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diff --git a/44605-0.txt b/44605-0.txt index 87cb3ec..facf254 100644 --- a/44605-0.txt +++ b/44605-0.txt @@ -1,38 +1,4 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Man and His Migrations, by R. G. (Robert -Gordon) Latham - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: Man and His Migrations - - -Author: R. G. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: Man and His Migrations - - -Author: R. G. (Robert Gordon) Latham - - - -Release Date: January 6, 2014 [eBook #44605] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAN AND HIS MIGRATIONS*** - - -E-text prepared by Colin Bell, Marie Bartolo, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made -available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/manhismigrations00lathuoft - - -Transcriber's note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in small capital letters - (=Small capitals=). - - Text enclosed by plus signs is upright within italics - (example: _Coincidences may have an +organic+ connexion._). - - Transliterations of Greek text are enclosed by pound signs - (example: #ktma eis aei#). - - The letters e and u with breve are represented as [)e] and - [)u], respectively. - - Superscripted characters are enclosed by curly brackets - (example: M{c}Kenzie River). - - - - - -MAN AND HIS MIGRATIONS. - -by - -R. G. LATHAM, M.D., F.R.S., - -Corresponding Member to the Ethnological Society, New York, etc. etc. - - - - - - - -[Illustration: Publisher's logo] - -London: -John Van Voorst, Paternoster Row. - -MDCCCLI. - -Printed by Richard Taylor, -Red Lion Court, Fleet Street. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The following pages represent a Course of Six Lectures delivered at -the Mechanics' Institution, Liverpool, in the month of March of the -present year; the matter being now laid before the public in a somewhat -fuller and more systematic form than was compatible with the original -delivery. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER I. - Page - The Natural or Physical history of Man--the Civil--their - difference--divisions of the Natural or Physical - history--Anthropology--Ethnology--how far pursued by the - ancients--Herodotus--how far by the moderns--Buffon-- - Linnus--Daubenton--Camper--Blumenbach--the term - _Caucasian_--Cuvier--Philology as an instrument of - ethnological investigation--Pigafetta--Hervas--Leibnitz-- - Reland--Adelung--Klaproth--the union of Philology and of - Anatomy--Prichard--its Palontological character-- - influence of Lyell's Geology--of Whewell's History of the - Inductive Sciences 1-36 - - CHAPTER II. - - Ethnology--its objects--the chief problems connected with - it--prospective questions--transfer of populations-- - Extract from Knox--correlation of certain parts of the - body to certain external influences--parts less subject to - such influences--retrospective questions--the unity or - non-unity of our species--opinions--plurality of species-- - multiplicity of protoplasts--doctrine of development-- - Dokkos--Extract--antiquity of our species--its geographical - origin--the term _race_ 37-66 - - CHAPTER III. - - Methods--the science one of observation and deduction rather - than experiment--classification--on mineralogical, on - zoological principles--the first for Anthropology, the - second for Ethnology--value of Language as a test-- - instances of its loss--of its retention--when it proves - original relation, when intercourse--the grammatical and - glossarial tests--classifications must be _real_--the - distribution of Man--size of area--ethnological contrasts - in close geographical contact--discontinuity and isolation - of areas--oceanic migrations 67-100 - - CHAPTER IV. - - Details of distribution--their conventional character-- - convergence from the circumference to the centre-- - Fuegians; Patagonian, Pampa, and Chaco Indians-- - Peruvians--D'Orbigny's characters--other South American - Indians--of the Missions--of Guiana--of Venezuela-- - Guarani--Caribs--Central America--Mexican civilization - no isolated phnomenon--North American Indians--Eskimo-- - apparent objections to their connection with the Americans - and Asiatics--Tasmanians--Australians--Papus-- - Polynesians--Micronesians--Malagasi--Hottentots--Kaffres-- - Negroes--Berbers--Abyssinians--Copts--the Semitic family-- - Primary and secondary migrations 101-157 - - CHAPTER V. - - The Ugrians of Lapland, Finland, Permia, the Ural Mountains - and the Volga--area of the light-haired families-- - Turanians--the Kelts of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Gaul--the - Goths--the Sarmatians--the Greeks and Latins--difficulties - of European ethnology--displacement--intermixture-- - identification of ancient families--extinction of ancient - families--the Etruscans--the Pelasgi--isolation--the - Basks--the Albanians--classifications and hypotheses--the - term Indo-European--the Finnic hypothesis 158-183 - - CHAPTER VI. - - The Monosyllabic Area--the T'hay--the Mn and Kh--Tables-- - the B'hot--the Chinese--Burmese--Persia--India--Tamulian - family--the Brahi--the Dioscurians--the Georgians--Irn-- - Mizjeji--Lesgians--Armenians--Asia Minor--Lycians-- - Carians--Paropamisans--Conclusion 184-250 - - - - -MAN AND HIS MIGRATIONS. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - - The Natural or Physical history of Man--the Civil--their difference-- - divisions of the Natural or Physical history--Anthropology-- - Ethnology--how far pursued by the ancients--Herodotus--how far - by the moderns--Buffon--Linnus--Daubenton--Camper--Blumenbach--the - term _Caucasian_--Cuvier--Philology as an instrument of ethnological - investigation--Pigafetta--Hervas--Leibnitz--Reland--Adelung-- - Klaproth--the union of Philology and of Anatomy--Prichard--its - Palontological character--influence of Lyell's Geology--of - Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences. - - -Let us contrast the _Civil_ with the _Natural_ History of Man. - -The influence of individual heroes, the effect of material events, the -operations of ideas, the action and reaction of the different elements -of society upon each other, come within the domain of the former. An -empire is consolidated, a contest concluded, a principle asserted, -and the civil historian records them. He does more. If he be true -to his calling, he investigates the springs of action in individual -actors, measures the calibre of their moral and intellectual power, -and pronounces a verdict of praise or blame upon the motives which -determine their manifestation. This makes him a great moral teacher, -and gives a value to his department of knowledge, which places it on a -high and peculiar level. - -Dealing with actions and motives, he deals nearly exclusively with -those of individuals; so much so, that even where he records the -movements of mighty masses of men, he generally finds that there is one -presiding will which regulates and directs them; and even when this is -not the case, when the movement of combined multitudes is spontaneous, -the spring of action is generally of a moral nature--a dogma if -religious, a theory if political. - -Such a history as this could not be written of the brute animals, -neither could it be written _for_ them. No animal but Man supplies -either its elements or its objects; nor yet the record which transmits -the memory of past actions, even when they are of the most material -kind. The civil historian, therefore, of our species, or, to speak with -a conciseness which common parlance allows, the _historian_, living -and breathing in the peculiar atmosphere of humanity, and exhibiting -man in the wide circle of moral and intellectual action,--a circle in -which none but he moves,--takes up his study where that of the lower -animals ends. Whatever is common to them and man, belongs to the -naturalist. Let each take his view of the Arab or the Jew. The one -investigates the influence of the Bible and the Koran; whilst the other -may ask how far the Moorish blood has mixed with that of the Spaniard, -or remark the permanence of the Israelite features under climates so -different as Poland, Morocco, or Hindostan. The one will think of -instincts, the other of ideas. - -In what part of the world did this originate? How was it diffused over -the surface of the earth? At what period in the world's history was it -evolved? Where does it thrive best? Where does it cease to thrive at -all? What forms does it take if it degenerate? What conditions of soil -or climate determine such degenerations? What favour its improvement? -Can it exist in Nova Zembla? In Africa? In either region or both? -Do the long nights of the Pole blanch, does the bright glare of the -Equator deepen its colour? &c. Instead of multiplying questions of -this kind, I will ask to what they apply. They apply to every being -that multiplies its kind upon earth; to every animal of the land -or sea; to every vegetable as well; to every organized being. They -apply to the ape, the horse, the dog, the fowl, the fish, the insect, -the fruit, the flower. They apply to these--and they apply to man as -well. They--and the like of them--Legion by name--common alike to the -lords and the lower orders of the creation, constitute the _natural_ -history of genus _Homo_; and I use the language of the Zoologist for -the sake of exhibiting in a prominent and palpable manner, the truly -zoological character of this department of science. _Man as an animal_ -is the motto here; whilst _Man as a moral being_ is the motto with the -Historian. - -It is not very important whether we call this _Natural_ or _Physical_ -History. There are good authorities on both sides. It is only important -to see how it differs from the _History of the Historian_. - -Man's Civil history has its divisions. Man's Natural history has them -also. - -The first of these takes its name from the Greek words for _man_ -(_anthrpos_) and _doctrine_ (_logos_), and is known as _Anthropology_. - -When the first pair of human beings stood alone on the face of the -earth, there were then the materials for Anthropology; and so there -would be if our species were reduced to the last man. There would be an -Anthropology if the world had no inhabitants but Englishmen, or none -but Chinese; none but red men of America, or none but blacks of Africa. -Were the uniformity of feature, the identity of colour, the equality -of stature, the rivalry of mental capacity ever so great, there would -still be an Anthropology. This is because Anthropology deals _with Man -as compared with the lower animals_. - -We consider the structure of the human extremities, and enlarge upon -the flatness of the foot, and the flexibility of the hand. The one -is subservient to the erect posture, the other to the innumerable -manipulations which human industry demands. We compare them with -the fins of fishes, the wings of birds; in doing which, we take the -most extreme contrasts we can find. But we may also take nearer -approximations, _e.g._ the hands of the higher apes. Here we find -likeness as well as difference; difference as well as likeness. We -investigate both; and record the result either in detail or by some -general expression. Perhaps we pronounce that the one side gives the -conditions of an arboreal life, the other those of a social state; the -ape being the denizen of the woods, the man of towns and cities; the -one a climber, the other a walker. - -Or we compare the skull of the man and the chimpanzee; noticing that -the ridges and prominences of the external surface, which in the -former are merely rudimentary, become strongly-marked crests in the -latter. We then remember that the one is the framework for the muscles -of the face; the other is the case for the brain. - -All that is done in this way is Anthropology. - -Every class of organized beings has, _mutatis mutandis_, its -anthropological aspect; so that the dog may be contemplated in respect -to the fox which equals, the ape which excels, or the kangaroo -which falls short of it in its approach to a certain standard of -organization; in other words, as _species_ and _genera_ have their -relative places in the ladder of creation, the investigation of such -relations is co-extensive with the existence of the classes and groups -on which it rests. - -Anthropology deals too much with such matters as these to be popular. -Unless the subject be handled with excessive delicacy, there is -something revolting to fastidious minds in the cool contemplation of -the _differenti_ of the Zoologist - - "Who shows a Newton as he shows an ape." - -Yet, provided there be no morbid gloating over the more dishonourable -points of similarity, no pleasurable excitement derived from the -lowering view of our nature, the study is _not_ ignoble. At any -rate, it is part of human knowledge, and a step in the direction of -self-knowledge. - -Besides this, the relationship is merely one of degree. We may not -be either improperly or unpleasantly like the orang-utan or the -chimpanzee. We may even be angelomorphic. Nevertheless, we are more -like orang-utans and chimpanzees than aught else upon earth. - -The other branch of Man's Natural History is called Ethnology--from the -Greek word signifying _nation_ (_ethnos_). - -It by no means follows, that because there is an _anthropology_ there -is an _ethnology_ also. There is no ethnology where there is but a -single pair to the species. There would be no ethnology if all the -world were negroes; none if every man was a Chinese; none if there were -naught but Englishmen. The absolute catholicity of a religion without -sects, the centralized uniformity of a universal empire, are types and -parallels to an anthropology without an ethnology. This is because -Ethnology deals with _Man in respect to his Varieties_. - -There would be an anthropology if but one single variety of mankind -existed. - -But if one variety of mankind--and no more--existed, there would be no -ethnology. It would be as impossible a science as a polity on Robinson -Crusoe's island. - -But let there be but a single sample of different though similar bodily -conformation. Let there be a white as well as a black, or a black as -well as a white man. In that case ethnology begins; even as a polity -began on Crusoe's island when his servant Friday became a denizen of it. - -The other classes of organized beings, although, _mutatis mutandis_, -they have, of necessity, their equivalent to an anthropology, may -or may not have an ethnology. The dog has one; the chimpanzee has -either none or an insignificant one; differences equivalent to those -which separate the cur from the greyhound, or the shepherd's-dog -from the pointer, being wanting. Again, a treatise which showed how -the chimpanzee differed from the orang-utan on one side, and man on -the other, would be longer than a dissertation upon the extent to -which chimpanzees differed from each other; yet a dissertation on the -_varieties of dogs_ would be bulkier than one on their relations to -the fox. This shows how the proportions of the two studies may vary -with the species under consideration. In the _Natural History of Man_, -the ethnological aspect is the most varied. It is also the one which -has been most studied. With the horse, or the sheep, with many of the -domestic fowls, with the more widely-cultivated plants, the study of -the _variety_ outweighs that of the _species_. With the dog it does -so in an unparalleled degree. But what if the dog-tribe had the use -of language? what if the language differed with each variety? In -such a case the study of canine ethnology would be doubly and trebly -complex, though at the same time the _data_ for conducting it would be -both increased and improved. A distant--a _very_ distant approach--to -this exists. The wild dog _howls_; the companion of man alone _barks_. -This is a difference of language as far as it goes. This is written to -foreshadow the importance of the study of language as an instrument of -ethnological investigation. - -Again--what if the dog-tribe were possessed of the practice of certain -human arts, and if these varied with the variety? If they buried -their dead? and their tombs varied with the variety? if those of one -generation lasted for years, decenniums, or centuries? The ethnology -would again increase in complexity, and the _data_ would again be -increased. The graves of an earlier generation would serve as unwritten -records of the habits of sepulture with an earlier one. This is -written to foreshadow the importance of the study of antiquities as an -instrument of the same kind with philology. - -With dogs there are impossibilities. True; but they serve as -illustrations. With man they are realities--realities which make -philology and archology important adjuncts to his natural history. - -We have now ascertained the character of the study in question; and -seen how far it differs from _history_ properly so-called--at least -we have done so sufficiently for the purpose of definition. A little -reflection will show its relations to certain branches of science, -_e.g._ to physiology, and mental science--a relation upon which there -is no time to enlarge. It is enough to understand the existence of such -a separate substantive branch of knowledge and inquiry. - -What is the amount of this knowledge? This is proportionate to that of -the inquiry. What has this been? Less than we are prepared to expect. - - "The proper study of mankind is Man." - -This is a stock quotation on the subject. - - "Homo sum; humani nihil a me alienum puto." - -This is another. Like many apophthegms of the same kind, they have -more currency than influence, and are better known than acted on. We -know the zoology of nine species out of ten amongst the lower animals -better than that of our own genus. So little have the importance and -the investigation of a really interesting subject been commensurate. - -It is a _new_ science--so new as scarcely to have reached the period of -adolescence. Let us ask what the ancients cared about it. - -We do not look for systematic science in the Scriptures; and the -ethnology which we derive from them consists wholly of incidental -notices. These, though numerous, are brief. They apply, too, to but -a small portion of the earth's surface. That, however, is one of -pre-eminent interest--the cradle of civilization, and the point where -the Asiatic, African, and European families come in contact. - -Greece helps us more: yet Greece but little. The genius of Thucydides -gave so definite a character to history, brought it so exclusively in -contact with moral and political, in opposition to physical, phnomena, -and so thoroughly made it the study of the statesman rather than of the -zoologist, that what may be called the _naturalist_ element, excluded -at the present time, was excluded more than 2000 years ago. How widely -different this from the slightly earlier Herodotean record--the form -and spirit of which lived and died with the great father of historic -narrative! The history of the Peloponnesian war set this kind of -writing aside for ever, and the loss of what the earlier prototype -might have been developed into, is a great item in the price which -posterity has to pay for the #ktma eis aei# of the Athenian. As it -is, however, the nine books of Herodotus form the most ethnological -work not written by a professed and conscious ethnologist. Herodotus -was an unconscious and instinctive one; and his ethnology was of a -sufficiently comprehensive character. Manners he noted, and physical -appearance he noted, and language he noted; his Scythian, Median, -gyptian, and other glosses having the same value in the eyes of the -closet philologist of the present century, as the rarer fossils of -some old formation have with the geologist, or venerable coins with -the numismatic archologist. Let his name be always mentioned with -reverence; for the disrespectful manner in which his testimony has been -treated by some recent writers impugns nothing but the scholarship of -the cavillers. - -I do not say that there are no ethnological facts--it may be that -we occasionally find ethnological theories--in the Greek writers -subsequent; I only state that they by no means answer the expectations -raised by the names of the authors, and the opportunities afforded by -the nature of their subjects. Something is found in Hippocrates in -the way of theory as to the effect of external condition, something -in Aristotle, something in Plato--nothing, however, by which we find -the study of Man as an animal recognized as a separate substantive -branch of study. More than this--in works where the description of -new populations was especially called for, and where the evidence of -the writer would have been of the most unexceptionable kind, we find -infinitely less than there ought to be. How little we learn of Persia -from the Cyropdia, or of Armenia from the Anabasis--yet how easily -might Xenophon have told us much! - -Amongst the successors of Aristotle, we find none who writes a -treatise #peri barbarn#--yet how natural the subject, and how great -the opportunities!--great, because of the commerce of the Euxine, and -the institution of domestic slavery: the one conducting the merchant -to the extreme Tanais, the other filling Athens with Thracians, and -Asia Minor with Africans. The advantages which the Greeks of the age of -Pericles neglected, are the advantages which the Brazilian Portuguese -neglect at present, and which, until lately, both the English and the -States-men of America neglected also. And the loss has been great. Like -time and tide, ethnology waits for no man; and, even as the Indian of -America disappears before the European, so did certain populations of -antiquity. The process of extinction and amalgamation is as old as -history; and whole families have materially altered in character since -the beginning of the historical period. The present population of -Bulgaria, Wallachia, and Moldavia is of recent introduction. What was -the ancient? "Thracians and Get" is the answer. But what were they? -"Germans," says one writer; "Slavonians," another; "an extinct race," -another. So that there is doubt and difference of opinion. Yet we know -some little about them in other respects. We know their political -relations; a little of their creed, and manners; the names of some of -their tribes. Their place in the classification of the varieties of our -species we do _not_ know; and this is because, though the Greeks wrote -the _civil_, they neglected the _physical_ history of Man. - -Thrace, Asia Minor, and the Caucasus--these are the areas for which -the ancients might easily have left descriptions, and for which they -neglected to do so; the omission being irreparable. - -The opportunities of the Roman were greater than those of the Greek; -and they were better used. Dissertations, distantly approaching the -character of physical history, occur in even the pure historical -writers of Greece, I allude more especially to the sketch of the -manners and migrations of the ancient Greeks in the first, and the -history of the Greek colonization of Sicily in the sixth book of -Thucydides. Parallels to these re-appear in the Roman writers; and, in -some cases, their proportion to the rest of the work is considerable. -Sallust's sketch of Northern Africa, Tacitus' of Jewish history are of -this sort--and, far superior to either, Csar's account of Gaul and -Britain. - -The _Germania_[1] of Tacitus is the nearest approach to proper -ethnology that antiquity has supplied. It is far, however, from either -giving us the facts which are of the most importance, or exhibiting -the _method_ of investigation by which ethnology is most especially -contrasted with history. - -But the true measure of the carelessness of the Romans upon these -points is to be taken by the same rule which applied to that of the -Greeks; _i. e._ the contrast between their opportunities and their -inquiry. Northern Italy, the Tyrol, Dalmatia, Pannonia, have all stood -undescribed in respect to the ancient populations; yet they were all in -a favourable position for description. - -If the Jewish, Greek, and Roman writers give but little, the -literatures derived from them give less; though, of course, there is a -numerous selection of important passages to be made from the authors -of the Middle Ages, as well as from the Byzantine historians. Besides -which, there is the additional advantage of Greece and Rome having -ceased to be the only countries thought worthy of being written about. -A Gothic, a Slavonic, a Moorish history now make their appearance. -Still they are but _civil_--not _natural_--histories. However, our -sphere of observation increases, the members of the human family -increase, and our records increase. Nevertheless, the facts for the -_naturalist_ occur but incidentally. - -Of the Oriental literature I can only give my _impression_; and, as -far as that goes, it is in favour of the Chinese statements having the -most, and the Indian the least ethnological value; indeed, the former -nation appears to have connected the notice of the occupant population -with the notice of the area occupied, with laudable and sufficient -closeness. I believe, too, that several differences of language are -also carefully noted. Still, such ethnology as this supplies is an -educt from the works in question, rather than their subject. - -We now come to times nearer our own. For a sketch like the present, -the _Science_ begins when the _classification_ of the Human Varieties -is first attempted. Meanwhile, we must remember that America has -been discovered, and that our opportunities now differ from those of -the ancients not merely in degree but in kind. The field has been -infinitely enlarged; and the world has become known in its extremities -as well as in its middle parts. The human naturalists anterior to the -times of Buffon and Linnus are like the great men before Agamemnon. -A minute literary history would doubtless put forward some names -for this period; indeed for some departments of the study there are -a few great ones. Still it begins with the times of Linnus and -Buffon--Buffon first in merit. That writer held that a _General History -of Man_, as well as _A Theory of the Earth_, was a necessary part of -his great work; and, as far as the former subject is concerned, he -thought rightly. It is this, too, in which he has succeeded best. -Thoroughly appreciating its importance, he saw its divisions clearly; -and after eight chapters on the Growth of Man, his Decay, and his -Senses, he devotes a ninth, as long as the others put together, to the -consideration of the _Varieties of the Human Species_. "Every thing," -he now writes, "which we have hitherto advanced relates to Man as an -individual. The history of the species requires a separate detail, -of which the principal facts can only be derived from the varieties -that are found in the inhabitants of different regions. Of these -varieties, the first and most remarkable is the colour, the second the -form and size, and the third the disposition. Considered in its full -extent, each of these objects might afford materials for a volume[2]." -No man need draw a clearer line between anthropology and ethnology -than this. Of the systematic classification, which philology has so -especially promoted, no signs occur in his treatise; on the other hand, -his appreciation of the effects of difference in physical conditions -is well-founded in substance, and definitely expressed. To this he -attributes the contrast between the Negro, the American, and the -African, and, as a natural result, he commits himself unequivocally to -the doctrine of the unity of the species. - -Linnus took less cognizance of the species to which he belonged; the -notice in the first edition of the _Systema Natur_ being as follows:-- - - =Quadrupedalia.= - - _Corpus hirsutum, pedes quatuor, femin vivipar, lactifer._ - - =Anthropomorpha.= - - _Dentes primores iv. utrinque vel nulli._ - - { Europus albescens. - { Americanus rubescens. - =Homo= Nosce te ipsum H. { Asiaticus fuscus. - { Africanus niger. - - Anteriores. Posteriores. - =Simia= _Digiti_ 5. _Digiti_ 5. Simia, cauda carens. - Papio. Satyrus. - - Posteriores anterioribus similes. } Cercopithecus. - } Cynocephalus. - - =Bradypus= _Digiti_ 3. vel 2. _Digiti_ 3. Ai--_ignavus_. - Tardigradus. - -Now both Buffon and Linnus limit their consideration of the bodily -structure of man to the phnomena of colour, skin, and hair; in other -words, to the so-called _soft parts_. - -From the Greek word _osteon_ = _bone_, we have the anatomical term -_osteology_ = _the study of the bony skeleton_. - -This begins with the researches of the contemporary and helpmate of -Buffon. Daubenton first drew attention to the _base of the skull_, and, -amongst the parts thereof, to the _foramen ovale_ most especially. -Through the _foramen ovale_ the spinal chord is continued into the -brain, or--changing the expression--the brain prolonged into the -spinal chord; whilst by its attachments the skull is connected with -the vertebral column. The more this point of junction--the pivot on -which the head turns--is in the _centre_ of the base of the skull, the -more are the conditions of the erect posture of man fulfilled; the -contrary being the case if the _foramen_ lie backward, as is the case -with the ape as compared with the Negro, and, in some instances, with -the Negro as compared with the European. I say _in some instances_, -because the backward position of the _foramen ovale_ in the Negro is by -no means either definite or constant. Now the notice of the variations -of the position of the _foramen ovale_--one of the first specimens -of ethnological criticism applied to the _hard parts_ of the human -body--is connected with the name of Daubenton. - -The study of the skull--for the skeleton is now dividing the attention -of investigators with the skin and hair--in _profile_ is connected -with that of Camper. This brings us to his well-known _facial angle_. -It means the extent to which the forehead _retreated_; sloping -backwards from the root of the nose in some cases, and in others rising -perpendicularly above the face. - -Now the osteology of Daubenton and Camper was the osteology that -Blumenbach found when _he_ took up the subject. It was something; but -not much. - -In 1790, Blumenbach published his anatomical description of ten -skulls--his first decade--drawn up with the special object of showing -how certain varieties of mankind differed from each other in the -conformation of so important an organ as the skull of a reasonable -being--a being thereby distinguished and characterized. - -He continued his researches; publishing at intervals similar decades, -to the number of six. In 1820, he added to the last a pentad, so that -the whole list amounted to sixty-five. - -It was in the third decade, published =A.D.= 1795, that an unfortunate -skull of a Georgian female made its appearance. The history of this -should be given. Its owner was taken by the Russians, and having been -removed to Moscow died suddenly. The body was examined by Professor -Hiltenbrandt, and the skull presented to De Asch of St. Petersburg. -Thence it reached the collection of Blumenbach, of which it seems to -have been the gem--"_universus hujus cranii habitus tam elegans et -venustus, ut et tantum non semper vel indoctorum, si qui collectionem -meam contemplentur, oculos eximia sua proportionis formositate -feriat_." This encomium is followed by the description. Nor is this -all. A plaster cast of one of the most beautiful busts of the Townley -Museum was in possession of the anatomist. He compared the two; -"and so closely did they agree that you might take your oath of one -having belonged to the other"--"_adeo istud huic respondere vides, -ut illud hujus prototypo quondam inhsisse pejerares_." Lastly, he -closes with an extract from Chardin, enthusiastically laudatory of -the beauty of the women of Georgia, and adds that his skull verifies -the panegyric--"_Respondet ceteroquin formosum istud cranium, quod -sane pro canone ideali habere licet, iis qu de summa Georgian gentis -pulcritudine vel in vulgus nota sunt._" - -At the end of the decade in question he used the epithets Mongolian, -thiopian, and Caucasian (_Caucasia varietas_). - -In the next (=A.D.= 1808), he speaks of the excessive beauty--the -ideal--the normal character of his Georgian skull; and speaks of his -osteological researches having established a quinary division of the -Human Species; naming them--1. The _Caucasian_; 2. The Mongolian; -3. The thiopic; 4. The American; and 5. The Malay. - -Such is the origin of the term _Caucasian_; a term which has done much -harm in Ethnology; a term to which Blumenbach himself gave an undue -value, and his followers a wholly false import. This will be seen -within a few pages. Blumenbach's Caucasian class contained-- - - 1. Most of the Europeans. - 2. The Georgians, Circassians, and other families of Caucasus. - 3. The Jews, Arabs, and Syrians. - -In the same year with the fourth decade of Blumenbach, John Hunter gave -testimony of the value of the study of Man to Man, by a dissertation -with a quotation from Akenside on the title-page-- - - "---------- the spacious West - And all the teeming regions of the South, - Hold not a quarry, to the curious flight - Of Knowledge half so tempting or so fair, - As Man to Man." - -His tract was an Inaugural Dissertation, and I merely mention it -because it was written by Hunter, and dedicated to Robertson. - -Cuvier, in his _Rgne Animal_, gives at considerable length the -anthropological characteristics of Man, and places him as the only -species of the genus _Homo_, the only genus of the order _Bimana_ = -_two-handed_; the apes being _Quadrumana_ = _four-handed_. This was the -great practical recognition of Man in his zoological relations. - -In respect to the Ethnology, the classification of Blumenbach was -modified--and that by increasing its generality. The absolute primary -divisions were reduced to three--the Malay and the American being--not -without hesitation--subordinated to the Mongolian. Meanwhile, an -additional prominence was given to the group which contained the -Australians of Australia, and the Papuans of New Guinea. Instead, -however, of being definitely placed, it was left for further -investigation. - -The abuse of the term Caucasian was encouraged. Blumenbach had merely -meant that his favourite specimen had exhibited the best points in the -greatest degree. Cuvier speaks of traditions that ascribe the origin -of mankind to the mountain-range so-called--traditions of no general -diffusion, and of less ethnological value. - -The time is now convenient for taking a retrospective view of the -subject in certain other of its branches. Colour, hair, skin, bone, -stature--all these are points of _physical_ conformation or structure; -material and anatomical; points which the callipers or the scalpel -investigates. But colour, hair, skin, bone, and stature, are not the -only characteristics of man; nor yet the only points wherein the -members of his species differ from each other. There is the _function_ -as well as the organ; and the parts of our body must be considered -in regard to what they _do_ as well as with reference to what they -_are_. This brings in the questions of the phnomena of growth and -decay,--the average duration of life,--reproduction, and other allied -functions. This, the physiological rather than the purely anatomical -part of the subject, requires a short notice of its own. _A priori_, we -are inclined to say that it would be closely united, in the practice -of investigation, with what it is so closely allied as a branch of -science. Yet such has not been exactly the case. The anatomists were -physiologists as well; and when Blumenbach described a skull, he, -certainly, thought about the power, or the want of power, of the brain -which it contained. But the speculators in physiology were not also -anatomists. Such speculators, however, there were. An historian aspires -to philosophy. There are some facts which he would account for; others -on which he would build a system. Hot climates favour precocity of the -sexual functions. They also precipitate the decay of the attractions -of youth. Hence, a woman who is a mother at twelve has outgrown her -beauty at twenty. From this it follows that mental power and personal -attractions become, necessarily, disunited. Hence the tendency on the -part of the males to take wives in succession; whereby polygamy is -shown to have originated in a law of nature. - -I do not ask whether this is true or false. I merely remind the reader -that the moment such remarks occur, the _natural_ history of Man has -become recognized as an ingredient in the _civil_. - -The chief early writers who expanded the real and supposed facts of the -_natural history of Man_, without being professed ethnologists, were -Montesquieu and Herder. By advertising the subject, they promoted it. -It is doubtful whether they did more. - -We are still within the pale of _physical_ phnomena; and the purely -intellectual, mental, or moral characteristics of Man have yet to be -considered. What divisions were founded upon the difference between the -arts of the Negro and the arts of the Parisian? What upon the contrast -between the despotisms of Asia and the constitutions of Europe? -What between the cannibalism of New Zealand and the comparatively -graminivorous diet of the Hindu? There were not wanting naturalists -who even in _natural history_ insisted upon the high value of such -characters, immaterial and supra-sensual as they were. The dog and -fox, the hare and rabbit were alike in form; different in habits and -temper--yet the latter fact had to be recognized. Nay, more, it helped -to verify the specific distinctions which the mere differences of form -might leave doubtful. - -All that can be said upon this matter is, that no branch of the subject -was earlier studied than that which dealt with the manners and customs -of strange nations; whilst no branch of it both was and is half so -defective as that which teaches us their value as characteristics. With -ten writers familiar with the same facts there shall be ten different -ways of appreciating them:-- - - "Manserunt hodieque manent vestigia ruris." - -In the year 1851, this is the weakest part of the science. - -With one exception, however--indefinite and inappreciable as may be the -ethnological value of such differences as those which exist between the -superstitions, moral feelings, natural affections, or industrial habits -of different families, there is one great intellectual phnomenon which -in definitude yields to no characteristic whatever--I mean Language. -Whatever may be said against certain over-statements as to constancy, -it is an undoubted fact that identity of language is _prim facie_ -evidence of identity of origin. - -No reasonable man has denied this. It is not _conclusive_, but _prim -facie_ it undoubtedly is. More cannot be said of colour, skin, hair, -and skeleton. Possibly, not so much. - -Again, language without being identical may be similar; just as -individuals without being brothers or sisters may be first or second -cousins. Similarity, then, is _prim facie_ evidence of relationship. - -Lastly, this similarity may be weighed, measured, and expressed -numerically; an important _item_ in its value. Out of 100 words in two -allied languages, a per-centage of any amount between 1 and 99 may -coincide. Language then is a _definite_ test, if it be nothing else. It -has another recommendation; or perhaps I should say convenience. It can -be studied in the closet: so that for one traveller who describes what -he sees in some far-distant country, there may be twenty scholars at -work in the libraries of Europe. This is only partially the case with -the osteologist. - -Philological ethnology began betimes; long before ethnology, or even -anthropology--which arose earlier--had either a conscious separate -existence or a name. It began even before the physical researches of -Buffon. - -"There is more in language than in any of its productions"--Many who by -no means undervalue the great productions of literature join in this: -indeed it is only saying that the Greek language is a more wonderful -fact than the Homeric poems, or the schylean drama. This, however, is -only an expression of admiration at the construction of so marvellous -an instrument as human speech. - -"When history is silent, language is evidence"--This is an explicit -avowal of its value as an instrument of investigation. - -I cannot affiliate either of these sayings; though I hold strongly with -both. They must prepare us for a new term--_the philological school -of ethnology_, _the philological principle of classification_, _the -philological test_. The worst that can be said of this is that it was -isolated. The philologists began work independently of the anatomists, -and the anatomists independently of the philologists. And so, with one -great exception, they have kept on. - -Pigafetta, one of the circumnavigators with Magalhaens, was the first -who collected specimens of the unlettered dialects of the countries -that afforded opportunities. - -The Abb Hervas in the 17th century, published his Catalogue of -Tongues, and Arithmetic of Nations, parts of a large and remarkable -work, the _Saggio del Universo_. His _data_ he collected by means of -an almost unlimited correspondence with the Jesuit missionaries of the -Propaganda. - -The all-embracing mind of Leibnitz had not only applied itself to -philology, but had clearly seen its bearing upon history. A paper on -the Basque language is a sample of the ethnology of the inventor of -Fluxions. - -Reland wrote on the wide distribution of the Malay tongue; criticised -certain vocabularies from the South-Sea Islands of Hoorn, Egmont, -Ticopia (then called Cocos Island), and Solomon's Archipelago, and gave -publicity to a fact which even now is mysterious--the existence of -Malay words in the language of Madagascar. - -In 1801 Adelung's _Mithridates_ appeared, containing specimens of -all the known languages of the world; a work as classical to the -comparative philologist as Blackstone's Commentaries are to the -English lawyer. Vater's Supplement (1821) is a supplement to Adelung; -Jlg's (1845) to Vater's. - -Klaproth's is the other great classic in this department. His _Asia -Polyglotta_ and _Sprachatlas_ give us the classification of all the -families of Asia, according to the _vocabularies_ representing their -languages. Whether a comparison between their different _grammars_ -would do the same is doubtful; since it by no means follows that the -evidence of the two coincides. - -Klaproth and Adelung have the same prominence in _philological_ that -Buffon and Blumenbach have in _zoological_ ethnology. - -Blumenbach _appreciated_ the philological method: but the first -who _combined_ the two was Dr. Prichard. His profession gave him -the necessary physiology; and that he was a philologist amongst -philologists is shown not only by numerous details scattered -throughout his writings, but by his 'Eastern Origin of the Celtic -Nations'--the most definite and desiderated addition that has been -made to ethnographical philology. I say nothing about the details of -Dr. Prichard's great work. Let those who doubt its value try to do -without it. - -But there is still something wanting. The relation of the sciences to -the other branches of knowledge requires fixing. With anthropology the -case is pretty clear. It comes into partial contact with the naturalist -sciences (or those based on the principle of classification) and the -biological (or those based on the idea of organization and life). - -Ethnology, however, is more undecided in respect to position. If it -be but a form of history, its place amongst the inductive sciences is -equivocal; since neither the laws which it developes nor the method of -pursuing it give it a place here. These put it in the same category -with a series of records taken from the testimony of witnesses, or with -a book of travels--literary but not scientific. And so it really is to -a certain extent. Two remarkable productions, however, have determined -its relations to be otherwise. - -In Sir C. Lyell's 'Principles of Geology' we have an elaborate -specimen of reasoning from the known to the unknown, and of the -_inference of causes from effects_. It would have been discreditable -to our philosophy if such a sample of logic put in practice had been -disregarded. - -Soon after, came forth the pre-eminently suggestive works, _par -nobile_, of the present Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. Here we -are taught that in the sciences of geology, ethnology, and archology, -the _method_ determines the character of the study; and that in all -these we argue backwards. Present _effects_ we know; we also know -their _causes_ as far as the historical period goes back. When we get -beyond this, we can still reason--reason from the experience that the -historical period has supplied. Climate, for instance, and certain -other conditions have _some_ effect; within the limits of generation -a small, within that of a millenium a larger one. Hence, before we -dismiss a difference as inexplicable, we must investigate the changes -that may have produced it, the conditions which may have determined -those changes, and the time required from the exhibition of their -influence. - -In Dr. Prichard's 'Anniversary Address,' delivered before the -Ethnological Society of London in 1847--a work published after the -death of its illustrious author--this relationship to Geology is -emphatically recognized:--"Geology, as every one knows, is not an -account of what nature produces in the present day, but of what it has -long ago produced. It is an investigation of the changes which the -surface of our planet has undergone in ages long since past. The facts -on which the inferences of geology are founded, are collected from -various parts of Natural History. The student of geology inquires into -the processes of nature which are at present going on, but this is for -the purpose of applying the knowledge so acquired to an investigation -of what happened in past times, and of tracing, in the different -layers of the earth's crust--displaying, as they do, relics of various -forms of organic life--the series of the repeated creations which have -taken place. This investigation evidently belongs to _History_ or -_Archology_, rather than to what is termed _Natural History_. By a -learned writer, whose name will ever be connected with the annals of -the British Association, the term Palontology has been aptly applied -to sciences of this department, for which Physical Archology may be -used as a synonym. Palontology includes both Geology and Ethnology. -Geology is the archology of the globe--ethnology that of its human -inhabitants." - -When ethnology loses its palontological character, it loses half its -scientific elements; and the practical and decided recognition of this -should be the characteristic of the English school of ethnologists. - -This chapter will conclude with the notice of the bearings of the -palontological method upon one of the most difficult parts of -ethnology, viz. the identification of ancient populations, or the -distribution of the nations mentioned by the classical, scriptural -and older oriental writers amongst the existing or extinct stocks and -families of mankind. - -There are the Etruscans--who were they? The Pelasgians--who were they? -The Huns that overrun Europe in the fifth century; the Cimmerii that -devastated Asia, 900 years earlier? Archology answers some of these -questions; and the testimony of ancient writers helps us in others. Yet -both mislead--perhaps, almost as often as they direct us rightly. If -it were not so, there would be less discrepancy of opinion. - -Nevertheless, up to the present time the primary fact concerning -any such populations has always been the testimony of some ancient -historian or geographer, and the first question that has been put -is, _What say Tacitus--Strabo--Herodotus--Ptolemy_, &c. &c.? In -critical hands the inquiries go further; and statements are compared, -testimonies weighed in a balance against each other, the opportunities -of knowing, and the honesty in recording of the respective authors -investigated. In this way a sketch of ancient Greece by Thucydides -has a value which the authority of a lesser writer would fail to give -it--and so on with others. Nevertheless, what Thucydides wrote he -wrote from report, and inferences--report, most probably, carefully -weighed, and inferences legitimately drawn. Yet sources of error, -for which he is not to be held responsible, are innumerable. He went -upon hearsay evidence--he sifted it, perhaps; but still he went upon -hearsay evidence only. How do we value such evidence? By the natural -probabilities of the account it constitutes. By what means do we -ascertain these? - -I submit there is but one measure here--the existing state of things -as either known to ourselves, or known to contemporaries capable of -learning them at the period nearest the time under consideration. This -we examine as the effect of some antecedent cause--or series of causes. -#Pou st?