fjord-names in '-angr' are transferred to Lappish with the -termination '-ag'; only in more recent loan-words do we find the -termination '-a[Greek: ê]gga' or '-a[Greek: ê]ggo,' as in -'Pors-a[Greek: ê]gga.'" O. Rygh thought that the first syllable in -"Varanger" might be the same as in "Vardö," Old Norse "Vargey"; but this -may be more doubtful. - -[201] Cf. also Jordanes' description of the great cold in the Baltic (vol. -i. p. 131). - -[202] Seippel, 1896, pp. 142, 45. - -[203] In another passage [c. i. 3] he says that "the habitable part -extends ... towards the north as far as 63° or 66-1/6°, where at the -summer solstice the day attains a length of twenty hours" [cf. Ptolemy, -vol. i. p. 117]. But he nevertheless thinks (like the Greeks) that at the -north pole the day was six months and the night equally long. - -[204] An expression from the Koran, which is used of barbarous peoples -(Gog and Magog) who do not understand the speech of civilised men. - -[205] Cf. A. F. Mehren, 1874, pp. 19, 158, f., 21, 193. - -[206] C. de Vaux, 1898, pp. 69, f. - -[207] Cf. Moltke Moe, "Maal og Minne," Christiania, 1909, pp. 9, ff. - -[208] The same ideas also occur in European fairy-tales and generally in -the world of mediæval conceptions. - -[209] Cf. K. Kretschmer, 1909, pp. 67, ff.; Beazley, iii. 1906, p. 511. It -has been asserted that the compass was discovered at Amalfi. This is not -very probable, but it seems that an important improvement of the compass -may have been made there about the year 1300. - -[210] Cf. D'Avezac: Coup d'oeil historique sur la projection des cartes -géographiques. Paris, 1863, p. 37; Th. Fischer, 1886, pp. 78, f. - -[211] How early the error of the compass became known is uncertain. Even -if it was known, it seems that at any rate no attention was paid to it at -first; and thus the coast-lines were laid down on the charts according to -the magnetic courses and not the true ones. Later on a constant error was -assumed and the compass was corrected in agreement therewith; but the -correction differed somewhat in the various towns where compasses were -made. - -[212] Björnbo and Petersen [1908, tab. 1, pp. 14, ff.] give a comparison -of these names from the most important compass-charts. - -[213] Reproduced by Jomard, 1879; Nordenskiöld, 1897, p. 25. - -[214] Reproduced by Th. Fischer-Ongania, 1887, Pl. III. [cf. pp. 117, -ff.]; Nordenskiöld, 1897, Pl. V. Cf. Björnbo, 1909, pp. 212, f.; Hamy, -1889, pp. 350, f. - -[215] That, on the other hand, it should be directly connected with -Ptolemy's representation, as alleged by Hamy [1889, p. 350], is difficult -to understand [cf. Björnbo, 1909, p. 213]; but an indirect influence, -e.g., through Edrisi's map, is possible. - -[216] Cf. K. Kretschmer, 1891, pp. 352, ff. Vesconte was a Genoese, but -resided for a long time at Venice. - -[217] Cf. Saxo, ed. H. Jnsen, 1900, pp. 13, ff.; ed. P. Hermann, 1901, p. -12. - -[218] On Marino Sanudo and Pietro Vesconte's maps cf. Hamy, 1889, pp. 349, -f., and Pl. VII.; Nordenskiöld, 1889, p. 51; 1897, pp. 17, 56, ff.; -Kretschmer, 1909, pp. 113, ff.; Björnbo, 1909, pp. 210, f.; Björnbo, 1910, -pp. 120, 122, f.; K. Miller, iii. 1895, pp. 132, ff. - -[219] K. Miller [iii., 1895, p. 134] reads "alcuorum" instead of -"aletiorum," which would make it "the greatest abundance of flying -creatures" [i.e., birds, which would also be appropriate to the North]. -But Miller's reading is evidently wrong, from what Björnbo has seen on the -original. - -[220] Cf. A. Magnaghi, 1898. The date is somewhat indistinct on the map, -and it is uncertain whether it is MCCCXXV. or MCCCXXX. - -[221] The dark shading along the coast and across the country represents -mountain chains. - -[222] As late as in Jeffery's atlas, 1776, it is pointed out that this -island is very doubtful, but, according to Kretschmer [1892, p. 221], a -rock 6 degrees west of the southern point of Ireland still bears the name -Brazil Rock on the charts of the British Admiralty (?). - -[223] Cf. "Lageniensis," 1870, pp. 114, ff.; Liebrecht, 1872, p. 201; -Moltke Moe in A. Helland, 1908, ii. p. 516. - -[224] Kunstmann [1859, pp. 7, ff.] thought that the names of the more -southerly islands might be derived from that of the red dye-wood "brasile" -or "bresil," which afterwards gave its name to Brazil. He [1859, pp. 35, -f., 41], and after him G. Storm [1887], were therefore misled into the -belief that the island to the west of Ireland had also got its name from -the same dye-wood; neither of them can have known of the Irish myth about -this island. Both connect the appearance of the island on the Pizigano map -(1367) with the arrival of the Greenland sailors from Markland in Norway -in 1348, not being aware that the island is found on earlier maps. Storm -went so far as to suppose that the word "brazil" might have become a term -for a wooded island in general, and might thus be an echo of the Norse -name Markland (wood-land). J. Fischer [1902, p. 110] has again fallen into -the same error, but has remarked that the name was already found on -Dalorto's map of 1339. Kretschmer [1892, pp. 214, ff.] has devoted a -chapter to the island of "Brazil," but abandons the attempt to find the -origin of the name and of the island, regarding the derivation from the -name of the dye-wood as improbable. Hamy [1889, p. 361], however, noticed -the connection of the island with the Irish myth of "O'Brazil." - -[225] Buache read the inscription on the northernmost isle of Brazil on -the Pizigano map as "ysola de Mayotas seu de Bracir," while Jomard makes -it "n cotus sur de Bracir." Kretschmer [1892, p. 219] has examined the -map, but can read neither one nor the other, as the text is indistinct. On -the other hand, he points out that on Graciosus Benincasa's map of 1482 -the same island has a clearly legible "montorio" (on a map of 1574 "mons -orius" is found), which he is equally unable to explain. It may be added -that on an anonymous compass-chart of 1384 [Nordenskiöld, 1897, Pl. XV.] a -corresponding island is marked "monte orius," on Benincasa's map of 1457 -"montorius," and on Calapoda's map of 1552 "montoriu" [Nordenskiöld, 1897, -Pl. XXXIII., XXVI.]. This is evidently our "montonis" on Dalorto's map of -1325 appearing again. - -[226] The number with the preceding words is also evidently given in the -line below. - -[227] Cf. Th. Fischer, 1886, pp. 42; Hamy, 1889, p. 366; Magnaghi, 1899, -p. 2. I have not been able to find this legend on Dalorto's map of 1339 -(in the reproduction in Nordenskiöld's Periplus, Pl. VIII.), where -Magnaghi asserts that it is to be found. - -[228] Cf. Hamy, 1888, 1903; Nordenskiöld, 1897, Pl. VIII.; Kretschmer, -1909, p. 188. - -[229] This is the same form as on the later maps, pp. 231, 232, 233. - -[230] For a description and reproduction of the Modena chart, see -Kretschmer, 1897; Pullè and Longhena, 1907. - -[231] In the reproduction, pp. 232-233, "gronlandia" is given in the -inscription in the Baltic, taken from the reading of Björnbo and Petersen -[1908, p. 16]. Mr. O. Vangensten has examined the original at Florence and -found that this is a misreading, the correct one being "gotlandia." - -[232] On this chart there is a picture in the Northern Ocean to the west -of Norway of a ship with her anchor out by the side of a whale, with the -following explanation [cf. Björnbo, 1910, p. 121]: "This sea is called -'mar bocceano,' and therein are found great fish, which sailors take to be -small islands and take up their quarters on these fish, and the sailors -land on these islands and make fires, and cause such heat that the fish -feels it and sets itself in motion, and they have no time to get on board -and are lost; and those who know this, land on the said fish, and there -make thongs of its back and make fast the head of the ship's anchor, and -in this way they flay the skin off it, whereof they make saraianes [ropes -?] for their ships, and of this skin are made good coverings for -haystacks." - -We have here a combination of two mythical features. One is the great fish -of the Navigatio Brandani, on which they land and make a fire to cook -lamb's flesh, when the fish begins to move, and the brethren rush to the -ship, into which they are taken by Brandan, while the island disappears -and they can still see the fire they have made two leagues away. Brandan -told them that this was the largest of all the fish in the sea; it always -tries to reach its tail with its head [like the Midgards-worm, cf. vol. i. -p. 364] and its name is Iasconicus. The same myth is referred to in an -Anglo-Saxon poem [Codex Exoniensis, ed. Benj. Thorpe, London, 1842, pp. -360, ff.] on the great whale Fastitocalon, where ships cast anchor and the -sailors go ashore and make fires, upon which the whale dives down with -ship and crew. The idea of such a fish resembling an island is also found -in the northern myth of the havguva (cf. the "King's Mirror"), or krake, -and is doubtless derived from the East. Tales of landing on an apparent -island which suddenly turns out to be a fish are found in Sindbad's first -voyage, in Qazwînî (where the fish is an enormous turtle), and even in -Pseudo-Callisthenes in the second century [iii. 17, cf. E. Rohde, 1900, p. -192]. - -The second feature of flaying the skin is evidently the same as already -found in Albertus Magnus (ob. 1280), and must be referred to fabulous -ideas about the hunting of walrus, which was also called whale (see above, -p. 163). That walrus-hide was used for ships' ropes is, of course, well -known, but that it should be also used for coverings of haystacks is not -likely, as it was certainly far too valuable for that. - -[233] Cf. also the anonymous Catalan chart in the Biblioteca Nazionale at -Naples, reproduced in Björnbo and Petersen, 1908, Pl. I. - -[234] Cf. Nordenskiöld, 1897, pp. 21, 58, Pl. X.; Hamy, 1889, pp. 414, f.; -Fischer-Ongania, Pl. V. - -[235] Cf. Mon. Hist. Norv., ed. Storm, 1880, p. 77. The circumstance that -on one of the Sanudo maps (p. 224) Norway is divided into four peninsulas -may be connected with a similar conception. - -[236] Cf. Finnur Jónsson [1901, ii. p. 948], who thinks that the part -dealing with the northern regions is not due to Nikulás. The hypothesis -put forward by Storm, in Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. 219, that it was Abbot -Nikolas of Thingeyre, appears less probable. - -[237] If the old fishermen of the Polar Sea landed on any of these -countries (Novaya Zemlya, Spitzbergen), they would there have found -reindeer, which would again have strengthened their belief in the -connection by land. - -[238] The reason for this might be supposed to be the very name of -Wineland, formed in a similar way to Greenland and Iceland, instead of -Vin-ey (Wine island). A "land," if one knew no better, would be more -likely to be connected with the continent; whereas, if it had been called -"ey," it would have continued to be an island, as indeed it is in the -Historia Norwegiæ (cf. p. 1). - -[239] Storm [1890; 1892, pp. 78, ff.] and Björnbo [1909, pp. 229, ff.; -1910, pp. 82, ff.] have put forward views about these ideas of the -Scandinavians which differ somewhat from those here given (cf. above, p. -2), but in the main we are in agreement. I do not think Dr. Björnbo can be -altogether right in supposing that the Icelanders and Norwegians connected -Greenland with Bjarmeland, and Wineland with Africa, because the learned -views of the Middle Ages made this necessary; for this view of the world -also acknowledged islands in the ocean (cf. Adam of Bremen), perhaps -indeed more readily than it acknowledged peninsulas (cf. the wheel-maps). -But perhaps, after Greenland and Wineland had been connected with the -continents on other grounds, the prevailing learned view of the world -demanded that the Outer Ocean should be placed outside these countries, so -that they became peninsulas. But we have seen that side by side with this, -other views were also held (cf., for instance, the Rymbegla and the -Medicean mappamundi, pp. 236, 239). - -[240] The name of the work ("Konungs-Skuggsjá" or "Speculum Regale") had -its prototype in the names of those books which were written in India for -the education of princes, and which were called Princes' Mirrors. In -imitation of these, "mirror" (speculum) was used as the title of works of -various kinds in mediæval Europe. - -[241] Various guesses have been made as to who the author may have been -and when the work was written. It appears to me that there is much to be -said for the opinion put forward by A. V. Heffermehl [1904], that the -author may have been the priest Ivor Bodde, Håkon Håkonsson's -foster-father. In that case the work must have been written somewhat -earlier than commonly supposed [Storm put it between 1250 and 1260], and -it appears that Heffermehl has given good reasons for assuming that it may -have been written several years before 1250. Considerable weight as -regards the determination of its date must be attached to the circumstance -that, in the opinion of Professor Marius Hægstad, a vellum sheet preserved -at Copenhagen (new royal collection, No. 235g) has linguistic forms which -must place it certainly before 1250, and the vellum must have belonged to -a copy of an older MS. On the other hand, Professor Moltke Moe has pointed -out in his lectures that the quotations in the "King's Mirror" from the -book of the Marvels of India, from Prester John's letter, are derived from -a version of the latter which, as shown by Zarncke, is not known before -about 1300. Moltke Moe therefore supposes that the "King's Mirror," in the -form we know it, may be a later and incomplete adaptation of the original -work. The latter may have been written by Ivar Bodde in his old age -between 1230 and 1240. - -[242] If Professor Moltke Moe's view is correct, that the "King's Mirror," -in the form which we know, is a later adaptation (cf. p. 242, note 2), it -may be supposed that the section on Ireland was inserted by the adapter. -Presumably a thorough examination of the linguistic forms would determine -whether this is probable. - -[243] The famous Roger Bacon is said to have already made an attempt, -before Ptolemy's Geography was known, to draw a map according to -mathematical determinations of locality; but the map is lost [Roger Bacon, -Opus majus, fol. 186-189]. The title of Nicholas of Lynn's book is said to -have been: "Inventio fortunate qui liber incipet a gradu 54, usque ad -polum" (i.e., which book begins [in its description] at 54° [and goes] as -far as the pole) [cf. Hakluyt, Princ. Nav., 1903, p. 303]. This may show -that degrees were already in use at that time (1360) for geographical -description. - -[244] On Claudius Clavus see in particular Storm's work of fundamental -importance [1880-1891], and the valuable monograph by Björnbo and Petersen -[1904, 1909], also A. A. Björnbo [1910]. Cf. further Nordenskiöld [1897, -pp. 86, ff.], v. Wieser [Peterm. Mitteilungen, xlv. 1899, pp. 119, ff.], -Jos. Fischer [1902, cap. 5], and others. - -[245] Cf. Axel Olrik, "Danske Studier," 1904, p. 215. - -[246] This "secundum" in the MS. must doubtless have been inserted by a -copyist. Björnbo and Petersen think the original had "ij," which the -copyist took for a Roman numeral and replaced by "secundum." As it might -seem strange that the man lived "'in' a river of Greenland," Axel Olrik -thought that the word might have been "wit" (by, or near); but then it -becomes more difficult to understand how and why the word should have been -replaced by "secundum," unless the copyist had some knowledge of Danish. - -[247] "Danske Studier," 1907, p. 228. - -[248] Many vain searches were afterwards made (in 1451 and 1461) in the -monastery of Sorö for this MS. of Livy, and there may therefore be grounds -for doubting the statement to be true [cf. Björnbo and Petersen, 1909, pp. -197, f.]