# says the scholar. On the dictum of such or such an author. -#Pou st?# says the Archimedean ethnologist. On the last testified fact. - -Of the unsatisfactory character of anything short of contemporary -testimony in the identification of ancient nations, the pages and pages -that nine-tenths of the historians bestow upon the mysterious _Pelasgi_ -is a specimen. Add Niebuhr to Mller, and Thirlwall to Niebuhr--Pelion -to Ossa, and Olympus to Pelion--and what _facts_ do we arrive at--facts -that we may rely on as such, facts supported by contemporary evidence, -and recorded under opportunities of being ascertained? Just the -three recognized by Mr. Grote; viz. that their language was spoken -at Khreston--that it was spoken at Plake--that it differed, in some -unascertained degree, from the Greek. - -This is all that the ethnologist recognizes; and from this he argues as -he best can. Every fact, less properly supported by either first-hand -or traceable evidence, he treats with indifference. It may be good in -history; but it is not good for _him_. He has too much use to put it -to, too much to build upon it, too much argument to work out of it, to -allow it to be other than unimpeachable. - -Again--Tacitus carries his _Germania_ as far as the Niemen, so as to -include the present countries of Mecklenburg, Pomerania, Brandenburg, -West and East Prussia, and Courland. Is this improbable in itself? No. -The area is by no means immoderately large. Is it improbable when we -take the present state of those countries in question? No. They are -German at present. Is it improbable in any case? and if so, in what? -Yes. It becomes improbable when we remember that the present Germans -have been as unequivocally and undoubtedly recent immigrants for the -parts in question, as are the English of the Valley of the Mississippi, -and that at the beginning of the historical period the whole of -them were Slavonic, with nothing but the phraseology of Tacitus to -prevent us from believing that they always had been so. But it is also -improbable that so respectable a writer as Tacitus should be mistaken. -Granted. And here begins the conflict of difficulties. Nevertheless, -the primary ethnological fact is the state of things as it existed when -the countries under consideration were first accurately known, taken -along with the probability or improbability of its having so existed -for a certain period previous, as compared with the probability or -improbability of the migrations and other assumptions necessary for its -recent introduction. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[1] The value of Tacitus as an authority is minutely investigated in an -ethnological edition of the _Germania_ by the present writer, now in -course of publication. The object of the present chapter is merely to -show the extent to which the science in question is of recent, rather -than ancient, origin. - -[2] Barr's Translation, vol. iv. p. 191. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - - Ethnology--its objects--the chief problems connected with it-- - prospective questions--transfer of populations--Extract from - Knox--correlation of certain parts of the body to certain external - influences--parts less subject to such influences--retrospective - questions--the unity or non-unity of our species--opinions-- - plurality of species--multiplicity of protoplasts--doctrine of - development--Dokkos--Extract--antiquity of our species--its - geographical origin--the term _race_. - - -In Cuvier--as far as he goes--we find the anthropological view of the -subject predominant; and this is what we expect from the nature of -the work in which it occurs: the degree in which one genus or species -differs from the species or genus next to it being the peculiar -consideration of the systematic naturalist. To exhibit our varieties -would have required a special monograph. - -In Prichard on the contrary ethnology preponderates; of anthropology, -in the strict sense of the word, there being but little; and the -ethnology is of a broad and comprehensive kind. Description there -is, and classification there is; but, besides this, there is a great -portion of the work devoted to what may be called _Ethnological -Dynamics_, i. e. the appreciation of the effect of the external -conditions of climate, latitude, relative sea-level and the like upon -the human body. - -Prichard is the great repertory of facts; and read with Whewell's -commentary it gives us the Science in a form sufficiently full for -the purposes of detail, and sufficiently systematic for the basis of -further generalization. Still it must be read with the commentary -already mentioned. If not, it fails in its most intellectual element; -and becomes a system of simple records, rather than a series of subtle -and peculiar inferences. So read, however, it gives us our facts and -classifications in a _working form_. In other words, the Science has -now taken its true place and character. - -If more than this be needed--and for the anthropology, it may be -thought by some that Cuvier is too brief, and Prichard too exclusively -ethnological--the work of Lawrence forms the complement. These, along -with Adelung and Klaproth, form the _Thesaurus Ethnologicus_. But the -facts which they supply are like the sword of the Mahometan warrior. -Its value depended on the arm that wielded it; and such is the case -here. No book has yet been written which can implicitly be taken -for much more than its _facts_. Its inferences and classification -must be _criticised_. Be this, however, as it may, in =A.D.= 1846 -Mr. Mill writes, that "concerning the physical nature of man, as an -organized being, there has been much controversy, which can only be -terminated by the general acknowledgement and employment of stricter -rules of induction than are commonly recognized; there is, however, -a considerable body of truth which all who have attended to the -subject consider to be fully established, nor is there now any radical -imperfection in the method observed in this department of science by -its most distinguished modern teachers." - -This could not have been written thirty years ago. The _department of -science_ would, then, have been indefinite; and the _teachers_ would -not have been _distinguished_. - -It may now be as well to say what Ethnology and Anthropology are -_not_. Their relations to history have been considered. _Archology_ -illustrates each; yet the moment that it is confounded with either, -mischief follows. _Psychology_, or the Science of the laws of Mind, has -the same relation to them as _Physiology_--_mutatis mutandis_; _i.e._ -putting Mind in the place of Body. - -But nearer than either are its two subordinate studies of Ethology[3], -or the Science of Character, by which we determine the kind of -character produced in conformity with the laws of Mind, by _any_ set of -circumstances, _physical_ as well as moral; and the Science of Society -which investigates the action and reaction of associated masses[4] on -each other. - -Such then is our Science; which the principle of Division of Labour -requires to be marked off clearly in order to be worked advantageously. -And now we ask the nature of its _objects_. It has not much to do -with the establishment of any _laws_ of remarkable generality; a -circumstance which, in the eyes of some, may subtract from its value -as a science; the nearest approach to anything of this kind being -the general statement implied in the classifications themselves. Its -real object is the solution of certain _problems_--problems which it -investigates by its own peculiar method--and problems of sufficient -height and depth and length and breadth to satisfy the most ambitious. -All these are referable to two heads, and connect themselves with -either the _past_ or the _future_ history of our species; its _origin_ -or _destination_. - -We see between the Negro and the American a certain amount of -difference. Has this always existed? If not, how was it brought about? -By what influences? In what time? Quickly or slowly? These questions -point backwards, and force upon us the consideration of what _has -been_. - -But the next takes us forwards. Great experiments in the transfer of -populations from one climate to another have gone on ever since the -discovery of America, and are going on now; sometimes westwards as to -the New World; sometimes eastwards as to Australia and New Zealand; -now from Celtic populations like Ireland; now from Gothic countries -like England and Germany; now from Spain and Portugal;--to say nothing -of the equally great phnomenon of Negro slavery being the real or -supposed condition of American prosperity. Will this succeed? Ask -this at Philadelphia, or Lima, Sydney, or Auckland, and the answer is -pretty sure to be in the affirmative. Ask it of one of our English -anatomists. His answer is as follows:--"Let us attend now to the -greatest of all experiments ever made in respect of the transfer of a -population indigenous to one continent, and attempting by emigration -to take possession of another; to cultivate it with their own hands; -to colonize it; to persuade the world, in time, that they are _the -natives_ of the newly occupied land. Northern America and Australia -furnished the fields of this, the greatest of experiments. Already -has the horse, the sheep, the ox, become as it were indigenous to -these lands. Nature did not place them there at first, yet they -seem to thrive and flourish, and multiply exceedingly. Yet, even as -regards these domestic animals, we cannot be quite certain. Will -they eventually be self-supporting? Will they supplant the llama, the -kangaroo, the buffalo, the deer? or in order to effect this, will -they require to be constantly renovated from Europe? If this be the -contingency, then the acclimatation is not perfect. How is it with man -himself? The man planted there by nature, the Red-Indian, differs from -all others on the face of the earth; he gives way before the European -races, the Saxon and the Celtic; the Celt, Iberian, and the Lusitanian -in the south; the Celt and the Saxon in the north. - -"Of the tropical regions of the New World, I need not speak; every -one knows that none but those whom nature placed there can live -there; that no Europeans can colonize a tropical country. But may -there not be some doubts of their self-support in milder regions? -Take the Northern States themselves. There the Saxon and the Celt -seem to thrive beyond all that is recorded in history. But are we -quite sure that this is fated to be permanent? Annually from Europe -is poured a hundred thousand men and women of the best blood of the -Scandinavian, and twice the number of the pure Celt; and so long as -this continues, he is sure to thrive. But check it, arrest it suddenly, -as in the case of Mexico and Peru; throw the _onus_ of reproduction -upon the population, no longer European, but a struggle between the -European alien and his adopted father-land. The climate; the forests; -the remains of the aborigines not yet extinct; last, not least, that -unknown and mysterious degradation of life and energy, which in ancient -times seems to have decided the fate of all the Phoenician, Grecian, -and Coptic colonies. Cut off from their original stock, they gradually -withered and faded, and finally died away. The Phoenician never became -acclimatized in Africa, nor in Cornwall, nor in Wales; vestiges of his -race, it is true, still remain, but they are mere vestiges. Peru and -Mexico are fast retrograding to their primitive condition; may not the -Northern States, under similar circumstances, do the same? - -"Already the United States man differs in appearance from the European: -the ladies early lose their teeth; in both sexes the adipose cellular -cushion interposed between the skin and the aponeuroses and muscles -disappears, or, at least, loses its adipose portion; the muscles become -stringy, and show themselves; the tendons appear on the surface; -symptoms of premature decay manifest themselves. Now what do these -signs, added to the uncertainty of infant life in the Southern States, -and the smallness of their families in the Northern, indicate? Not the -conversion of the Anglo-Saxon into the Red-Indian, but warnings that -the climate has not been made for him, nor he for the climate. - -"See what even a small amount of insulation has done for the French -Celt in Lower Canada. Look at the race there! Small men, small horses, -small cattle, still smaller carts, ideas smallest of all; he is not -even the Celt of modern France! He is the French Celt of the Regency, -the thing of Louis XIII. Stationary--absolutely stationary--his -numbers, I believe, depend on the occasional admixture of fresh blood -from Europe. He has increased to a million since his first settlement -in Canada; but much of this has come from Britain, and not from France. -Give us the statistics of the original families who keep themselves -apart from the fresh blood imported into the province. Let us have the -real and solid increase of the original _habitans_, as they are pleased -to call themselves, and then we may calculate on the result. - -"Had the colony been left to itself, cut off from Europe, for a century -or two, it is my belief that the forest and the buffalo, and the -Red-Indian, would have pushed him into the St. Lawrence[5]." - -I give no opinion as to the truth of the extract; remarking that, -whether right or wrong, it is forcibly and confidently expressed. -All that the passage has to do is to illustrate the character of the -question. It directs our consideration to what _will be_. - -To work out questions in either of these classes, there must, of -course, be some reference to the general operations of climate, -food, and other influences;--operations which imply a correlative -susceptibility of modification on the part of the human organism. - -In a well-constructed machine, the different parts have a definite -relation to each. The greater the resistance, the thicker the ropes and -chains; and the thicker the ropes and chains, the stronger the pulleys; -the stronger the pulleys, the greater the force; and so on throughout. -Delicate pulleys with heavy ropes, or light lines with bulky pulleys, -would be so much power wasted. The same applies to the skeleton. If -the muscle be massive, the bone to which it is attached must be firm; -otherwise there is a disproportion of parts. In this respect the -organized and animated body agrees with a common machine, the work -of human hands. It agrees with, but it also surpasses it. It has an -internal power of self-adjustment. No amount of work would convert a -thin line into a strong rope, or a light framework into a strong one. -If bulk be wanted, it must be given in the first instance. But what -is it with the skeleton, the framework to the muscles? It _has_ the -power of adapting itself to the stress laid upon it. The food that we -live upon is of different degrees of hardness and toughness; and the -harder and tougher it is, the more work is there for the muscles of -the lower jaw. But, as these work, they grow; for--other things being -equal--size is power; and as they grow, other parts must grow also. -There are the bones. _How_ they grow is a complex question. Sometimes -a smooth surface becomes rough, a fine bone coarse; sometimes a short -process becomes lengthened, or a narrow one broadens; sometimes the -increase is simple or absolute, and the bone in question changes its -character without affecting that of the parts in contact with it. But -frequently there is a complication of changes, and the development of -one bone takes place at the expense of another; the _relations_ of the -different portions of parts of a skeleton being thus altered. - -A skeleton, then, may be modified by the action of its own muscles; in -other words, wherever there are muscles that are liable to an increase -of mass, there are bones similarly susceptible--bones upon which -asperities, ridges, or processes may be developed--bones from which -asperities, ridges, or processes may disappear, and bones of which the -relative proportions may be varied. In order, however, that this must -take place, there must be the muscular action which determines it. - -Now this applies to the _hard parts_, or the skeleton; and as it is -generally admitted, that if the bony framework of the body can be thus -modified by the action of its own muscles, the extreme conditions of -heat, light, aliment, moisture, &c., will, _ fortiori_, affect the -soft parts, such as the skin and adipose tissue. Neither have any great -difficulties been raised in respect to the varieties of colour in the -iris, and of colour and texture, both, in the hair. - -But what if we have in certain _hard_ parts a difference without its -corresponding tangible modifying cause? What if parts which no muscle -acts upon vary? In such a case we have a new class of facts, and a -new import given to it. We no longer draw our illustrations from the -ropes and pulleys of machines. Adaptation there may be, but it is no -longer an adaptation of the simple straightforward kind that we have -exhibited. It is an adaptation on the principle which determines the -figure-head of a vessel, not one on the principle which decides the -rigging. Still there is a principle on both sides; on one, however, -there is an evident connection of cause and effect; on the other, the -notion of choice, or spontaneity of an _idea_, is suggested. - -In this way, the consideration of a tooth differs from that of the jaw -in which it is implanted. No muscles act directly upon it; and all that -pressure at its base can do is to affect the direction of its growth. -The form of its crown it leaves untouched. How--I am using almost -the words of Prof. Owen--can we conceive the development of the great -canine of the chimpanzee to be a result of external stimuli, or to -have been influenced by muscular actions, when it is calcified before -it cuts the gum, or displaces its deciduous predecessor--a structure -preordained, a weapon prepared prior to the development of the forces -by which it is to be wielded[6]? - -This illustrates the difference between the parts manifestly obnoxious -to the influence of external conditions and the parts which either do -not vary at all, or vary according to unascertained laws. - -With the former we look to the conditions of sun, air, habits, or -latitude; the latter we interpret, as we best can, by references to -other species or to the same in its earlier stages of development. - -Thus, the so-called supra-orbital ridge, or the prominence of the -lower portion of forehead over the nose and eyes, is more marked in -some individuals than in others; and more marked in the African and -Australian varieties than our own. This is an ethnological fact. - -Again--and this is an anthropological fact--it is but moderately -developed in man at all: whilst in the orang-utan it is moderate; and -in the chimpanzee enormously and characteristically developed. - -Hence it is one of the nine points whereby the _Pithecus Wurmbii_ -approaches man more closely than the _Troglodytes Gorilla_[7], in -opposition to the twenty-four whereby the _Troglodytes Gorilla_ comes -nearer to us than the _Pithecus Wurmbii_. - -Had this ridge given attachment to muscles, we should have asked what -work those muscles did, and how far it varied in different regions, -instead of thinking much about either the _Pithecus Wurmbii_ or the -_Troglodytes Gorilla_. - -However, it is certain problems which constitute the higher branches of -ethnology; and it is to the investigation of these that the department -of ethnological dynamics is subservient. Looking _backwards_ we find, -first amongst the foremost, the grand questions as to-- - - 1. The unity or non-unity of the species. - 2. Its antiquity. - 3. Its geographical origin. - -The unity or non-unity of the human species has been contemplated under -a great multiplicity of aspects; some involving the fact itself, some -the meaning of the term _species_. - -1. Certain points of structure are _constant_. This is one reason for -making man the only species of genus, and the only genus of his order. - -2. All mixed breeds are prolific. This is another. - -3. The evidence of language indicates a common origin; and the simplest -form of this is a single pair. This is a third. - -4. We can predicate a certain number of general propositions concerning -the class of beings called Human. This merely separates them from all -other classes. It does not determine the nature of the class itself in -respect to its members. It may fall in divisions and subdivisions. - -5. The species may be one; but the number of _first pairs_ may be -numerous. This is the doctrine of the _multiplicity of protoplasts_[8]. - -6. The species may have had no protoplast at all; but may have been -developed out of some species anterior to it, and lower in the scale of -Nature, this previous species itself having been so evolved. In this -case, the protoplast is thrown indefinitely backwards; in other words, -the protoplast of one species is the protoplast of many. - -7. The genus _Homo_ may fall into several species; so that what some -call the _varieties of a single species_ are really different species -of a single genus. - -8. The varieties of mankind may be too great to be included in even a -_genus_. There may be two or even more genera to an _order_. - -9. Many of the present varieties may represent the intermixtures of -species no longer extant in a pure state. - -10. All _known_ varieties may be referable to a single species; but -there may be new species undescribed. - -11. All _existing_ varieties may be referable to a single species; but -certain _species_ may have ceased to exist. - -Such are the chief views which are current amongst learned men on -this point; though they have not been exhibited in a strictly logical -form, inasmuch as differences of opinion as to the meaning of the term -_species_ have been given in the same list with differences of opinion -as to the fact of our unity or non-unity. - -These differences of opinion are not limited to mere matters of -inference. The _facts_ on which such inferences rest are by no means -unanimously admitted. Some deny the constancy of certain points of -structure, and more deny the _permanent_ fecundity of mixed breeds. -Again, the evidence of language applies only to known tongues; whilst -the fourth view is based upon a _logical_ rather than a _zoological_ -view of _species_. - -The doctrine of a _multiplicity of protoplasts_ is common. Many -zoologists hold it, and they have of course zoological reasons -for doing so. Others hold it upon grounds of a very different -description--grounds which rest upon the assumption of a final -cause. Man is a _social_ animal. Let the import of this be ever so -little exaggerated. The term is a _correlative_ one. The wife is not -enough to the husband; the _pair_ requires its _pair_ for society's -sake. Hence, if man be not formed to live alone now, he was not -formed alone at first. To be born a member of society, there must be -associates. This is the teleological[9]--perhaps it may be called the -theological--reason for the multiplicity of protoplasts. - -Its _non_-inductive character subtracts something from its value. - -The difficulty of drawing a line as to the magnitude of the original -society subtracts more. If we admit a second pair, why not grant a -village, a town, a city and its corporation? &c. - -Again, this is either a primitive civilization or something very like -it. Where are its traces? Nevertheless, if we grant certain assumptions -in respect to the history of human civilization, the teleological -doctrine of the multiplicity of protoplasts is difficult to refute. - -And so is the zoological; provided that we make concessions in the way -of language. Let certain pairs have been created with the capacity but -not the gift of speech, so that they shall have learned their language -of others. Or let _all_, at first, have been in this predicament, and -some have evolved speech earlier than others--a speech eventually -extended to all. It is not easy to answer such an argument as this. - -The multiplicity of protoplasts is common ground to the zoologist and -the human naturalist, although the phnomena of speech and society -give the latter the larger share. The same applies to the _doctrine of -development_. The fundamental affinity which connects all the forms -of human speech is valid against the transcendentalist only when he -assumes that each original of a species of Man appeared, as such, with -his own proper language. Let him allow this to have been originally -dumb, and with only the capacity of learning speech from others, -and all arguments in favour of the unity of species drawn from the -similarity of language fall to the ground. - -The eighth doctrine is little more than an exaggeration of the seventh. -The seventh will not be noticed now, simply because the facts which it -asserts and denies pervade the whole study of ethnology, and appear and -re-appear at every point of our investigations. - -_All +known+ varieties may be referable to a single species; but there -may be other species undescribed._--What are the reasons for believing -this? Premising that Dilbo was a slave from whom Dr. Beke collected -certain information respecting the countries to the south-west of -Abyssinia, I subjoin the following extract:-- - -"The countries on the west and south-west of Kaffa are, according to -Dilbo, Damboro, Bonga, Koolloo, Kootcha, Soofa, Tooffte, and Doko; on -the east and south-east are the plains of Woratto, Walamo, and Talda. - -"The country of Doko is a month's journey distant from Kaffa; and it -seems that only those merchants who are dealers in slaves go farther -than Kaffa. The most common route passes Kaffa in a south-westerly -direction, leading to Damboro, afterwards to Kootcha, Koolloo, and then -passing the river Erow to Tooffte, where they begin to hunt the slaves -in Doko, of which chase I shall give a description as it has been -stated to me, and the reader may use his own judgement respecting it. - -"Dilbo begins with stating that the people of Doko, both men and -women, are said to be no taller than boys nine or ten years old. They -never exceed that height, even in the most advanced age. They go quite -naked; their principal food are ants, snakes, mice, and other things -which commonly are not used as food. They are said to be so skilful -in finding out the ants and snakes, that Dilbo could not refrain -from praising them greatly on that account. They are so fond of this -food, that even when they have become acquainted with better aliment -in Enarea and Kaffa, they are nevertheless frequently punished for -following their inclination of digging in search of ants and snakes, as -soon as they are out of sight of their masters. The skins of snakes are -worn by them about their necks as ornaments. They also climb trees with -great skill to fetch down the fruits; and in doing this they stretch -their hands downwards and their legs upwards. They live in extensive -forests of bamboo and other woods, which are so thick that the -slave-hunter finds it very difficult to follow them in these retreats. -These hunters sometimes discover a great number of the Dokos sitting -on the trees, and then they use the artifice of showing them shining -things, by which they are enticed to descend, when they are captured -without difficulty. As soon as a Doko begins to cry he is killed, from -the apprehension that this, as a sign of danger, will cause the others -to take to their heels. Even the women climb on the trees, where in -a few minutes a great number of them may be captured and sold into -slavery. - -"The Dokos live mixed together; men and women unite and separate as -they please; and this Dilbo considers as the reason why the tribe has -not been exterminated, though frequently a single slave-dealer returns -home with a thousand of them reduced to slavery. The mother suckles the -child only as long as she is unable to find ants and snakes for its -food: she abandons it as soon as it can get its food by itself. No rank -or order exists among the Dokos. Nobody orders, nobody obeys, nobody -defends the country, nobody cares for the welfare of the nation. They -make no attempts to secure themselves but by running away. They are as -quick as monkeys; and they are very sensible of the misery prepared for -them by the slave-hunters, who so frequently encircle their forests -and drive them from thence into the open plains like beasts. They put -their heads on the ground, and stretch their legs upwards, and cry, in -a pitiful manner, 'Yer! yer!' Thus they call on the Supreme Being, of -whom they have some notion, and are said to exclaim, 'If you do exist, -why do you suffer us to die, who do not ask for food or clothes, and -who live on snakes, ants, and mice?' Dilbo stated that it was no rare -thing to find five or six Dokos in such a position and state of mind. -Sometimes these people quarrel among themselves, when they eat the -fruit of the trees; then the stronger one throws the weaker to the -ground, and the latter is thus frequently killed in a miserable way. - -"In their country it rains incessantly; at least from May to January, -and even later the rain does not cease entirely. The climate is not -cold, but very wet. The traveller, in going from Kaffa to Doko, must -pass over a high country, and cross several rivers, which fall into the -Gochob. - -"The language of the Dokos is a kind of murmuring, which is understood -by no one but themselves and their hunters. The Dokos evince much -sense and skill in managing the affairs of their masters, to whom -they are soon much attached; and they render themselves valuable to -such a degree, that no native of Kaffa ever sells one of them to be -sent out of the country. As Captain Clapperton says of the slaves of -Nyffie:--'The very slaves of this people are in great request, and when -once obtained are never again sold out of the country.' The inhabitants -of Enarea and Kaffa sell only those slaves which they have taken in -their border-wars with the tribes living near them, but never a Doko. -The Doko is also averse to being sold; he prefers death to separating -from his master, to whom he has attached himself. - -"The access to the country of Doko is very difficult, as the -inhabitants of Damboro, Koolloo, and Tooffte are enemies to the -traders from Kaffa, though these tribes are dependent on Kaffa, and pay -tribute to its sovereigns; for these tribes are intent on preserving -for themselves alone the exclusive privilege of hunting the Dokos, and -of trading with the slaves thus obtained. - -"Dilbo did not know whether the tribes residing south and west of the -Dokos persecute this unhappy nation in the same cruel way. - -"This is Dilbo's account of the Dokos, a nation of pigmies, who are -found in so degraded a condition of human nature that it is difficult -to give implicit credit to his account. The notion of a nation of -pigmies in the interior of Africa is very ancient, as Herodotus speaks -of them in II. 32." - -Now those who believe in the Dokos at all, may fairly believe them to -constitute a new species. - -Other imperfectly known populations may be put forward in a similar -point of view. - -_All +existing+ varieties may be referable to a single species; but -certain species may have ceased to exist._--There is a considerable -amount of belief in this respect. We see, in certain countries, which -are at present barbarous vestiges of a prior civilization, works, like -those of Mexico and Peru for instance, which the existing inhabitants -confess to be beyond their powers. Be it so. Is the assumption of -a different species with architectural propensities more highly -developed, legitimate? The reader will answer this question in his own -way. I can only say that such assumptions have been made. - -Again--ancient tombs exhibit skeletons which differ from the living -individuals of the country. Is a similar assumption here justifiable? -It has been made. - -The most remarkable phnomena of the kind in question are to be found -in the history of the Peruvians. - -The parts about the Lake Titicaca form the present country of the -Aymaras, whose heads are much like those of the other Americans, whose -taste for architecture is but slight, and whose knowledge of having -descended from a people more architectural than themselves is none. - -Nevertheless, there are vast ruins in their district; whilst the -heads of those whose remains are therein preserved have skulls with -the sutures obliterated, and with remarkable frontal, lateral, and -occipital depressions. - -Does this denote an extinct species? Individually, I think it does -not; because, individually, with many others, I know that certain -habits decline, and I also believe that the flattenings of the head -are _artificial_. Nevertheless, if I, ever so little, exaggerated the -permanency of habits, or if I identified a habit with an instinct, -or if I considered the skulls _natural_, the chances are that I -should recognise the remains of ancient _stock_--possibly an ancient -_species_--without congeners and without descendants. - -_The antiquity of the human species._--Our views on this point depend -upon our views as to its unity or non-unity; so much so, that unless -we assume either one or the other, the question of antiquity is -impracticable. And it must also be added that, unless the inquiry is to -be excessively complicated, the unity-doctrine must take the form of -descent from a single pair. - -Assuming this, we take the most extreme specimens of difference, -whether it be in the way of physical conformation or mental -phnomena--of these last, language being the most convenient. After -this, we ask the time necessary for bringing about the changes -effected; the answer to this resting upon the induction supplied within -the historical period; an answer requiring the application of what has -already been called _Ethnological Dynamics_. - -On the other hand, we may assume a certain amount of original -difference, and investigate the time requisite for effecting the -existing amount of similarity. - -The first of these methods requires a long, the second a short period; -indeed, descent from a single pair implies a _geological_ rather than -a _historical_ date. - -Furthermore--that uniformity in the average rate of change which the -geologist requires, ethnology requires also. - -_The geographical origin of Man._--Supposing all the varieties of -Man to have originated from a single protoplast pair, in what part -of the world was that single protoplast pair placed? Or, supposing -such protoplast pairs to have been numerous, what were the respective -original locations of each? I ask these questions without either -giving any answer to them, or exhibiting any method for discovering -one. Of the three great problems it is the one which has received -the least consideration, and the one concerning which there is the -smallest amount of decided opinion. The conventional, provisional, -or hypothetical cradle of the human species is, of course, the most -central point of the inhabited world; inasmuch as this gives us the -greatest amount of distribution with the least amount of migration; -but, of course, such a centre is wholly unhistorical. - -_Race_--What is the meaning of this word? - -Does it mean _variety_? If so, why not say _variety_ at once? - -Does it mean _species_? If it do, one of the two phrases is -superfluous. - -In simple truth it means either or neither, as the case may be; and -is convenient or superfluous according to the views of the writer who -uses it. - -If he believe that groups and classes like the Negro, the Hottentot, -the American, the Australian, or the Mongolian, differ from each other -as the dog differs from the fox, he talks of _species_. He has made up -his mind. - -But, perhaps, he does no such thing. His mind is made up the other way. -Members of such classes may be to Europeans, and to each other, just -what the cur is to the pug, the pointer to the beagle, &c. They may be -_varieties_. - -He uses, then, the terms accordingly; but, in order to do so, he must -have made up his mind; and certain classes must represent either one or -the other. - -But what if he have not done this? If, instead of teaching undoubted -facts, he is merely investigating doubtful ones? In this case the term -_race_ is convenient. It is convenient for him during his pursuit of an -opinion, and during the consequent suspension of his opinion. - -_Race_, then, is the term denoting a _species or variety_, as the -case may be--_pendente lite_. It is a term which, if it conceals our -ignorance, proclaims our openness to conviction. - -Of the _prospective_ views of humanity, one has been considered. But -there are others of at least equal importance. Two, out of many, may -serve as samples. - -1. The first is suggested by the following Table; taken from a fuller -one in Mr. D. Wilson's valuable Archology and Prehistoric Annals of -Scotland. It shows the relative proportions of a series of skulls of -_very great_, with those of a series of _moderate_ antiquity. - -The study of this--and it requires to be studied carefully--gives -grounds for believing that the capacity of a skull may increase -as the social condition improves; from which it follows that the -physical organization of the less-favoured stocks may develope itself -progressively,--and, _pari passu_, the mental power that coincides with -it. This illustrates the nature of a certain ethnological question. But -what if the two classes of skulls belong to different stocks; so that -the owners of the one were _not_ the progenitors of the proprietors of -the other? Such a view (and it is not unreasonable) illustrates the -extent to which it is complicated. - -[Transcriber's Note: The measurements in the tables are in inches and -twelfths.] - - KEY: - A: Longitudinal diameter. - B: Parietal diameter. - C: Frontal diameter. - D: Vertical diameter. - E: Intermastoid arch. - F: Intermastoid arch from upper root of zygomatic process. - - ----+------+-------+------+------+--------+------ - | A | B | C | D | E | F - ----+------+-------+------+------+--------+------ - Very old. - 1. | 70 | 54? | 49? | 410 | 1311 | 115 - 2. | 70 | 48 | 44 | 53 | 132 | 110 - 3. | 611 | 53 | 311 | 50 | ... | 120 - 4. | 70 | 411 | 44 | 53 | 138 | 114 - 5. | 66 | 41? | 411 | 42? | 132 | 113 - 6. | 73 | 54 | 46 | 52 | 143 | 119 - 7. | 75 | 52 | 45 | 52 | 143 | 120 - 8. | 79 | 56 | 49 | ... | ... | 123 - 9. | 73 | 58 | 43 | 49 | 140 | 119 - Moderately old. - 17. | 79 | 50 | 410 | 56 | 149 | 1111 - 18. | 76 | 51 | 46 | 51 | 148 | 113 - 19. | 73 | 53 | 45 | 54 | 145 | 124 - 20. | 75 | 56 | 50 | 56 | 1411 | 123 - 21. | 73 | 56 | 44 | 56 | 148 | 120 - 22. | 72 | 57 | 45 | 56 | 149 | 1110 - 23. | 73 | 57 | 46 | 52 | 150? | 124? - 24. | 72 | 55 | 46 | ... | ... | ... - 25. | 78 | 56 | 43 | 53 | 144 | 118 - 26. | 79 | 57 | 53 | 56 | 157 | 133 - 27. | 711 | 55 | 49 | ... | ... | 120 - ----+------+-------+------+------+--------+------ - -KEY: - G: Intermastoid lines. - H: Ditto from upper root of zygomatic process. - I: Occipitofrontal arch. - J: Ditto from occipital protuberance to root of nose. - K: Horizontal periphery. - L: Relative capacity. - - ----+-------+-------+-------+-------+--------+------- - | G | H | I | J | K | L - ----+-------+-------+-------+-------+--------+------- - Very old. - 1. | 36 | 48 | 139 | 120 | 204 | 322 - 2. | 41 | 410 | 140 | 1111 | 196 | 319 - 3. | ... | 48 | 144 | 114 | 190 | 3011 - 4. | 41 | 410 | 1310 | 113 | 167 | 2810 - 5. | ... | 48? | 1311 | 120 | 190 | 296 - 6. | 44 | 50 | 148 | 123 | 208 | 331 - 7. | 37 | 410 | 143 | 123 | 207 | 332 - 8. | ... | 56 | 156 | ... | 213 | ... - 9. | 38 | 50 | 142 | 119 | 207 | 327 - Moderately old. - 17. | 40 | 54 | 155 | 136 | 213 | 346 - 18. | 311 | 53 | 146 | 1211 | 204 | 3211 - 19. | 311 | 49 | 149 | 129 | 2010 | 335 - 20. | 40 | ... | 149 | 126 | 2010 | 339 - 21. | 41 | 53 | 145 | 1210 | 202 | 3211 - 22. | 43 | 56 | 144 | 126 | 200 | 328 - 23. | ... | ... | 148 | 126 | 1910 | 324 - 24. | ... | ... | ... | 1210 | 207 | ... - 25. | 47 | 56 | 146 | 127 | 2011 | 3310 - 26. | 40 | 54 | 164 | 144 | 2111 | 352 - 27. | ... | 51 | 155 | 139 | 216 | ... - ----+-------+-------+-------+-------+--------+------- - -2. The second, like the first, shall be explained by extracts:-- - - * * * * * - - _a._ Mrs. ----, a neighbour of Mr. M'Combie, was twice married, and - had issue by both husbands. The children of the first marriage were - five in number; by the second, three. One of these three, a daughter, - bears an unmistakeable resemblance to her mother's first husband. - What makes the likeness the more discernible is, that there was the - most marked difference, in their features and general appearance, - between the two husbands. - - * * * * * - - _b._ A young woman, residing in Edinburgh, and born of white - (Scottish) parents, but whose mother some time previous to her - marriage had a natural (Mulatto) child, by a negro-servant, in - Edinburgh, exhibits distinct traces of the negro. Dr. Simpson, - whose patient the young woman at one time was, has had no recent - opportunities of satisfying himself as to the precise extent to which - the negro character prevails in her features; but he recollects being - struck with the resemblance, and noticed particularly that the hair - had the qualities characteristic of the negro. - - * * * * * - - _c._ Mrs. ----, apparently perfectly free from scrofula, married a - man who died of phthisis; she had one child by him, which also died - of phthisis. She next married a person who was to all appearance - equally healthy as herself, and had two children by him, one of which - died of phthisis, the other of tubercular mesenteric disease--having, - at the same time, scrofulous ulceration of the under extremity. - -There are the elements of a theory here; especially if they be -taken along with certain phnomena, well-known to the breeders of -race-horses--the theory being, that the mixture of the _distinctive -characters_ of different divisions of mankind may be greater than -the intermixture itself. I give no opinion on the _data_. I merely -illustrate an ethnological question--one out of many. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[3] From the Greek word (#thos#) _ethos_ = _character_. - -[4] Called by Comte _Sociology_, a name half Latin and half Greek, and -consequently too barbarous to be used, if its use can be avoided. - -[5] Knox, Races of Men, pp. 73, 74. - -[6] On the Osteology of the Great Chimpanzee. By Professor Owen, in the -Philosophical Transactions. - -[7] Owen, Philosophical Transactions, Feb. 22, 1848. - -[8] From _protos_ = _first_, and _plastos_ = _formed_. - -[9] From the Greek _telos_ = _an end_. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - - Methods--the science one of observation and deduction rather than - experiment--classification--on mineralogical, on zoological - principles--the first for Anthropology, the second for Ethnology-- - value of Language as a test--instances of its loss--of its - retention--when it proves original relation, when intercourse--the - grammatical and glossarial tests--classifications must be - _real_--the distribution of Man--size of area--ethnological - contrasts in close geographical contact--discontinuity and - isolation of areas--oceanic migrations. - - -In the Natural History of Man we must keep almost exclusively to -the methods of deduction and observation; and in observation we are -limited to one sort only, _i. e._ that simple and spontaneous kind -where the object can be found if sought for, but cannot be artificially -produced. In other words, there is no great room for _experiment_. -The _corpus_ is not _vile_ enough for the purpose. Besides which, -"even if we suppose unlimited power of varying the experiment (which -is abstractedly possible), though no one but an oriental despot either -has the power, or if he had would be disposed to exercise it, a still -more essential condition is wanting--the power of performing any of the -experiments with scientific accuracy[10]." Experiment is nearly as much -out of place in Ethnology and Anthropology as it is in Astronomy. - -Psammetichus, to be sure, according to Herodotus, did as follows. He -took children of a poor man, put them in the charge of a shepherd who -was forbidden to speak in their presence, suckled them in a lone hut -through a she-goat, waited for the age at which boys begin to talk, -and then took down the first word they uttered. This was _bekos_, -which when it was shown to mean in the Phrygian language _bread_, the -Egyptians yielded the palm of antiquity to that rival. - -Now this was an ethnological experiment; but then Psammetichus _was_ -an oriental despot; and the instance itself is, probably, the only one -of its class--the only one, or nearly so--the only one which is a true -experiment; since in order to be such there must be a definite and -specific end or object in view. - -We know the tradition about Newton and the apple. This, if true, was -no experiment, but an observation. To have been the former, the tree -should have been shaken for the purpose of seeing the fruit descend. -There would then have been an end and aim--malice prepense, so to say. - -Hence the phnomena of the African slave-trade, of English emigration, -and of other similar elements for observation are no experiments; -since it has not been Science that either the slaver or the settler -ever thought about. Sugar or cotton, land or money, was what ran in -their heads. - -The revolting operation by which the jealous Oriental labours to secure -the integrity of his harem is in its end a scientific fact. It tells -how much the whole system sympathises with the mutilation of one of its -parts. But it is nothing for Science to either applaud or imitate. It -is repeated by the sensual Italian for the sake of ensuring fine voices -in the music-market; and Science is disgusted at its repetition. Even -if done in her own name, and for her own objects, it would still be but -an inhuman and intolerable form of zootomy. - -Still the trade in Africans, and the emigration of Englishmen are said -to partake of the nature of a scientific experiment, even without being -one. They are said to serve as such. So they do; yet not in the way -in which they are often interpreted. A European regiment is decimated -by being placed on the Gambia, or in Sierra Leone. The American -Anglo-Saxon is said to have lost the freshness of the European--to have -become brown in colour, and wiry in muscle. Perhaps he has. Yet what -does this prove? Merely the effect of _sudden_ changes; the results -of _distant_ transplantation; the imperfect character of those forms -of acclimatization which are not _gradual_. It was not in this way -that the world was originally peopled. New climates were approached -by degrees, step by step, by enlargement and extension of the -circumference of a previously acclimated family. Hence the experience -of the kind in question, valuable as it is in the way of Medical -Police, is comparatively worthless in a theory as to the Migrations -of Mankind. Take a man from Caucasus to the Gold Coast, and he either -dies or takes a fever. But would he do so if his previous sojourn had -been on the Gambia, his grandfather's on the Senegal, his ancestor's -in the tenth degree on the Nile, and that ancestor's ancestor's on the -Jordan--thus going back till we reached the first remote patriarch of -the migration on the Phasis? This is an experiment which no single -generation can either make or observe; yet less than this is no -experiment at all, no imitation of that particular operation of Nature -which we are so curious to investigate. - -What follows applies to Ethnology. The first result we get from our -observations is a _classification_, _i. e._ groups of individuals, -families, tribes, nations, sub-varieties, varieties, and (according -to some) of species connected by some common link, and united on some -common principle. There is no want of groups of this kind; and many -of them are so natural as to be unsusceptible of improvement. Yet -the nomenclature for their different divisions is undetermined, the -values of many of them uncertain, and, above all, the principle upon -which they are formed is by no means uniform. Whilst some investigators -classify mankind on _Zoological_, others do so on what may be called -_Mineralogical_, principles. This difference will be somewhat fully -illustrated. - -In Africa, as is well known, a great portion of the population is -black-skinned; and with this black skin other physical characteristics -are generally found in conjunction. Thus the hair is either crisp -or woolly, the nose depressed, and the lips thick. As we approach -Asia these criteria decrease; the Arab being fairer, better-featured -and straighter-haired than the Nubian, and the Persian more so than -the Arab. In Hindostan, however, the colour deepens; and by looking -amongst the most moist and alluvial parts of the southern peninsula -we find skins as dark as those of Africa, and hair crisp rather than -straight. Besides this, the fine oval contour and regular features of -the high-cast Hindus of the North become scarce, whilst the lips get -thick, the skin harsh, and the features coarse. - -Further on--we come to the great Peninsula which contains the Kingdoms -of Ava and Siam--the Indo-Chinese or Transgangetic Peninsula. In many -parts of this the population blackens again; and in the long narrow -peninsula of Malacca, a _large_ proportion of the older population -has been described as _blacks_. In the islands we find them again; so -much so that the Spanish authorities call them _Negritos_ or _Little -Negroes_. In New Guinea all is black; and in Australia and Van Diemen's -Land it is blacker still. In Australia the hair is generally straight; -but in the first and last-named countries it is frizzy, crisped, or -curling. This connects them with the Negroes of Africa; and their -colour does so still more. At any rate we talk of the Australian -_Blacks_, just as the Spaniards do of the Philippine _Negritos_. Moral -characteristics connect the Australian and the Negro, much in the same -manner as the physical ones. Both, as compared with the European, -are either really deficient in intellectual capacity, or (at least) -have played an unimportant part in the history of the world. Thus, -several populations have come under the class of _Blacks_. Is this -classification natural? - -It shall be illustrated further. On the extremities of each of the -quarters of the world, we find populations that in many respects -resemble each other. In Northern Asia and Europe, the Eskimo, Samoeid, -and Laplander, tolerant of the cold of the Arctic Circle, are all -characterized by a flatness of face, a lowness of stature, and a -breadth of head. In some cases the contrast between them and their -nearest neighbours to the south, in these respects, is remarkable. The -Norwegian who comes in contact with the Lap is strong and well-made; so -are many of the Red Indians who front the Eskimo. - -At the Cape of Good Hope something of the same sort appears. The -Hottentot of the southern extremity of Africa is undersized, -small-limbed, and broad-faced; so much so, that most writers, in -describing him, have said that, in his conformation, the Mongolian -type--to which the Eskimo belongs--Asiatic itself--re-appears in -Africa. And then his neighbour the Kaffre differs from him as the -Finlander does from the Lap. - -_Mutatis mutandis_, all this re-appears at Cape Horn; where the -Patagonian changes suddenly to the Fuegian. - -But we in Europe are favoured; our limbs are well-formed and our skin -fair. Be it so: yet there are writers who, seeing the extent to which -the islanders of the Pacific are favoured also, and noting the degree -to which European points of colour, size, and capacity for improvement, -real or supposed, re-appear at the Antipodes, have thrown the -Polynesian and the Englishman in one and the same class. - -And so, perhaps, he is, if we are to judge by certain characteristics: -if agreement in certain matters, wherein the intermediate populations -differ, form the grounds upon which we make our groups, the Fuegians, -Eskimo, and Hottentots form one class, and the Negroes and Australians -another. But are these classes natural? That depends upon the questions -to which the classification is subservient. If we wish to know how far -moisture and coolness freshen the complexion; how far moisture and heat -darken it; how far mountain altitudes affect the human frame; in other -words, how far common external conditions develope common habits and -common points of structure, nothing can be better than the groups in -question. - -But alter the problem: let us wish to know how certain areas were -peopled, what population gave origin to some other, how the Americans -reached America, whence the Britons came into England, or any -question connected with the migrations, affiliations, and origin of -the varieties of our species, and groups of this kind are valueless. -They tell us something--but not what we want to know: inasmuch as -our question now concerns blood, descent, pedigree, relationship. To -tell an inquirer who wishes to deduce one population from another -that certain distant tribes agree with the one under discussion in -certain points of resemblance, is as irrelevant as to tell a lawyer -in search of the next of kin to a client deceased, that though you -know of no relations, you can find a man who is the very picture -of him in person--a fact good enough in itself, but not to the -purpose; except (of course) so far as the likeness itself suggests a -relationship--which it may or may not do. - -Classes formed irrespective of descent are classes on the -_Mineralogical_, whilst classes formed with a view to the same are -classes on the _Zoological_, principle. Which is wanted in the -Natural History of Man? The first for _Anthropology_; the second for -_Ethnology_. - -But why the antagonism? Perhaps the two methods may coincide. The -possibility of this has been foreshadowed. The family likeness may, -perhaps, prove a family connexion. True: at the same time each case -must be tested on its own grounds. Hence, whether the African is to -be grouped with the Australian, or whether the two classes are to be -as far asunder in Ethnology as in Geography, depends upon the results -of the special investigation of that particular connexion--real or -supposed. It is sufficient to say that none of the instances quoted -exhibit any such relationship; though many a theory--as erroneous as -bold--has been started to account for it. - -It is for Ethnology, then, that classification is most wanted--more -than for Anthropology; even as it is for Zoology that we require orders -and genera rather than for Physiology. This is based upon certain -distinctive characters; some of which are of a physical, others of a -moral sort. Each falls into divisions. There are moral and intellectual -phnomena which prove nothing in the way of relationship, simply -because they are the effects of a common grade of civilizational -development. What would be easier than to group all the hunting, all -the piscatory, or all the pastoral tribes together, and to exclude from -these all who built cities, milked cows, sowed corn, or ploughed land? -Common conditions determine common habits. - -Again, much that seems at first glance definite, specific, and -characteristic, loses its value as a test of ethnological affinity, -when we examine the families in which it occurs. In distant countries, -and in tribes far separated, superstition takes a common form, and -creeds that arise independently of each other look as if they were -deduced from a common origin. All this makes the facts in what may be -called the Natural History of the Arts or of Religion easy to collect, -but difficult to appreciate; in many cases, indeed, we are taken up -into the rare and elevated atmosphere of metaphysics. What if different -modes of architecture, or sculpture, or varieties in the practice -of such useful arts as weaving and ship-building, be attributed to -the same principle that makes a sparrow's nest different from a -hawk's, or a honey-bee's from a hornet's? What if there be different -_instincts_ in human art, as there is in the nidification of birds? -Whatever may be the fact, it is clear that such a doctrine must modify -the interpretation of it. The clue to these complications--and they -form a Gordian knot which must be unravelled, and not cut--lies in -the cautious induction from what we know to what we do not; from the -undoubted differences admitted to exist within undoubtedly related -populations, to the greater ones which distinguish more distantly -connected groups. - -This has been sufficient to indicate the existence of certain moral -characters which are really no characters at all--at least in the way -of proving descent or affiliation; and that physical ones of the same -kind are equally numerous may be inferred from what has already been -written. - -It is these elements of uncertainty so profusely mixed up with almost -all the other classes of ethnological facts, that give such a high -value, as an instrument of investigation, to _Language_; inasmuch as, -although two different families of mankind may agree in having skins of -the same colour, or hair of the same texture, without, thereby, being -connected in the way of relationship, it is hard to conceive how they -could agree in calling the same objects by the same name, without a -community of origin, or else either direct or indirect intercourse. -Affiliation or intercourse--one of the two--this community of language -exhibits. One to the exclusion of the other it does _not_ exhibit. If -it did so, it would be of greater value than it is. Still it indicates -one of the two; and either fact is worth looking for. - -The value of language has been overrated; chiefly, of course, by -the philologists. And it has been undervalued. The anatomists and -archologists, and, above all, the zoologists, have done this. The -historian, too, has not known exactly how to appreciate it, when its -phnomena come in collision with the direct testimony of authorities; -the chief instrument in his own line of criticism. - -It is overrated when we make the affinities of speech between -two populations _absolute_ evidence of connection in the way of -relationship. It is overrated when we talk of _tongues being -immutable_, and of _languages never dying_. On the other hand, it -is unduly disparaged when an inch or two of difference in stature, -a difference in the taste in the fine arts, a modification in the -religious belief, or a disproportion in the influence upon the affairs -of the world, is set up as a mark of distinction between two tribes -speaking one and the same tongue, and alike in other matters. Now, -errors of each kind are common. - -The permanence of language as a sign of origin must be determined, -like every thing else of the same kind, by induction; and this tells -us that both the loss and retention of a native tongue are illustrated -by remarkable examples. It tells both ways. In St. Domingo we have -negroes speaking French; and this is a notable instance of the adoption -of a foreign tongue. But the circumstances were peculiar. _One_ tongue -was not changed for another; since no Negro language predominated. -The real fact was that of a _mixture of languages_--and this is next -to no language at all. Hence, when French became the language of the -Haytians, the usual obstacle of a previously existing common native -tongue, pertinaciously and patriotically retained, was wanting. It -superseded an indefinite and conflicting mass of Negro dialects, rather -than any particular Negro language. - -In the southern parts of Central America the ethnology is obscure, -especially for the Republics of San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa -Rica. Yet if we turn to Colonel Galindo's account of them, we find -the specific statement that aborigines still exist, and that their -language is the _Spanish_; not any native Indian dialect. As similar -assertions respecting the extinction and replacement of original -languages have frequently proved incorrect, let us assume this to be an -over-statement--though I have no definite grounds for considering it -one. Over-statement though it may be, it still shows the direction in -which things are going; and that is towards the supremacy of a European -tongue. - -On the confines of Asia and Europe there is the nation, tribe or family -of the Bashkirs. Their present tongue is the Turkish. It is believed, -however, that originally it was the mother-tongue of the Majiars of -Hungary. - -Again, the present Bulgarian is akin to the Russian. Originally, it was -a Turk dialect. - -Lastly--for I am illustrating, not exhausting, the subject--there -died, in the year 1770, at Karczag in Hungary, an old man named Varro; -the last man, in Europe, that knew even a few words of the language -of his nation. Yet this nation was and is a great one; no less a one -than that of the ancient Komanian Turks, some of whom invaded Europe -in the eleventh century, penetrated as far as Hungary, settled there -as conquerors, and retained their language till the death of this -same Varro. The rest of the nation remained in Asia; and the present -occupants of the parts between the Caspian and the Aral are their -descendants. Languages then may be lost; and one may be superseded by -another. - -The ancient Etruscans as a separate substantive nation are extinct: -so is their language, which we know to have been peculiar. Yet the -Etruscan blood still runs in the veins of the Florentine and other -Italians. - -On the other hand, the pertinacity with which language resists the -attempts to supersede it is of no common kind. Without going to -Siberia, or America, the great _habitats_ of the broken and fragmentary -families, we may find instances much nearer home! In the Isle of Man -the native Manks still remains; though dominant Norsemen and dominant -Anglo-Saxons have brought their great absorbent languages in collision -with it. In Malta, the labourers speak Arabic--with Italian, with -English, and with a Lingua Franca around them. - -In the western extremities of the Pyrenees, a language neither French -nor Spanish is spoken; and has been spoken for centuries--possibly -milleniums. It was once the speech of the southern half of France, and -of all Spain. This is the Basque of Biscay. - -In contact with the Turk on one side, and the Greek and the Slavonic on -the other, the Albanian of Albania still speaks his native Skipetar. - -A reasonable philologist makes similarity of language strong--very -strong--_prim facie_ evidence in favour of community of descent. - -When does it imply this, and when does it merely denote commercial -or social intercourse? We can measure the phnomena of languages and -exhibit the results numerically. Thus the _percentage_ of words common -to two languages may be 1, 2, 3, 4-98, 99, or any intermediate number. -But, now comes the application of a maxim. _Ponderanda non numeranda._ -We ask what _sort_ of words coincide, as well as _how many?_ When -the names of such objects as _fire_, _water_, _sun_, _moon_, _star_, -_hand_, _tooth_, _tongue_, _foot_, &c. agree, we draw an inference -very different from the one which arises out of the presence of such -words as _ennui_, _fashion_, _quadrille_, _violin_, &c. Common sense -distinguishes the words which are likely to be borrowed from one -language into another, from those which were originally common to the -two. - -There are a certain amount of French words in English, _i. e._ of words -borrowed from the French. I do not know the percentage, nor yet the -time required for their introduction; and, as I am illustrating the -subject, rather than seeking specific results, this is unimportant. -Prolong the time, and multiply the words; remembering that the former -can be done indefinitely. Or, instead of doing this, increase the -points of contact between the languages. What follows? We soon begin -to think of a familiar set of illustrations; some classical and some -vulgar--of the Delphic ship so often mended as to retain but an -equivocal identity; of the Highlander's knife, with its two new blades -and three new handles; of Sir John Cutler's silk-stockings degenerated -into worsted by darnings. We are brought to the edge of a new question. -We must tread slowly accordingly. - -In the English words call-_est_, call-_eth_ (call-_s_), and call-_ed_, -we have two parts; the first being the root itself, the second a sign -of _person_, or _tense_. The same is the case with the word father-_s_, -son-_s_, &c.; except that the _-s_ denotes _case_; and that it is -attached to a substantive, instead of a verb. Again, in wis-_er_ we -have the sign of a comparative; in wis-_est_ that of a superlative -degree. All these are _inflexions_. If we choose, we may call them -_inflexional_ elements; and it is convenient to do so; since we can -then analyse words and contrast the different parts of them: _e. g._ -in _call-s_ the _call-_ is radical, the _-s_ inflexional. - -Having become familiarized with this distinction, we may now take -a word of French or German origin--say _fashion_ or _waltz_. Each, -of course, is foreign. Nevertheless, when introduced into English, -it takes an English inflexion. Hence we say, _if I dress absurdly -it is fashion's fault_; also, _I am waltz_-ing, _I waltz_-ed, _he -waltz_-es--and so on. In these particular words, then, the inflexional -part has been English; even when the radical was foreign. This is -no isolated fact. On the contrary, it is sufficiently common to be -generalized so that the _grammatical_ part of language has been -accredited with a permanence which has been denied to the _glossarial_ -or _vocabular_. The one changes, the other is constant; the one is -immortal, the other fleeting; the one form, the other matter. - -Now it is imaginable that the glossarial and grammatical tests may -be at variance. They would be so if all our English verbs came to be -French, yet still retained their English inflexions in _-ed_, _-s_, -_-ing_, &c. They would be so if all the verbs were like _fashion_, -and all the substantives like _quadrille_. This is an extreme case. -Still, it illustrates the question. Certain Hindu languages are said -to have nine-tenths of the vocables common with a language called the -Sanskrit--but _none_ of their inflexions; the latter being chiefly -Tamul. What, then, is the language itself? This is a question which -divides philologists. It illustrates, however, the difference between -the two tests--the _grammatical_ and the _glossarial_. Of these, it is -safe to say that the former is the more constant. - -Yet the philological method of investigation requires caution. Over -and above the terms which one language borrows from another, and which -denote intercourse rather than affinity, there are two other classes of -little or no ethnological value. - -1. _Coincidences may be merely accidental._ The likelihood of their -being so is a part of the Doctrine of Chances. The mathematician may -investigate this: the philologist merely finds the _data_. Neither has -been done satisfactorily, though it was attempted by Dr. T. Young. - -2. _Coincidences may have an +organic+ connexion._ No one would say -that because two nations called the same bird by the name _cuckoo_, the -term had been borrowed by either one from the other, or by both from a -common source. The true reason would be plain enough. Two populations -gave a name on imitative principles, and imitated the same object. -_Son_ and _brother_, _sister_ and _daughter_--if these terms agree, -the chances are that a philological affinity is at the bottom of the -agreement. But does the same apply to _papa_ and _mama_, identical in -English, Carib, and perhaps twenty other tongues? No. They merely show -that the infants of different countries begin with the same sounds. - -Such--and each class is capable of great expansion--are the cases where -philology requires caution. Another matter now suggests itself. - -To be valid a classification must be _real_; not _nominal_ or -_verbal_--not a mere book-maker's arrangement. Families must be in -definite degrees of relationship. This, too, will bear illustration. A -man wants a relation to leave his money to: he is an Englishman, and -by relation means nothing more distant than a _third_ cousin. It is -nothing to him if, in Scotland, a _fifth_ cousinship is recognised. -He has not found the relation he wants; he has merely found a greater -amount of latitude given to the term. Few oversights have done more -harm than the neglect of this distinction. Twenty years ago the -Sanskrit, Sclavonic, Greek-and-Latin, and Gothic languages formed a -class. This class was called Indo-Germanic. Its western limits were -in Germany; its eastern in Hindostan. The Celtic of Wales, Cornwall, -Brittany, Ireland, Scotland, and the Isle of Man was not included in -it. Neither was it included in any other group. It was anywhere or -nowhere--in any degree of isolation. Dr. Prichard undertook to fix it. -He did so--well and successfully. He showed that, so far from being -isolated, it was connected with the Greek, German, and Sclavonic by -a connexion with the Sanskrit, or (changing the expression) with the -Sanskrit through the Sclavonic, German, and Greek--any or all. The -mother-tongue from which all these broke was supposed to be in Asia. -Dr. Prichard's work was entitled the 'Eastern Origin of the Celtic -Nations.' Did this make the Celtic Indo-Germanic? It was supposed to do -so. Nay, more--it altered the name of the class; which was now called, -as it has been since, Indo-European. Inconveniently. _A_ relationship -was mistaken for _the_ relationship. The previous tongues were (say) -second cousins. The Celtic was a fourth or fifth. What was the result? -Not that a new second cousin was found, but that the family circle was -enlarged. - -What follows? Dr. Prichard's fixation of the Celtic as a member of even -the same _clan_ with the German, &c. was an addition to ethnographical -philology that many inferior investigators strove to rival; and it -came to be current belief--acted on if not avowed--that tongues as -like the Celtic as the Celtic was to the German were Indo-European -also. This bid fair to inundate the class--to make it prove too -much--to render it no class at all. The Albanian, Basque, Etruscan, -Lap, and others followed. The outlier of the group once created -served as a nucleus for fresh accumulations. A strange language of -Caucasus--the Irn or Ossetic--was placed by Klaproth as Indo-Germanic; -and that upon reasonable grounds, considering the unsettled state -of criticism. Meanwhile, the Georgian, another tongue of those same -mysterious mountains, wants placing. It has undoubted Ossetic--or -Irn--affinities. But the Ossetic--or Irn--is Indo-European. So -therefore is the Georgian. This is a great feat; since the Caucasian -tongues and the Caucasian skulls now agree, both having their -affinities with Europe--as they ought to have. But what if both the -Irn and Georgian are half Chinese, or Tibetan, _i. e._ are all but -monosyllabic languages both in grammar and vocables? If such be the -case, the term 'Indo-European' wants revising; and not only that--the -principles on which terms are fixed and classes created want revising -also. At the same time, the 'Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations' -contains the most definite addition to philology that the present -century has produced; and the proper compliment to it is Mr. Garnett's -review of it in the 'Quarterly;' the first of a series of masterly -and unsurpassed specimens of inductive philology applied to the -investigation of the true nature of the inflexions of the Verb. But -this is episodical. - -The next instrument of ethnological criticism is to be found in the -phnomena themselves of the dispersion and distribution of our species. - -First as to its universality. In this respect we must look minutely -before we shall find places where Man is _not_. These, if we find -them at all, will come under one of two conditions; the climate will -be extreme, or the isolation excessive. For instances of the first we -take the Poles; and, as far as the Antarctic Circle is concerned, we -find no inhabitants in the ice-bound regions--few and far between--of -its neighbourhood; none south of 55 S. lat., or the extremity of -the Tierra del Fuego. This, however, _is_ peopled. We must remember, -however, that in the Southern Ocean such regions as New South Shetland -and Victoria Land are isolated as well as cold and frozen. - -The _North_ Pole, however, must be approached within 25 before we lose -sight of Man, or find him excluded from even a permanent habitation. -Spitzbergen is beyond the limits of human occupancy. Nova Zembla, -when first discovered, was also uninhabited. So was Iceland. Here, -however, it was the isolation of the _island_ that made it so. A hardy -stock of men, nearly related to ourselves, have occupied it since the -ninth century; and _continental_ Greenland is peopled as far as the -75th degree--though, perhaps, only as a summer residence. - -Far to the east of Nova Zembla and opposite to the country of the -Yukahiri--a hardy people on the rivers Kolyma and Indijirka, and -within the Arctic Circle--lies the island of New Siberia. I find from -Wrangell's Travels in Siberia that certain expatriated Yukahiri are -believed to have fled thither. Have they lived or died? Have they -reached the island? In case they have done so, and kept body and -soul together, New Siberia is probably the most northern spot of the -inhabited world. - -How _cold_ a country must be in order to remain empty of men, we have -seen. Such localities are but few. None are too _hot_--unless, indeed, -we believe the centre of Equatorial Africa to be a solitude. - -In South America there is a great blank in the Maps. For many degrees -on each side of the Upper Amazons lies a vast tract--said to be a -jungle--and marked _Sirionos_, the name of a frontier population. Yet -the _Sirionos_ are not, for one moment, supposed to fill up the vast -hiatus. At the same time, there are few, or none, besides. Is this -tract a drear unhumanized waste? It is said to be so--to be wet, woody, -and oppressively malarious. Yet, this merely means that there is a -forest and a swamp of a certain magnitude, and of a certain degree of -impenetrability. - -Other such areas are unexplored--yet we presume them to be occupied; -though ever so thinly: _e. g._ the interiors of New Guinea and -Australia. - -That Greenland was known to the early Icelanders is well known. And -that it was occupied when so first known is also certain. One of the -geographical localities mentioned in an old Saga has an Eskimo word -for one of its elements--_Utibuks-firth_ = _the firth of the isthmus_; -_Utibuk_ in Eskimo meaning _isthmus_. - -Of the islands originally uninhabited those which are, at one and the -same time, large and near continents are Madeira and Iceland--the -former being a lonely wood. The Canaries, though smaller and more -isolated, have been occupied by the remarkable family of the Guanches. -Add to these, Ascension, St. Helena, the Galapagos, Kerguelen's Island, -and a few others. - -Easter Island, a speck in the vast Pacific, and more than half way -between Asia and America, exhibited both inhabitants and ruins to its -first discoverers. - -Such is the _horizontal_ distribution of Man; _i.e._ his distribution -according to the degrees of latitude. What other animal has such a -range? What species? What genus or order? Contrast with this the -localized habitats of the Orang-utan, and the Chimpanzee as species; of -the Apes as genera; of the Marsupialia as orders. - -The _vertical_ distribution is as wide. By _vertical_ I mean elevation -above the level of the sea. On the high table-land of Pamer we have -the Kerghiz; summer visitants at least, where the _Yak_ alone, among -domesticated animals, lives and breathes in the rarefied atmosphere. -The town of Quito is more than 10,000 feet above the sea; Walcheren is, -perhaps, below the level of it. - -Who expects uniformity of physiognomy or frame with such a distribution? - -_The size of ethnological areas._--Comparatively speaking, Europe is -pretty equally divided amongst the European families. The Slavonic -populations of Bohemia, Silesia, Poland, Servia, and Russia may, -perhaps, have more than their due--still the French, Italians, -Spaniards, Portuguese, and Wallachians, all speaking languages of -classical origin, have their share; and so has our own Germanic -or Gothic family of English, Dutch, Frisians, Bavarians, and -Scandinavians. Nevertheless, there are a few families as limited in -geographical area as subordinate in political importance. There are -the Escaldunac, or Basques,--originally the occupants of all Spain and -half France, now pent up in a corner of the Pyrenees--the Welsh of the -Iberic Peninsula. There are, also, the Skipetar, or Albanians; wedged -in between Greece, Turkey, and Dalmatia. Nevertheless, the respective -areas of the European families are pretty equally distributed; and -the land of Europe is like a lottery wherein all the prizes are of an -appreciable value. - -The comparison with Asia verifies this. In immediate contact with the -vast Turkish population centred in Independent Tartary, but spread -over an area reaching, more or less continuously, from Africa to the -Icy Sea (an area larger than the whole of Europe), come the tribes -of Caucasus--Georgians, Circassians, Lesgians, Mizjeji, and Irn; -five well-defined groups, each falling into subordinate divisions, -and some of them into subdivisions. The language of Constantinople -is understood at the Lena. In the mountain range between the Caspian -and the Black Sea, the mutually unintelligible languages are at least -fifteen--perhaps more, certainly not fewer. Now, the extent of land -covered by the Turk family shows the size to which an ethnological -area may attain; whilst the multiplicity of mutually unintelligible -tongues of Caucasus shows how closely families may be packed. Their -geographical juxtaposition gives prominence to the contrast. - -At the first view, this contrast seems remarkable. So far from being -so, it is of continual occurrence. In China the language is one and -indivisible: on its south-western frontier the tongues are counted -by the dozen--just as if in Yorkshire there were but one provincial -dialect throughout; two in Lincolnshire; and twenty in Rutland. - -The same contrast re-appears in North America. In Canada and the -Northern States the Algonkin area is measured by the degrees of -latitude and longitude; in Louisiana and Alabama by the mile. - -The same in South America. One tongue--the Guarani--covers half the -continent. Elsewhere, a tenth part of it contains a score. - -The same in Southern Africa. From the Line to the neighbourhood of the -Cape all is Kaffre. Between the Gambia and the Gaboon there are more -than twenty different divisions. - -The same in the North. The Berbers reach from the Valley of the Nile to -the Canaries, and from the Mediterranean to the parts about Borneo. In -Borneo there are said to be thirty different languages. - -Such are areas in size, and in relation to each other; like the -bishoprics and curacies of our church, large and small, with a -difficulty in ascertaining the average. However, the simple epithets -_great_ and _small_ are suggestive; since the former implies an -_encroaching_, the latter a _receding_ population. - -A distribution over continents is one thing; a distribution over -islands another. The first is easiest made when the world is young and -when the previous occupants create no obstacles. The second implies -maritime skill and enterprise, and maritime skill improves with the -experience of mankind. One of the greatest facts of ethnological -distribution and dispersion belongs to this class. All the islands of -the Pacific are peopled by the members of one stock, or family--the -Polynesian. These we find as far north as the Sandwich Islands, as -far south as New Zealand, and in Easter Island half-way between Asia -and America. So much for the _dispersion_. But this is not all: the -_distribution_ is as remarkable. Madagascar is an African rather than -an Asiatic island; within easy sail of Africa; the exact island for -an African population. Yet, ethnologically, it is Asiatic--the same -family which we find in Sumatra, Borneo, the Moluccas, the Mariannes, -the Carolines, and Polynesia being Malagasi also. - -_Contrast between contiguous populations._--Ethnological resemblance -by no means coincides with geographical contiguity. The general -character of the circumpolar families of the Arctic Circle is that -of the Laplander, the Samoeid, and the Eskimo. Yet the zone of -population that encircles the inhospitable shores of the Polar Sea is -not exclusively either Lap or Samoeid--nor yet Eskimo. In Europe, the -Laplander finds a contrast on each side. There is the Norwegian on the -west; the Finlander on the east. We can explain this. The former is -but a recent occupant; not a natural, but an intruder. This we infer -from the southern distribution of the other members of his family--who -are Danish, German, Dutch, English, and American. For the same reason -the Icelander differs from the Greenlander. The Finlander, though more -closely allied to the Lap than the Norwegian--belonging to the same -great Ugrian family of mankind--is still a southern member of his -family; a family whose continuation extends to the Lower Volga, and -prolongations of which are found in Hungary. East of the Finlander, -the Russian displaces the typically circumpolar Samoeid; whilst at the -mouth of the Lena we have the Yakuts--Turk in blood, and tongue, and, -to a certain extent, in form also. - -In America the circumpolar population is generally Eskimo. Yet at -one point, we find even the verge of the Arctic shore occupied by a -population of tall, fine-looking athletes, six feet high, well-made, -and handsome in countenance. These are the Digothi Indians, called also -Loucheux. Their locality is the mouth of the M{c}Kenzie River; but -their language shows that their origin is further south--_i. e._ that -they are Koluches within the Eskimo area. - -In Southern Africa we have the Hottentot in geographical proximity -to the Kaffre, yet the contrast between the two is considerable. -Similar examples are numerous. What do they denote? Generally, but -not always, they denote encroachment and displacement; encroachment -which tells us which of the two families has been the stronger, and -displacement which has the following effect. It obliterates those -intermediate and transitional forms which connect varieties, and so -brings the more extreme cases of difference in geographical contact, -and in ethnological contrast; hence _encroachment_, _displacement_, and -the _obliteration of transitional forms_ are terms required for the -full application of the phnomena of distribution as an instrument of -ethnological criticism. - -_Continuity and isolation._--In Siberia there are two isolated -populations--the Yakuts on the Lower Lena, and the Soiot on the Upper -Yenesey. The former, as aforesaid, are Turk; but they are surrounded by -nations other than Turk. They are cut off from the rest of the stock. - -The Soiot in like manner are surrounded by strange populations. Their -true relations are the Samoeids of the Icy Sea; but between these two -branches of the stock there is a heterogeneous population of Turks and -Yeneseians--so-called. - -The great Iroquois family of America is separated into two parts--one -northern and one southern. Between these lie certain members of the -Algonkin class. Like the Soiot, and the Northern Samoeids, the two -branches of the Iroquois are separated. - -The Majiars of Hungary are wholly enclosed by non-Hungarian -populations; and their nearest kinsmen are the Voguls of the Uralian -Mountains, far to the north-east of Moscow. - -This shows that ethnological areas may be either uninterrupted or -interrupted; continuous or discontinuous; unbroken or with isolated -fragments; and a little consideration will show, that _wherever there -is isolation there has been displacement_. Whether the land has risen -or the sea encroached is another question. We know why the Majiars -stand separate from the other Ugrian nations. They intruded themselves -into Europe within the historical period, cutting their way with the -sword; and the parts between them and their next of kin were never more -Majiar than they are at the present moment. - -But we know no such thing concerning the Iroquois; and we infer -something quite the contrary. We believe that they once held all the -country that now separates their two branches, and a great deal more -beside. But the Algonkins encroached; partially dispossessing, and -partially leaving them in occupation. - -In either case, however, there has been _displacement_; and the -displacement is the inference from the _discontinuity_. - -But we must remember that true discontinuity can exist in _continents_ -only. The populations of two _islands_ may agree, whilst that of -a whole archipelago lying between them may differ. Yet this is no -discontinuity; since the sea is an unbroken chain, and the intervening -obstacle can be sailed round instead of crossed. The nearest way from -the continent of Asia to the Tahitian archipelago--the nearest part of -Polynesia--is _vi_ New Guinea, New Ireland, and the New Hebrides. All -these islands, however, are inhabited by a different division of the -Oceanic population. Does this indicate displacement? No! It merely -suggests the Philippines, the Pelews, the Carolines, the Ralik and -Radak groups, and the Navigators' Isles, as the route; and such it -almost certainly was. - - -FOOTNOTE - -[10] Mill (vol. ii.), speaking of the allied subject of the Moral -History of Man. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - - Details of distribution--their conventional character--convergence - from the circumference to the centre--Fuegians; Patagonian, Pampa, - and Chaco Indians--Peruvians--D'Orbigny's characters--other South - American Indians--of the Missions--of Guiana--of Venezuela-- - Guarani--Caribs--Central America--Mexican civilization no isolated - phnomenon--North American Indians--Eskimo--apparent objections to - their connection with the Americans and Asiatics--Tasmanians-- - Australians--Papus--Polynesians--Micronesians--Malagasi-- - Hottentots--Kaffres--Negroes--Berbers--Abyssinians--Copts--the - Semitic family--Primary and secondary migrations. - - -If the inhabited world were one large circular island; if its -population were admitted to have been diffused over its surface from -some single point; and if that single point were at one and the same -time unascertained and requiring investigation, what would be the -method of our inquiries? I suppose that both history and tradition are -silent, and that the absence of other _data_ of the same kind force us -upon the general probabilities of the case, and a large amount of _ -priori_ argument. - -We should ask what point would give us the existing phnomena with the -least amount of migration; and we should ask this upon the simple -principle of not multiplying causes unnecessarily. The answer would -be--_the centre_. From the centre we can people the parts about the -circumference without making any line of migration longer than half a -diameter; and without supposing any one out of such numerous lines to -be longer than the other. This last is the chief point--the point which -more especially fixes us to the centre as a hypothetical birth-place; -since, the moment we say that any part of the circumference was -reached by a shorter or longer line than any other, we make a specific -assertion, requiring specific arguments to support it. These may or may -not exist. Until, however, they have been brought forward, we apply -the rule _de non apparentibus_, &c., and keep to our conventional -and provisional point in the centre--remembering, of course, its -provisional and conventional character, and recognising its existence -only as long as the search for something more real and definite -continues. - -In the earth as it is, we can do something of the same kind; taking six -extreme points as our starting-places, and investigating the extent to -which they _converge_. These six points are the following:-- - - 1. Tierra del Fuego. - 2. Tasmania (Van Diemen's Land). - 3. Easter Island--the furthest extremity of Polynesia. - 4. The Cape of Good Hope, or the country of the Saabs (Hottentots). - 5. Lapland. - 6. Ireland. - -From these we work through America, Australia, Polynesia, Africa, -and Europe, to Asia--some part of which gives us our _conventional, -provisional, and hypothetical centre_. - -I. _From Tierra del Fuego to the north-eastern parts of Asia._--The -Fuegians of the island have so rarely been separated from the -Patagonians of the continent that there are no recognised elements -of uncertainty in this quarter, distant as it is. Maritime habits -connect them with their northern neighbours on the west; and that long -labyrinth of archipelagoes which runs up to the southern border of -Chili is equally Fuegian and Patagonian. Here we are reminded of the -habits of some of the Malay tribes, under a very different sky, and -amongst the islets about Sincapore--of the Bajows, or sea-gipsies, -boatmen whose home is on the water, and as unfixed as that element; -wanderers from one group to another; fishermen rather than traders; not -strong-handed enough to be pirates, and not industrious enough to be -cultivators. Such skill as the Fuegian shows at all, he shows in his -canoe, his paddles, his spears, his bow, his slings, and his domestic -architecture. All are rude--the bow-strings are made exclusively of -the sinews of animals, his arrows headed with stone. Of wood there is -little, and of metal less; and, low as is the latitude, the dress, or -undress, is said to make a nearer approach to absolute nakedness than -is to be found in many of the inter-tropical countries. - -In size they fall short of the continental Patagonians; in colour -and physical conformation they approach them very closely. The same -broad and flattened face occurs in both, reminding some writers of the -Eskimo, others of the Chinuk. Their language is certainly referable to -the Patagonian class, though, probably, unintelligible to a Patagonian. - -Within the island itself there are differences; degrees of discomfort; -and degrees in its effects upon the bodily frame. At the eastern -extremity[11] the population wore the skins of land-animals, and looked -like hunters rather than fishers and sealers. Otherwise, as a general -rule, the Fuegians are _boatmen_. - -Not so their nearest kinsmen. They are all horsemen; and in their more -northern localities the most formidable ones in the world--Patagonians -of considerable but exaggerated stature, Pampa Indians between Buenos -Ayres and the southern Andes, and, higher up, the Chaco Indians of -the water-system of the river Plata. To these must be added two other -families--one on the Pacific and one on the Atlantic--the Araucanians -of Chili, and the Charruas of the lower La Plata. - -Except in the impracticable heights of the Andes of Chili, and, as -suggested above, in the island of Tierra del Fuego, the same equestrian -habits characterize all these populations; and, one and all, the -same indomitable and savage independence. Of the Chaco Indians, the -Tonocote are partially settled, and imperfectly Christianized; but -the Abiponians--very Centaurs in their passionate equestrianism--the -Mbocobis, the Mataguayos, and others, are the dread of the Spaniards -at the present moment. The resistance of the Araucanians of Chili has -given an epic[12] to the country of their conquerors. - -Of the Charruas every man was a warrior; self-relying, strong, and -cruel; with his hand against the Spaniard, and with his hand against -the other aborigines. Many of these they exterminated, and, too proud -to enter into confederations, always fought single-handed. In 1831, the -President of Uraguay ordered their total destruction, and they were -cut down, root and branch; a few survivors only remaining. - -_Minus_ the Fuegians, this division is pre-eminently natural; yet -the Fuegians cannot be disconnected from it. As a proof of the -physical differences being small, I will add the description of a -naturalist--D'Orbigny--who separates them. They evidently lie within a -small compass. - -_a._ _Araucanian branch of the Ando-Peruvians._--Colour light olive; -form massive; trunk somewhat disproportionately long; face nearly -circular; nose short and flat; lips thin; physiognomy sombre, cold. - -_b._ _Pampa branch of the Pampa Indians._--Colour deep olive-brown, or -_maroon_; form Herculean; forehead vaulted; face large, flat, oblong; -nose short; nostrils large; mouth wide; lips large; eyes horizontal; -physiognomy cold, often savage. - -D'Orbigny is a writer by no means inclined to undervalue differences. -Nevertheless he places the _Peruvians_ and the Araucanians in the same -primary division. This shows that, if other characters connect them, -there is nothing very conclusive in the way of physiognomy against -their relationship. I think that certain other characters _do_ connect -them--language most especially. At the same time, there is no denying -important contrasts. The civilization of Peru has no analogue beyond -the Tropics; and if we are to consider this as a phnomenon _per se_, -as the result of an instinct as different from those of the Charrua -as the architectural impulses of the bee and the hornet, broad and -trenchant must be our lines of demarcation. Yet no such lines can be -drawn. Undoubted members of the Quichua stock of the Inca Peruvians -(architects and conquerors, as that particular branch was) are but -ordinary Indians--like the Aymaras. Nay, the modern Peruvians when -contrasted with their ancestors are in the same category. The present -occupants of the parts about Titicaca and Tiaguanaco wonder at the -ruins around them, and confess their inability to rival them just as a -modern Greek thinks of the Phidian Jupiter and despairs. Again, the gap -is accounted for--since most of those intervening populations which may -have exhibited transitional characters have become either extinct, or -denationalized. Between the Peruvians and Araucanians, the Atacamas and -Changos are the only remaining populations--under 10,000 in number, and -but little known. - -Nevertheless, an unequivocally allied population of the Peruvian stock -takes us from 28 S. lat. to the Equator. Its unity within itself is -undoubted; and its contrast with the next nearest families is no -greater than the displacements which have taken place around, and our -own ignorance in respect to parts in contact with it. - -Of all the populations of the world, the Peruvian is the most -_vertical_ in its direction. Its line is due north and south; its -breadth but narrow. The Pacific is at one side, and the Andes at the -other. One is well-nigh as definite a limit as the other. When we cross -the Cordilleras the Peruvian type has changed. - -The Peruvians lie between the Tropics. They cross the Equator. One of -their Republics--Ecuador--even takes its name from its meridian. But -they are also mountaineers; and, though their sun is that of Africa, -their soil is that of the Himalaya. Hence, their locality presents a -conflict, balance, or antagonism of climatologic influences; and the -degrees of altitude are opposed to those of latitude. - -Again, _their line of migration is at a right angle with their -Equatorial parallel_--that is, if we assume them to have come from -North America. The bearing of this is as follows:--The town of Quito -is about as far from Mexico due north, as it is from French Guiana due -west. Now if we suppose the line of migration to have reached Peru -from the latter country, the great-great-ancestors of the Peruvians -would be people as inter-tropical as themselves, and the influences -of climate would coincide with the influences of descent; whereas if -it were North America from which they originated, their ancestors of -a corresponding generation would represent the effect of a climate -twenty-five degrees further north--these, in their turn, being -descended from the occupants of the temperate, and they from those -of the frigid zone. The full import of the relation of the lines of -migration--real or hypothetical--to the degrees of latitude has yet to -be duly appreciated. To say that the latter go for nothing because the -inter-tropical Indian of South America is not as black as the negro, is -to compare things that resemble each other in one particular only. - -It is Peru where the ancient sepulchral remains have complicated -ethnology. The skulls from ancient burial-places are preternaturally -flattened. Consider this natural; and you have a fair reason for -the recognition of a fresh species of the genus _Homo_. But is it -legitimate to do so? I think not. That the practice of flattening the -head of infants was a custom once as rife and common in Peru as it is -in many other parts of both North and South America at the present day, -is well known. Then why not account for the ancient flattening thus? -I hold that the writers who hesitate to do this should undertake the -difficult task of proving a negative: otherwise they multiply causes -unnecessarily. - -Two stocks of vast magnitude take up so large a proportion of South -America, that though they are not in immediate geographical contact -with the Peruvians, they require to be mentioned next in order here. -They are mentioned now in order to enable us to treat of _other_ and -_smaller_ families. These two great stocks are the Guarani and the -Carib; whilst the classes immediately under notice are-- - -_The remaining South Americans who are neither Carib nor -Guarani._--This division is artificial; being based upon a negative -character; and it is geographical rather than ethnological. The first -branch of it is that which D'Orbigny calls _Antisian_, and which he -connects at once with the Peruvians Proper; both being members of that -primary division to which he referred the Araucanians--the Araucanians -being the third branch of the _Ando_-Peruvians; the two others -being the-- - -_a._ _Peruvian branch._--Colour deep olive-brown; form massive; trunk -long in proportion to the limbs; forehead retreating; nose aquiline; -mouth large; physiognomy sombre:--Aymara and Quichua Peruvians. - -_b._ _Antisian branch._--Colour varying from a deep olive to nearly -white; form not massive; forehead not retreating; physiognomy lively, -mild:--Yuracars, Moctns, Tacanas, Maropas, and Apolistas. - -The Yuracars, Moctns, Tacanas, Maropas, and Apolistas, are -_Antisien_; and their locality is the eastern slopes of the Andes[13], -between 15 and 18 S. lat. Here they dwell in a thickly wooded -country, full of mountain streams, and their corresponding valleys. One -portion of them at least is so much lighter-skinned than the Peruvians, -as to have taken its name from its colour--_Yurak-kare_ = _white man_. - -To the west of the Antisians lie the Indians of the _Missions_ of -Chiquito and Moxos, so called because they have been settled and -Christianized. The physical characters of these also are D'Orbigny's. -The division, however, he places in the same group with the Patagonians. - -_a._ _Chiquito branch._--Colour light olive; form moderately -robust; mouth moderate; lips thin; features delicate; physiognomy -lively:--Indians of the Mission of Chiquitos. - -_b._ _Moxos branch._--Form robust; lips thickish; eyes not _brids_; -physiognomy mild:--Indians of the Mission of Moxos. - -And now we are on the great water-system of the Amazons; with the -united effects of heat and moisture. They are not the same as in -Africa. There are no negroes here. The skin is in some cases yellow -rather than brown; in some it has a red tinge. The stature, too, is -low; not like that of the negro, tall and bulky. It is evident that -heat is not everything; and that it may have an inter-tropical amount -of intensity without necessarily affecting the colour beyond a certain -degree. As to differences between the physical conditions of Brazil and -Guiana on one side, and those of the countries we have been considering -on the other, they are important. The condition of both the soil and -climate determines to agriculture. This gives us a contrast to the -Pampa Indians; whilst, in respect to the Peruvians, there is no longer -the Andes with its concomitants; no longer the variety of climate -within the same latitude, the abundance of building materials, and the -absence of rivers. Boatmen, cultivators, and foresters--_i. e._ hunters -of the wood rather than of the open prairie--such are the families in -question. Into groups of _small_ classificational value they divide and -subdivide indefinitely more than the few investigators have suggested; -indeed, D'Orbigny throws them all into one class. - -The tribes of the Orinoco form the last section of Indians, which are -neither Guarani nor Caribs; and this brief notice of their existence -clears the ground for the somewhat fuller account of the next two -families. - -_The Guarani_ alone cover more land than all the other tribes between -the Amazons, the Andes, and the La Plata put together: but it is -not certain that their area is continuous. In the Bolivian province -of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, and in contact with the Indians of the -Missions and the Chaco, we find the Chiriguanos and Guarayos--and these -are Guarani. Then as far north as the equator, and as far as the river -Napo on the Peruvian frontier, we find the flat-head Omaguas, the -fluviatile mariners (so to say) of the Amazons; and these are Guarani -as well. - -The bulk, however, of the stock is Brazilian; indeed, _Brazilian_ and -_Guarani_ have been sometimes used as synonyms. There are, however, -other Guarani in Buenos Ayres; there are Guarani on the boundaries of -Guiana; and there are Guarani at the foot of the Andes. But amidst the -great sea of the Guarani populations, fragments of other families stand -out like islands; and this makes it likely that the family in question -has been aggressive and intrusive, has effected displacements, and has -superseded a number of transitional varieties. - -_The Caribs_ approach, without equalling, the Guarani, in the magnitude -of their area. This lies mostly in Guiana and Venezuela. The chief -population of Trinidad _is_, that of the Antilles _was_, Carib. The -Caribs, the Inca Peruvians, the Pampa horsemen, and the Fuegian boatmen -represent the four extremes of the South American populations. - -In some of the Brazilian tribes, the oblique eye of the Chinese and -Mongolians occurs. - -In order to show the extent to which a multiplicity of small -families may not only exist, but exist in the neighbourhood of great -ethnological areas, I will enumerate those tribes of the Missions, -Brazil, Guiana, and Venezuela, for which vocabularies have been -examined, and whereof the languages are believed, either from the -comparison of specimens, or on the strength of direct evidence, to be -mutually unintelligible; premising that differences are more likely -to be exaggerated than undervalued, and that the number of tribes not -known in respect to their languages is probably as great again as that -of the known ones. - -A. Between the Andes, the Missions, and the 15' and 17' S. L. come the -Yurakares; whose language is said to differ from that of the Moctns, -Tacana, and Apolistas, as much as these differ amongst themselves. - -B. In the Missions come--1. The Moxos. 2. The Movima. 3. The Cayuvava. -4. The Sapiboconi--these belonging to Moxos. In Chiquitos are--1. The -Covareca. 2. The Curuminaca. 3. The Curavi. 4. The Curucaneca. 5. The -Corabeca. 6. The Samucu. - -C. In Brazil, the tribes, other than Guarani, of which I have seen -vocabularies representing mutually unintelligible tongues, are-- - -1. The Botocudo, fiercest of cannibals. - -2. The Goitaca, known to the Portuguese as _Coroados_ or _Tonsured_. - -3. The Camacan with several dialects. - -4. The Kiriri and Sabuja. - -5. The Timbira. - -6. The Pareci, the predominant population of the Mata Grosso. - -7. The Mundrucu, on the southern bank of the Amazons between the rivers -Mauh and Tabajos. - -8. The Muru. - -9, 10, 11. The Yameo, Maina, and Chimano between the Madera and the -Ucayale. - -12. The Coretu, the only one out of forty tribes known to us by a -vocabulary, for the parts between the left bank of the Amazons and the -right of the Rio Negro. - -D. Of French, Spanish, and Dutch Guiana I know but little. Upon -_British_ Guiana a bright light has been thrown by the researches of -Sir R. Schomburgk. Here, besides numerous well-marked divisions of the -Carib group, we have-- - -1. The Warows, arboreal boatmen--boatmen because they occupy the Delta -of the Orinoco, and the low coast of Northern Guiana--and arboreal -because the floods drive them up into the trees for a lodging. In -physical form the Warows are like their neighbours; but their language -has been reduced to no class, and their peculiar habits place them in -strong contrast with most other South Americans. They are the Marshmen -of a country which is at once a delta and a forest. - -2. The Taruma. - -3. The Wapisiana, with the Atrai, Dari, and Amaripas as extinct, or -nearly extinct, sections of them--themselves only a population of four -hundred. - -E. Venezuela means the water-system of Orinoco, and here we have the -mutually unintelligible tongues of-- - -1. _The Salivi_, of which the Aturi are a division--the Aturi known -from Humboldt's description of their great sepulchral cavern on the -cataracts of the Orinoco; where more than six hundred bodies were -preserved in woven bags or baskets--some mummies, some skeletons, some -varnished with odoriferous resins, some painted with arnotto, some -bleached white, some naked. This custom re-appears in parts of Guiana. -The Salivi have undergone great displacement; since there is good -reason for believing that their language was once spoken in Trinidad. - -2. _The Maypures._ - -3. _The Achagua._ - -4. _The Yarura_, to which the _Betoi_ is allied; and possibly-- - -_The Ottomaka._--These are the _dirt-eaters_. They fill their stomach -with an unctuous clay, found in their country; and that, whether food -of a better sort be abundant or deficient. - -There is plenty of difference here; still where there is difference in -some points there is so often agreement in others that no very decided -difficulties are currently recognized as lying against the doctrine -of the South Americans being specifically connected. When such occur, -they are generally inferences from either the superior civilization -of the ancient Peruvians or from the peculiarity of their skulls. The -latter has been considered. The former seems to be nothing different -in kind from that of several other American families--the Muysca of -New Grenada, the Mexican, and the Maya further northwards. But this -may prove too much; since it may merely be a reason for isolating the -Mexicans, &c. Be it so. The question can stand over for the present. - -Something has now been seen of two classes of phnomena which will -appear and re-appear in the sequel--viz. the great difference in the -physical conditions of such areas as the Fuegian, the Pampa, the -Peruvian, and the Warows, and the contrast between the geographical -extension of such vast groups as the Guarani, and small families like -the Wapisiana, the Yurakares, and more than twenty others. - -There is a great gap between South and Central America: nor is it safe -to say that the line of the Andes (or the Isthmus of Darien) gives -the only line of migration. The islands that connect Florida and the -Caraccas must be remembered also. - -The natives of New Grenada are but imperfectly known. In Veragua a -few small tribes have been described. In Costa Rica there are still -Indians--but they speak, either wholly or generally, Spanish. The same -is, probably, the case in Nicaragua. The Moskito Indians are dashed -with both negro and white blood, and are Anglicized in respect to -their civilization--such as it is. Of the West Indian Islanders none -remain but the dark-coloured Caribs of St. Vincents. In Guatimala, -Peruvianism re-appears; and architectural remains testify an industrial -development--agriculture, and life in towns. The intertropical Andes -have an Art of their own; essentially the same in Mexico and Peru; -seen to the best advantage in those two countries, yet by no means -wanting in the intermediate districts; remarkable in many respects, -but not more remarkable than the existence of three climates under one -degree of latitude. - -Mexico, like Peru, has been isolated--and that on the same principle. -Yet the gyptians of the New World cannot be shown to have exclusively -belonged to any one branch of its population. In Guatimala and -Yucatan--where the ruins are not inferior to those of the Astek[14] -country--the language is the Maya, and it is as unreasonable to suppose -that the Asteks built these, as to attribute the Astek ruins to Mayas. -It is an illegitimate assumption to argue that, because certain -buildings were contained within the empire of Montezuma, they were -therefore Astek in origin or design. More than twenty other nations -occupied that vast kingdom; and in most parts of it, _where stone is -abundant_, we find architectural remains. - -Architecture, cities, and the consolidation of empire which they -determine, keep along the line of the Andes. They also stand in an -evident _ratio_ to the agricultural conditions of the soil and -climate. The Chaco and Pampa habits which stood so much in contrast -with the industrial civilization of Peru, and so coincided with the -open prairie character of the country, re-appear in Texas. They -increase in the great valley of the Mississippi. Nevertheless the -Indians of Florida, the Carolinas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, and -the old _forests_ were partially agricultural. They were also capable -of political consolidation. Powhattan, in Virginia, ruled over kings -and sub-kings even as Montezuma did. Picture-writing--so-called--of -which much has been said as a Mexican characteristic, is being found -every day to be commoner and commoner amongst the Indians of the United -States and Canada. - -In an alluvial soil the barrow replaces the pyramid. The vast -sepulchral mounds of the Valley of the Mississippi are the subjects of -one of the valuable works[15] of the present time. - -The Natchez, known to the novelist from the romance of Chateaubriand, -are known to the ethnologist as pre-eminent amongst the Indians of -the Mississippi for their Mexican characteristics. They flattened the -head, worshiped the sun, kept up an undying fire, recognized a system -of caste, and sacrificed human victims. Yet to identify them with -the Asteks, to assume even any extraordinary intercourse, would be -unsafe. Their traditions, indeed, suggest the idea of a migration; -but their language contradicts their traditions. They are simply what -the other natives of Florida were. I see in the accounts of the early -Appalachians little but Mexicans and Peruvians _minus_ their metals, -and gems, and mountains. - -The other generalities of North America are those of Brazil, Peru, -and Patagonia repeated. The Algonkins have an area like the Guarani, -their coast-line only extending from Labrador to Cape Hatteras. The -Iroquois of New York and the Carolinas--a broken and discontinuous -population--indicate encroachment and displacement; they once, however, -covered perhaps as much space as the Caribs. The Sioux represent the -Chaco and Pampa tribes. Their country is a hunting-ground, with its -relations to the northern Tropic and the Arctic Circle, precisely those -of the Chaco and Pampas to the Southern and Antarctic. - -The western side of the Rocky Mountains is more Mexican than the -eastern; just as Chili is more Peruvian than Brazil. - -I believe that if the Pacific coast of America had been the one -first discovered and fullest described, so that Russian America, -New Caledonia, Queen Charlotte's Archipelago, and Nutka Sound, had -been as well known as we know Canada and New Brunswick, there would -never have been any doubts or difficulties as to the origin of the -so-called Red Indians of the New World; and no one would ever have -speculated about Africans finding their way to Brazil, or Polynesians -to California. The common-sense _prim facie_ view would have been -admitted at once, instead of being partially refined on and partially -abandoned. North-eastern Asia would have passed for the fatherland -to North-western America, and instead of Chinese and Japanese -characteristics creating wonder when discovered in Mexico and Peru, -the only wonder would have been in the rarity of the occurrence. -But geographical discovery came from another quarter, and as it was -the Indians of the Atlantic whose history first served as food for -speculation, the most natural view of the origin of the American -population was the last to be adopted--perhaps it has still to be -recognized. - -The reason for all this lies in the following fact. The Eskimo, who -form the only family common to the Old and the New World, stand in a -remarkable contrast to the unequivocal and admitted American aborigines -of Labrador, Newfoundland, Canada, the New England States, New York, -and the other well-known Indians in general. Size, manners, physical -conformation, and language, all help to separate the two stocks. But -this contrast extends only to the parts _east_ of the Rocky Mountains. -On the west of them there is no such abruptness, no such definitude, -no such trenchant lines of demarcation. The Athabascan dialects of New -Caledonia and Russian America are notably interspersed with Eskimo -words, and _vice vers_. So is the Kolch tongue of the parts about -New Archangel. As for a remarkable dialect called the Ugalents (or -Ugyalyackhmutsi) spoken by a few families about Mount St. Elias, it -is truly transitional in character. Besides this, what applies to the -languages applies to the other characteristics as well. - -The lines of separation between the Eskimo and the non-Eskimo Americans -are as faint on the Pacific, as they are strong on the Atlantic side of -the continent. - -What accounts for this? The phnomenon is by no means rare. The -Laplander, strongly contrasted with the Norwegian on the west, -graduates into the Finlander on the east. The relation of the Hottentot -to the Kaffre has been already noticed. So has the hypothesis -that explains it. One stock has encroached upon another, and the -transitional forms have been displaced. In the particular case before -us, the encroaching tribes of the Algonkin class have pressed upon the -Eskimo from the south; and just as the present Norwegians and Swedes -now occupy the country of a family which was originally akin to the -Laps of Lapland (but with more southern characters), the Micmacs and -other Red Men have superseded the southerly and transitional Eskimo. -Meanwhile, in North-_western_ America no such displacement has taken -place. The families still stand _in situ_; and the phnomena of -transition have escaped obliteration. - -Just as the Eskimo graduate in the American Indian, so do they pass -into the populations of North-eastern Asia--language being the -instrument which the present writer has more especially employed in -their affiliation. From the Peninsula of Aliaska to the Aleutian chain -of islands, and from the Aleutian chain to Kamskatka is the probable -course of the migration from Asia to America--traced backwards, _i.e._ -from the goal to the starting-point, from the circumference to the -centre. - -Then come two conflicting lines. The Aleutians may have been either -Kamskadales or Curile Islanders. In either language there is a -sufficiency of vocables to justify either notion. But this is a mere -point of minute ethnology when compared with the broader one which has -just preceded it. The Japanese and Corean populations are so truly -of the same class with the Curile islanders, and the Koriaks to the -north of the sea of the Okhotsk are so truly Kamskadale, that we may -now consider ourselves as having approached our conventional centre -so closely as to be at liberty to leave the parts in question for the -consideration of another portion of the circumference--another extreme -point of divergence. - -II. _From Van Diemen's Land to the South-Eastern parts of Asia._--The -aborigines of Van Diemen's Land, conveniently called Tasmanians, have a -fair claim, when considered by themselves, to be looked upon as members -of a separate species. The Australians are on a level low enough to -satisfy the most exaggerated painters of a _state of nature_; but the -Tasmanians are, apparently, lower still. Of this family but a few -families remain--occupants of Flinders' Island, whither they have been -removed by the Van Diemen's Land Government. And here they decrease; -but whether from want of room or from intermarriage is doubtful. The -effects of neither have been fairly investigated. From the Australians -they differ in the texture of their hair--the leading diagnostic -character. The Tasmanian is shock-headed, with curled, _frizzy_, matted -and greased locks. None of their dialects are intelligible to any -Australian, and the commercial intercourse between the two islands -seems to have been little or none. Short specimens of four mutually -unintelligible dialects are all that I have had the opportunity of -comparing. They belong to the same class with those of Australia, New -Guinea, and the Papua islands; and this is all that can safely be said -about them. - -It is an open question whether the Tasmanians reached Van Diemen's Land -from South Australia, from Timor, or from New Caledonia--the line of -migration having, in this latter case, wound _round_ Australia, instead -of stretching _across_ it. Certain points of resemblance between the -New Caledonian and Tasmanian dialects suggest this refinement upon the -_prim facie_ doctrine of an Australian origin; and the texture of the -hair, as far as it proves anything, goes the same way. - -Australia is radically and fundamentally the occupancy of a single -stock; the greatest sign of difference between its numerous tribes -being that of language. Now this is but a repetition of the -philological phnomena of America. The blacker and ruder population -of Timor represents the great-great ancestors of the Australians; and -it was from Timor that Australia was, apparently, peopled. I feel -but little doubt on the subject. Timor itself is connected with the -Malayan peninsula by a line of dark-coloured, rude, and fragmentary -populations, to be found in Ombay and Floris at the present moment, -and inferred to have existed in Java and Sumatra before the development -of the peculiar and encroaching civilization of the Mahometan Malays. - -It is in the Malayan peninsula that another line of migration -terminates. From New Caledonia to New Guinea a long line of -islands--Tanna, Mallicollo, Solomon's Isles, &c.