. - -[249] Cf. the maps on pp. 223, 224. As we certainly do not know nearly all -the maps that were in use at that time, I regard it as probable that -Claudius or his draughtsman had older maps, now lost, of this or a similar -type, which resemble the Nancy map even more closely than these two known -maps. But of course it is wiser to confine ourselves as far as possible to -those we know. - -[250] Storm [1891, p. 16] was the first to hold that Clavus made use of -Italian compass-charts as his model for the delineation of the south coast -of Scandinavia, and that he also took names from them. Björnbo and -Petersen have rejected this view, as the names in Clavus's text are -principally taken from other sources, and the Baltic has been given quite -a different shape. But the necessity of this change seems to have escaped -them, as it was caused by Clavus retaining Ptolemy's outline for the South -coast of the Baltic. - -[251] If we assume that the names "Wildhlappelandi," "Pigmei," etc., on -the Nancy map are due to Clavus himself, he may have had some authority -like that of the anonymous letter to Pope Nicholas V. (of about 1450), -which Michel Beheim may also have used (see later). From this source he -may have obtained the information about the land connection between the -land to the north-east of Norway and Greenland. As will be mentioned later -(p. 270), it is possible that this source was Nicholas of Lynn. - -[252] Storm [1891, p. 15] also maintains that on the Nancy map Thule has -been incorporated with Norway, but Björnbo and Petersen [1904, p. 194; -1909, p. 158] think that this must be regarded as "one of the unfortunate -results of his desire to reduce all Clavus's contributions to a single -one"; why, we are not told. According to my view there can be no doubt -that Storm is right. Clavus has made the south coast of Thule into the -southernmost coast of Norway, with its south-eastern point due north of -the island of Ocitis, and its south-western point north of the west side -of Orcadia, exactly as on Ptolemy's map. In addition, this coast has the -same latitude and longitude as the South coast of Ptolemy's Thule. - -[253] Of course there is always the possibility that Clavus may have had -maps of the Medici type which resembled the Nancy map even more closely -than that with which we are acquainted. - -[254] On this map the tongue of land in question is nameless, while on the -map of Europe in the Medicean Atlas it is given the name of "alogia," -which shows it to have been regarded as a part of Norway (see the -reproduction, p. 260). - -[255] As there is considerable difference between the coast-lines of -Europe on Ptolemy's maps and those on the Medici maps, one's scale of -latitude will vary according to the points one may choose for determining -it. The points here given were the first I tried, and as the resulting -scale seems to agree remarkably well with Clavus's later map I have kept -to it, although of course Clavus may have proceeded in a somewhat -different way in determining the scale on his map; in particular he seems -on the older map to have arranged it so that the parallel for 63° passed -through the southernmost part of Norway, corresponding to Ptolemy's Thule. -In order better to agree with this (cf. the left-hand scale of latitude of -the Nancy map) the degrees of latitude on the map above ought therefore to -be increased half a degree, and on the map, p. 236, nearly a degree. - -[256] On the Nancy map the southern point of Greenland lies in 63° 30'; -but as we do not know how accurately this copy reproduces Clavus's -original map, it is safer to confine ourselves to Clavus's text. - -[257] Gerard Mercator writes that according to a tradition an English monk -and mathematician from Oxford [i.e., Nicholas of Lynn] had been in Norway -and in the islands of the north, and had described all these places and -determined their latitude by the astrolabe [cf. Hakluyt, Principal -Navigations, 1903, p. 301]. It is therefore possible that Clavus may have -obtained the latitudes of some places, such as Stavanger and Bergen, from -his work; but in any case he cannot have got the latitude of the southern -point of Greenland from it. Moreover, if he had had such accurate -information to depend on, it would be difficult to understand why he -retained the incorrect latitudes which he obtained by introducing those of -Ptolemy on the Medici map; in his later map, indeed, he has used nothing -else. - -[258] Cf. Sturlubók and Ivan Bárdsson's description of Greenland. In -Hauk's Landnáma we read that it was from Hernum (that is, north of Bergen) -that they sailed west to Hvarf. According to this, then, the southern -point of Greenland would be brought even farther north than Bergen. - -[259] Although Dr. Björnbo now admits that the Medici map must have been -used for Clavus's later map, he is still in doubt as to this being the -case with the older one (the original of the Nancy map); he is inclined to -think that this map may have been constructed from Northern sources, -sailing directions, etc. But there appear to me to be too many striking -agreements between the Medici map and the Nancy map for such an assumption -to be probable; and the following may be given as instances: the number of -bays between Skåne and the south coast of Norway, with the deepest bay on -the west; the resemblance between the south coast of Norway with its three -bays on the Nancy map and the south coast of the corresponding peninsula -to the north of Scotland on the Medici map; the high latitude of this -south coast on both maps; the agreement in latitude between the southern -point of Greenland and that of "alogia" in the Medici map; the remarkable -similarity in the relation between the longitudes of these two southern -points and the west coast of Ireland on both maps; the mutual relation in -latitude between the southern point of Greenland and the south coast of -Norway (with Stavanger); the far too northerly latitude of all these -places; the east coast of Greenland having the same main direction as the -east coast of the corresponding peninsula on the Medici map, etc. To these -may be added the similarity in the way the coast-lines are drawn, with -round bays. Each of these points of agreement may no doubt be explained, -as Björnbo suggests, as a coincidence and as having arisen in another way; -but when there are so many of them it must be admitted that a connection -is more natural. - -[260] "Serica" on Ptolemy's map of the world lies in the extreme -north-east of Asia, and is most likely China. - -[261] It seems possible, as Mr. O. Vangensten has suggested to me, that -this name may here be due to a confusion of Vermeland with Bjarmeland. -Peder Claussön Friis [Storm, 1881, p. 219] says that Greenland extends -round the north of the "Norwegian Sea" "eastward to Biarmeland or -Bermeland." - -[262] Cf. Mandeville, 1883, pp. 180, 182, 183, f. Mandeville also says -that in the opinion of the old wise astronomers the circumference of the -world was 20,425 English miles; but he himself maintains that it is 31,500 -miles. - -[263] That the delineation of this coast is not based upon personal -examination, either by Clavus himself or by any possible informant, is -also shown by the fact that the coast has not a single real name. Even if -we suppose that Clavus, or his possible informant, during the voyage along -this coast, had been so unfortunate as not to meet with a single one of -the Norse inhabitants who might have communicated names, we cannot very -well assume that the crew of the ship on which the voyage was made were -totally unacquainted with Greenland; they must certainly have had plenty -of names and sea-marks. - -[264] It must be remembered that Clavus's latitudes are throughout too -high; his south point of Greenland lies about three degrees too far north, -in 62° 40' instead of 59° 46'. If we carry this reduction to the most -northerly point he describes on the east coast, this will lie in about 62° -30' instead of 65° 35', and thus the coincidence with Cape Dan disappears. -His description of the east coast of Greenland in the Nancy map is quite -different. - -[265] Such an inscription as this is quite in the style of Clavus's great -prototype, Ptolemy, in whom we often find: "this is the end of the coast -of the known land." - -[266] It is worth remarking that Clavus puts his last point visible no -less than 1° 50' (that is, 110 nautical miles) to the north of the limit -of the known land. If a statement like this was calculated to be taken as -derived from local knowledge, it would not in any case disclose much -nautical experience. - -[267] On the influence of these men on the cartographical representation -of the North, see in particular J. Fischer, 1902. - -[268] As shown by Björnbo and Petersen, this is evidently Clavus's name -"Eyn Gronelandz aa" for a river on the east coast of Greenland, which was -misunderstood on Clavus's map and made the name of the country, assisted -perhaps by the resemblance in sound with the name Engromelandi (for -Ångermanland), which Clavus has on the north side of Scandinavia (p. 248). -This resemblance of sound may also have had something to do with the -removal of Greenland to the north of Norway. - -[269] Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 168. Björnbo [1910, p. 79] by a slip -quotes the letter to Pope Nicholas V. of about the same date, instead of -that given above. - -[270] According to Lelewel [Epilogue, Pl. 6] this peninsula bears the name -of "Grinland," but this cannot be seen on the somewhat indistinct original -[cf. Björnbo, 1910, p. 80; Ongania, Pl. X.]. - -[271] Storm [1893], and following him J. Fischer [1902, pp. 99, ff.], -erroneously regard this island of Brazil as Markland (see above, p. 229). - -[272] See J. Fischer, 1902, p. 99. Cf. also Björnbo, 1910, pp. 125, ff., -who gives a drawing of the map. - -[273] Two editions are reproduced in Nordenskiöld [1897, p. 61] and -Ongania [Pl. XIV.]. - -[274] Reproduced by Nordenskiöld [1897, p. 5] and Lelewel [1851, Pl. -XXXIII.]; Miller, 1895, iii. p. 138. - -[275] Björnbo, by the way, only speaks of two islands, whereas in -Lelewel's reproduction there are four islands, which is no doubt correct. -It seems, too, as though all four could be faintly distinguished in -Björnbo's photographic reproduction [1910, p. 74]. - -[276] As to Behaim, see in particular Ravenstein, 1908. - -[277] Cf. Storm, 1899, p. 5. - -[278] Cf. Harrisse, 1892, pp. 655, ff. - -[279] As is well known, the possibility has been suggested that during his -visit to Iceland in 1477 Columbus may have heard of the Norsemen's voyages -to Greenland, Markland and Wineland, and that this may have given him the -idea of his plan. Storm has pointed out, convincingly it seems to me, the -untenability of the latter supposition. But it appears to me that he has -overlooked the possibility of Columbus having heard tales of these voyages -in Bristol, or, still more probably, on a Bristol vessel. As, of course, -he must have been able to make himself understood among the other sailors -on board, it would be unlikely that he should not have heard such tales, -if they were known to his ship-mates. - -[280] Willelmus Botoner, alias de Worcester (1415-1484). MS. in Corpus -Christi College, Cambridge, No. 210; printed in "Itineraria Symonis -Simeonis et Willelmi de Worcestre," ed. J. Nasmyth, Cambridge, 1778, pp. -223, 267. Cf. H. Harrisse, 1892, p. 659; Kretschmer, 1892, p. 219. - -[281] The Island of the Seven Cities was a fabulous island out in the -Atlantic which is frequently alluded to in the latter part of the Middle -Ages. - -[282] As to John Cabot and his voyages, see in particular Henry Harrisse -[1882, 1892, 1896, 1900], F. Tarducci [1892, 1894], Sir Clements R. -Markham [1893, 1897], Samuel Edward Dawson [1894, 1896, 1897], C. R. -Beazley [1898], G. Parker Winship [1899, 1900]. Harrisse amongst recent -authors has the special merit of having collected and arranged all the -authorities on John and Sebastian Cabot. Unfortunately I am unable to -follow him in his conclusions from these authorities as to the voyages of -John and Sebastian. It seems to me that, like most other writers, he pays -too much attention to later statements, derived directly or indirectly -from Sebastian Cabot, while he places too little reliance on what, in my -opinion, may be concluded with tolerable certainty from contemporary -sources. Sebastian Cabot's statements on various occasions, so far as we -know them, prove to be mutually conflicting, and it looks as if this wily -man seldom expressed himself without some arrière-pensée or other, which -was more to his own advantage than to that of the truth. My views of John -Cabot's voyage of 1497 on several points agree more nearly with those of -S. E. Dawson, and for later voyages with those of G. Parker Winship. - -[283] Cf. Harrisse, 1896, pp. 1, ff. - -[284] Cf. Harrisse, 1882, p. 325. - -[285] The Minister Raimondo di Soncino says in his letter of December 18, -1497, to the Duke of Milan, that Cabot, "after having seen that the Kings -of Spain and Portugal had acquired unknown islands, had proposed to obtain -a similar acquisition for the King of England." It cannot be concluded -from this that it was not till then that Cabot formed his plans, though -probably it was at that time that he first entered into negotiations with -the King of England. It is in the same letter that Soncino tells of -Cabot's speculations on seeing caravans arriving at Mecca from the far -east with spices, etc. His son, Sebastian Cabot, who evidently on several -occasions made it appear as though he himself and not his father had -discovered the American continent, is reported (according to the statement -of the anonymous guest in Ramusio, see below) to have said that he [i.e., -Sebastian] got the idea of his expedition after having heard of the -discovery of Columbus, which was a common subject of conversation at the -court of Henry VII. But even if Sebastian's words are correctly reported, -which is doubtful, he must demonstrably have been lying, and therefore no -weight can be attached to his statement; if he could sacrifice his father -to his personal advantage, then no doubt, if he profited by it, he could -also sacrifice his birthright in the plan to the advantage of Spain, in -the service of which country he then was. Furthermore, Ayala's letter, -quoted above, points to John Cabot having got expeditions sent out from -Bristol as early as 1491 to look for land in the west, and besides this we -know of such an expedition in 1480. - -[286] They are dated March 5, in the eleventh year of the reign of Henry -VII. The eleventh year of Henry VII. was from August 22, 1495, to August -21, 1496. - -[287] Cf. Harrisse, 1882, p. 315. - -[288] It has been suggested that Cabot set out in 1496 and did not return -till August 1497 [cf. Church, 1897], but this cannot be reconciled with -the statements in the letters of Soncino and Pasqualigo that the -expedition had only lasted a few months. - -[289] According to Soncino's letter of December 18, 1497, Cabot was a poor -man. In addition to this he was a foreigner, and as such was scarcely -looked upon with favour; but on the other hand, the reputation