--is occupied by a -dark-skinned population of rude Papuas, with Tasmanian rather than -Australian hair, _i.e._ with hair which is frizzy, crisp, curled, or -mop-headed, rather than straight, lank, or only wavy. This comes from -New Guinea; New Guinea itself comes from the Eastern Moluccas; _i.e._ -from their darker populations. These are of the same origin with those -of Timor; though the lines of migration are remarkably distinct. One is -from the Moluccas to New Caledonia _vi_ New Guinea; the other is _vi_ -Timor to Australia. - -Both these migrations were early; earlier than the occupancy of -Polynesia. The previous occupancy of Australia and New Guinea proves -this; and the greater differences between the different sections of the -two populations do the same. - -III. _From Easter Island to the South-Eastern parts of Asia._--The -northern, southern, and eastern extremities of Polynesia are the -Sandwich Islands, New Zealand, and Easter Island respectively. These -took their occupants from different islands of the great group to which -they belong; of which the Navigators' Islands were, probably, the first -to be peopled. The Radack, Ralik, Caroline, and Pelew groups connect -this group with either the Philippines or the Moluccas; and when we -reach these, we arrive at the point where the Papuan and Polynesian -lines diverge. Just as the Papuan line overlapped or wound round -Australia, so do the Micronesians and Polynesians form a circuit round -the whole Papuan area. - -As the languages, both of Polynesia and Micronesia, differ from each -other far less than those of New Guinea, the Papuan Islands, and -Australia, the separation from the parent stock is later. It is, most -probably, through the Philippines that this third line converges -towards the original and continental source of all three. This is the -south-eastern portion of the Asiatic Continent, or the Indo-Chinese -Peninsula. - -The Malay of the Malayan Peninsula is an _inflected_ tongue as opposed -to the Siamese of Siam, which belongs to the same class as the Chinese, -and is monosyllabic. This gives us a convenient point to stop at. - -In like manner the Corean and Japanese tongues, with which we broke off -the American line of migration, were polysyllabic; though the Chinese, -with which they came in geographical contact, was monosyllabic. - -The most remarkable fact connected with the Oceanic stock is the -presence of a certain number of Malay and Polynesian words in the -language of an island so distant as Madagascar; an island not only -_distant from_ the Malayan Peninsula, but _near to_ the Mozambique -coast of Africa--an ethnological area widely different from the Malay. - -Whatever may be the inference from this fact--and it is one upon -which many very conflicting opinions have been founded--its reality -is undoubted. It is admitted by Mr. Crawfurd, the writer above all -others who is indisposed to admit the Oceanic origin of the Malagasi, -and it is accounted for as follows:--"A navigation of 3000 miles of -open sea lies between them[16], and a strong trade-wind prevails in -the greater part of it. A voyage from the Indian Islands to Madagascar -is possible, even in the rude state of Malayan navigation; but return -would be wholly impossible. Commerce, conquests, or colonization, are, -consequently, utterly out of the question, as means of conveying any -portion of the Malayan language to Madagascar. There remains, then, but -one way in which this could have taken place--the fortuitous arrival -on the shores of Madagascar of tempest-driven Malayan _praus_. The -south-east monsoon, which is but a continuation of the south-east -trade-wind, prevails from the tenth degree of south latitude to the -equator, its greatest force being felt in the Java Sea, and its -influence embracing the western half of the island of Sumatra. This -wind blows from April to October, and an easterly gale during this -period might drive a vessel off the shores of Sumatra or Java, so as -to make it impossible to regain them. In such a situation she would -have no resource but putting before the wind, and making for the first -land that chance might direct her to; and that first land would be -Madagascar. With a fair wind and a stiff breeze, which she would be -sure of, she might reach that island, without difficulty, in a month. -* * * The occasional arrival in Madagascar of a shipwrecked _prau_ -might not, indeed, be sufficient to account for even the small portion -of Malayan found in the Malagasi; but it is offering no violence to -the manners or history of the Malay people, to imagine the probability -of a piratical fleet, or a fleet carrying one of those migrations of -which there are examples on record, being tempest-driven, like a single -_prau_. Such a fleet, well equipped, well stocked, and well manned, -would not only be fitted for the long and perilous voyage, but reach -Madagascar in a better condition than a fishing or trading boat. It may -seem, then, not an improbable supposition, that it was through one or -more fortuitous adventures of this description, that the language of -Madagascar received its influx of Malayan." - -As a supplement to the remarks of Mr. Crawfurd, I add the following -account from Mr. M. Martin:--"Many instances have occurred of the -slaves in Mauritius seizing on a canoe, or boat, at night-time, and -with a calabash of water and a few manioc, or Cassada roots, pushing -out to sea and endeavouring to reach across to Madagascar or Africa, -through the pathless and stormy ocean. Of course they generally perish, -but some succeed. We picked up a frail canoe within about a hundred -miles of the coast of Africa; it contained five runaway slaves, one -dying in the bottom of the canoe, and the others nearly exhausted. -They had fled from a harsh French master at the Seychelles, committed -themselves to the deep without compass or guide, with a small quantity -of water and rice, and trusting to their fishing-lines for support. -Steering by the stars, they had nearly reached the coast from which -they had been kidnapped, when nature sank exhausted, and we were just -in time to save four of their lives. So long as the wanderers in search -of home were able to do so, the days were numbered by notches on the -side of the canoe, and twenty-one were thus marked when met with by our -vessel." - -These extracts have been given for the sake of throwing light upon the -most remarkable Oceanic migration known--for migration there must have -been, even if it were so partial as Mr. Crawfurd makes it; migration -which may make the present Malagasi Oceanic or not, according to the -state in which they found the island at their arrival. If it were -already peopled, the passage across the great Indian Ocean is just -as remarkable as if it were, till then, untrodden by a human foot. -The only additional wonder in this latter case would be the contrast -between the Africans who missed an island so near, and the Malays who -discovered one so distant. - -Individually, I differ from Mr. Crawfurd in respect to the actual -differences between the Malay and the Malagasi, with the hesitation and -respect due to his known acquirements in the former of these languages; -but I differ more and more unhesitatingly from him in the valuation of -them as signs of ethnological separation; believing, not only that the -two languages are essentially of the same family, but that the descent, -blood, or pedigree of the Malagasi is as Oceanic as their language. - -IV. _From the Cape of Good Hope to the South-western parts of -Asia._--The Hottentots of the Cape have a better claim than any other -members of the human kind to be considered as a separate species. -Characteristics apparently differential occur on all sides. Morally, -the Hottentots are rude; physically, they are undersized and weak. In -all the points wherein the Eskimo differs from the Algonkin, or the Lap -from the Fin, the Hottentot recedes from the Kaffre. Yet the Kaffre is -his nearest neighbour. To the ordinary distinctions, steatomata on the -nates and peculiarities in the reproductive organs have been superadded. - -Nevertheless, a very scanty collation gives the following philological -similarities; the Hottentot dialects[17] being taken on the one side -and the other African languages[18] on the other. I leave it to the -reader to pronounce upon the import of the table; adding only the -decided expression of my own belief that the coincidences in question -are too numerous to be accidental, too little onomatopoeic to be -organic, and too widely as well as too irregularly distributed to be -explained by the assumption of intercourse or intermixture. - - _English_ sun. - Saab _t'koara._ - Hottentot _sorre._ - Corana _sorob._ - Agow _quorah._ - Somauli _ghurrah._ - Kru _guiro._ - Kanga _jiro._ - Wawn _jirri._ - - _English_ tongue. - Corana _tamma._ - Bushman _t'inn._ - Fertit _timi._ - - _English_ neck. - Bushman _t'kau._ - Darfur _kiu._ - - _English_ hand. - Corana _t'koam._ - Shilluck _kiam._ - - _English_ tree. - Corana _peikoa._ - Bushman _t'hauki._ - Shilluck _yuke._ - - _English_ mountain. - Corana _teub._ - Falasha _duba._ - - _English_ ear. - Corana _t'naum._ - Bullom _naimu._ - - _English_ star. - Corana _kambrokoa._ - Kossa _rumbereki._ - - _English_ bird. - Bushman _t'kanni._ - Mandingo _kuno._ - - _English_ sleep. - Corana _t'kchom._ - Bushman _t'koing._ - Susu _kima._ - Howssa _kuana._ - - _English_ fire. - Corana _taib._ - Congo _tubia._ - Somauli _dub._ - Bushman _t'jih._ - Fot _diu._ - Ashantee _ojia._ - - _English_ neck. - Bushman _t'kau._ - Makua _tchico._ - - _English_ die. - Corana _t'koo._ - Bushman _tkuki._ - Makua _ocoa = dead._ - - _English_ good. - Corana _t'kain._ - Bushman _teteini._ - Makua _oni-touny._ - - _English_ foot. - Corana _t'nah._ - Hottentot _t'noah._ - Makua _nyahai._ - - _English_ drink. - Corana _t'kchaa._ - Howssa _sha._ - - _English_ star. - Bushman _tkoaati._ - Bagnon _hoquooud._ - Fulah _kode._ - - _English_ child. - Corana _t'kob._ - Bushman _t'katkoang._ - Bagnon _colden._ - Timmani _kalent._ - Bullom _tshant._ - - _English_ tree. - Bushman _t'huh._ - Seracol, &c. _ite._ - - _English_ foot. - Corana _t'keib._ - Bushman _t'koah._ - Sereres _akiaf._ - Waag Agau _tsab._ - -Unless we suppose Southern Africa to have been the cradle of the human -species, the population of the Cape must have been an extension of -that of the Southern Tropic, and the Tropical family itself have been -originally Equatorial. What does this imply? Even this--that those -streams of population upon which the soil, climate, and other physical -influences of South Africa acted, had themselves been acted on by the -intertropical and equatorial influences of the Negro countries. Hence -the human stock upon which the physical conditions had to act, was -as peculiar as those conditions themselves. It was not in the same -predicament with the intertropical South Americans. Between these -and the hypothetical centre in Asia there was the Arctic Circle and -the Polar latitudes--influences that in some portion of the line of -migration must have acted on their ancestors' ancestors. - -It was nearer the condition of the Australians. Yet the equatorial -portion of the line of migration of these latter had been very -different from that of the Kaffres and the Hottentots. It was narrow -in extent, and lay in fertile islands, cooled by the breezes and -evaporation of the ocean, rather than across the arid table-land of -Central Africa--the parts between the Gulf of Guinea and the mouth of -the river Juba. - -Between the Hottentots and their next neighbours to the north there -are many points of difference. Admitting these to a certain extent, I -explain them by the assumption of encroachment, displacement, and the -abolition of those intermediate and transitional tribes which connected -the northern Hottentots with the southern Kaffres. - -And here I must remark, that the displacement itself is no assumption -at all, but an historical fact; since within the last few centuries -the Amakosa Kaffres alone have extended themselves at the expense of -different Hottentot tribes, from the parts about Port Natal to the -head-waters of the Orange River. - -It is only the transitional character of the annihilated populations -that is an assumption. I believe it--of course--to be a legitimate one; -otherwise it would not have been made. - -On the other hand I consider it illegitimate to assume, without -inquiry, so broad and fundamental a distinction between the two stocks -as to attribute all points of similarity to intercourse only--none to -original affinity. Yet this is done largely. The Hottentot language -contains a sound which I believe to be an _in_-aspirated _h_, _i. e._ -a sound of _h_ formed by _drawing in_ the breath, rather than by -_forcing it out_--as is done by the rest of the world. This is called -the _click_. It is a truly inarticulate sound; and as the common _h_ -is found in the language as well, the Hottentot speech presents the -remarkable phenomenon of _two_ inarticulate sounds, or two sounds -common to man and the lower animals. As a point of anthropology this -may be of value: in ethnology it has probably been misinterpreted. - -It is found in _one_ Kaffre dialect. What are the inferences? That it -has been adopted from the Hottentot by the Kaffre; just as a Kaffre gun -has been adopted from the Europeans. This is one of them. - -The other is that the sound in question is less unique, less -characteristic, and less exclusively Hottentot than was previously -believed. - -Now this is certainly not one whit less legitimate than the former; yet -the former is the commoner notion. Perhaps it is because it flatters -us with a fresh fact, instead of chastening us by the correction of an -over-hasty generalization. - -Again--the root _t-k_ (as in _tixo_, _tixme_, _utiko_) is at once -Hottentot and Kaffre. It means either a Deity or an epithet appropriate -to a Deity. Surely the doctrine that the Kaffres have simply borrowed -part of their theological vocabulary from the Hottentots is neither the -only nor the most logical inference here. - -The Kaffre area is so large that it extends on both sides of Africa to -the equator; and the contrast which it supplies when compared with the -small one of the Hottentots is a repetition of the contrasts already -noticed in America. - -The peculiarities of the Kaffre stock are fully sufficient to justify -care and consideration before we place them in the same class either -with the true Negros, or with the Gallas, Nubians, Agows, and other -Africans of the water-system of the Nile. Yet they are by no means -of that broad and trenchant kind which many have fancied them. The -undoubted Kaffre character of the languages of Angola, Loango, the -Gaboon, the Mozambique and Zanzibar coasts is a fact which must run -through all our criticism. If so, it condemns all those extreme -inferences which are drawn from the equally undoubted peculiarities -of the Kaffres of the Cape. And why? Because these last are extreme -forms; extreme, rather than either typical, or--what is more -important--transitional. - -Let us, however, look to them. What find we then? Until the -philological evidence in favour of the community of origin of the -intertropical Africans of Congo on the west, and of Inhambame, Sofala, -the Mozambique, &c. on the east, was known, no one spoke of the natives -in any of those countries as being anything else but Negro, or thought -of enlarging upon such differences as are now found between them and -the typical Black. - -Even in respect to the languages, there are transitional dialects in -abundance. In Mrs. Kilham's tables of 31 African languages, the last -is a _Kongo_ vocabulary, all the rest being Negro. Now this Kongo -vocabulary, which is truly Kaffre, differs from the rest so little -more than the rest do from each other, that when I first saw the list, -being then strongly prepossessed by the opinion that the Kaffre stock -of tongues was, to a great extent, a stock _per se_, I could scarcely -believe that the true Kongo and Kaffre language was represented; so I -satisfied myself that it was so, by a collation with other undoubted -vocabularies, before I admitted the inference. And this is only one -fact out of many[19]. - -Again--the Negros themselves are referable to an extreme rather than -a normal type; and so far are they from being co-extensive with the -_Africans_, that it is almost exclusively along the valleys of rivers -that they are to be found. There are none in the extra-tropical parts -of Northern, none in the corresponding parts of Southern Africa; and -but few on the table-lands of even the two sides of the equator. Their -areas, indeed, are scanty and small; one lies on the Upper Nile, one -on the Lower Gambia and Senegal, one on the Lower Niger, and the last -along the western coast, where the smaller rivers that originate in the -Kong Mountains form hot and moist alluvial tracts. - -From whatever other Africans the Negros are to be separated, they are -not to be disconnected from the Kaffres, the chief points of contact -and transition being the parts about the Gaboon. - -Neither are the Kaffres to be too trenchantly cut off from the -remarkable families of the Sahara, the range of Atlas, and the coasts -of the Mediterranean--families which it is convenient to take next in -order; not because this is the sequence which most closely suits either -their geography or their ethnology, but because the criticism which -has lately been applied to them best helps us in the criticism of the -present affiliations. - -On the confines of Egypt, in the oasis of Siwah, we find the most -eastern members of the great Berber, Amazirgh, or Kabyle family; and -we find them as far west as the Canary Isles, of which they were the -occupants as long as a native population occupied them at all. Members -of the same stock were the ancient subjects of Jugurtha, Syphax, and -Masinissa. Mr. Francis Newman, who has paid more attention to the -speech of the Berber tribes than any Englishman (perhaps than any -European), has shown that it deserves the new and convenient name of -_Sub_-Semitic--a term to be enlarged on. - -Let us take a language in its first state of inflection, when passing -from the monosyllabic form of the Chinese and its allied tongues, it -just begins to incorporate with its hitherto unmodified nouns and -verbs, certain prepositions denoting _relation_, certain adverbs -denoting _time_, and certain pronouns of person or possession; by means -of all which it gets equivalents to the cases, tenses and persons of -the more advanced forms of speech. - -This is the germ of Conjugation and Declension; of the Accidents -of Grammar. Let us, however, go farther. Over and above the simple -juxtaposition and incipient incorporation of these previously separable -and independent particles, let there be certain internal ones; those, -for instance, which convert the English Present Tenses _fall_ and -_speak_ into the Preterites _fell_ and _spoke_--or something of the -same sort. - -Farther still. Let such changes of _accent_ as occur when we form -an adjective like _tyrnnical_, from a substantive like _trant_, be -superadded. - -The union of such processes as these will undoubtedly stamp a -remarkable character upon the language in which they appear. - -But what if they go farther? or what, if without actually going -farther, the tongues which they characterize find expositors who -delight in giving them prominence, and also exaggerate their import? -This is no hypothetical case. - -A large proportion of roots almost necessarily contain three -consonants: e. g. _bread_, _stone_, &c., pronounced _bred_, _stn_, &c. -This is one fact. - -In many languages there is an inability to pronounce two consonants -belonging to the same syllable, in immediate succession; an inability -which is met by the insertion of an intervening vowel. The Finlander, -instead of _Krist_, must say either _Ekristo_ or _Keristo_. This -principle, in English, would convert _bred_ into _bered_ or _ebred_, -and _stn_ into _estn_ or _setn_. This is another fact. - -These two and the preceding ones should now be combined. A large -proportion of roots containing three consonants may induce a grammarian -to coin such a term as _triliteralism_, and to say that this -_triliteralism_ characterizes a certain language. - -Then, as not only these consonants are separated from one another -by intervening vowels, but as the vowels themselves are subject to -change, (these changes acting upon the accentuation,) the triliteralism -becomes more important still. The consonants look like the framework -or skeleton of the words, the vowels being the modifying influences. -The one are the _constants_, the other the _variants_; and _triliteral -roots with internal modifications_ becomes a philological byword which -is supposed to represent a unique phenomenon in the way of speech, -rather than the simple result of two or three common processes united -in one and the same language. - -But the force of system does not stop here. Suppose we wished to -establish the paradox that the English was a language of the sort -in question. A little ingenuity would put us up to some clever -legerdemain. The convenient aspirate _h_--like the bat in the fable -of the birds and beasts at war--might be a consonant when it was -wanted to make up the complement of three, and a vowel when it was _de -trop_. Words like _pity_ might be made triliteral (_triconsonantal_) -by doubling the _tt_; words like _pitted_, by ejecting it. Lastly, if -it were denied that two consonants must necessarily be separated by a -vowel, it would be an easy matter to say that between such sounds as -the _n_ and _r_ in _Henry_, the _b_ and _r_ in _bread_, the _r_ and _b_ -in _curb_, there was really a very short vowel; and that _Hen[)e]ry_, -_b[)e]red_, _cur[)u]b_, were the true sounds; or that, if they were not -so in the nineteenth century, they were two thousand years ago. - -Now let all this be taught and believed, and who will not isolate the -language in which such remarkable phenomena occur? - -All this _is_ taught and believed, and consequently there _is_ a -language, or rather a group of languages, thus isolated. - -But the isolation does not stop with the philologist. The anatomist and -the historian support it as well. The nations who speak the language in -question are in the neighbourhood of Blacks, but without being Blacks -themselves; and they are in contact with rude Pagans; themselves being -eminently monotheistic. Their history also has been an influential one, -morally and materially as well; whilst the skulls are as symmetrical -as the skull of the famous Georgian female of our first chapter, their -complexions fair or ruddy, and their noses so little African as to -emulate the eagle's beak in prominent convexity. All this exaggerates -the elements of isolation. - -The class or family thus isolated, which--as stated above--has a real -existence, has been conveniently called _Semitic_; a term comprising -the twelve tribes of Israel and the modern Jews so far as they are -descended from them, the Syrians of ancient, and, partially, of -modern Syria, the Mesopotamians, the Phoenicians, the Assyrians, -the Babylonians, the Arabs, and certain populations of thiopia or -Abyssinia. - -Further facts, real or supposed, have contributed to isolate this -remarkable and important family. The Africans who were nearest to them, -both in locality and civilization--the gyptians of the Pharaohnic -empire, builders of the pyramids, and writers in hieroglyphics--have -ceased to exist as a separate substantive nation. Their Asiatic -frontagers, on the other hand, were either Persians or Armenians. - -Everything favoured isolation here. The Jew and gyptian were in strong -contrast from the beginning, and all our earliest impressions are in -favour of an over-valuation of their differences. As for the Persian, -he was so early placed in a different class--a class which, from the -fact of its being supposed to contain the Germans, Greeks, Latins, -Slavonians, and Hindus as well, has been called Indo-European--that he -had a proper and peculiar position of his own; and something almost as -stringent in the way of demarcation applied to the Armenian. Where, -then, were the approaches to the Semitic family to be found? - -Attempts were made to connect them with the Indo-Europeans; I think -unsuccessfully. Of course there was a certain amount of relationship -of some kind; but it by no means followed that this established the -real affiliations. There was _a_ connexion; but not _the_ connexion. -The reasons for this view lay partly in certain undoubted affinities -with the Persians, and partly in the fact of the Jew, Syrian and Arab -skulls, and the Jew, Syrian and Arab civilizations coming under the -category of _Caucasian_. - -Consciously or unconsciously, most writers have gone on this -hypothesis--naturally, but inconsiderately. Hence the rough current -opinion has been, that if the Semitic tribes were in any traceable -degree of relationship with the other families of the earth, that -relationship must be sought for amongst the Indo-Europeans. - -The next step was to raise the Semitic class to the rank of a standard -or measure for the affinities of unplaced families; and writers who -investigated particular languages more readily inquired whether such -languages were Semitic, than what the Semitic tongues were themselves. -Unless I mistake the spirit in which many admirable investigations have -been conducted, this led to the term _Sub_-Semitic. Men asked about the -amount of _Semitism_ in certain families as if it were a substantive -and inherent property, rather than what _Semitism_ itself consisted in. - -And now _Sub_-Semitic tongues multiplied; since Sub-Semitism was a -respectable thing to predicate of the object of one's attention. - -The ancient gyptian was stated to be _Sub_-Semitic--Benfey and others -having done good work in making it so. - -Mr. Newman did the same with the Berber. Meanwhile the anatomists -acted much like the philologists, and brought the skulls of the old -gyptians in the same class with those of the Jews and Arabs, so as to -be Caucasian. - -But the Caucasians had been put in a sort of antithesis to the Negros; -and hence came mischief. Whatever may be the views of those able -writers who have investigated the Sub-Semitic Africans, when pressed -for definitions, it is not too much to say that, in practice, they -have all acted as if the moment a class became Semitic, it ceased to -be African. They have all looked one way; that being the way in which -good Jews and Mahometans look--towards Mecca and Jerusalem. They have -forgotten the phnomena of correlation. If Csar is like Pompey, Pompey -must be like Csar. If African languages approach the Hebrew, the -Hebrew must approach them. The attraction is mutual; and it is by no -means a case of Mahomet and the mountain. - -I believe that the Semitic elements of the Berber, the Coptic and the -Galla are clear and unequivocal; in other words, that these languages -are truly Sub-Semitic. - -In the languages of Abyssinia, the Gheez and Tigr, admitted, as long -as they have been known at all, to be _Semitic_, graduate through the -Amharic, the Falasha, the Harargi, the Gafat, and other languages which -may be well studied in Dr. Beke's valuable comparative tables[20], into -the Agow tongue, unequivocally indigenous to Abyssinia; and through -this into the true Negro classes. - -But unequivocal as may be the Semitic elements of the Berber, Coptic -and Galla, their affinities with the tongues of Western and Southern -Africa are more so. I weigh my words when I say, not _equally_, but -_more_. Changing the expression for every foot in advance which can -be made towards the Semitic tongues in one direction, the African -philologist can go a yard towards the Negro ones in the other[21]. - -Of course, the proofs of all this in full detail would fill a large -volume; indeed, the exhaustion of the subject and the annihilation of -all possible and contingent objections would fill many. The position, -however, of the present writer is not so much that of the engineer who -has to force his water up to a higher uphill by means of pumps, as it -is that of the digger and delver who merely clears away artificial -embankments which have hitherto prevented it finding its own level -according to the common laws of nature. He has little fear from the -results of separate and independent investigation, when a certain -amount of preconceived notions have been unsettled. - -To proceed with the subject--the convergence of the lines of migration -in Africa is broken or unbroken, clear or indistinct, continuous or -irregular, to much the same extent, and much in a similar manner, -with those of America. The moral contrasts which were afforded by -the Mexicans and Peruvians reappear in the case of the gyptians and -the Semitid. As to the Hottentots--they, _perhaps_, are more widely -separated from their next of kin than any Americans, the Eskimo not -being excepted; so much so, that if the phnomena of their language be -either denied or explained away, they may pass for a new species. - -Now if the reader have attended to the differences between the -_Ethnological_ and the _Anthropological_ principles of classification, -he must have inferred the necessity of certain differences of -nomenclature, since it is hardly likely that the terms which suit the -one study will exactly fit the other. And such is really the case. If -the word _Negro_ mean the combination of woolly hair, with a jetty -skin, depressed nose, thick lips, narrow forehead, acute facial angle, -and prominent jaw, it applies to Africans as widely different from -each other as the Laplander is from the Samoeid and Eskimo, or the -Englishman from the Finlander. It applies to the inhabitants of certain -portions of different river-systems, _independent of relationship_--and -_vice vers_. The Negros of Kordofan are nearer in descent to the Copts -and Arabs than are the lighter-coloured and more civilized Fulahs. -They are also nearer to the same than they are to the Blacks of the -Senegambia. If this be the case, the term has no place in Ethnology, -except so far as its extensive use makes it hard to abandon. Its -real application is to Anthropology, wherein it means the effect of -certain influences upon certain intertropical Africans, irrespective -of descent, but not irrespective of physical condition. As truly as a -short stature and light skin coincide with the occupancy of mountain -ranges, the Negro physiognomy coincides with that of the alluvia of -rivers. Few writers are less disposed to account for ethnological -differences by reference to a change of physical conditions rather -than original distinction of species than Dr. Daniell; nevertheless, -he expressly states that when you leave the low swamps of the Delta of -the Niger for the sandstone country of the interior, the skin becomes -fairer, and black becomes brown, and brown yellow. - -Of the African populations most immediately in contact with the typical -Negro of the western coast, the fairest are the Nufi (conterminous with -the Ibos of the Lower Niger) and the Fulahs who are spread over the -highlands of Senegambia, as far in the interior as Sakat, and as far -south as the Nufi frontier. - -On the other hand, the darkest of the fairer families are the Tuaricks -of Wadreag, who belong to the Berber family, and the Sheyga Arabs of -Nubia. - -The Nubians themselves, or the natives of the Middle Nile between gypt -and Sennaar, are truly transitional in features between the gyptians -and the Blacks of Kordofan. So they are in language and apparently in -civilizational development. - -The best measure of capacity, in this respect, on the part of those -Africans who have been less favoured by external circumstances and -geographical position than the ancient gyptians, is to be found -amongst the Mandingos and Fulahs, each of which nations has adopted the -Mahometan religion and some portion of the Arabic literature along with -it. Of large towns there are more in _Negro_ Africa than there has ever -been in Mongolia and Tartary. Yet the Tartars are neither more nor less -than Turks like those of Constantinople, and the Mongolians are closely -connected with the industrial Chinese. - -That the uniformity of languages throughout Africa is greater than it -is either in Asia or Europe, is a statement to which I have not the -least hesitation in committing myself. - -And now, having brought the African migration--to which I allot the -Semitic populations of Arabia, Syria, and Babylonia--from its extremity -at the Cape to a point so near the hypothetical centre as the frontiers -of Persia and Armenia, I leave it for the present. - - * * * * * - -The English of England are not the earliest occupants of the island. -Before them were the ancient Britons. Were these the earliest -occupants? Who were the men by whose foot Britain, till then the home -of the lower animals alone, was first trodden? This is uncertain. Why -may not the Kelts have stood in the same relation to some rude Britons -still more primitive, that the Anglo-Saxons did to the Kelts? Perhaps -they really did so. Perhaps, even the rude and primitive tribes thus -assumed had aborigines who looked upon them as intruders, themselves -having in their turn been interlopers. The chief objection against thus -multiplying aboriginal aborigines is the rule _de non apparentibus_, &c. - -But Britain is an _island_. Everything relating to the natural -history of the useful arts is so wholly uninvestigated, that no one -has proposed even to approximate the date of the first launch of the -first boat; in other words, of the first occupancy of a piece of land -surrounded by water. The whole of that particular continent in which -the first protoplasts saw light, may have remained full to overflowing -before a single frail raft had effected the first human migration. - -Britain may have remained a solitude for centuries and milleniums after -Gaul had been full. I do not suppose this to have been the case; but, -unless we imagine the first canoe to have been built simultaneously -with the demand for water-transport, it is as easy to allow that a -long period intervened between that time and the first effort of -seamanship as a short one. Hence, the date of the original populations -of _islands_ is not in the same category with that of the dispersion of -men and women over _continents_. - -On continents, we must assume the extension from one point to another -to have been continuous--and not only this, but we may assume something -like an equable rate of diffusion also. I have heard that the American -population moves bodily from east to west at the rate of about eleven -miles a year. - -As I use the statement solely for the sake of illustrating my subject, -its accuracy is not very important. To simplify the calculation, let -us say _ten_. At this rate a circle of migration of which the centre -was (say) in the Altai range, would enlarge its diameter at the rate of -twenty miles a year--_i.e._ ten miles at one end of the radius and ten -at the other. - -Hence a point a thousand miles from the birth-place of the patriarchs -of our species would receive its first occupants exactly one hundred -years after the original locality had been found too limited. At this -rate a very few centuries would people the Cape of Good Hope, and fewer -still Lapland, the parts about Cape Comorin, the Malayan Peninsula, -and Kamskatka--all parts more or less in the condition of extreme -points[22]. - -Now as long as any _continental_ extremities of the earth's surface -remain unoccupied--the stream (or rather the enlarging circle of -migration) not having yet reached them--the _primary_ migration is -going on; and when all have got their complement, the _primary_ -migration is over. During this primary migration, the relations of man, -thus placed in movement, and in the full, early and guiltless exercise -of his high function of subduing the earth, are in conflict with -physical obstacles, and with the resistance of the lower animals only. -Unless--like Lot's wife--he turn back upon the peopled parts behind -him, he has no relations with his fellow-men--at least none arising out -of the claim of previous occupancy. In other words--during the primary -migration--the world that lay before our progenitors was either brute -or inanimate. - -But before many generations have passed away, all becomes full to -overflowing; so that men must enlarge their boundaries at the expense -of their fellows. The migrations that now take place are _secondary_. -They differ from the primary in many respects. They are slower, because -the resistance is that of Humanity to Humanity; and they are violent, -because dispossession is the object. They are partial, abortive, -followed by the fusion of different populations; or followed by their -extermination--as the case may be. All, however, that we have now to -say about them is the fact of their difference from the _primary_ one. - -Concerning the _secondary_ migrations we have a considerable amount of -knowledge. History tells us of some; ethnological induction suggests -others. The _primary_ one, however, is a great mystery. Yet it is one -which is continually talked about. - -I mention it now, (having previously enlarged upon it,) for the sake -of suggesting a question of some importance in practical Ethnology. It -is the one suggested by the remarks upon the aborigines of Britain. -When are we sure that the population of any part of a continent is -_primary_--_i.e._ descended from, or representative of, the first -occupants? Never. There are plenty of cases where, from history, from -the phnomena of contrast, and from other ethnological arguments, we -are quite satisfied that it is _not_ so; but none where the evidence -is conclusive the other way. At the same time, the doctrine _de non -apparentibus_ cautions us against assuming displacements unnecessarily. - -However, where we have, in addition to the absence of the signs of -previous occupancy, an extreme locality, (_i.e._ a locality at the -farthest distance, in a given direction, from the hypothetical centre,) -we have _prim facie_ evidence in favour of the population representing -a _primary_ migration. Thus:-- - -1, 2. The Hottentots and Laplanders amongst the families of the -Continent are probably primary. - -3. The Irish Gaels are the same amongst islanders. - -4, 5. America and the Oceanic area appear to be _primary_ in respect to -the populations of the Continent of Asia; though within their own areas -the displacements have been considerable. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[11] Pickering, Races of Men, p. 19. - -[12] The Araucana of Ercilla. - -[13] D'Orbigny, Homme Amricain. - -[14] Astek means the Mexicans of the valley of Mexico who spoke the -Astek language. _Mexican_, as applied to the kingdom conquered by -Cortez, is a political rather than an ethnological term. - -[15] Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. i. - -[16] The Indian Islands and Madagascar. - -[17] Viz. the Korana, Saab, Hottentot, and Bushman. - -[18] The Agow, Somauli, and the rest; some being spoken very far north, -as the Agow and Seracol. This list has already been published by the -author in his Report on Ethnological Philology (Transactions of the -Association for the Advancement of Science, 1847). - -[19] A table showing this is to be found in the Transactions of the -British Association for 1847, &c., pp. 224-228. - -[20] Transactions of the Philological Society, No. 33. - -[21] A short table of the Berber and Coptic, as compared with the -other African tongues, may be seen in the Classical Museum, and in -the Transactions of the British Association, &c. for 1846. In the -Transactions of the Philological Society is a grammatical sketch of the -Tumali language, by Dr. L. Tutshek of Munich. Now the Tumali is a truly -Negro language of Kordofan; whilst in respect to the extent to which -its inflections are formed by internal changes of vowels and accents, -it is fully equal to the Semitic tongues of Palestine and Arabia. - -[22] Nothing is said about Cape Horn; as America in relation to Asia -is an island. It is also, perhaps, unnecessary to repeat that both the -rate and the centre are hypothetical--either or both may or may not -be correct. That which is _not_ hypothetical is the approximation to -an _equability of rate in the case of continents_. It is difficult to -conceive any such conditions, as those which deferred the occupancy -of islands like Madagascar and Iceland, by emigrants from Africa or -Greenland, for an indefinite period, keeping one part of Africa or -Greenland empty whilst another was full. Hence, the equability in -question is a mere result of the absence, _on continents_, of any -conditions capable of arresting it for an indefinite period. The extent -to which it may be interfered with by other causes is no part of the -present question. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - - The Ugrians of Lapland, Finland, Permia, the Ural Mountains and - the Volga--area of the light-haired families--Turanians--the - Kelts of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Gaul--the Goths--the - Sarmatians--the Greeks and Latins--difficulties of European - ethnology--displacement--intermixture--identification of ancient - families--extinction of ancient families--the Etruscans--the - Pelasgi--isolation--the Basks--the Albanians--classifications and - hypotheses--the term Indo-European--the Finnic hypothesis. - - -V. _From Lapland to North-western Asia._--That the Norwegian of Norway -stands in remarkable contrast to the Lap of Finmark has already been -stated. There is nothing wonderful in this. The Norwegian is a German -from the south, and, consequently, a member of an intrusive population. - -The extent to which a similar contrast exists between the Lap and -Finlander is more remarkable; since both belong to the same family. Of -this family the Laps are an extreme branch both in respect to physical -conformation and geographical position. The term most conveniently used -to designate the stock in question is _Ugrian_. In Asia the Voguls, -Ostiaks, Votiaks, Tsheremis, Morduins, and other tribes are _Ugrian_. - -The Laps are generally speaking swarthy in complexion, black-haired -and black-eyed; and so are the Majiars of Hungary. The other -Ugrians, however, are remarkable for being, to a great extent, a -_blonde_ population. The Tshuvatsh have a light complexion with -black and somewhat curly hair, and grey eyes. The Morduins fall -into two divisions, the Ersad and Mokshad; of which the former are -more frequently _red_-haired than the latter. The Tsheremiss are -light-haired; the Voguls and Ostiaks often red-haired; the Votiaks the -most red-haired people in the world. Of course, with this we have blue -or grey eyes and fair skins. - -Few writers seem ever to have considered the exceptional character of -this physiognomy: indeed, it is unfortunate that no term like _blanco_ -(or _branco_), denoting men lighter-coloured than the Spaniards and -Portuguese, in the same way that _Negro_ denotes those who are darker, -has been evolved. It is, probably, too late for it being done now. -At any rate, complexions like those of the _fair_ portion of the -people of England are quite as exceptional as faces of the hue of the -Gulf-of-Guinea Blacks. - -Like the Negro, the White-skin is chiefly found within certain limits; -and like _Negro_ the term _White_ is anthropological rather than -ethnological, _i. e._ the physiognomy in question is spread over -different divisions of our species, and by no means coincides with -ethnological relationship. - -Nine-tenths of the fair-skinned populations of the world are to be -found between 30 and 65 N. lat., and west of the Oby. Nine-tenths of -them also are to be found amongst the following four families:--1. The -Ugrian. 2. The Sarmatian. 3. The Gothic. 