of Italian -sailors was great at that time, and he may therefore have been respected -for his knowledge of seamanship and cartography, which was not possessed -by the sailors of Bristol. - -[290] The only ones of these named in the authorities (Soncino's letter, -December 18, 1497) are Cabot's Italian barber (surgeon ?) from Castione, -and a man from Burgundy. - -[291] Between 1493 and 1500 at least thirty expeditions went in search of -the coast of America. These were all certainly provided with charts, and -some of them also produced maps of their discoveries, but not one of these -has been preserved. [Cf. Harrisse, 1900, p. 14.] - -[292] No importance can be attached in this connection to any of the -statements derived at second or third hand from Sebastian Cabot and -communicated by Contarini, Peter Martyr, Ramusio, and others. So far as -they are worthy of credence, they must refer to one or more later voyages. -The statement in the Cottonian Chronicle and in the Fabyan Chronicle -refers to the voyage of 1498. - -[293] Harrisse's reproduction of the letter [1882, p. 322] reads: "Vene in -nave per dubito ..."; while Tarducci [1892, p. 350] gives: "Vene in mare -per dubito ...", where "mare" is perhaps a misprint for "nave" (?) In any -case the meaning must be that Cabot turned back and would not go farther -into the country for fear of being attacked by the inhabitants, which -might easily have been dangerous for him with his small crew. - -[294] That is, the mystical "Island of the Seven Cities" out in the -Atlantic. - -[295] It is interesting that here we find attributed to the newly -discovered country the two features, dye-wood and silk, which were the -most costly treasures characteristic of the land that was sought, exactly -in the same way as the Norsemen attributed to their Wineland the Good the -two features, wine and cornfields (wheat), which were characteristic of -the Fortunate Isles. Thus history repeats itself. - -[296] Probably Castiglione, near Chivari, by Genoa. - -[297] Cf. Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th ed., Edinburgh, 1875, iv. p. 350; -and G. P. Winship, 1900, p. 99. - -[298] It is by no means improbable that Cabot, who was an expert -navigator, knew that great-circle sailing gave the shorter course. For -instance, he might easily have seen this from a globe, and we are told -that he himself made a globe to illustrate his voyage (cf. p. 304). - -[299] It must also be remembered that on the Newfoundland Banks and off -the coast of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia fogs are extremely prevalent (in -places over 50 per cent. of the days) at the time of year here in -question, so that their first sight of land might be accidental. - -[300] Harrisse [1896, pp. 63, ff.] does not seem to have remarked that -Cabot must necessarily have been longer on the westward voyage, when he -had the prevailing winds against him, than on the homeward voyage, when -the wind conditions were favourable. - -[301] No particular weight, it is true, can be attached to the map of 1544 -which is attributed to Sebastian Cabot, or which was at any rate -influenced by him, as the statements of this man can never be depended -upon. At the same time, the information given on this map to the effect -that Cabot first reached land at Cape Breton agrees in a remarkable way -with La Cosa's map, as we shall see directly. - -[302] The distance from Ireland to Newfoundland is fully 1600 geographical -miles, and to Cape Breton about 1900; but reckoned from Bristol it will be -about 280 miles more. - -[303] To be perfectly accurate, the distance on La Cosa's map between -Ireland and Cauo de Ynglaterra is 1290 geographical miles; between Bristol -and the same cape 1620 miles; while the distance between Cauo de -Ynglaterra and the name of Cauo descubierto is 1080 miles. If we reckon -17-1/2 leagues to a degree, these distances correspond respectively to -376, 472 and 315 leagues; while 20 leagues to a degree give 430, 540 and -360 leagues. As the name of Cauo descubierto stands out in the sea to the -west of the cape it belongs to, the distance will be less, very nearly 300 -leagues. Along the upper margin of the map a scale is provided, each -division of which, according to the usual practice, corresponds to 50 -miglia. This gives us the distance from Ireland to Cauo de Ynglaterra as -1425 miglia, and from the latter to the name of Cauo descubierto 1200. -Reckoning 4 miglia to a legua, these distances will be 356 and 300 -leagues. - -[304] I here disregard altogether the common assertions that Cabot arrived -on the east coast of Newfoundland (at Cape Bonavista, or to the north of -it), or even on the coast of Labrador. This cannot possibly be reconciled -with La Cosa's map, nor does it agree with the accounts of Pasqualigo and -Soncino, nor, again, with the information on the map of 1544 (by Sebastian -Cabot ?), if we are to attach any weight to this. Other trustworthy -documents are unknown. No importance can be attributed to the evidence of -Cabot's having arrived in Labrador in 1497 which Harrisse (1896, pp. 78, -ff.) thinks may be seen in the circumstance that the English discoveries -are placed in the northernmost part of the east coast of North America -(between 56° and 60°) on the official Spanish maps of the first half of -the sixteenth century; this does not by any means counterbalance La Cosa's -map, which speaks plainly enough. Even if Sebastian Cabot had the -superintendence of these later maps, this proves little or nothing. If it -was to his interest not to offend the Spaniards by emphasising his -father's discoveries, he would scarcely have hesitated to omit them, or -allow them to be moved to the north. For on these very maps (e.g., -Ribero's of 1529) it is claimed that the whole coast to the south-west of -Newfoundland ("Tiera nova de Cortereal") was discovered by Spaniards -(Gomez and Ayllon). But in addition to this, in so far as any importance -can be attributed to the inscriptions attached to "Labrador" on the -Spanish maps, they evidently, like others of the statements attributed to -Sebastian Cabot, do not refer to Cabot's discoveries of 1497, which are -found on La Cosa's map, but to discoveries made on later English voyages -from Bristol, on which ice was met with. If the map of 1544 can be -attributed to the collaboration of Sebastian Cabot, it further shows -clearly enough that he had no knowledge of the northern part of the east -coast of America, since he makes it extend to the east and north-east, -which is due to Greenland (Labrador) being included in it. The map is a -plagiarism of an earlier French one. Harrisse's view results in complete -embarrassment in the interpretation of La Cosa's map [cf. 1900, p. 21], -and he is obliged to abandon the attempt to make anything of it, since, of -course, it contradicts all he thinks may be concluded from the much later -Spanish maps. Moreover, since Harrisse insists so strongly on the -importance of the northerly latitudes of the English discoveries on these -maps (and on La Cosa's) as a proof of their being on the coast of -Labrador, it should be pointed out that the latitudes of Newfoundland, for -instance, and Greenland, to say nothing of the West Indian islands, vary -on the maps; this shows that no weight can be attached to evidence of this -kind. - -[305] It has been maintained that "Cauo descubierto" must denote the land -he first sighted; but the name only means "discovered cape," and says -nothing as to its being discovered first or last. There may indeed have -been more about it on Cabot's original map, and it happens that on La -Cosa's map there is a hole in the parchment just after this name. That it -should be the same cape that on "Sebastian Cabot's" map of 1544 is called -"Prima tierra vista" is not likely, as this lies at the extreme east of -the promontory of Cape Breton. - -[306] For determining this I have to some extent relied on later maps, -chiefly the Cantino map, where the direction of the north-eastern coast of -Newfoundland gives a magnetic error of between 31° and 38°, and the -direction between Cape Farewell and Cape Race gives an error of 28°, which -is certainly somewhat too high. - -[307] To this it might be objected that he says "the tides are sluggish, -and do not run" as in England ("le aque e stanche e non han corso come -qui"). The tide is considerable inside the Bay of Fundy, but on the coast -of Maine and in the outer waters of Nova Scotia it is slight in comparison -with the tide Cabot was acquainted with in the Bristol Channel. - -[308] It must always be remembered that La Cosa did not have Cabot's -original chart, on which the coast and the Bay of Fundy may have been -represented more in accordance with reality. - -[309] La Cosa's map may point to his having made a cruise in the open sea -westward from Cauo descubierto before turning, and having seen the coast -extending on, until in the far west it turned southward towards a -headland, perhaps Cape Cod, where La Cosa put his westernmost flag. But -this seems doubtful, and is only guessing. - -[310] That the distance between these islands and Cauo de Ynglaterra is -less than half what it ought to be on La Cosa's map cannot be considered -of decisive importance, since, as we have seen, the distances on this map -are in general not to be relied on. The name "S. Grigor" must certainly be -due to the Englishmen, while "Y. verde" may be due to Cabot or to La Cosa, -and may be the same name as is found on compass-charts of the fifteenth -century (cf. above, p. 279). La Cosa or Cabot may have taken these two -islands to be the same as "Illa verde" and "Illa brazil" on these older -charts, and while one of the islands has been given a new name perhaps -because there were other islands with the name of Brazil (?), or because -this island was nameless on some of the compass-charts; see above, p. 281, -the other has been allowed to retain the old name, which was originally a -translation of Greenland. This old land of the Norsemen is here brought -far to the south, and reduced to a very modest size, being confused with -peninsulas of Newfoundland. - -[311] As evidence that a homeward voyage of twenty-three days would not be -unusually fast sailing for that time, it may be mentioned for comparison -that Cartier, in June and July 1536, took nineteen days from Cape Race to -St. Malo. Champlain made the same voyage in 1603 in eighteen days, and in -1607 he took twenty-seven days from Canso, near Cape Breton, to St. Malo. - -[312] Cf. Dawson, 1897, pp. 209, ff. - -[313] Hakluyt [Principal Navigations, London, 1589] gives a corresponding -inscription from the copy of this map which at that time was in the -queen's private gallery at Westminster; it was engraved in London in 1549 -by the well-known Clement Adams. As in 1549 Sebastian Cabot held a high -position with the King of England as adviser on all maritime matters, and -especially as cartographer, we must suppose that he was consulted in the -publication of so important a map, especially as it was attributed to -himself. We may therefore assume that the inscription was revised by -Sebastian Cabot. Hakluyt mentions this legend on Clement Adams's map for -the first time in 1584 [cf. Winship, 1900, p. 56] and then says, as in the -first edition of Principal Navigations, that the date of the discovery was -1494; but in the 1600 edition of Principal Navigations he corrected it to -1497, for what reason is uncertain [cf. Taducci, 1892, p. 47; Harrisse, -1892, 1896; Winship, 1900, pp. 20, f.]. How the certainly erroneous date -1494 got on to the map of 1544 is unknown; it may be supposed that -MCCCCXCIIII is an error of reading or writing for MCCCCXCVII, the two -strokes of V being taken to be divided: II [cf. Harrisse, 1896, p. 61]. - -[314] Another possible explanation is that Cauo de Ynglaterra, Cabot's -most eastern point of the country, was Cape Race in Newfoundland, in spite -of Sebastian Cabot's having placed it at Cape Breton. As has been said, it -is very doubtful whether Sebastian Cabot was with his father in 1497, -though on the other hand he probably knew his father's map, and in 1544 -had a copy of it, or at any rate of La Cosa's. Then he saw the French maps -representing Cartier's discoveries, e.g., Deslien's map of 1541; and it -was a question of identifying his father's discoveries with this map. It -would then be perfectly natural to assume that C. de Ynglaterra answered -to Cape Breton, which looked like the easternmost point of the mainland in -that region, while farther east there was a group of islands which might -well answer to S. Grigor and Y. Verde on La Cosa's map. Perhaps he also -had a note to the effect that it was on St. John's day that the first land -was sighted. On his father's map he found an island of St. John off this -promontory, or he knew it from the tradition of Reinel's and later maps, -and so placed his "Prima tierra vista" at Cape Breton. If the view that C. -de Ynglaterra is Cape Race be regarded as correct, it might be assumed -that Cauo descubierto was really the place where Cabot first made the -land, perhaps in the neighbourhood of Cape Breton, and that from thence he -sailed eastward, the supposed 300 leagues, along the south coast of -Newfoundland. The two islands he discovered to starboard might then be -Grand Miquelon and St. Pierre, though this is not very probable, and he -would then have sailed between them and the land. But in that case we have -a difficulty with the two islands, S. Grigor and Y. Verde, which must then -lie east of Cape Race, where no islands exist. That they were icebergs -taken for islands is not very likely. It is more probable that, as already -suggested, they are the ghosts of the "Illa Verde" and "Illa de Brasil" of -earlier compass-charts (of the fifteenth century; see above, pp. 279, -318). But the whole of this explanation seems rather artificial, and the -even coast of La Cosa's map is difficult to reconcile with the extremely -uneven coast-line we should get between Cape Breton Island and Cape Race. -There is the further difficulty, if La Cosa's coast was the south coast of -Newfoundland, that we should have to assume that John Cabot was aware of -the variation of the compass, and allowed for it on his chart. - -[315] This would be, according to the reckoning of that time, February 3, -1497, since the civil year began on March 25; in New Style it will -therefore be February 12, 1498. - -[316] The MS. is preserved in the British Museum. Cf. G. P. Winship, 1900, -p. 47. - -[317] The text has "vicinidades," but Desimoni [1881, Pref. p. 15] -supposes it to be a misreading for "septe citades," i.e., "the Seven -Cities." - -[318] "Spero" is obviously a slip of the pen for "spera." - -[319] Harrisse's contention [1896, pp. 129, ff.], that this expression, -"surmysed to be grete commodities," points to the chronicler here having -introduced statements about the first voyage, in 1497, is hardly well -founded. For Cabot discovered, according to the statements, no commodities -(except fish) in 1497; on the other hand, he supposed that by penetrating -farther to the west along the coast he would reach these treasures. - -[320] Cf. G. P. Winship, 1900, p. 47. In the Cottonian Chronicle this -account is given under the thirteenth year of Henry VII.'s reign, which -lasted from August 22, 1497, to August 21, 1498. This has led some to -think it referred to the voyage of 1497, but that is impossible, as, of -course, Cabot had returned before the thirteenth year of Henry's reign -began. - -[321] In the note preceding this statement taken from Fabyan, Hakluyt has -made Sebastian Cabot leader of the expedition; but there is nothing to -this effect in the text. - -[322] It was suggested above that the Burgundian who took part in Cabot's -voyage in 1497 may have been from the Azores. It might be supposed that he -also accompanied João Fernandez or Corte-Real in 1500, and now took part -with Fernandez in the English undertaking, and in this way we should get a -connection; but all this is mere guessing. - -[323] Possibly the first-named Portuguese was the origin of the name of -"Labrador." On a Portuguese map of the sixteenth century, preserved at -Wolfenbüttel, it is stated that the country of Labrador was "discovered by -Englishmen from the town of Bristol, and as he who first gave the -information was a 'labrador' [i.e., labourer] from the Azores, they gave -it that name" [cf. Harrisse, 1892, p. 580; 1900, p. 40]. Ernesto do Canto -[Archivo dos Açores, xii. 1894] points out that in documents of as early -as 1492 there is mention of a João Fernandez who is described as -"llavorador," and who was engaged with another (Pero de Barcellos) in -making discoveries at sea. "Llavorador" did not mean merely a common -labourer, but one who tilled the ground, an agriculturist, landowner. We -are then tempted to suppose that, as Do Canto assumes, this João Fernandez -llavorador is John Fernandus, who is mentioned in the letters patent of -1501. The name of Labrador first appears on Portuguese maps (cf. the King -map of about 1502), and is there used of Greenland. It may there be due to -this João Fernandez (llavorador), who, perhaps, returned to Portugal in -1502, as he is no longer mentioned in the letters patent of December 1502 -[cf. Harrisse, 1900, p. 40, ff.; Björnbo, 1910, p. 174]. Possibly he may -have accompanied Corte-Real in 1500, or himself made a voyage in that year -(see next chapter), before he came to Bristol; of that we know nothing, -but in that case the name refers to some such Portuguese voyage, on which -we know that Greenland was sighted in 1500, though the voyagers were -unable to reach the coast (see next chapter). It may then be supposed that -the English expedition from Bristol in 1501, in which João Fernandez took -part, did reach the coast of Greenland, and therefore on later maps the -discovery was attributed to the English, who not only saw the coast, but -also landed on it. The Spanish cosmographer Alonso de Santa Cruz (born -1506) says: "It was called the land of Labrador because it was mentioned -and indicated by a 'labrador' from the Azores to the King of England, when -he sent on a voyage of discovery Antonio [sic] Gabot, the English pilot -and father of Sebastian Gabot, who is now Pilot Major (piloto mayor) to -Your Majesty" [cf. Harrisse, 1896, p. 80]. As this was written so long -after, and in Spain, it is not surprising that Cabot's voyage of 1497 has -been confused with the voyage of 1501, especially as it was not to the -interest of Sebastian, who was still in Spain at that time, to correct -this. The statement agrees, moreover, with the legend on the Portuguese -map at Wolfenbüttel. - -[324] Cf. Harrisse, 1896, p. 147. - -[325] In the repetition of the same statement (from Fabyan) in Stow's -Chronicle the eighteenth year is given as the date, i.e., August 22, 1502, -to August 21, 1503; but it is doubtful which is correct; it appears to me -that the text itself must be more original in Hakluyt; but the date occurs -in the heading added by himself. - -[326] The most natural explanation of this seems to me to be that Fabyan, -whom Hakluyt quotes, thought that these savages were taken on the same -island [i.e., North America] that John Cabot had discovered [in 1497]; of -whose expedition in 1498 he had said that it had not returned during the -mayoralty of William Purchas, see above, p. 326. That Hakluyt also -interpreted Fabyan's words thus seems to result from the fact that in his -later repetition of this, in "Principal Navigations," in 1589 and -1599-1600, he has altered the heading, making it the fourteenth (instead -of the seventeenth) year of Henry VII. [i.e., August 22, 1498-August 21, -1499] when the three savages were brought to him. Hakluyt must then have -misunderstood it to mean that they were taken on the voyage of 1498. - -[327] In Hakluyt's heading to this statement we are told that it was -Sebastian Cabot who brought these savages; but his name is not mentioned -in the text itself, which appears to be more genuine than the heading, and -there is no ground for supposing that Sebastian took part in either of -these expeditions of 1501 or 1502; in any case he was not the leader. In -Stow's version [Winship, 1900, p. 95] Sebastian Gabato is introduced into -the text as he who had taken the three men; but, as suggested above, -Stow's text seems less original than Hakluyt's. It is probable that both -Stow and Hakluyt may have started from the assumption that it was -Sebastian Cabot who made the voyage, and, therefore, that they -thoughtlessly introduced his name [cf. Harrisse, 1896, pp. 142, ff.]; on -the other hand it appears to me doubtful that his name should already have -occurred in Fabyan in this connection. - -[328] Greenland is represented on the map conformably to the type that was -introduced on some mappemundi after Clavus's map (cf. p. 278). - -[329] As to the works of these authors, see Winship [1900]. Markham [1893] -reproduces them (except Contarini's report of 1536) in translations, -which, however, must be used with some caution. - -[330] These two ships and the three hundred men occur in Peter Martyr and -Contarini, as well as in Gomara and Galvano; while Ramusio only has two -ships and says nothing about the crews. - -[331] In Peter Martyr's original account no latitude is given. - -[332] The meaning must be that these islands of ice were aground, but that -nevertheless a line of one hundred fathoms did not reach the bottom. The -ice must consequently have been over one hundred fathoms thick, which, of -course, was a remarkable discovery at that time. - -[333] This was the name at that time (1550) for the whole south-eastern -part of the present United States. - -[334] Cf. Winship, 1900, p. 89. Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1576 repeats the -same statement almost word for word, saying that he has taken it from -maps, on which Sebastian Cabot had described "from personal experience" -the north-west passage to China [cf. Winship, 1900, pp. 17, 52; Kohl, -1869, p. 217]. - -[335] Cf. Harrisse, 1896, pp. 159, ff.; Winship, 1900, p. 44. - -[336] We must then suppose that "Henry VII." in Ramusio is an error for -"Henry VIII." - -[337] Cf. Harrisse, 1883, p. 44. - -[338] Cf. Harrisse, 1883, Supplement post scriptum, pp. 6, ff. - -[339] As remarked above (p. 328), it is possible that these objects -belonged to John Cabot's unfortunate expedition of 1498. - -[340] The document, as reproduced, has 1502. As the civil year at that -time began on March 25, the date given would correspond to January 24, -1503, according to our calendar. But, according to the tradition given in -later accounts, Miguel Corte-Real sailed in 1502, the year after his -brother (cf. the legend on the Portuguese chart of about 1520, p. 354). -Either we must suppose that the year or month in the document is an error, -or the tradition is incorrect. - -[341] These five months are a little difficult to understand. Either they -must be reckoned from his departure--if we put that in May 1501, five -months will take us to October 1501, but then the other ship had returned -(see pp. 347, ff.)