4. The Keltic. - -The physical conditions which most closely coincide with the -geographical area of the _blonde_ branches of the _blonde_ families -require more study than they have found. From the parts to north and -south it is distinguished by the palpably intelligible differences -of latitude. The parts to the east of it differ less evidently; -nevertheless, they are steppes and table-lands rather than tracts of -comparatively low forests. The _blonde_ area is certainly amongst the -moister parts of the world[23]. - -That the Ugrians graduate into the Turks of Tartary and -Siberia--themselves a division of a class containing the great -Mongolian and Tungusian branches--has been admitted by most writers; -Schott having done the best work with the philological part of the -question. - -Gabelentz has, I am informed, lately shown that the _Samoeid_ tongues -come within the same class;--a statement which, without having seen -his reasons, I am fully prepared to admit. - -Now what applies to the Samoeids[24] applies to two other classes as -well:-- - -1. The Yeniseians[24] on the Upper Yenisey; and - -2. The Yukahiri[24] on the Kolyma and Indijirka. - -This gives us one great stock, conveniently called _Turanian_, whereof-- - -1. The Mongolians-- - -2. The Tungusians--of which the Mantshs are the best known -representatives-- - -3. The Ugrians, falling into the Lap, Finlandic, Majiar and other -branches;--along with - -4. The Hyperboreans, or Samoeids, Yeniseians, and Yukahiri--are -branches. - -And this stock takes us from the North Cape to the Wall of China. - -VI. _From Ireland to the Western parts of Asia._--The rule already -referred to, viz. that an island must always be considered to have been -peopled from the nearest part of the nearest land of a more continental -character than itself, unless reason can be shown to the contrary, -applies to the population of Ireland; subject to which view, the point -of emigration from Great Britain must have been the parts about the -Mull of Cantyre; and the point of immigration into Ireland must have -been the province of Ulster, and the parts that are nearest to Scotland. - -Upon this doctrine I see no reason whatever to refine, since the -unequivocal fact of the Scotch and Irish Gaelic being the same language -confirms it. Here, however, as in so many other cases, the opinions and -facts by no means go together; and the notion of Scotland having been -peopled from Ireland, and Ireland from some other country, is a common -one. The introduction of the _Scots_ of _Scotland_ from the west, when -examined, will be found to rest almost wholly on the following extract -from Beda:--"procedente tempore, tertiam Scottorum nationem in parte -Pictorum recepit, qui duce Reud de Hiberni progressi, amiciti vel -ferro sibimet inter eos has sedes quas hactenus habent vindicrunt; -quo videlicet duce, usque hodie Dalreudini vocantur: nam eorum lingu -_Daal_ partem significat." - -Now, as this was written about the middle of the eighth century, there -are only two statements in it that can be passed for contemporary -evidence, viz. the assertion that at the time of Beda a portion of -Scotland was called the country of the _Dalreudini_; and that in their -language _daal_ meant _part_. The Irish origin, then, is grounded upon -either an _inference_ or a _tradition_; an inference or a tradition -which, if true, would prove nothing as to the _original_ population -of either country; since, the reasoning which applies to the relation -between the peninsula of Malacca and the island of Sumatra applies -here. _There_, the population first passed from the peninsula to the -island, and then back again--reflected so to say--from the island to -the peninsula. _Mutatis mutandis_ this was the case with Scotland and -Ireland, provided that there was any migration at all. - -Upon this point the evidence of Beda may or may not be sufficient for -the historian. It is certainly unsatisfactory to the ethnologist. - -In saying this, I by no means make the disparaging insinuation that -the historian is unduly credulous, or that the ethnologist is a -model of caution. Neither assertion would be true. The ethnologist, -however, like a small capitalist, cannot afford so much credit as his -fellow-labourer in the field of Man. He is like a traveller, who, -leaving home at the twilight of the evening, must be doubly cautious -when he comes to a place where two roads meet. If he take the wrong -one, he has nothing but the long night before him; and his error grows -from bad to worse. But the historian starts with the twilight of the -dawn; so that the further he goes the clearer he finds his way, and the -easier he rectifies any previous false turnings. To argue from cause -to effect is to journey in the dim light of the early morn till we -reach the blazing noon. To argue from effect to cause is to change the -shades of evening for the gloom of night. - -As Scotland is to Ireland, so is Gaul to England. From the Shannon to -the Loire and Rhine, the stock is one; one, but not indivisible--the -British branch (containing the Welsh) and the Gaelic (containing the -Scotch) forming its two primary sections. - -Next to the Kelts come the Goths; the term _Gothic_ being a general -designation taken from a particular people. Germany is the native -land of these; just as Gaul was of the Kelts. Hence, they lie to the -north of that family, as well as to the west of it. Intrusive above -all the other populations of the earth, the branches of the Gothic -tribes have brought themselves in contact and collision with half the -families of the world. First, they encroached upon the Kelts, and, for -a time, the tide of conquest fluctuated. It was the Rhine which was -the disputed frontier--disputed as much in Csar's time as our own. -Next, they revenged themselves on the aggressions of Rome; so that the -Ostro-_goths_ conquered Italy, and the Visi-_goths_ Spain. Then came -the Franks of France, and the Anglo-Saxons of England. In the ninth -and tenth centuries the edges of the German swords turned another way, -and Mecklenburg, Pomerania, Prussia, and part of Courland, Silesia, -Lusatia, and Saxony were wrested from the _Sarmatians_, lying to the -west and south-west. - -It is not unusual to raise the two divisions of the great Sarmatian -stock to the rank of separate substantive groups--independent of each -other, though intimately allied. In this case Lithuania, Livonia, -and Courland contain the smaller division, which is conveniently and -generally called the _Lithuanic_; the population being agricultural, -scanty, limited to the country in opposition to the towns, and -unimportant in the way of history; a population, which in the tenth and -eleventh centuries was cruelly conquered under the plea of Christianity -by the German Knights of the Sword--rivals in rapacity and bloodshed to -their equivalents of the Temple and St. John--a population which, at -the present moment, lies like iron between the hammer and the anvil, -between Russia and Prussia; and which, for one brief period only, -under the Jagellons, exercised the equivocal rights of a dominant -and encroaching family--for one brief period only within the true -historical ra. How far it may have done more at an earlier epoch -remains to be considered. - -The other branch is the _Slavonic_; comprising the Russians, the -Servians, the Illyrians, the Slovenians of Styria and Carinthia, the -Slovaks of Hungary, the Tsheks of Bohemia, and the Lekhs (or Poles) of -Poland, Mazovia, and Gallicia. A great deal is said about the future -prospects of this stock; the doctrine of certain able historians -being, that as they are the youngest of nations--a term somewhat -difficult to define--and have played but a small part in the world's -history hitherto, they have a grand career before them; a prospect -more glorious than that of the Romano-Keltic French, or the Germanic -English of the Old and New World. I doubt the inference, and I doubt -the fact on which it rests. But of this more anon. The Sarmatian -Slavono-Lithuanians are the fourth great family of Europe. They -certainly lie in the line of migration which peopled Ireland from Asia. - -South of these lie two branches of a fresh stock, divided from each -other, and presenting the difficult phnomenon of geographical -discontinuity conjoined with ethnological affinity. Separated from -the most southern Slavonians by the two intrusive populations of -the Wallachians and the Majiars, and by the primitive family of the -Albanians, come-- - -_a._ _The Greeks_--and separated from the Slavonians of Carinthia -and Bohemia by intrusive Germans at the present moment, and by the -mysterious Etruscans in ancient times, come-- - -_b._ _The Italians._--We may call these two families Latin or Hellenic -instead of Greek and Italian, if we choose; and as the distribution of -nations is best studied during the earliest periods of their history, -the former terms are the better. - -Before we can consider the classification of these four -families--Ugrian, Kelt, Gothic, and Grco-Latin--some fresh -observations and certain new facts are requisite. - -The ethnology of Europe is undoubtedly more difficult than that of any -of the three other quarters of the globe--perhaps more so than that of -all the world besides. It has not the character of being so--but so it -is. The more we know the more we may know. Illustrated as is Europe by -the historian and the antiquarian, it has its dark holes and corners -made all the more visible from the illumination. - -In the first place, the very fact of its being the home of the great -historical nations has made it the scene of unparalleled displacements; -for conquest is the great staple of history, and _conquest_ and -_displacement_ are correlative terms. A greater portion of Europe can -be shown to be held by either mixed or conquering nations than is to be -found elsewhere--not that this absolutely proves the encroachments to -have been greater; but that gives prominence to the greater degree in -which they have been recorded. Hence, where in other parts of the world -we shut up our papers and say _de non apparentibus_, &c., in Europe we -are forced upon the obscurest investigations, and the subtlest trains -of reasoning. - -How great is this displacement? The history of only a few out of many -of the conquering nations tells us a pregnant story in this respect. It -shows us what has taken place within the comparatively brief span of -the historical period. What lies beyond this it only suggests. - -The Ugrians with one exception have ever suffered from the -encroachments of others rather than been encroachers themselves. But -the exception is a remarkable one. - -It is that of the Majiars of Hungary, who, whatever claims they may -set up for an extraction more illustrious than the one which they -share with the Laplanders and Ostiaks, are unequivocally Ugrians--no -Circassians, as has been vainly fancied, and no descendants from the -Huns of Attila, as has been more reasonably supposed. This latter, -however, is a supposition invalidated by the high probability of the -warriors of the Scourge of God having been Turk. - -Be this, however, as it may, their advent into Europe is no earlier -than the tenth century, the country which they left having been the -present domain of the Bashkirs. - -The amount of displacement effected by the Kelts is difficult to -determine. We hear of them in so many places that the family seems -to be ubiquitous. Utterly disbelieving the Cimmerii of the Cimmerian -Bosphorus to have been Keltic, and doubtful about both the Scordisci -of the ancient Noricum, and the Celtiberians of ancient Spain, I am -inclined to limit the Keltic area at its _maximum_ extension, to Venice -westwards, and to the neighbourhood of Rome southwards. But this is not -enough. They may have been aboriginal in parts which they _seem_ to -have invaded as immigrants. This complicates the question and makes it -as hard to ascertain the extent of their encroachments on others, as -the extent to which others have encroached on them--a point for further -notice. - -The Goths have ever extended their frontier--a frontier which I believe -to have once reached no farther than the Elbe[25]. From thence to the -Niemen they have encroached at the expense of the Sarmatians--Slavonic -or Lithuanic as the case may be. - -In the time of Tacitus[25] it is highly probable that there were no -Goths north of the Eyder. Since then, however, Denmark, Sweden, and -Norway have been wrested from earlier occupants and become Scandinavian. - -The Ugrian family originally extended as far south as the Valdai -Mountains. This part of their area is now Russian. - -The conquests of Rome have given languages derived from the Latin to -Northern Italy, the Grisons, France, Spain and Portugal, Wallachia and -Moldavia. - -This brings us to another question, that of-- - -_Intermixture._--It is certain that the language of England is of -Anglo-Saxon origin, and that the remains of the original Keltic are -unimportant. It is by no means so certain that the blood of Englishmen -is equally Germanic. A vast amount of Kelticism, not found in our -tongue, very probably exists in our pedigrees. - -The ethnology of France is still more complicated. Many writers make -the Parisian a Roman on the strength of his language; whilst others -make him a Kelt on the strength of certain moral characteristics -combined with the previous Kelticism of the original Gauls. - -Spanish and Portuguese, as languages, are derivatives from the Latin. -Spain and Portugal, as countries, are Iberic, Latin, Gothic, and Arab -in different proportions. - -Italian is modern Latin all the world over: yet surely there must -be much Keltic blood in Lombardy, and much Etruscan intermixture in -Tuscany. - -In the ninth century every man between the Elbe and the Niemen spoke -some Slavonic dialect. They now nearly all speak German. Surely the -blood is less exclusively Gothic than the speech. - -I have not fallen in with any evidence which induces me to consider -the great Majiar invasion of Hungary as anything other than a simple -military conquest. If so--and the reasoning applies to nine conquests -out of ten--the female half of the ancestry of the present speakers of -the Majiar language must have been the women of the country. These were -Turk, Slavonic, Turko-Slavonic, Romano-Slavonic, and many other things -besides--anything, in short, but Majiar. - -The Grisons language is of Roman origin. - -So is the Wallachian of Wallachia and Moldavia. - -Nevertheless, in each country, the original population must be, more or -less, represented in blood by the present. - -This is enough to show what is meant by intermixture of blood, the -extent to which it demands a special investigation of its own, and the -number of such investigations required in the ethnology of Europe. -Indeed, it is the subject of a special department of the science, -conveniently called _minute ethnology_. - -_Identification of ancient nations, tribes, and families._--If there -were no such thing as migration and displacement, the study of the -ancient writers would be an easy matter. As it is, it is a very -difficult one. Nine-tenths of the names of Herodotus, Strabo, Csar, -Pliny, Tacitus, and similar writers on ethnology and geography, are not -to be found in the modern maps; or, if found, occur in new localities. -Such is the case with the name of our own nation, the _Angli_, who -are now known as the people of _Engl-land_; whereas, in the eyes of -Tacitus they were Germans. Others have not only changed place, but have -become absolutely extinct. This is, of course, common enough. Again, -the _name_ itself may have changed, though the population to which it -applies may have remained the same, or name and place may have each -changed. - -All this creates difficulties, though not such as should deter us -from their investigation. At the same time, the criticism that must -be applied is of a special and peculiar sort. _One_ of the more -complex questions with which it has to deal is the necessary but -neglected preliminary of _determining the language in which this or -that geographical or ethnological name occurs_; which is by no means -an off-hand process. When Tacitus talks of _Germans_, or Herodotus of -_Scythians_, the terms _Scythian_ and _German_ may or may not belong -to the language of the people thus designated; in other words, they may -or may not be _native_ names--names known to the tribes to which the -geographer applies them. - -Generally such names are _not_ native--a statement which, at first, -seems hazardous; since the _prim facie_ view is in favour of the name -by which a particular nation is known to its neighbours, being the name -by which it characterizes itself. Do not our neighbours call themselves -_Franais_, whilst we say _French_, and are not the names identical? -In this particular case they are; but the case is an exceptional -one. Contrast with it that of the word _Welsh_. _Welsh_ and _Wales_ -are the _English_ names of the _Cymry_--English, but by no means -native; English, but as little _Welsh_ (strictly speaking) as the word -_Indian_, when applied to the Red Men of America, is _American_. - -_Welsh_ is the name by which the Englishman denotes his fellow-citizens -of the Principality. The German of Germany calls the _Italians_ by -the same designation; the same by which he knows the _Wallachians_ -also--since _Wallachia_ and _Wales_ and _Welschland_ are all from -the same root. What an error would it be to consider all these three -countries as identical, simply because they were so in name! Yet if -that name were _native_, such would be the inference. As it is, -however, the chief link which connects them is their common relation -to Germany (or Germanic England); a link which would have been wholly -misinterpreted had we overlooked the German origin of the term, and -erroneously referred it to the languages of the countries whereto it -had its application. - -An extract from Klaproth's 'Asia Polyglotta' shall further illustrate -this important difference between the name by which a nation is known -to itself, and the name by which it is known to its geographer. A -certain population of Siberia calls itself _Nyenech_ or _Khasovo_. But -_none_ of its neighbours so call it. On the contrary, each gives it a -different appellation. - - The Obi-Ostiaks call it _Jergan-Yakh_. - " Tungsians " _Dyndal_. - " Syranians " _Yarang_. - " Woguls " _Yarran-Kum_. - " Russians " _Sameid_. - -What if some ancient tribe were thus polyonymous? What if five -different writers of antiquity had derived their information from the -five different nations of its neighbours? In such a case there would -have been five terms to one object; none of them belonging to the -language for which they were used. - -The name, then, itself of each ancient population requires a -preliminary investigation. And these names are numerous--more so in -Europe than elsewhere. - -The importance of the populations to which such names apply is greater -in Europe than elsewhere. It is safe to say this; because there is a -reason for it. From its excessive amount of displacement, Europe is -that part of the world where there are the best grounds for believing -in the previous existence of absolutely extinct families, or rather -in the absolute extinction of families previously existing. There are -no names in Asia that raise so many problems as those of the European -_Pelasgi_ and _Etrurians_. - -The changes and complications involved in the foregoing observations -(and they are but few out of many) are the results of comparatively -recent movements; of conquests accomplished within the last twenty-five -centuries; of migrations within (or nearly within) the historical -period. Those truly ethnological phnomena which belong to the -_distribution itself_ of the existing families of Europe are, at least, -of equal importance. - -The most marked instances of _philological isolation_ are European; the -two chief specimens being the _Basque_ and _Albanian_ languages. - -The _Basque_ language of the Pyrenees has the same relation to the -ancient language of the Spanish Peninsula that the present Welsh -has to the old speech of Britain. It represents it in its fragments; -fragments, whereof the preservation is due to the existence of a -mountain stronghold for the aborigines to retire to. Now so isolated is -this same Basque that there is no language in the world which is placed -in the same class with it--no matter what the magnitude and import of -that class may be. - -The _Albanian_ is just as isolated. As different from the Greek, -Turkish and Slavonic tongues of the countries in its neighbourhood, -as the Basque is from the French, Spanish and Breton, it is equally -destitute of relations at a distance. It is _unclassed_--at least its -position as Indo-European is doubtful. - -What the Pelasgian and old Etruscan tongues were is uncertain. They -were probably sufficiently different from the languages of their -neighbourhood for the speakers of them to be mutually unintelligible. -Beyond this, however, they may have been anything or nothing in the -way of isolation. They _may_ have been as peculiar as the Basque and -Albanian. They _may_, on the other hand, have been just so unlike the -Greek and Latin as to have belonged to another class--the value of -that class being unascertained. Again, that class may or may not have -existing representatives amongst the tongues at present existing. I -give no opinion on this point. I only give prominence to the isolation -of the Basque and Albanian. We _know_ these last to be so different -from each other, and from all other tongues, as to come under none of -the recognized divisions in the way of ethnographical philology and its -classifications. - -_Indo-Germanic._--This brings us to the term _Indo-Germanic_; and -the term _Indo-Germanic_ brings us to the retrospect of the European -populations--all of which, now in existence, have been enumerated, but -all of which have not been classified. - -I. The Ugrians are a branch of the Turanians. - -The Turanians form either a whole class or the part of one, according -to the light in which we view them; in other words, the group has -one value in philology, and another in anatomy. This is nothing -extraordinary. It merely means that their speech has more prominent -characters than their physical conformation. - -I proceed, however, to our specification:-- - -_a._ The Turanians in respect to their _physical conformation_ are -a branch of the _Mongolians_; the Chinese, Eskimo and others, being -members of similar and equivalent divisions. - -_b._ In respect to their _language_, they are the highest group -recognized, a group subordinate to none other. - -To change the expression of this difference, the anatomical naturalist -of the Human Species has in the word _Mongolian_ a term of generality -to which the philologist has not arrived. - -II. The Greeks and Latins--the Sarmatians--and the Germans are -referrible to a higher group; a group of much the same value as the -Turanian. - -The characteristics of this group are philological. - -_a._ The _numerals_ of the three great divisions are alike. - -_b._ A large per-centage of the names of the commoner objects are alike. - -_c._ The signs of _case_ in nouns, and of _person_ in verbs, are alike. - -So wide has been the geographical extent of the populations speaking -languages thus connected (languages which separated from the common -mother-tongue subsequent to the evolution of both the cases of nouns -and the persons of verbs), that the literary language of India belongs -to the class in question. Hence, when this fact became known, and when -India passed for the _eastern_ and Germany for the _western_ extremity -of the great area of this great tongue, the term _Indo-Germanic_ -became current. - -But its currency was of no long duration. Dr. Prichard showed that -the Keltic tongues had Indo-Germanic numerals, a certain per-centage -of Indo-Germanic names for the commoner objects, and Indo-Germanic -personal terminations of verbs. Since then, the Keltic has been -considered as a fixed language, with a definite place in the -classification of the philologist; and the term _Indo-European_[26], -expressive of the class to which, along with the Sarmatian, the -Gothic, and the Classical tongues of Greece and Italy, it belongs, has -superseded the original compound _Indo-Germanic_. - -We now know what is meant by _Indo-European_; a term of, at least, -equal generality with the term _Turanian_. - -_a._ In _physical conformation_ the Indo-Europeans are a branch of the -higher division so improperly and inconveniently called _Caucasian_. - -_b._ In _language_ they are the highest group hitherto recognized, a -group subordinate to none other. - -And we have also improved our measure of the isolation of the-- - -III. _Basques._--Anatomically these are _Caucasian_ so-called. -Philologically, they are the only members of the group to which -they belong, and that group is the highest recognized. They are like -a species in natural history, which is the only one of its genus, -the genus being the only one of its order, and the order being so -indeterminate as to have no higher class to which it is subordinate. - -IV. _The Albanians_ are in the same predicament. - -This is the state of classification which pre-eminently inspires -us with the ambition of making higher groups; higher groups in -_philology_, since in _anatomy_ we have them ready-made--_i. e._ -expressed by the terms Mongolian and Caucasian. The school which has -made the most notable efforts in this way is the Scandinavian. In -England it is, perhaps, better appreciated than in Germany, and in -Germany better than in France. - -I think it had great truth in fragments. It will first be considered -on its philological side. Rask--the greatest genius for comparative -philology that the world has seen--exhibited the germs of it in his -work on the Zendavesta. Herein his hypothesis was as follows. The -geologist will follow him with ease. Just as the later formations, -isolated and unconnected of themselves, lie on an earlier, and -comparatively continuous, substratum of secondary, palozoic or primary -antiquity, so do the populations speaking Celtic, Gothic, Slavonic, -and Classical languages. Conquerors and encroachers wherever they -came in contact with stocks alien to their own, they made, at an -early period of history, nine-tenths of Europe and part of Asia their -own. But before them lay an aboriginal population--_before them_ in -the way of _time_. This consisted of tribes, more or less related to -each other, which filled Europe from the North Cape to Cape Comorin -and Gibraltar--progenitors of the Laplanders on the north, and the -progenitors of the Basques of the Pyrenees on the south--_all at one -time continuous_. This time was the period anterior to the invasion of -the oldest of the above-mentioned families. More than this--Hindostan -was similarly peopled; and, by assumption, the parts between Northern -Hindostan and Europe. - -Such the theory. Now let us look to the present distribution. Almost -all Europe is what is called Indo-European, _i.e._ Celtic, Gothic, -Slavonic, or Classical. But it is not wholly so. In Scandinavia we -have the Laps; in Northern Russia the Finns; on the junction of Spain -and France the Basques. These are fragments of the once continuous -Aborigines--separated from each other by Celts, Goths, and Slavonians. -Then, as to India. In the Dekhan we have a family of languages called -the Tamul--isolated also. Between each of these points the population -is homogeneous as compared with itself; heterogeneous as compared with -the tribes just enumerated. But there was once a continuity--even as -the older rocks in geology are connected, whilst the newer ones are -dissociated. - -Such was the hypothesis of Rask; an hypothesis to which he applied -the epithet _Finnic_--since the Finn of Finland was the type and -sample of these early, aboriginal, hypothetically continuous, and -hypothetically connected tongues. The invasion, however, of the -stronger Indo-Europeans broke them up. Be it so. It was a grand guess; -even if wrong, a grand and a suggestive one. Still it was but a guess. -I will not say that no details were worked out. Some few were indicated. - -Points which connected tongues so distant as the Tamul and the Finn -were noticed--but more than this was not done. Still, it was a doctrine -which, if it were proved false, was better than a large per-centage -of the true ones. It taught inquirers where to seek the affinities of -apparently isolated languages; and it bade them pass over those in the -neighbourhood and look to the quarters where other tongues equally -isolated presented themselves. - -I have mentioned Rask as the apostle of it. Arndt, I am told, was the -originator. The countrymen, however, of Rask have been those who have -most acted on it. - -But they took up the weapon at the other end. It is the _anatomists_ -and _archologists_ of Scandinavia who have worked it most. The Celts -have a skull of their own just as they have a language. So have the -Danes, Swedes, Norwegians, Germans, Dutch, and Englishmen. Never -mind its characteristics. Suffice, that it was--or was supposed -to be--different from that of the Finns and Basques. So had the -Hinds--different from that of the Tamuls. Now the burial-places of the -present countries of the different Gothic populations contain skulls -of the Gothic character only up to a certain point. The _very oldest_ -stand in contrast with the oldest forms but one. The _very oldest_ are -Lap, Basque, and Tamul. Surely this--if true--confirms the philological -theory. But is it true? I am not inclined to change the terms already -used. It is a grand and a suggestive _guess_. - -More than this it is not necessary to say at present; since any further -speculation in respect to the migration (_or migrations_) which peopled -Europe from the hypothetical centre in Asia is premature. The ethnology -of Asia is necessary as a preliminary. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[23] When ethnological medicine shall have become more extensively -studied than it is, it will probably be seen that the populations of -the area in question are those which are most afflicted by scrofula. - -[24] A table showing this is printed in the author's 'Varieties of -Man,' pp. 270-272. - -[25] Both these points are worked out in detail in the Author's _Taciti -Germania, with ethnological notes_. - -[26] For a criticism on this term see pp. 86-89. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - - The Monosyllabic Area--the T'hay--the Mn and Kh--Tables--the B'hot-- - the Chinese--Burmese--Persia--India--Tamulian family--the Brahi-- - the Dioscurians--the Georgians--Irn--Mizjeji--Lesgians--Armenians-- - Asia Minor--Lycians--Carians--Paropamisans--Conclusion. - - -Our plan is now to take up the different lines of migration at the -points where they were respectively broken off. This was at their -different points of contact with Asia. The first line was-- - -I. _The American._--In affiliating the American with the Asiatic, the -ethnologist is in the position of an irrigator, who supplies some wide -tract of thirsty land with water derived from a higher level, but kept -from the parts below by artificial embankments. These he removes; -his process being simple but effectual, and wholly independent of -the clever machinery of pumps, water-wheels, and similar branches of -hydraulics. The obstacle being taken away, gravitation does the rest. - -The over-valuation of the Eskimo peculiarities is the great obstacle -in American ethnology. When these are cut down to their due level, the -connexion between America and Asia is neither more nor less than one -of the clearest we have. It is certainly clearer than the junction -of Africa and north-western Asia; not more obscure than that between -Oceanica and the Transgangetic Peninsula; and incalculably less -mysterious than that which joins Asia to Europe. - -Indeed, there is no very great break, either philologically or -anatomically, until we reach the confines of China. Here, the physical -conformation keeps much the same: the language, however, becomes -_monosyllabic_. - -Now many able writers lay so much stress upon this monosyllabic -character, as to believe that the separation between the tongues so -constituted and those wherein we have an increase of syllables with a -due amount of inflexion besides, is too broad to be got over. If speech -were a mineral, this might, perhaps, be true. But speech _grows_, and -if one philological fact be more capable of proof than another, it is -that of a monosyllabic and uninflected tongue being a polysyllabic -and inflected one in its first stage of development--or rather in its -_non_-development. - -The Kamskadale, the Koriak, the Aino-Japanese, and the Korean are the -Asiatic languages most like those of America. Unhesitatingly as I -make this assertion--an assertion for which I have numerous tabulated -vocabularies as proof--I am by no means prepared to say that one-tenth -part of the necessary work has been done for the parts in question; -indeed, it is my impression that it is easier to connect America with -the Kurile Isles and Japan, &c., than it is to make Japan and the -Kurile Isles, &c., Asiatic. The group which they form belongs to an -area where the displacements have been very great. The Kamskadale -family is nearly extinct. The Koreans, who probably occupied a great -part of Mantshuria, have been encroached on by both the Chinese and the -Mantshs. The same has been the case with the Ainos of the lower Amr. -Lastly, the whole of the northern half of China was originally in the -occupancy of tribes who were probably intermediate to their Chinese -conquerors, the Mantshs and the Koreans. - -That the philological affinities necessary for making out the Asiatic -origin of the Americans lie anywhere but on the surface of the -language, I confess. Of the way whereby they should be looked for, the -following is an instance. - -The _Yukahiri_ is an Asiatic language of the Kolyma and Indijirka. -Compare its numerals with those of the other tribes in the direction of -America. They differ. They are not Koriak, not Kamskadale, by no means -Eskimo; nor yet Kolch. Before we find the name of a single Yukahiri -unit reappearing in other languages, we must go as far south along the -western coast of America as the parts about Vancouver's Island. There -we find the Hailtsa tongue--where _malk_ = _two_. Now the Yukahiri -term for _two_ is not _malk_. It is a word which I do not remember. -Nevertheless, _malk_ = _two_ does exist in the Yukahiri. The word for -_eight_ is _malk_ the term for four (2 4). - -This phnomenon would be repeated in English if our numerals ran -thus:--1. _one_; 2. _pair_; 4. _four_; 8. _two-fours_; in which case -all arguments based upon the correspondence or non-correspondence -of the English numerals with those of Germany and Scandinavia would -be as valid as if the word _two_ were the actual name of the second -unit. Indeed, in one respect they would be more so. The peculiar way -in which the Hailtsa _malk_ reappears in the Yukahiri is conclusive -against the name being _borrowed_. Whether it is _accidental_ is quite -another question. This depends upon the extent to which it is a single -coincidence, or one out of many. All that is attempted, at present, is -to illustrate the extent to which resemblances may be disguised, and -the consequent care requisite for detecting them[27]. - -II. _The connexion between Oceanica and South-eastern Asia._--The -physical conformation of the Malays is so truly that of the -Indo-Chinese, that no difficulties lie in this department. The -philological ones are a shade graver. They involve the doubt already -suggested in respect to the relations between a monosyllabic tongue -like the Siamese, and a tongue other than monosyllabic like the Malay. - -This brings us to the great area of the monosyllabic tongues itself. -_Geographically_, it means China, Tibet, the Transgangetic Peninsula, -and the Sub-Himalayan parts of northern India, such as Nepal, Sikkim, -Assam, the Garo country, and other similar localities. - -_Politically_, it means the Chinese, Nepalese, Burmese and Siamese -empires, along with several British-Indian and independent tribes. - -The chief _religion_ is Buddhism; the physical conformation -unequivocally _Mongolian_. - -The transition from _mono_-syllabic to _poly_-syllabic has never -created much difficulty with myself: nor do I think it will do so -with any writer who considers the greater difficulties involved in -the denial of it. What these are will become apparent when we look -at the map of Asia, and observe the tongues which come in contact -with those of the class in question. Then it will become clear -that _unless we allow it to form a connecting link, it not only -stands alone itself, but isolates other families_. Thus, it is only -through the Transgangetic Peninsula that the _Oceanic_ family can -be connected with the _Indian_; a connexion which rests on grounds -sufficiently good to have induced careful writers[28] to believe the -affiliation to be _direct_ and _immediate_. It is only through this -same Transgangetic Peninsula _plus_ Tibet and China that the great -Siberian families--Turanian and Japanese--can be similarly connected -with the Oceanic. Yet such a connexion really exists, though, from its -indirect character, it is but partially recognised. Nevertheless, it -_is_ recognised (often, perhaps, unconsciously) by every inquirer who -hesitates about separating the Malay from the Mongol. - -A difficulty of far greater magnitude arises from the following -considerations:--There are two principles upon which languages may be -classified. According to the first, we take two or more languages as -we find them, ascertain certain of their characteristics, and then -inquire how far these characteristics coincide. Two or more languages, -thus taken, may agree in having a large per-centage of grammatical -inflexions, in which case they would agree in certain _positive_ -characters. On the other hand, two or more languages may agree in -the _negative_ fact of having a small and scanty vocabulary, and an -inflexional system equally limited. - -The complication here suggested lies in a fact of which a little -reflection will show the truth, viz. that _negative points of -similarity prove nothing in the way of ethnological connexion_; whence, -as far as the simplicity of their respective grammars is concerned, the -Siamese, Burmese, Chinese and Tibetan may be as little related to each -other, or to a common mother-tongue, as the most unlike languages of -the whole world of Speech. - -Again--it by no means follows that because all the tongues of the -family in question are comparatively destitute of inflexion, they are -all in the same class. A characteristic of the kind may arise from -two reasons; _non_-development, or loss. There is a stage _anterior_ -to the evolution of inflexions, when each word has but one form, and -when relation is expressed by mere juxtaposition, with or without the -superaddition of a change of accent. The tendencies of this stage are -to combine words in the way of composition, but not to go further. -Every word retains, throughout, its separate substantive character, -and has a meaning independent of its juxtaposition with the words with -which it combines. - -But there is also a stage _subsequent_ to such an evolution, when -inflexions have become obliterated and when case-endings, like -the _i_ in _patr-i_, are replaced by prepositions (in some cases -by postpositions) like the _to_ in _to father_; and when personal -endings, like the _o_ in _voc-o_, are replaced by pronouns, like the -_I_ in _I call_. Of the _first_ of these stages, the Chinese is the -language which affords the most typical specimen that can be found in -the present _late_ date of languages--_late_, considering that we are -looking for a sample of its earliest forms. Of the _last_ of these -stages the English of the year 1851 affords the most typical specimen -that can be found in the present _early_ date of language--early, -considering that we are looking for a sample of its latest forms. - -Hence-- - -_a._ How far the different monosyllabic tongues are _all_ in the same -stage--is one question. - -_b._ Whether this stage be the _earlier_ or the _later_ one--is -another; and-- - -_c._ Whether they are connected by _relationship_ as well as in -_external form_--is a third. - -In answer to this, it is safe to say (a.) that they are _all_ -uninflected, because inflexions have yet to be evolved; not because -they have been evolved and lost--as is the case with the English, a -language which stands at one end of the scale, just as the Chinese does -at the other. - -(b.) They are, also, all connected by a _bon fide_ ethnological -relationship; as can be shown by numerous tables; the Chinese and -Tibetans being, apparently, the two extremes, in the way of difference. - -As for their geographical distribution, it is a blank-and-prize -lottery, with large and small areas in juxtaposition and contrast, just -as has been the case in America and in Africa; the Sub-Himalayan parts -of British India, Sikkim and Nepl, and the Indo-Burmese frontier -(or the country about Assam and Munipr) being the tracts where the -multiplicity of mutually unintelligible tongues within a limited -district is greatest. - -Again--whenever the latter distribution occurs we have either a -mountain-fastness, political independence, or the primitive pagan -creed--generally all three. - -The population speaking a monosyllabic language which is in the -most immediate contact with the continental tribes of the Oceanic -stock, is the Southern Siamese. This reaches as far as the northern -frontier of Kedah (Quedah), about 8 N. L. Everything north of this -is monosyllabic; with the exception of a Malay settlement (probably, -though not certainly, of recent origin) on the coast of Kambogia. - -Now the great stock to which the Siamese belong is called T'hay. Its -direction is from north to south, coinciding with the course of the -great river Menam; beyond the head-waters of which the T'hay tribes -reach as far as Assam. Of these northern T'hay, the _Khamti_ are the -most numerous; and it is important to know that as many as 92 words -out of 100 are common to this dialect and to the classical Siamese of -Bankok. - -Again, the intermediate tribes of the Upper and Middle Menam--the -Lau--speak a language as unequivocally Siamese as the Khamti. If so, -the T'hay tongue, widely extended as it is in the particular direction -from north to south, is a tongue falling into but few dialects; the -inference from which is, that it has spread within a comparatively -recent period. Consequently, it has encroached upon certain other -populations and effected certain displacements. - -I think that even in the minuter details that now suggest themselves we -can see our way; so far, at least, as to determine in which direction -the movement took place--whether it were from north to south or from -south to north. - -Few classes of tongues can be better studied for ethnological purposes -than the monosyllabic. A paper of Buchanan's, and another of Leyden's, -are amongst the most valuable articles of the Asiatic Researches. One -of Mr. Brown's in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal gives us -numerous tabulated vocabularies for the Burmese, Assamese and Indian -frontiers. Mr. Hodgson and Dr. Robertson have done still more for the -same parts. Lastly, the chief southern dialects, which have been less -studied, are tabulated in the second volume of 'Crawfurd's Embassy to -Siam.' - -Upon looking over these, we find specimens of the two tongues which -lie east and west of the southern Siamese; the first being the _Kh_ -language of Kambogia, and the second the _Mn_ of Pegu. Each of these -is spoken over a small area; indeed the Mn, which is, at present, -nearly limited to the Delta of the Irawaddi, is fast giving way before -the encroaching dialects of the Burmese class, whilst the Kh of -Kambogia is similarly limited to the lower part of the Mekhong, and is -hemmed in by the Siamese, the Lau, and the Anamitic of Cochin China. - -Now, separated as they are, the Mn and Kh are liker to each other -than either is to the interjacent Siamese; the inference from this -being that at one time they were connected by transitional and -intermediate dialects, aboriginal to the lower Menam, but now displaced -by the Siamese of Bankok introduced from the parts to the northwards. - -If this be the case, the monosyllabic tongue most closely allied to -those of the Malayan Peninsula (which are _not_ monosyllabic) is -not the present Siamese, but the language which the present Siamese -displaced. - -How far this view is confirmed by any special affinities between -the Malay dialects with the Mn and Kh is more than I can say. The -examination, however, should be made. - -The _southern_ T'hay dialects are not only less like the Mn and Kh -than is expected from their locality, but the _northern_ ones are less -like those of the Indo-Burmese frontier and Assam than the geographical -contiguity prepares us to surmise; since the per-centage of words -common to the Khamti and the other dialects of Munipur and Assam is -only as follows[29]. - - Siamese. Khamti. - 0 1 per cent. with the Aka. - 0 1 " " Abor. - 3 5 " " Mishimi. - 6 8 " " Burmese. - 8 8 " " Karien. - 3 3 " " Singpho. - 10 10 " " Jili. - 1 3 " " Garo. - 3 3 " " Munipri. - 1 1 " " Songphu. - 0 0 " " Kapwi. - 1 1 " " Koreng. - 0 0 " " Maram. - 0 0 " " Kamphung. - 0 0 " " Luhuppa. - 0 0 " " North Tankhul. - 0 0 " " Central Tankhul. - 0 0 " " South Tankhul. - 0 0 " " Khoibu. - 0 0 " " Maring. - -This shows that their original locality is to be sought in an _eastern_ -as well as in a _northern_ direction. - -If the T'hay dialects are less like the Burmese than most other members -of their class, they are more like the B'hot of Tibet. - - _English_ boat. - Ahom _ru._ - Khamti _hu._ - Lau _heic._ - Siamese _reng._ - W. Tibetan[30] _gru._ - S. Tibetan[30] _kua._ - - _English_ bone. - Khamti _nuk._ - Lau _duk._ - Siamese _ka-duk._ - S. Tibetan _ruko._ - - _English_ crow. - Ahom _ka._ - Khamti _ka._ - Lau _ka._ - Siamese _ka._ - W. Tibetan _kha-ta._ - - _English_ ear. - Khamti (3) _h._ - W. Tibetan _s._ - S. Tibetan _amcho._ - - _English_ egg. - Ahom _khrai._ - Khamti _khai._ - Lau _khai._ - Siamese _khai._ - - _English_ father. - Ahom (3) _po._ - W. Tibetan _ph._ - S. Tibetan _pl._ - - _English_ fire. - Ahom (3) _fai._ - W. Tibetan _m._ - S. Tibetan _m._ - - _English_ flower. - Ahom _blok._ - Khamti _mok._ - Lau _dok._ - Siamese _dokmai._ - W. Tibetan _me-tog._ - S. Tibetan _men-tok._ - - _English_ foot. - Ahom _tin._ - W. Tibetan _{r}kang-pa._ - S. Tibetan _kango._ - - _English_ hair. - Ahom _phrum._ - Khamti _phom._ - Lau _phom._ - Siamese _phom._ - W. Tibetan _skra._ - ---- _spu._ - S. Tibetan _ta._ - ---- _kra._ - - _English_ head. - Ahom _ru._ - Khamti _ho._ - Lau _ho._ - Siamese _hoa._ - W. Tibetan _mgo._ - S. Tibetan _go._ - - _English_ moon. - Siamese _tawan._ - W. Tibetan _{z}lava._ - S. Tibetan _dawa._ - - _English_ mother. - Ahom (4) _me._ - Tibetan _ama._ - - _English_ night. - Khamti (3) _khn._ - W. Tibetan _m tshan-mo._ - S. Tibetan _chen-mo._ - - _English_ oil. - Ahom _man gr._ - Khamti _nam._ - ---- _man._ - Lau (2) _nam._ - ---- _man._ - S. Tibetan _num._ - - _English_ road. - Ahom (2) _tng._ - Siamese _thng._ - W. Tibetan _lami._ - S. Tibetan _lani._ - - _English_ salt. - Ahom _klu._ - Khamti _ku._ - Lau _keu._ - ---- _keou._ - Siamese _kleua._ - - _English_ skin. - Ahom _plek._ - W. Tibetan _pag-spa._ - S. Tibetan _pag-pa._ - - _English_ tooth. - Ahom _khiu._ - Khamti _khiu._ - Lau _khiau._ - Siamese _khiau._ - Tibetan _s._ - - _English_ tree. - Ahom _tun._ - Khamti _tun._ - Lau _tn._ - Siamese _tn._ - W. Tibetan _l. jon-shing._ - S. Tibetan _shin dong._ - - _English_ three. - Ahom (3) _sam._ - W. Tibetan _q-sum._ - S. Tibetan _sum._ - - _English_ four. - Ahom (3) _si._ - W. Tibetan _bzhi._ - S. Tibetan _zhyi._ - - _English_ five. - Ahom (3) _ha._ - W. Tibetan _hna._ - S. Tibetan _gna._ - - _English_ six. - Ahom _ruk._ - Siamese (3) _hok._ - W. Tibetan _druk._ - S. Tibetan _th._ - - _English_ nine. - Ahom (3) _kau._ - W. Tibetan _d-gu._ - S. Tibetan _guh._ - - _English_ in, on. - Ahom _nu._ - Khamti _nau._ - Lau _neu._ - Tibetan _la, na._ - - _English_ now. - Ahom _tinai._ - Khamti _tsang._ - Lau _leng._ - W. Tibetan _deng-tse._ - S. Tibetan _thanda._ - - _English_ to-morrow. - Ahom _sang-manai._ - Tibetan _sang._ - - _English_ drink. - Siamese _deum._ - W. Tibetan _{p}thung._ - S. Tibetan _thung._ - - _English_ sleep. - Ahom (2) _non._ - W. Tibetan _nyan._ - S. Tibetan _ny._ - - _English_ laugh. - Ahom _khru._ - Khamti _kh._ - Lau _kha._ - Siamese _hoaro._ - W. Tibetan _{b}gad._ - S. Tibetan _{f}g._ - -[30] S. means the _spoken_, W. the _written_ Tibetan. The collation has -been made from a table of Mr. Hodgson's in the Journal of the Asiatic -Society of Bengal. The Ahom is a T'hay dialect. - -The B'hot itself is spoken over a large area with but little -variation. We anticipate the inference. It is an intrusive tongue, -of comparatively recent diffusion. What has been its direction? From -east to west rather than from west to east; at least such is the -deduction from its similarity to the T'hay, and from the multiplicity -of dialects--representatives of a receding population--in the Himalayas -of Nepl and Sikkim. This, however, is a point on which I speak with -hesitation. - -Dialects of the B'hot class are spoken as far westward as the parts -about Cashmr and the watershed of the Indus and Oxus. This gives us -the greatest extent eastwards of any unequivocally monosyllabic tongue. - -The Chinese seem to have effected displacements as remarkable for -both breadth and length as the T'hay were for length. We get at their -original locality by the exhaustive process. On the northern and -western frontier they keep encroaching at the present moment--at the -expense of the Mantshs and Mongolians. For the provinces of Chansi, -Pe-tche-li, Chantung, Honan, &c., indeed, for four-fifths of the whole -empire, the uniformity of speech indicates a recent diffusion. In -Setshuen and Yunnan the type changes probably from that of the true -Chinese to the Tibetan, T'hay and Burmese. In Tonkin and Cochin the -language is like but different--like enough to be the only monosyllabic -language which is placed by any one in the same section with the -Chinese, but different enough to make this position of it a matter of -doubt with many. Putting all this together, the south and south-eastern -provinces of China appear to be the oldest portions of the present area. - -In fixing upon these as the parent provinces, the evidence of ethnology -on the one side, and that of the mass of tradition and inference which -passes under the honourable title of Chinese history on the other, -disagree. This latter is as follows:-- - -At some period anterior to 550 =B.C.=, the first monarch with whom -the improvement of China began, and whose name was Yao, ruled over a -small portion of the present empire, viz. its _north-west_ district; -and the first nations that he fought against were the Yen and Tsi, in -Pe-tche-li and Shantong respectively. - -Later still, Honan was conquered. - -=B.C.= 550. All to the south of the Ta-keang was barbarous; and the -title of King of Chinese was only _Vang_ or _prince_, not _Hoang-te_ or -_Emperor_. - -At this time Confucius lived. Amongst other things he wrote the -_Tschan-tsen_, or Annals of his own time. - -=B.C.= 213. Shi-hoang-ti, the first Emperor of all China, built the -great wall, colonized Japan, conquered the parts about Nankin, and -_purposely destroyed all the previously existing documents upon which -he could lay hand_. - -=B.C.= 94. Sse-mats-sian lived. What Shi-hoang-ti missed in the way -of records, Sse-mats-sian preserved, and, as such, passes for the -Herodotus China. - -A destruction of the earlier records, with a subsequent reconstruction -of the history which they are supposed to have embodied, is always -suspicious; and when once the principle of reconstruction is admitted, -no value can be attached to the intrinsic probability of a narration. -It may be probable. It may be true. It cannot, however, be historical -unless supported by historical testimony; since, if true, it is a -guess; and if probable, a specimen of the tact of the inventor. At -best, it can but be a _tradition_ or an _inference_, the basis of which -may be a certain amount of fact--little or great according to the -temperament of the investigator. - -Now, in the previous notice of the history of Chinese civilization, we -have placed its claims to a high antiquity under as favourable a point -of view as is allowable. They bear the appearance of truth--so much so, -that if we had reason to believe that there were any means of recording -them at so early an epoch as 600 years =B.C.=, and of preserving them -to so late a one as the year '51, scepticism would be impertinent. But -this is not the case. An historical fact must be taken upon evidence, -not upon probabilities; and to argue the antiquity of a civilization -like the Chinese from the antiquity of its history, and afterwards to -claim an historical value for remote traditions on the strength of an -early civilization, is to argue in a circle. - -Without saying that _all_ argument upon the antiquity of the Chinese -Empire is of this sort, it may fairly be said that _much_ of it has -been so--so much as to make Confucius as mythological a character -as Minos, and to bring the earliest reasonable records to an epoch -subsequent to the introduction of Buddhism from India. Even this -antiquity is only probable. - -A square block of land between the Ganges and Upper Irawaddi is -occupied by one dominant, and upwards of thirty subordinate sections -of one and the same population--the _Burmese_. Some of these are -mountaineers, and have retreated before the Indians from the south -and west--encroachers upon the originally Burmese countries of Assam, -Chittagong and Sylhet. Others are themselves intruders, or (what is -much the same) consolidators of conquered countries. Such are the Avans -of the Burmese Empire, properly so called, who seem to have followed -the course of the Irawaddi, displacing not only small tribes akin to -themselves, but the Mn of Pegu, as well. Lastly, the Kariens emulate -the T'hay in the length of their area and in its north-and-south -direction, being found in the southern part of the Tenasserim Provinces -(in 11 N. L.) and on the very borders of China (in 23 N. L.). - -No great family has its distribution so closely coincident with a -water-system as the one in question. The plateau of Mongolia and the -Himalayas are its boundaries. It occupies the whole[31] of all the -rivers which rise within these limits, and fall into either the Bay of -Bengal or the Chinese Sea; whereas (with the exception of the Himalayan -portions of the Indus and the Ganges) it occupies none of the others. -The lines of migration with the Indo-Chinese populations have generally -followed the water-courses of the Indo-Chinese rivers; and civilization -has chiefly flourished along their valleys. Yet, as these lead to an -ocean interrupted by no fresh continent, the effect of their direction -has been to isolate the nations who possess them. I imagine that this -has much more to do with peculiarities of the Chinese civilization than -aught else. Had the Hoang-ho fallen into a sea like the Mediterranean, -the Celestial Empire would, probably, have given and taken in the way -of social and political influence, have acted on the manners of the -world at large, and have itself been reacted on. Differences should -only be attributed to so indefinite and so impalpable a force as _race_ -when all other things are equal. - -Upon the principle of taking the questions in the order of complexity, -so as to dispose of the simplest first, I pass over, for the present, -the connexion between Africa and South-Western Asia, and take the -easier of the two European ones. - -_The Turanians._--The line which, beginning at Lapland, and, after -exhibiting the great Turanian affiliations, ends at the wall of China, -comprising the Ugrians, Samoeids[32], Yeniseians[32], Yukahiri[32], -Turks, Mongols, and Tungusians[33], is connected with the area of the -monosyllabic languages in different degrees of clearness according to -the criterion employed. The physical conformation is nearly identical. -The languages differ--the Turanian, like the Oceanic and the American, -being inflected and polysyllabic[34]. With this difference, the -complexities of the affiliation begin and end. Their amount has been -already suggested. - -A great part of Northern Europe, Independent Tartary, Siberia, -Mongolia, Tibet, China, and the Transgangetic Peninsula, has now been -disposed of. Nevertheless, India, Persia, Asia Minor, and Caucasus -remain; in size inconsiderable, in difficulty great--greatly difficult -because the points of contact between Europe and Asia, and Africa -and Asia, fall within this area; greatly difficult because the -displacements have been enormous; greatly difficult because, besides -displacement, there has been intermixture as well. Lest any one -undervalue the displacement, let him look at Asia Minor, which is now -Turk, which has been Roman, Persian and Greek, and which has no single -unequivocal remnant of its original population throughout its whole -length and breadth. Yet, great as this is, it is no more than what we -expect _ priori_. What families are and have been more encroaching -than the populations hereabouts--Turks from the north, Arabs from the -south, and Persians from the east? The oldest empires of the world lie -here--and old empires imply early consolidation; early consolidation, -premature displacement. Then come the phnomena of intermixture. In -India there is a literary language of considerable age, and full of -inflexions. Of these inflexions not one in ten can be traced in any -modern tongue throughout the whole of Asia. Yet they are rife and -common in many European ones. Again, the _words_ of this same language, -_minus_ its inflexions, are rife and common in the very tongues where -the inflexions are wanting; in some cases amounting to nine-tenths of -the language. What is the inference from this? Not a very clear one at -any rate. - -Africa has but one point of contact with Asia, _i.e._ Arabia. It -is safe to say this, because, whether we carry the migration over -the Isthmus of Suez or the Straits of Babel-Mandeb, the results are -similar. The Asiatic stock, in either case, is the same--Semitic. But -Europe, in addition to its other mysteries, has two; perhaps three. One -of these is simple enough--that of the Lap line and the Turanian stock. -But the others are not so. It is easy to make the Ugrians Asiatic; but -by no means easy to connect the other Europeans with the Ugrians. The -Sarmatians, nearest in geography, have never been very successfully -affiliated with them. Indeed, so unwilling have writers been to admit -this relationship, that the Finnic hypothesis, with all its boldness, -has appeared the better alternative. Yet the Finnic hypothesis is but a -guess. Even if it be not so, it only embraces the Basks and Albanians; -so that the so-called Indo-Europeans still stand over. - -For reasons like these, the parts forthcoming will be treated with far -greater detail than those which have preceded; with nothing like the -detail of _minute_ ethnology, but still slowly and carefully. - -All that thus stands over for investigation is separated from the area -already disposed of by that line of mountains which is traced from the -Garo Hills in the north-east of Bengal to the mouth of the Kuban in the -Black Sea. First come the Eastern Himalayas, which, roughly speaking, -may be said to divide the Indian kingdoms and dependencies from the -Chinese Empire. They do not do so exactly, but they do so closely -enough for the present purpose. - -They may also be said, in the same way, to divide the nations of the -Hindu from those of more typically Mongolian conformation. - -They may also be said, in the same way, to divide the Indian tongues -from the monosyllabic. - -On the _north_ side of this range, languages undoubtedly, monosyllabic -are spoken as far westwards as Little Tibet. On the _south_ there are -Hindu characteristics both numerous and undoubted as far in the same -direction as _Cashmr_. - -Then comes a change. To the north and west of Cashmr is a _Kohistan_, -or _mountain-country_, which will soon require being described in -detail. The line, however, which we are at present engaged upon is -that of the northern boundary of the Valley of the Kabl River, the -mountains between Cabul and Herat, and the continuation of the same -ridge from Herat to the south-eastern corner of the Caspian. _North_ of -this we have--roughly speaking--the Uzbek and Turcoman Turks; south of -it, the Afghans and Persians Proper. Bokhara, however, is Persian, and -the _Kohistan_ in question is _not_ Turk--whatever else it may be. - -To proceed--this line runs nearly parallel to the southern shore -of the Caspian. Of the provinces to the north of it, Asterabad is -partly Turk and partly Persian; Mazenderan and Ghilan, Persian. From -Ghilan northwards and westwards, the valleys of the Cyrus and Araxes -form the chief exception--but, saving these, all is mountain and -mountaineership. Indeed, it is Ararat and Armenia which lie on our -left, and the vast and vague Caucasus which rears itself in front. - -The simplest ethnology of the parts between this range, the Semitic -area, and the sea, is that of the Persian province of Khorasan. With -Persia we are so much in the habit of connecting ideas of Eastern pomp -and luxury, that we are scarcely able to give it its true geographical -conditions of general sterility. Yet it is really a desert with -oases--a desert with oases for the far greater part of its area. And -of all its provinces few are more truly so than Khorasan. Here we -have a great elevated central table-land; pre-eminently destitute of -rivers; and with but few towns. Of these Yezd is the chief in interest: -the head-quarters of remains of the old fire-worship: Yezd the city -of the Parsees, more numerous there than in all the others in Persia -besides. Perhaps, too, it is the ethnological centre of the Persian -stock; since in a westerly direction they extend to Kurdistan, and in a -north-eastern one as far as Badukshan and Durwaz on the source of the -Oxus. - -The northern frontier is Turcoman, where the pastoral robbers of the -parts between Bokhara and the Caspian encroach, and have encroached. - -As far south as Shurukhs they are to be found; and east of Shurukhs -they are succeeded by the Hazarehs--probably _wholly_, certainly -_partially_, of Mongolian blood. - -Abbasabad on the north-west is a Georgian colony. On the line between -Meshed and Herat are several Kurd colonies. In Seistan we have -Persians; but further south there are Biluch and Brahi. Due east the -Afghans come in. - -Kerman is also Persian; and that to a greater degree than Khorasan. -Fars is the same; yet west of Fars the population changes, and Arabian -elements occur. They increase in Khuzistan; and in Irak Arabi we, -at one and the same time, reach the rich alluvia of the Tigris and -Euphrates and a doubtful frontier. Whether this was originally Arab or -Persian is a matter of doubt. - -From Irak we must subtract Laristan, and the Baktyari Mountains, as -well as the whole north-western half. Hamadan is the ancient Ecbatana; -the ancient Ecbatana was Median--but that the Medes and Persians were -as closely allied in blood as we suppose them to have been in their -unalterable laws, is by no means a safe assumption. The existence -of a _third_ language in the arrow-headed inscriptions yet awaits a -satisfactory explanation. - -On the other hand, Mazenderan is wholly Persian; and so is Ghilan -Proper. The Talish, however, to the north of that province, are, -possibly, of another stock. Asterabad, as stated above, is a frontier -province. - -I think that there is good reason for believing Ajerbijan to have been, -originally, other than Persian. - -In Balkh and Bokhara, the older--but not necessarily the -oldest--population appears to be Persian under recently immigrant Uzbek -masters. Beyond these countries, the Persians reappear as the chief -population, _i.e._ in Badukshan and Durwaz. - -Here the proper Persian population ends--but not either wholly or -abruptly. - -Three modifications of it occur-- - - 1. In Biluchistan to the south-east. - 2. In Kurdistan to the west. - 3. In Afghanistan to the east. - -Besides which, there are Persians encroaching upon the Armenian and -Caucasian area in Shirvan, Erivan, and Karabagh--in all of which -countries, as well as in Ajerbijan, I believe it to have been intrusive. - -_The Biluch._--East and south-east of the proper Persians of Kerman -come the Biluch, of Biluchistan. There is certainly a change of type -here. Physically, the country is much like the table-land of Kerman. -India, however, is approached; so that the Biluch are frontier tribes. -To a certain extent they are encroachers. We find them in Sind, in -Mltan, and in the parts between the Indus and the Sulimani Mountains, -and in the middle part of the Sulimani Mountains themselves. They -style themselves _Usul_ or _The Pure_, a term which implies either -displacement or intermixture in the parts around. Their language is -a modified (many call it a _bad_) Persian. Philologically, however, -it may be the older and more instructive dialect--though I have no -particular reasons for thinking it so. Hindu features of physiognomy -now appear. So do Semitic elements of polity and social constitution. -We have tribes, clans, and families; with divisions and sub-divisions. -We have a criminal law which puts us in mind of the Levites. We have -classes which scorn to intermarry; and this suggests the idea of -_caste_. Then we have pastoral habits as in Mongolia. The religion, -however, is Mahometan, so that if any remains of the primitive -Paganism, available for the purposes of ethnological classification, -still exist, they lie too far below the surface to have been observed. - -Captain Postans distinguishes the Biluch from the Mekrani of Mekran; -but of this latter people I know no good description. They are, -probably, Kerman Persians. The hill-range between Jhalawan and Sind is -occupied by a family which has commanded but little notice; yet is it -one of the most important in the world, the Brahi. - -_The Kurds._--A line drawn obliquely across Persia from Biluchistan -towards the north-west brings us to another frontier population; a -population conterminous with the Semitic Arabs of Mesopotamia, and the -unplaced Armenians. These are mountaineers--the Kurds of Kurdistan. -Name for name, they are the _Carduchi_ of the Anabasis. Name for -name, they are the _Gordyi_. Name for name, they are, probably, -the _Chaldi_ and _Khasd-im_--a fact which engenders a difficult -complication, since the Chaldi in the eyes of nine writers out of -ten--though not in those of so good an authority as Gesenius--are -Semitic. The Kurd area is pre-eminently irregular in outline. It is -equally remarkable for its physical conditions. It is a range of -mountains--just the place wherein we expect to find old and aboriginal -populations rather than new and intrusive ones. On the other hand, -however, the Kurd form of the Persian tongue is not remarkable for the -multiplicity and difference of its dialects--a fact which suggests the -opposite inference. Kurds extend as far south as the northern frontier -of Fars, as far north as Armenia, and as far west as the head-waters -of the Halys. Have they encroached? This is a difficult question. The -Armenians are a people who have generally given way before intruders; -but the Arabs are rather intruders than the contrary. The Kurd -direction is vertical, _i.e._ narrow rather than broad, and from north -to south (or _vice vers_) rather than from east to west (or _vice -vers_), a direction common enough where it coincides with the valley -of a river, but rare along a mountain-chain. Nevertheless it reappears -in South America, where the Peruvian area coincides with that of the -Andes. - -_The Afghans._--The Afghan area is very nearly the water-system of the -river Helmund. The direction in which it has become extended is east -and north-east; in the former it has encroached upon Hindostan, in -the latter upon the southern members of a class that may conveniently -be called the Paropamisan. In this way (I think) the Valley of the -Cabul River has become Afghan. Its relations to the Hazareh country -are undetermined. Most of the Hazarehs are Mongolian in physiognomy. -Some of them are Mongolian in both physiognomy and language. This -indicates intrusion and intermixture--intrusion and intermixture which -history tells us are subsequent to the time of Tamerlane. Phnomena -suggestive of intrusion and intermixture are rife and common throughout -Afghanistan. In some cases--as in that of Hazarehs--it is recent, or -subsequent to the Afghan occupation; in others, it is ancient and prior -to it. - -_Bokhara._--I have not placed the division containing the Tajiks of -Balkh, Knduz, Durwaz, Badukshan, and Bokhara, on a level with that -containing the Afghans, Kurds and Biluch, because I am not sure of -its value. Probably, however, it is in reality as much a separate -substantive class as any of the preceding. Here the intrusion has -been so great, the political relations have been so separate, and the -intermixed population is so heterogeneous as for it to have been, for a -long time, doubtful whether the people of Bokhara were Persian or Turk. -Klaproth, however, has shown that they belong to the former division, -though subject to the Uzbek Turks. If so, the present Tajiks represent -the ancient Bactrians and Sogdians--the Persians of the valley and -water system of the Oxus. But what if these were intruders? I have -little doubt about the word _Oxus_ (_Ok-sus_) representing the same -root as the _Yak_ in _Yaxsartes_ (_Yak-sartes_), and the _Yaik_, the -name of the river flowing into the northern part of the Caspian. Now -this is the _Turanian_ name for _river_, a name found equally in the -Turk, Uguari, and Hyperborean languages. At any rate, Bokhara is on an -ethnological frontier. - -But Bactria and Sogdiana were Persian at the time of Alexander's -successors; they were Persian at the very beginning of the historical -period. Be it so. The historical period is but a short one, and there -is no reason why a population should not encroach at one time and be -itself encroached upon at another. - -All the parts enumerated, and all the divisions, are so undoubtedly -Persian, that few competent authorities deny the fact. The most that -has ever been done is to separate the Afghans. Sir W. Jones did this. -He laid great stress upon certain Jewish characteristics, had his -head full of the Ten Tribes, and was deceived in a vocabulary of -their languages. Mr. Norris also is inclined to separate them, but on -different grounds. He can neither consider the Afghan language to be -Indo-European, nor the Persian to be otherwise. His inference is true, -if his facts are. But what if the Persian be other than Indo-European? -In that case they are both free to fall into the same category. - -But the complexities of the Persian population are not complete. -There is the division between the _Tajiks_ and the _Iliyats_; the -former being the settled occupants of towns and villages speaking -Persian, the others pastoral or wandering tribes speaking the Arab, -Kurd, and Turk languages. That _Tajik_ is the same word as the root -_Taoc_, in _Taoc-ene_, a part of the ancient country of Persis (now -_Fars_), and, consequently, in a pre-eminent Persian locality, is a -safe conjecture. The inference, however, that such was the original -locality of the Persian family is traversed by numerous--but by no -means insuperable--difficulties. In respect to their chronological -relations, the general statement may be made, that wherever we have -Tajiks and Iliyats together, the former are the older, the latter the -newer population. Hence it is not in any Iliyat tribe that we are to -look for any nearer approach to the aborigines than what we find in the -normal population. They are the analogues of the Jews and gipsies of -Great Britain rather than of the Welsh--recent grafts rather than parts -of the old stock. In Afghanistan this was not so clearly the case. -Indeed, the inference was the other way. - -The antiquities and history of Persia are too well-known to need -more than a passing allusion. The creed was that of Zoroaster; -still existent, in a modified (perhaps a corrupted, perhaps an -improved) form, in the religion of the modern Parsis. The language -of the Zoroastrian Scriptures was called Zend. Now the Zend is -Indo-European--Indo-European and highly inflected. The _inflexions_, -however, in the modern Persian are next to none; and of those few it -is by no means certain that they are Zend in origin. Nevertheless, the -great majority of modern Persian words _are_ Zend. What does this mean? -It means that the philologist is in a difficulty; that the grammatical -structure points one way and the vocabulary another. This difficulty -will meet us again. - -_India._--In the time of Herodotus, and even earlier, India was part of -the Persian empire. Yet India was not Persia. It was no more Persia in -the days of Darius than it is English now. The original Indian stock -was and is peculiar--peculiar in its essential fundamentals, but not -pure and unmodified. The vast extent to which this modification implies -encroachment and intermixture is the great key to nine-tenths of the -complexities of the difficult ethnology of Hindostan. Whether we look -to the juxtaposition of the different forms of Indian speech, the -multiform degrees of fusion between them, the sections and sub-sections -of their creeds--legion by name,--the fragments of ancient paganism, -the differences of skin and feature, or the institution of caste, -intrusion followed by intermixture, and intermixture in every degree -and under every mode of manifestation, is the suggestion. - -And now we have our duality--viz. the primitive element and the foreign -one--the stock and the graft. Nothing is more certain than that the -graft came from the north-west. Does this necessarily mean from Persia? -Such is the current opinion; or, if not from Persia, from some of -those portions of India itself nearest the Persian frontier. There are -reasons, however, for refining on this view. Certain influences foreign -to India may have come _through_ Persia, without being Persian. The -proof that a particular characteristic was introduced into India _vi_ -Persia is one thing: the proof that it originated in Persia is another. -They have often, however, been confounded. - -In the south of India the foreign element is manifested less than in -the north; so that it is the south of India which exhibits the original -stock in its fullest form. Its chief characteristics are referable -to three heads, physical form, creed, and language. In respect to -the first, the southern Indian is darker than the northern--_cteris -paribus_, _i. e._ under similar external conditions; but not to the -extent that a mountaineer of the Dekhan is blacker than a Bengali from -the delta of the Ganges. Descent, too, or caste influences colour, and -the purer the blood the lighter the skin. Then the lips are thicker, -the nose less frequently aquiline, the cheek-bones more prominent, -and the eyebrows less regular in the southrons. The most perfect form -of the Indian face gives us regular and delicate features, arched -eyebrows, an aquiline nose, an oval contour, and a clear brunette -complexion. All this is Persian. - -Depart from it and comparisons suggest themselves. If the lips thicken -and the skin blackens, we think of the Negro; if the cheek-bones stand -out and if the eye--as it sometimes does--become oblique, the Mongol -comes into our thoughts. - -The original Indian creeds are best characterized by negatives. They -are neither Brahminic nor Buddhist. - -The language, for the present, is best brought under the same -description. No man living considers it to be _Indo-European_. - -In proportion as any particular Indian population is characterized by -these three marks, its origin, purity, and indigenous nature become -clearer--and _vice vers_. Hence, they may be taken in the order of -their outward and visible signs of aboriginality. - -First come--as already stated--the Southrons of the Continent[35]; and -first amongst these the mountaineers. In the Eastern Ghauts we have -the Chenchwars, between the Kistna and the Pennar; in the Western the -Cohatars, Tudas, Curumbars, Erulars, and numerous other hill-tribes; -all agreeing in being either imperfect Brahminists or Pagans, and in -speaking and languages akin to the Tamul of the coast of Coromandel; -a language which gives its name to the class, and introduces the -important philological term _Tamulian_. The physical appearance of -these is by no means so characteristic as their speech and creed. The -mountain _habitats_ favour a lightness of complexion. On the other, it -favours the Mongol prominence of the cheek-bones. Many, however, of the -Tudas have all the regularity of the Persian countenance--yet they are -the pure amongst the pure of the native Tamulian Indians. - -In the _plains_ the language is Tamulian, but the creed Brahminic; -a state of evidence which reaches as far north as the parts about -Chicacole east, and Goa west. - -In the _South_, then, are the chief samples of the true Tamulian -aborigines of Indian; the characteristics of whom have been preserved -by the simple effect of distance from the point of disturbance. -Distance, however, alone has been but a weak preservative. The -combination of a mountain-stronghold has added to its efficiency. - -In _Central_ India one of these safeguards is impaired. We are nearer -to Persia; and it is only in the mountains that the foreign elements -are sufficiently inconsiderable to make the Tamulian character of the -population undoubted and undeniable. In the Mahratta country and in -Gondwana, the Ghonds, in Orissa the Kols, Khonds, and Srs, and in -Bengal the Rajmahali mountaineers are Tamulian in tongue and Pagan in -creed--or, if not Pagan, but imperfectly Brahminic. But, then, they are -all mountaineers. In the more level country around them the language is -Mahratta, Udiya, or Bengali. - -Now the Mahratta, Udiya[36] and Bengali are _not_ unequivocally and -undeniably Tamulian. They are so far from it, that they explain what -was meant by the negative statement as to the Tamulian tongues not -being considered _Indo-European_. This is just what the tongues in -question _have_ been considered. Whether rightly or wrongly is not very -important at present. If rightly, we have a difference of language as -_prim facie_--but not as _conclusive_--evidence of a difference of -stock. If wrongly, we have, in the very existence of an opinion which -common courtesy should induce us to consider reasonable, a practical -exponent of some considerable difference of some sort or other--of a -change from the proper Tamulian characteristics to something else so -great in its _degree_ as to look like a difference in _kind_. With the -Bengali--and to a certain extent with the other two populations--the -foreign element approaches its _maximum_, or (changing the expression) -the evidence of Tamulianism is at its _minimum_. Yet it is not -annihilated. The physical appearance of the Mahratta, at least, is -that of the true South Indian. Even if the language be other than -Tamulian, the Hinds of northern India may still be of the same stock -with those of Mysore and Malabar, in the same way that a Cornishman is -a Welshman--_i. e._ a Briton who has changed his mother-tongue for the -English. - -Intermediate to the Khonds and the Bengali, in respect to the evidence -of their Tamulian affinities, are the mountaineers of north-western -India. Here, the preservative effects of distance are next to nothing. -Those, however, of the mountain-fastnesses supply the following -populations--Berdars, Ramusi, Wurali, Paurias, Kulis, Bhils, Mewars, -Moghis, Minas, &c. &c., speaking languages of the same class with the -Mahratta, Udiya, and Bengali, but all imperfectly Brahminic in creed. - -The other important languages of India in the same class with those -last-mentioned, are the Guzerathi of Guzerat, the Hind of Oude, the -Punjabi of the Punjab, and several others not enumerated--partly -because it is not quite certain how we are to place them[37], partly -because they may be sub-dialects rather than separate substantive -forms of speech. They take us up to the Afghan, Biluch, and Tibetan -frontier. - -These have been dealt with. But there is one population, belonging to -these selfsame areas, with which we have further dealings, Bilchistan -has been described; but not in detail. The Bilch that give their name -to the country have been noticed as Persian. But the Bilch are as -little the only and exclusive inhabitants of it, as the English are of -Great Britain. We have our Welsh, and the Bilch have their Brahi. - -Again--the range of mountains that forms the western watershed of the -Indus is not wholly Afghan. It is Bilch as well. But it is not wholly -Bilch. The Bilch reach to only a certain point southwards. The range -between the promontory of Cape Montze and the upper boundary of Kutch -Gundava is _Brahi_. There is no such word as _Brahistan_; but it -would be well if there were. - -_Now the language of the Brahi belongs to the Tamulian family._ -The affinity by no means lies on the surface--nor is it likely that -it should. The nearest unequivocally Tamulian dialect on the same -side of India is as far south as Goa--such as exist further to the -north being either central or eastern. Supposing, then, the original -continuity, how great must have been the displacement; and if the -displacement have been great, how easily may the transitional forms -have disappeared, or, rather, how truly must they once have been met -with! - -However, the Brahi affinities by no means lie on the surface. The -language is known from one of the many valuable vocabularies of Leach. -Upon this, no less a scholar than Lassen commented. Without fixing it, -he remarked that the numerals were like those of Southern India. They -are so, indeed; and so is a great deal more; indeed the collation of -the whole of the Brahi vocabularies with the Tamul and Khond tongues -_en masse_ makes the Brahi Tamulian. - -Is it original or intrusive? All opinion--_valeat quantum_--goes -against it being the former. The mountain-fastness in which it occurs -goes the other way. - - * * * * * - -Our sequence is logical rather than geographical, _i. e._ it takes -localities and languages in the order in which they are subservient -to ethnological argument rather than according to their contiguity. -This justifies us in making a bold stride, in passing over all Persia, -and in taking next in order--Caucasus, with all its conventional -reminiscences and suggestions. - -The languages of Caucasus fall into a group, which, for reasons -already given, would be inconveniently called _Caucasian_, but which -may conveniently be termed _Dioscurian_[38]. This falls into the -following five divisions:--1. The Georgians; 2. the Irn; 3. the -Mizjeji; 4. the Lesgians; and 5. the Circassians. - -1. _The Georgians._--It is the opinion of Rosen that the central -province of Kartulinia, of which Tiflis is the capital, is the original -seat of the Georgian family; the chief reasons lying in the fact of -that part of the area being the most important. Thus, the language is -called _Kartulinian_; whilst the provinces round about Kartulinia are -considered as additions or accessions to the Georgian domain, rather -than as integral and original portions of it--a fact which makes the -province in question a sort of _nucleus_. Lastly, the Persian and -Russian names, _Gurg-istan_ and _Gr-usia_, by which the country is most -widely known, point to the valley of the Kur. - -To all this I demur. The utmost that is proved thereby is the greater -political prominence of the occupants of the more favoured parts of the -country; as the middle course of the Kur really is. - -Of the two sides of the watershed that separates the rivers of the -Black Sea[39] from those of the Caspian[40], it is the _western_ which -has the best claim to be considered the original _habitat_ of the -Georgians. Here it is that the country is most mountainous, and the -mountains most abrupt. Hence it is, too, that a population would have -both the wish and power to migrate towards the plains rather than _vice -vers_. - -More weighty still is the evidence derived from the dialects. The -Kartulinian is spoken over more than half the whole of Georgia: -whereas, for the parts _not_ Kartulinian, we hear of the following -dialects:-- - -1. The _Suanic_, on the head-waters of the small rivers between -Mingrelia, and the southern parts of the Circassian area--the Ingur, -the Okoumiskqual, &c. This is the most northern section of the Georgian -family. - -2, 3. The _Mingrelian_ and the _Imiritian_. - -4, 5. The _Guriel_ and _Akalzike_ in Turkish Georgia. - -6. The _Lazic_.