--or they must be reckoned from the return of the "two -ships" (in October), but that takes us to March 1502. Thus neither gives -good sense. Most likely, as in the case of the three ships instead of two, -it is an error in the document. - -[342] Cf. Harrisse, 1883, p. 214. - -[343] Cf. Kohl, 1869, p. 179, Pl. X.; Kretschmer, 1892, Pl. XII.; Björnbo, -1910, p. 212. - -[344] It might be objected that Gaspar Corte-Real's name is not mentioned -in the whole letter, and that he might thus have also been in command of -these "other caravels"; but in Pasqualigo's letter to his brothers -Gaspar's name is mentioned, and there too the meaning does not seem to be -that he was connected with the discovery in the previous year of the -country which could not be approached because of ice; but nothing definite -can be concluded on this point from the two letters. - -[345] The connection with the latter is evidently brought about by the -south coast of the insular Greenland (Terra Laboratoris)--which we meet -with first on the King map (p. 373), and which was given a broad form like -that of the Greenland coast on the Oliveriana map (p. 375), but even -broader--being transferred westward towards America, to the north of the -coast of Corte-Real or Newfoundland, as we find it on the anonymous -Portuguese chart of about 1520 (p. 354) and on Reinel's map (p. 321). -Maggiolo's map (see above) forms a transitional type between these maps -and the Oliveriana. Greenland (Labrador) was later made continuous with -Newfoundland (cf. Ribero's map of 1529, p. 357), and remained so on maps -for a long time (see the map of 1544, p. 320). - -[346] The expedition attributed to João Vaz Corte-Real, on which he is -said to have discovered Newfoundland as early as 1464 or 1474, is -unhistorical, and is a comparatively late invention which is first found -in the Portuguese author, Dr. Gaspar Fructuoso, in his "Saudades da Terra" -[vi. c. 9], written about 1590 [cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 26, ff.]. Father -Antonio Cordeyro (Historia Insulana, Lisbon, 1717) says that the discovery -was made in company with Alvaro Martins Homen. - -[347] It may also be supposed that from the ice off the south-west of -Greenland Corte-Real steered north-west and west, and met with the ice in -the Labrador Current, and was then obliged to turn southwards along the -edge of the ice until he sighted land. - -[348] These times given by Cantino for the voyage are, of course, -improbable; if we might suppose that he meant weeks instead of months, it -would agree with the time naturally occupied on such a voyage. If we add -his one month for the homeward voyage to the seven months given above, and -if another month be reckoned for the stay in the country, we shall have -his nine months for the whole voyage. - -[349] That the Eskimo lived in caves in the mountains or underground was a -not uncommon idea even in later times; see, for instance, Wilhelmi: -Island, Hvitramannaland, Grönland und Finland, 1842, p. 172. - -[350] We do not know that the Indians of Newfoundland had hide-boats; but -it is not impossible. - -[351] This land connection is found on the Canerio map of 1502-1507, which -is of the same type as the Cantino map and is an Italian copy, either of -the Cantino map itself or of a similar Portuguese map of 1501 or 1502 [cf. -Björnbo, 1910, p. 167]. - -[352] Since I contended, in a preliminary sketch of this chapter, which -Dr. A. A. Björnbo read, that the representation of Greenland on the -Cantino map was most probably based on a voyage along the west coast as -well as the east, Dr. Björnbo [1910a, pp. 313, ff.; 1910, pp. 176, ff.] -has examined the delineation of Greenland on the Oliveriana map, and found -that it represents discoveries made during a cruise, not only along the -east coast, but also along a part of the south-west coast, and he sees in -this a partial confirmation of my contention. He thinks it was during -Corte-Real's voyage of 1500 that this cruise was made, and even supposes -that the prototype of the Oliveriana map was Corte-Real's admiral's chart -itself; but this I regard as very doubtful, as will appear from what I -have said above regarding the discoveries of 1500. Björnbo thinks that an -original map like the Oliveriana map is sufficient to explain the form of -the west coast of Greenland on the Cantino map, while the more northern -portion has been given a direction in accordance with the Clavus maps. I -have admitted to Björnbo the possibility of such an explanation. But the -more I look at it, the more doubtful it seems; for the form of the west -coast on the Cantino map has, in fact, not the least resemblance to that -of the Clavus maps; indeed, the very direction is different, more -northerly and more like the real direction, when allowance is made for the -probable variation. It appears to me, therefore, that we cannot assume -offhand that the Clavus maps could lead to a representation like that of -the Cantino map. - -[353] Owing to the compass error varying in the course of the voyage, the -courses sailed will be more nearly parts of a great circle. - -[354] According to the scale of the Cantino map this distance is about -2250 miglia, but according to Pasqualigo's letters it should be 1800 or -2000, and according to Cantino's letter 2800 miglia. - -[355] This is not the place to discuss what is represented by the coast of -the mainland to the west of Cuba on the Cantino map, whether the east -coast of Asia, taken from Toscanelli's mappamundi (or a source like -Behaim's globe), or real discoveries on the coast of North America made by -unknown expeditions (?). In any case this coast has nothing to do with -Gaspar Corte-Real, and Sir Clements Markham [1893, pp. xlix, ff.] is -evidently wrong in thinking that this discoverer on his last voyage (in -1501) may have sailed along this coast. - -[356] Yet a third type of representation of Greenland may be said to be -found on the so-called Pilestrina map (p. 377), perhaps of 1511 [cf. -Björnbo, 1910, p. 210], where Greenland forms a peninsula (from a mass of -land on the north) as on the Cantino map, but much broader still. On the -south-eastern promontory of Greenland is here written: "C[auo] de mirame -et lexame" (i.e., Cape "look at me but don't touch me"), which may be -connected with the Portuguese voyage of 1500, when the explorers saw the -coast but could not approach it on account of ice. Finally, I may mention -the type of the Reinel map (see p. 321), where Greenland in the form of a -broad land has been transferred to the coast of America. On all these maps -with their changing representation of Greenland, Newfoundland has -approximately the same form and position. - -[357] Cf. Harrisse, 1900, pp. 54, f. - -[358] That Miguel Corte-Real really reached Newfoundland seems also to -result from the legend quoted above from the chart of about 1520, since he -would hardly be named on this coast unless there were grounds for -supposing that he arrived there; but this again must point to some of the -expedition having returned. - -[359] If Miguel Corte-Real set out in 1503, and not in 1502 (cf. p. 353, -note 1), it must have been in 1504 that the King despatched these fresh -ships. - -[360] It is reported that in 1574 Vasqueanes Corte-Real IV., father of -this Manuel, undertook an expedition to Labrador to find the North-West -Passage. - - - - -Transcriber's Notes: - -Passages in italics are indicated by _italics_. - -Superscripted characters are indicated by {superscript}. - -Footnote 18 appears on page 22 of the text, but there is no corresponding -marker on the page. - -Footnote 182 appears on page 200 of the text, but there is no -corresponding marker on the page. - -The original text contains letters with diacritical marks that are not -represented in this text version. - -The original text includes Greek characters. 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