--This is the tongue of the most western dialects. The -hills which form the northern boundary of the valley of the Tsorokh are -the Lazic locality; and here the diversity has attained its _maximum_. -Small as is the Lazic population, every valley has its separate -variety of speech. - -I believe, then, that in Central Caucasus the Kartulinian Georgians -have been intrusive; and this is rendered probable by the character -of the populations to the north and east of them. Between Georgia and -Daghestan we have, in the pre-eminently inaccessible parts of the -eastern half of Caucasus[41], two fresh families, different from each -other, different from the Lesgians, and different from the Circassians. - -With such reasons for believing the original direction of the Georgian -area to have been westernly, we may continue the investigation. That -they were the occupants of a considerable portion of the eastern half -of the ancient Pontus, is probable from the historical importance of -the Lazi in the time of Justinian, when a Lazic war disturbed the -degenerate Romans of Constantinople. It is safe to carry them as far -west as Trebizond. It is safe, too, to carry them farther. One of the -commonest of the Georgian terminations is the syllable _-pe_ or _-bi_, -the sign of the plural number; a circumstance which gives the town of -_Sino-pe_ a Georgian look--_Sinope_ near the promontory of _Calli-ppi_. - -2. _The Irn._--To the north-west of Tiflis we have the towns of Duchet -and Gori, one on the Kur itself, and one on a left-hand feeder of it. -The mountains above are in the occupation of the _Irn_ or _Osetes_. In -Russian Georgia they amount to about 28,000. The name _Irn_ is the one -they give themselves; _Oseti_ is what they are called by the Georgians. -Their language contains so great a per-centage of Persian words or -_vice vers_, that it is safe to put them both in the same class. This -has, accordingly, been done--and a great deal more which is neither -safe nor sound has been done besides. - -3. _The Mizjeji._--Due east of the mountaineer Irn come the equally -mountaineer Mizjeji, a family numerically small, but falling into -divisions and subdivisions. Hence, it has a pre-eminent claim to be -considered aboriginal to the fastnesses in which it is found. The parts -north of Telav, to the north-east of Tiflis, form the Mizjeji area. It -is a small one--the Circassians bound it on the north, and on the east-- - -4. _The Lesgians_ of Eastern Caucasus or Daghestan, next to the -Circassians the most independent family of Caucasus. None falls into -more divisions and subdivisions: _e.g._ - -_a._ The _Marulan_ or _Mountaineers_ (from _Marul_ = _mountain_) -speak a language called the Avar, of which the Anzukh, Tshari, Andi, -Kabutsh, Dido and Unsoh are dialects. - -_b._ _The Kasi-kumuk._ - -_c._ _The Akush._ - -_d._ _The Kura of South Daghestan._ - -The displacements of the Irn and Mizjeji--and from the limited area -of their occupancies, displacement is a legitimate inference--must -have been chiefly effected by the Georgians alone; that of the -Lesgians seems referable to a triple influence. That the Talish to -the north of Ghilan are Lesgians who have changed their native tongue -for the Persian, is a probable suggestion of Frazer's. If correct, it -makes the province of Shirvan a likely part of the original Lesgian -area--encroachment having been effected by the Armenians, Persians, and -Georgians. - -5. _The Circassians_ occupy the northern Caucasus from Daghestan to the -Kuban; coming in contact with the Slavonians and Tartars, for the parts -between the Sea of Azov and the Caspian. As both these are pre-eminent -for encroachment, the earlier contact was, probably, that of the most -northern members of the Circassian family, and the southern Ugrians. -The divisions and subdivisions of the Circassian family are both -numerous and strongly marked. - -_The Armenians._--Except amongst the mountaineer Irn and Mizjeji, -there are Armenians over the whole of Russian Caucasus--mixed, for the -most part, with Georgians. They are sojourners rather than natives. In -Shirvan, Karabagh, and Karadagh they are similarly mixed with Persians -and Turks. In this case, however, the Armenian population is probably -the older; so that we are approaching the original nucleus of the -family. In Erivan there are more Armenians than aught else; and in -Kars and Erzerm they attain their _maximum_. In Diarbekr the frontier -changes, and the tribes which now indent the Armenian area are the -Semitic Arabs and Chaldani of Mesopotamia, and the Persian Kurds of -Kurdistan. - -A great deal has been said about the extent to which the Armenian -language differs from the Georgian, considering the geographical -contact between the two. True it is that the tongues are in contact -_now_, and so they probably were 2000 years ago. Yet it by no means -follows that they were always so. The Georgian has encroached, the Irn -retreated; a fact which makes it likely that, at a time when there was -no Georgian east of Imiritia, the Osetic of Tshildir and the Armenian -of Kars met on the Upper Kur. The inference drawn from the relations -between the Mn, Kh, and T'hay tongues is repeated here, inasmuch as -the Irn and Armenian are more alike than the Armenian and Georgian. -As a rough measure of the likeness, I may state the existence of the -belief that both are Indo-European. - -_Asia Minor._--From Armenia the transition is to Asia Minor. One of -the circumstances which give a pre-eminent interest and importance to -the ethnology of Asia Minor is the certainty of the original stock -being, at the present moment, either wholly extinct, or so modified -and changed as to have become a _problem_ rather than a _fact_. There -is neither doubt nor shadow of doubt as to this--since it is within -the historical period that this transformation has taken place. It is -within the historical period that the Osmanli Turks, spreading, more -immediately from the present country of Turkestan, but remotely from -the chain of the Altaic Mountains, founded the kingdom of Roum under -the Seljukian kings, and as a preliminary to the invasion and partial -occupation of Europe, made themselves masters of the whole country -limited by Georgia, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Syria on the east and -south, and by the Euxine, the Bosporus, the Propontis, the Hellespont, -and the gean Sea westwards. Since then, whatever may be the _blood_, -the language has been Turk. This is, of course, _prim facie_ evidence -of the stock being Turk also. Nor are there any _very_ cogent reasons -on the other side. The physiognomy is generally described as Turk, and -the habits and customs as well. - -Such is what we get from the general traveller--and a more minute -ethnology than this has not yet been applied. What will be the -result, when a severer test is applied, is another question. It is -most probable that points of physiognomy, fragmentary traditions -and superstitions, old customs, and peculiar idiotisms in the way -of dialect, will point to a remnant of the older stock immediately -preceding it. In such a case, the ethnological question becomes -complicated--since the present Turks will be then supposed to have -_mixed_ with the older natives, rather than to have replaced them _in -toto_: so that the phnomena will rather be those exhibited in England -(where the proportion of the _older_ Celtic and the _newer_ Anglo-Saxon -is an open question) than those of the United States of America, -where the blood is purely European, and where the intermixture of the -aboriginal Indian--if any--goes for nothing. - -Of the occupants of Asia Minor previous to the Osmanli Turks we can -ascertain the elements, but not the proportions which they bore to each -other. - -1. There was an element supplied by the Byzantine Greek -population--itself pre-eminently mixed and heterogeneous. - -2. There was an element supplied by the purer Greek population of -Greece Proper and the Islands. - -3. There were, perhaps, traces of the old Greek populations of olia, -Doris, and Ionia. - -4. There was an extension of the Armenian population from the east. - -5. Of the Georgian from the north-east. - -6. Of the Semitic from the south-east. - -7. There was also Arab and Syriac intermixture consequent on the -propagation of Mahometanism. - -8. There were also remnants of a Proper Roman population introduced -during the time of the Republic and Western Empire, _e.g._ of the sort -that the Consulate of Cicero would introduce into Cilicia. - -9. There were also remnants of the _Persian_ supremacy, _e.g._ of a -sort which would be introduced when it was a Satrapy of Tissaphernes or -Pharnabazus. - -10. Lastly, there would be traces of the _Macedonian_ Greeks; whose -impress would be stamped upon it during the period which elapsed -between the fall of Darius and that of Antiochus. - -All this suggests numerous questions--but they are questions of -minute rather than general ethnology. The latter takes us to the -consideration of the populations of the frontier. Here we find-- - - 1. Georgians. - 2. Armenians. - 3. Semites of Mesopotamia and Syria. - 4. Greeks of the gean Islands. - 5. Bulgarians, and Turks of Thrace. - -Of these, the last are recent intruders; so that the real ethnology to -be considered is that of _ancient_ Thrace. Unfortunately this is as -obscure as that of Asia Minor itself. - -The Greeks of the gean are _probably_ intrusive; the other three are -ancient occupants of their present areas. - -Now, in arguing upon the conditions afforded by this frontier, it is -legitimate to suppose that each of the populations belonging to it -had some extension beyond their present limits, in which case the -_-priori_ probabilities would be that-- - -1. On the north-west there was an extension of the Thracian population. - -2. On the north-east, of the Georgian. - -3. On the east, of the Armenian. - -4. On the south, of the Syrian and Mesopotamian. - -Now, the population of Asia Minor _may_ have been a mere extension of -the populations of the frontiers--one or all. - -But it also may have been separate and distinct from any of them. - -In this case, we are again supplied with an alternative. - -1. The population may have been _one_--just as that of Germany is _one_. - -2. The population may have fallen in several--nay, numerous -divisions--so that the so-called races may have been _one_, _two_, -_three_, _four_, or even more. - -Dealing with these questions, we first ask what are the reasons for -supposing the population--whether single or subdivided--of Asia to -have been _peculiar_, _i.e._ different from that of the frontier -areas--Georgia, Thrace, Armenia, Mesopotamia and Syria? - -This is answered at once by the evidence of the Lycian Inscriptions, -which prove the _Lycian_, at least, to have been distinct from all or -any of the tongues enumerated. - -The following extracts, however, from Herodotus carry us farther:-- - -"The Lycians were originally out of Crete; since, in the old times, it -was the Barbarians who held the whole of Crete. When, however, there -was a difference in Crete, in respect to the kingdom, between the sons -of Europa, Minos and Sarpedon, and when Minos got the best in the -disturbance, he (Minos) expelled both Sarpedon himself and his faction; -and these, on their expulsion, went to that part of Asia which is the -_Milyadic_ land. For that country which the Lycians now inhabit was in -the old times _Milyas_; and the _Mily_ were then called _Solymi_. For -a time Sarpedon ruled over them. They called themselves by the name -which they brought with them; and even now, the Lycians are called by -the nations that dwell around them, _Termil_. But when Lycus, the -son of Pandion, driven away from Athens, and like Sarpedon, by his -brother (geus), came to the Termil under Sarpedon, they, thence, in -the course of time, were called, after the name of Lycus, Lycians. The -usages are partly Cretan, partly Carian. One point, however, they have -peculiar to themselves, and one in which they agree with no other men. -They name themselves after their mothers, and not from their fathers: -so that if any one be asked by another _who he is_, he will designate -himself as the son of his mother, and number up his mother's mothers. -Again, if a free woman marry a slave, the children are deemed free; -whereas, if a man be even in the first rank of citizens, and take -either a strange wife or a concubine, the children are dishonoured." - -Whilst Asia Minor was being conquered for Persia, under the reign of -Cyrus, by Harpagus, the _Carians_ made no great display of valour; -with the exception of the citizens of Pedasus. These gave Harpagus -considerable trouble; but, in time, were vanquished. Not so the -Lycians.--"The Lycians, as Harpagus marched his army towards the -Xanthian plain, retreated before him by degrees, and fighting few -against many, showed noble deeds: but being worsted and driven back -upon the town, they collected within the citadel their wives, and -children, and goods, and servants. They then set light to the citadel -to burn it down. This being done, they took a solemn oath, and making -a sally died to a man, sword in hand. But of those Lycians who now -called themselves Xanthians, the majority are, except eighty hearths, -strangers (#eplydes#). These eighty hearths (families) were then away -from the country. And so they escaped. Thus it was that Harpagus took -Xanthus. In like manner he took Caunus. _For the Caunians resemble the -Lycians in most things._" - -And now we have a _second_ fact, the following, viz.--_that what the -Lycians were the Caunians were also_. - -1. _The Caunians._--According to the special evidence of Herodotus, the -Caunians had two peculiar customs--one, to make no distinction between -age and sex at feasts, but to drink and junket promiscuously--the -other, to show their contempt of all strange foreign gods by marching -in armour to the Calyndian mountains, and beating the air with spears, -in order to expel them from the boundaries of the Caunian land. Still -the _Caunians were Lycian_. - -Were any other nations thus Lycian? Caunian? Lyco-Caunian? or -Cauno-Lycian? since the particular designation is unimportant. - -_The Carians._--The language of the Carians and the Caunians was the -same; since Herodotus writes--_The Caunian nation has either adapted -itself to the Carian tongue, or the Carian to Caunian._ - -2. On the other hand, the worship of the national Eponymus was -different. _The Lydians and Mysians share in the worship of the Carian -Jove. These do so. As many, however, of different nations (#ethnos#) as -have become identical in language with the Carians do not do so._ - -And here comes a difficulty--one part of the facts connects, the other -disconnects the Carians from the Lycians. The language goes one way, -the customs another. - -But this is not the only complication introduced by the _Carian_ -family. The whole question of their origin is difficult, and that -of their affinities is equally so. It was from the islands to the -continent, rather than from the continent to the islands, that the -Carians spread themselves; and they did this as subjects of Minos, -and under the name of Leleges. As long as the system of Minos lasted, -these Carian Leleges paid no tribute; but furnished, when occasion -required, ships and sailors instead. And this they did effectually, -inasmuch as the Carian was one of the most powerful nations of its -day, and, besides that, ingenious in warlike contrivances. Of such -contrivances three were adopted by the Greeks, and recognised as the -original invention of the Carians. The first of these was the crest -for the helmet; the second, the _device_ for the shield; the third, -the _handle_ for the shield. Before the Carians introduced this -last improvement, the fighting-man hung his buckler by a leathern -thong, either on his neck or his left shoulder. Such was the first -stage in the history of Carian Leleges, who were insular rather than -continental, and Lelegian rather than Carian. It lasted for many years -after the death of Minos; but ended in their being wholly ejected from -the islands, and exclusively limited to the continent, by the Dorians -and Ionians of Greece. - -This would connect the-- - -1. Carians with the aboriginal islanders of the gean--these being -_Leleges_. - -2. Also with the Caunians. - -3. Also with the Lycians. Unfortunately, the evidence is not -unqualified. It is complicated by-- - -_The native tradition._--The Carian race is not insular, but aboriginal -to the continent; bearing from the earliest times the name it bears -at the present time. As a proof of this, the worship of the Carian -Jupiter is common to two other, unequivocally continental nations--the -_Lydians_ and the _Mysians_. All three have a share in a temple -at Mylasa, and each of the three is descended from one of three -brothers--Car, Lydus, or Mysus--the respective eponymi of Caria, Lydia, -and Mysia. - -All this is not written for the sake of any inference; but to -illustrate the difficulties of the subject. A new series of facts must -now be added--or rather two new ones. - -1. There are special statements in the classics that the Phrygian, -Armenian, and Thracian languages were the same. - -2. One of the three languages of the arrow-headed inscriptions has yet -to be identified with any existing tongue. - -The reader is in possession of a fair amount of complications. They can -easily be increased. - -Instead of enlarging on them, I suggest the following doctrine:-- - -1. That, notwithstanding certain conflicting statements, the -populations of Mysia, Lydia, Caria, and part of Lycia, were closely -allied. - -2. That a language akin to the Armenian was spoken as far westwards as -eastern Phrygia. - -3. That some third population, either subject to Persia or in alliance -with it, spoke the language of the Lycian inscriptions--properly -distinguished by Mr. Forbes and others from the ancient Lycian of the -Milyans--which last _may_ have been Semitic. - -4. That the third language of arrow-headed inscriptions, supposing -its locality to have been Media, may have indented the north-eastern -frontier. - -5. That, besides the Greek, two intrusive languages may have been -spoken in the north-west and south-western parts respectively, viz.-- - - _a._ The Thracian of the opposite coast of the Bosporus. - _b._ The Lelegian of the islands. - -Of these, the former was, perhaps, Sarmatian, whilst the latter may -have borne the same relation to the Carian as the Malay of Sumatra does -to that of the Orang Bina of the Malayan Peninsula. - -It may be added, that the similarity of the name _Thekhes_, the -_mountain_ from which the 10,000 Greeks saw the sea, to the Turk -_Tagh_, suggests the likelihood of Turk encroachments having existed -as early as the time of Artaxerxes. - -_Lastly_--The termination _-der_, in _Scaman-der_ (a bilingual -appellation) and _Man-der_, indicates Persian intrusion of an equally -early date. - -Of the glosses collected by Jablonsky, none are illustrated by any -modern language, except the following:-- - - _English_ axe. - Lydian _labr-ys._ - Armenian _dabar._ - Persian _tawar._ - Kurd _teper._ - - _English_ fire. - Phrygian _pyr._ - Armenian _pur._ - Afghan _wur, or._ - Kurd _r._ - Greek, &c. #pyr#, _fire, &c._ - - _English_ dog. - Phrygian _kyn._ - Armenian _shun._ - Sanskrit _shune._ - Lettish _suns._ - - _English_ bread. - Phrygian _bekos._ - Armenian _khaz._ - Akush _kaz._ - - _English_ water. - Phrygian _hydr._ - Armenian _tshur._ - Greek, &c. #hydr#, _water, &c._ - -There is no denying that these affinities are Indo-European rather -than aught else, and that they are Armenian as well--an objection to -several of the views laid down in the preceding pages which I have no -wish to conceal. However, all questions of this kind are a balance of -conflicting difficulties. As a set-off to this, take the following -table, where the Armenian affinities are Turk, Dioscurian, and Siberian -also. - - _English_ man. - Scythian _oior._ - Uigur _er._ - Kasan _ir._ - Baskir _ir._ - Nogay _ir._ - Tobolsk _ir._ - Yeneseian _eri._ - Teleut _eri._ - Kasach _erin._ - Casikumuk _ioori._ - Armenian _air._ - -_The watershed of the Oxus and Indus._--We are in the north-eastern -corner of Persia. The Pshta-Khur mountain, like many other hills of -less magnitude, contains the sources of two rivers, different in their -directions--of the Oxus that falls into the Sea of Aral; and of the -right branch of the Kner, a feeder of the Cabl river--itself a member -of the great water-system of the Indus. Its south-western prolongation -gives us the corresponding watershed. This is a convenient point for -the study of a difficult but interesting class of mountaineers, who -may conveniently be called _Paropamisans_ from the ancient name of -the Hindu-ksh. Their northern limits are the heights in question. -Southwards they reach the Afghan frontier in the Kohistan of Cabl. -Eastward they come in contact with India. There is no better way of -taking them in detail than that of following the water-courses, and -remembering the watersheds of the rivers. - -I. _The Oxus._--At the very head-waters of the Oxus, and in contact -with the Kirghiz Turks of Pamer, comes the small population of Wokhan, -speaking a language neither Turk nor Persian--at least not exactly -Persian; and, next to Wokhan, Shughnan, where the dialect (possibly the -language) seems to change. Roshan, next (along the Oxus) to Shughnan, -seems to be in the same category. Durwaz, however, is simply Tajik. All -are independent, and all Mahometan. - -II. _The Indus._--1. _The Indus._--The Gilghit[42] river feeds the -Indus--two other feeders that join it from the east being called the -Hunz and the Burshala, Nil, or Nagar. The population of each of these -rivers is agricultural, and is, accordingly, called _Dunghar_, a -Hindu, but no native term. Their Rajah is independent; their religion -a very indifferent Mahometanism. On the Gilghit and the parts below -its junction with the Hunz and Nagar rivers, the dialect (perhaps the -language) seems to change, and the people are known as _Dardoh_ (or -Dards) and _Chilass Dardoh_--the Darad of the Greek and the Daradas -of the Sanskrit writers. These, too, are imperfect Mahometans. The -Dards and Dunghers carry us as far as Little Tibet (Bultistan) and the -Cashmrian frontiers. - -2. _The Jhelum._--This is the river of the famous valley of -Cashmr--the population whereof (with some hesitation) I consider -Paropamisan. - -3. _The Cabul River._--1. _The Kner._--The eastern watershed of the -Upper Kner is common to the Gilghit river. The population is closely -akin to the Dardoh and Dungher; its area being Upper and Lower Chitral, -its language the Chitrali, its religion Shia Mahometanism. - -South of the Chitral, on the _middle_ Kner, the creed changes, and we -have the best known of the Paropamisans, the _Kaffres_ of Kafferistan, -reaching as far westwards and northwards as Kunduz and Badukshan--the -Kaffres, or Infidels, so called by their Mahometan neighbours, because -they still retain their primitive paganism. - -Now when we approach the Cabl river itself, the direction of which, -from west to east, is nearly at right angles with the Kner, the -characteristics of the Dardoh, Chitrali, and Kaffre populations -decrease--in other words, the area is irregular, and the populations -themselves either partially isolated or intermixed. Thus, along the -foot of the mountains north of the Cabl river and west of the Kner -comes the Lughmani country; the language being by no means identical -with the Kafir, and the Kafir paganism being reduced to an imperfect -Mahometan--_nmch Mussulman_, or _half Mussulman_, being the term -applied to the speakers of the Lughmani tongue of the valley of the -Nijrow and the parts about it. - -The Der, Tirhye, and Pashai vocabularies of Leach all represent -Paropamisan forms of speech spoken by small and, more or less, -fragmentary populations. - -The valley of the Lundye has, almost certainly, been within a recent -period, Paropamisan. Thus is it that Elphinstone writes of its chief -occupants:--"The Swats, who are also called Deggauns, appear to be -of Indian origin. They formerly possessed a kingdom extending from -the western branch of the Hydaspes to near Jellabahad. They were -gradually confined to narrower limits by the Afghan tribes; and Swaut -and Bnr, their last seats, were reduced by the Eusofzyis in the -end of the fifteenth century. They are still very numerous in those -countries." By _Indian_ I believe a population akin to that of Cashmeer -is _denoted_--I do not say _intended_. Another extract carries us -further still:--"The Shulmauni formerly inhabited Shulmaun, on the -banks of the Korrum. They afterwards moved to Tra, and in the end of -the fifteenth century they were in Hustnugger, from which they were -expelled by the Eusofzyes. The old Afghan writers reckon them Deggauns, -but they appear to have used this word loosely. There are still a few -Shulmauni in the Eusofzye country who have some remains of a peculiar -language." - -Hence, the Paropamisans may safely be considered as a population of a -receding frontier, the encroachment upon their area having been Afghan. -With these the Asiatic populations end. - - * * * * * - -If we now look back upon the ground that has been gone over, we shall -find that the evidence of the human family having originated in one -particular spot, and having diffused itself from thence to the very -extremities of the earth, is by no means absolute and conclusive. Still -less is it certain that that particular spot has been ascertained. -The present writer _believes_ that it was somewhere in intratropical -Asia, and that it was _the single locality of a single pair_--without, -however, professing to have proved it. Even this centre is only -_hypothetical_--near, indeed, to the point which he looks upon as the -starting-place of the human migration, but by no means identical with -it. The Basks and Albanians he does not pretend to have affiliated; but -he does not, for this reason, absolutely isolate them. They have too -many _miscellaneous_ affinities to allow them to stand wholly alone. - -In the way of physical conformation, the Hottentot presents the -_maximum_ of peculiarities. The speech, however, of the latter is -simply African; whilst, in form and colour, the Basks and Albanians -are European. A fly is a fly even when we wonder how it came into the -amber; and men belong to humanity even when their origin is a mystery. -This gives us a composition of difficulties, and it is by taking -this and similar phnomena into account, that the higher problems in -ethnology must be worked. Nothing short of a clear and comprehensive -view of the extent to which points of difference in one department -are compensated by points of likeness in another, will give us even a -philosophical hypothesis; all _partial_ argument from partial points -of disagreement being as unscientific as a similar overvaluation of -resemblances. - -As for the detail of the chief difficulties, the writer believes -that he, unwillingly and with great deference, differs from the -best authorities, in making so little of the transition from -America to Asia, and so much of that between Europe and Asia. The -conviction that the Semitic tongues are simply African, and that all -the theories suggested by the term _Indo-European_ must be either -abandoned or modified, is the chief element of his reasoning upon this -point--reasoning far too elaborate for a small work like the present. -He also believes that the languages of Kafferistan, the Dardoh country, -and north-eastern Afghanistan, are transitional to the monosyllabic -tongues and those of Persia--in other words, that the modern Persian -is much more monosyllabic than is generally supposed. Yet even this -leaves a break. How far the most _western_ tongue of this class can be -connected with those of Europe, and how far the most _south_-western -one has Semitic affinities are questions yet to examine--questions -beset with difficulties. However, as the skeleton of system he believes -the present work to be true as far as it goes, and at the same time -convenient for the investigator. That there is much in all existing -classifications which requires to be unlearnt is certain. Lest any -one think this a presumptuous saying, let him consider the new and -unsettled state of the science, and the small number of the labourers -as compared with the extent of the field. - - -THE END. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[27] Since this chapter was written, the news of the premature death -of the most influential supporter of the double doctrine of (a.) _the -unity of the American families amongst each other_, and (b.) _the -difference of the American race from all others_--Dr. Morton, of -Philadelphia,--has reached me. It is unnecessary to say, that the -second of these positions is, in the mind of the present writer, as -exceptionable as the first is correct. Nor is it likely to be otherwise -as long as the _eastern_ side of the Rocky Mountains is so exclusively -studied as it is by both the American and the English school. I have -little fear of the Russians falling into this error. With this remark -the objections against the very valuable labours of Dr. Morton begin -and end. His _Crania Americana_ is by far the most valuable book of -its kind. His _Crania gyptiaca_ and other minor works, especially his -researches on _Hybridism_, are all definite additions to ethnological -science. The impulse which he, personally, gave to the very active -study of the Human Species, which so honourably characterises his -countrymen, is more than an Englishman can exactly value. Perhaps, -it is second only to that given by Gallatin: perhaps, it is scarcely -second. - -[28] Mr. Norris, for instance, of the Asiatic Society, has given -reasons for connecting the Australian tongues with those of the Dekhan. - -[29] Taken, with much besides, from Mr. Brown's Tables, in the Journal -of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. - -[31] Considering the Burampter and Ganges as separate rivers. - -[32] Conveniently thrown into a single class, and called _Hyperboreans_. - -[33] The great family of which the _Mantshs_ are the best-known -members. - -[34] Not necessarily with _many_ syllables, but with _more than -one_--_hyper-mono-syllabic_. - -[35] Observe--_not_ of the island of Ceylon. - -[36] Of Orissa. - -[37] The Cashmrian of Cashmr is in this predicament. It is not safe -to say that it is Hindu rather than Persian, or Paropamisan--a term -which will soon find its explanation. - -[38] From the town of _Dioscurias_, in which Pliny says business was -carried on through 130 interpreters--so numerous were the languages and -dialects. - -[39] The Phasis, Tshorok, &c. - -[40] The Kur and Aras. - -[41] The _Irn_ and _Mizjeji_. - -[42] From Moorcroft's Travels in the Himalayan Provinces, and Vigne's -Cashmr. - - - - - PRINTED BY RICHARD TAYLOR, - RED LION COURT, FLEET STREET. - - - - -=London, January 1863.= - - -Catalogue of Books - -PUBLISHED BY MR. VAN VOORST. - - -INDEX. - - Accentuated List of Lepidoptera _p._ 6 - Adams & Baikie's Manual Nat. Hist. 11 - Adams's Genera of Mollusca 5 - Aikin's Arts and Manufactures 13 - Anatomical Manipulation 12 - Ansted's Ancient World 9 - ---- Elementary Course of Geology 9 - ---- Geologist's Text-Book 9 - ---- Gold-Seeker's Manual 9 - ---- Scenery, Science, and Art 13 - Babington's Flora of Cambridgeshire 7 - ---- Manual of British Botany 7 - Baptismal Fonts 13 - Bate and Westwood's British Crustacea 4 - Beale on Sperm Whale 3 - Bell's British Quadrupeds 3 - ---- British Reptiles 4 - ---- British Stalk-eyed Crustacea 4 - Bennett's Naturalist in Australasia 10 - Bloomfield's Farmer's Boy 14 - Boccius on Production of Fish 4 - Bonaparte's List of Birds 3 - Brightwell's Life of Linnus 13 - Burton's Falconry on the Indus 3 - Church and Northcote's Chem. Analysis 8 - Clark's Testaceous Mollusca 5 - Clermont's Quadrupeds & R. of Europe 3 - Couch's Illustrations of Instinct 11 - Cumming's Isle of Man 12 - Cups and their Customs 13 - Currency 15 - Dallas's Elements of Entomology 5 - Dawson's Geodephaga Britannica 6 - Domestic Scenes in Greenland & Iceland 13 - Douglas's World of Insects 6 - Dowden's Walks after Wild Flowers 8 - Drew's Practical Meteorology 10 - Drummond's First Steps to Anatomy 11 - Economy of Human Life 15 - Elements of Practical Knowledge 13 - England before the Norman Conquest 13 - Entomologist's Annual 5 - Fly Fishing in Salt and Fresh Water 4 - Forbes's British Star-fishes 5 - Forbes's Malacologia Monensis 5 - ---- and Hanley's British Mollusca 5 - ---- and Spratt's Travels in Lycia 12 - Garner's Nat. Hist. of Staffordshire 12 - Gosse's Aquarium 12 - ---- Birds of Jamaica 3 - ---- British Sea-Anemones, &c. 12 - ---- Canadian Naturalist 12 - ---- Handbook to Marine Aquarium 12 - ---- Manual of Marine Zoology 12 - ---- Naturalist's Rambles on Dev. Coast 12 - ---- Omphalos 9 - ---- Tenby 12 - Gray's Bard and Elegy 14 - Greg and Lettsom's British Mineralogy 9 - Griffith & Henfrey's Micrographic Dict. 10 - Harvey's British Marine Alg 7 - ---- Thesaurus Capensis 7 - ---- Flora Capensis 7 - ---- Index Generum Algarum 7 - ---- Nereis Boreali-Americana 8 - ---- Sea-side Book 12 - Henfrey's Botanical Diagrams 7 - ---- Elementary Course of Botany 7 - ---- Rudiments of Botany 7 - ---- Translation of Mohl 7 - ---- Vegetation of Europe 7 - ---- & Griffith's Micrographic Dict. 10 - ---- & Tulk's Anatomical Manipulation 11 - Henslow, Memoir of 10 - Hewitson's Birds' Eggs 3 - ---- Exotic Butterflies 6 - Hunter's Essays, by Owen 10 - Instrumenta Ecclesiastica 13 - Jeffreys's British Conchology 5 - Jenyns's Memoir of Henslow 10 - ---- Observations in Meteorology 10 - ---- Observations in Natural History 10 - ---- White's Selborne 12 - Jesse's Angler's Rambles 4 - Johnston's British Zoophytes 5 - ---- Introduction to Conchology 5 - ---- Terra Lindisfarnensis 8 - Jones's Aquarian Naturalist 10 - Jones's Animal Kingdom 11 - ---- Natural History of Animals 11 - Knox's (A. E.) Rambles in Sussex 3 - Knox (Dr.), Great Artists & Great Anat. 11 - Latham's Descriptive Ethnology 11 - ---- Ethnology of British Colonies 11 - ---- Ethnology of British Islands 11 - ---- Ethnology of Europe 11 - ---- Man and his Migrations 11 - ---- Varieties of Man 11 - Leach's Synopsis of British Mollusca 5 - Letters of Rusticus 12 - Lettsom and Greg's British Mineralogy 9 - Lowe's Faun et Flor Mader 8 - ---- Manual Flora of Madeira 8 - Malan's Catalogue of Eggs 3 - Martin's Cat. of Privately Printed Books 15 - Melville and Strickland on the Dodo 3 - Meyrick on Dogs 13 - Micrographic Dictionary 10 - Mohl on the Vegetable Cell 7 - Moule's Heraldry of Fish 4 - Newman's British Ferns 8 - ---- History of Insects 5 - ---- Letters of Rusticus 12 - Northcote & Church's Chem. Analysis 8 - Owen's British Fossil Mammals 9 - ---- on Skeleton of Extinct Sloth 9 - Paley's Gothic Moldings 14 - ---- Manual of Gothic Architecture 14 - Poor Artist 13 - Prescott on Tobacco 13 - Prestwich's Geological Inquiry 9 - ---- Ground beneath us 9 - Samuelson's Earthworm and Housefly 10 - ---- Honey-Bee 10 - Sclater's Tanagers 3 - Seemann's British Ferns at One View 7 - Selby's British Forest Trees 8 - Shakspeare's Seven Ages of Man 14 - Sharpe's Decorated Windows 14 - Shield's Hints on Moths and Butterflies 6 - Siebold on True Parthenogenesis 6 - Smith's British Diatomace 8 - Sowerby's British Wild Flowers 6 - ---- Poisonous Plants 6 - Spratt and Forbes's Travels in Lycia 12 - Stainton's Butterflies and Moths 6 - ---- History of the Tineina 6 - Strickland's Ornithological Synonyms 4 - ---- Memoirs 9 - ---- and Melville on the Dodo 3 - Sunday Book for the Young 13 - Tugwell's Sea-Anemones 5 - Tulk and Henfrey's Anat. Manipulation 11 - Vicar of Wakefield, Illustr. by Mulready 14 - Wallich's North-Atlantic Sea-Bed 10 - Watts's Songs, Illustrated by Cope 14 - Ward (Dr.) on Healthy Respiration 12 - Westwood and Bate's British Crustacea 4 - White's Selborne 12 - Wilkinson's Weeds and Wild Flowers 7 - Williams's Chemical Manipulation 8 - Wollaston's Insecta Maderensia 6 - ---- on Variation of Species 11 - Yarrell's British Birds 3 - ---- British Fishes 4 - ---- on the Salmon 4 - - -Students' Class-Books. - - MANUAL OF CHEMICAL QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS. By =A. B. Northcote=, - F.C.S., and =Arthur H. Church=, F.C.S. Post 8vo, 10_s._ 6_d._ - - HANDBOOK OF CHEMICAL MANIPULATION. By =C. Greville Williams=. 15_s._ - - ELEMENTARY COURSE OF GEOLOGY, MINERALOGY, AND PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY. By - Professor =Ansted=, M.A., &c. Second Edition, 12_s._ - - ELEMENTARY COURSE OF BOTANY: Structural, Physiological, and - Systematic. By Professor =Henfrey=. 12_s._ 6_d._ - - MANUAL OF BRITISH BOTANY. 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Third Edition, edited by Sir =John - Richardson=, 2 vols., 3 3_s._ - - STALK-EYED CRUSTACEA, by Professor =Bell=. 8vo, 1 5_s._ - - STAR-FISHES, by Professor =Edward Forbes=. 15_s._ - - ZOOPHYTES, by Dr. =Johnston=. Second Edition, 2 vols., 2 2_s._ - - MOLLUSCOUS ANIMALS AND THEIR SHELLS, by Professor =Edward Forbes= and - Mr. =Hanley=. 4 vols. 8vo, 6 10_s._ Royal 8vo, Coloured, 13. - - FOREST TREES, by Mr. =Selby=. 1 8_s._ - - FERNS, by Mr. =Newman=. Third Edition, 18_s._ - - FOSSIL MAMMALS AND BIRDS, by Professor =Owen=. 1 11_s._ 6_d._ - - -Works in Preparation. - - THE ANGLER NATURALIST. - BY H. CHOLMONDELEY-PENNELL, Author of "How to Spin for Pike." - - HISTORY OF THE BRITISH HYDROID ZOOPHYTES. - BY THE REV. THOMAS HINCKS, B.A. - - OOTHECA WOLLEYANA. - BY ALFRED NEWTON, M.A., F.L.S. - - THE NATURAL HISTORY OF TUTBURY. - BY SIR OSWALD MOSLEY, BART., D.C.L., F.L.S., F.G.S. - - FLORA OF MARLBOROUGH. - BY THE REV. T. A. PRESTON, M.A. - - NOTES ON THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF ELY CATHEDRAL. - BY THE REV. D. J. STEWART, M.A. - - JEFFREYS'S BRITISH CONCHOLOGY. - VOLS. II., III., IV.--MARINE UNIVALVES, BIVALVES, AND NUDIBRANCHS. - - -JOHN VAN VOORST, 1 PATERNOSTER ROW. - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's note: - - In Chapter II, Mr. D. Wilson's table showing relative proportions of - skulls was split into two tables to fit a 75-character width. - - Punctuation errors were corrected. - - Inconsistent hyphenation was retained. - - To match the spelling of chapter topics in Contents with that in the - main text, - on page v, two occurrences of "history" were changed from "History" - (Physical history of Man; Physical history) and two occurrences - of "Extract" were changed from "extract" (Extract from Knox; - Extract); and - on page vi, "area" was changed from "areas" (size of area) and - "Area" was changed from "area" (Monosyllabic Area). - - On page 18, "te ipsum" was changed from "teipsum" (Nosce te ipsum). - - On page 38, "Lawrence" was changed from "Lawrance" (the work of - Lawrence). - - On page 49, "Troglodytes" was changed from "Trolodytes" (than the - _Troglodytes Gorilla_). - - On page 95, "Mediterranean" was changed from "Mediterannean" (from - the Mediterranean). - - On page 97, "Kaffre" was changed from "Caffre" (to the Kaffre). - - On page 101, "Papus" was changed from "Papu". - - On page 107, "architectural" was changed from "architectual" - (architectural impulses). - - On page 158, "hypothesis" was changed from "hypotheses" (Finnic - hypothesis). - - On page 216, "Norris" was changed from "Norriss" (Mr. Norris also). - - On page 220, "Buddhist" was changed from "Bhuddhist" (nor Buddhist). - - On page 237, "his mother's" was changed from "mothers" (his mother's - mothers). - - On page 241, "Mysus" was changed from "Myrus" (Car, Lydus, or Mysus). - - On page 243, space was inserted before "_-der_" (termination _-der_). - - In footnote [19], "pp." was changed from "p." 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G. (Robert Gordon) Latham</h1> -<p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at <a -href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></p> -<p>Title: Man and His Migrations</p> -<p>Author: R. G. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: Man and His Migrations - - -Author: R. G. (Robert Gordon) Latham - - - -Release Date: January 6, 2014 [eBook #44605] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAN AND HIS MIGRATIONS*** - - -E-text prepared by Colin Bell, Marie Bartolo, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made -available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/manhismigrations00lathuoft - - -Transcriber's note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in small capital letters - (=Small capitals=). - - Text enclosed by plus signs is upright within italics - (example: _Coincidences may have an +organic+ connexion._). - - Transliterations of Greek text are enclosed by pound signs - (example: #ktma eis aei#). - - Letters with diacritical markings used to indicate - pronunciation are represented as follows: - e with breve as [)e] - u with breve as [)u] - a with acute accent as ['a] - y with acute accent as ['y] - o with circumflex as [^o]. - - Superscripted characters are enclosed by curly brackets - (example: M{c}Kenzie River). - - - - - -MAN AND HIS MIGRATIONS. - -by - -R. G. LATHAM, M.D., F.R.S., - -Corresponding Member to the Ethnological Society, New York, etc. etc. - - - - - - - -[Illustration: Publisher's logo] - -London: -John Van Voorst, Paternoster Row. - -MDCCCLI. - -Printed by Richard Taylor, -Red Lion Court, Fleet Street. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The following pages represent a Course of Six Lectures delivered at -the Mechanics' Institution, Liverpool, in the month of March of the -present year; the matter being now laid before the public in a somewhat -fuller and more systematic form than was compatible with the original -delivery. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER I. - Page - The Natural or Physical history of Man--the Civil--their - difference--divisions of the Natural or Physical - history--Anthropology--Ethnology--how far pursued by the - ancients--Herodotus--how far by the moderns--Buffon-- - Linnaeus--Daubenton--Camper--Blumenbach--the term - _Caucasian_--Cuvier--Philology as an instrument of - ethnological investigation--Pigafetta--Hervas--Leibnitz-- - Reland--Adelung--Klaproth--the union of Philology and of - Anatomy--Prichard--its Palaeontological character-- - influence of Lyell's Geology--of Whewell's History of the - Inductive Sciences 1-36 - - CHAPTER II. - - Ethnology--its objects--the chief problems connected with - it--prospective questions--transfer of populations-- - Extract from Knox--correlation of certain parts of the - body to certain external influences--parts less subject to - such influences--retrospective questions--the unity or - non-unity of our species--opinions--plurality of species-- - multiplicity of protoplasts--doctrine of development-- - Dokkos--Extract--antiquity of our species--its geographical - origin--the term _race_ 37-66 - - CHAPTER III. - - Methods--the science one of observation and deduction rather - than experiment--classification--on mineralogical, on - zoological principles--the first for Anthropology, the - second for Ethnology--value of Language as a test-- - instances of its loss--of its retention--when it proves - original relation, when intercourse--the grammatical and - glossarial tests--classifications must be _real_--the - distribution of Man--size of area--ethnological contrasts - in close geographical contact--discontinuity and isolation - of areas--oceanic migrations 67-100 - - CHAPTER IV. - - Details of distribution--their conventional character-- - convergence from the circumference to the centre-- - Fuegians; Patagonian, Pampa, and Chaco Indians-- - Peruvians--D'Orbigny's characters--other South American - Indians--of the Missions--of Guiana--of Venezuela-- - Guarani--Caribs--Central America--Mexican civilization - no isolated phaenomenon--North American Indians--Eskimo-- - apparent objections to their connection with the Americans - and Asiatics--Tasmanians--Australians--Papuas-- - Polynesians--Micronesians--Malagasi--Hottentots--Kaffres-- - Negroes--Berbers--Abyssinians--Copts--the Semitic family-- - Primary and secondary migrations 101-157 - - CHAPTER V. - - The Ugrians of Lapland, Finland, Permia, the Ural Mountains - and the Volga--area of the light-haired families-- - Turanians--the Kelts of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Gaul--the - Goths--the Sarmatians--the Greeks and Latins--difficulties - of European ethnology--displacement--intermixture-- - identification of ancient families--extinction of ancient - families--the Etruscans--the Pelasgi--isolation--the - Basks--the Albanians--classifications and hypotheses--the - term Indo-European--the Finnic hypothesis 158-183 - - CHAPTER VI. - - The Monosyllabic Area--the T'hay--the Mon and Kho--Tables-- - the B'hot--the Chinese--Burmese--Persia--India--Tamulian - family--the Brahui--the Dioscurians--the Georgians--Iron-- - Mizjeji--Lesgians--Armenians--Asia Minor--Lycians-- - Carians--Paropamisans--Conclusion 184-250 - - - - -MAN AND HIS MIGRATIONS. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - - The Natural or Physical history of Man--the Civil--their difference-- - divisions of the Natural or Physical history--Anthropology-- - Ethnology--how far pursued by the ancients--Herodotus--how far - by the moderns--Buffon--Linnaeus--Daubenton--Camper--Blumenbach--the - term _Caucasian_--Cuvier--Philology as an instrument of ethnological - investigation--Pigafetta--Hervas--Leibnitz--Reland--Adelung-- - Klaproth--the union of Philology and of Anatomy--Prichard--its - Palaeontological character--influence of Lyell's Geology--of - Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences. - - -Let us contrast the _Civil_ with the _Natural_ History of Man. - -The influence of individual heroes, the effect of material events, the -operations of ideas, the action and reaction of the different elements -of society upon each other, come within the domain of the former. An -empire is consolidated, a contest concluded, a principle asserted, -and the civil historian records them. He does more. If he be true -to his calling, he investigates the springs of action in individual -actors, measures the calibre of their moral and intellectual power, -and pronounces a verdict of praise or blame upon the motives which -determine their manifestation. This makes him a great moral teacher, -and gives a value to his department of knowledge, which places it on a -high and peculiar level. - -Dealing with actions and motives, he deals nearly exclusively with -those of individuals; so much so, that even where he records the -movements of mighty masses of men, he generally finds that there is one -presiding will which regulates and directs them; and even when this is -not the case, when the movement of combined multitudes is spontaneous, -the spring of action is generally of a moral nature--a dogma if -religious, a theory if political. - -Such a history as this could not be written of the brute animals, -neither could it be written _for_ them. No animal but Man supplies -either its elements or its objects; nor yet the record which transmits -the memory of past actions, even when they are of the most material -kind. The civil historian, therefore, of our species, or, to speak with -a conciseness which common parlance allows, the _historian_, living -and breathing in the peculiar atmosphere of humanity, and exhibiting -man in the wide circle of moral and intellectual action,--a circle in -which none but he moves,--takes up his study where that of the lower -animals ends. Whatever is common to them and man, belongs to the -naturalist. Let each take his view of the Arab or the Jew. The one -investigates the influence of the Bible and the Koran; whilst the other -may ask how far the Moorish blood has mixed with that of the Spaniard, -or remark the permanence of the Israelite features under climates so -different as Poland, Morocco, or Hindostan. The one will think of -instincts, the other of ideas. - -In what part of the world did this originate? How was it diffused over -the surface of the earth? At what period in the world's history was it -evolved? Where does it thrive best? Where does it cease to thrive at -all? What forms does it take if it degenerate? What conditions of soil -or climate determine such degenerations? What favour its improvement? -Can it exist in Nova Zembla? In Africa? In either region or both? -Do the long nights of the Pole blanch, does the bright glare of the -Equator deepen its colour? &c. Instead of multiplying questions of -this kind, I will ask to what they apply. They apply to every being -that multiplies its kind upon earth; to every animal of the land -or sea; to every vegetable as well; to every organized being. They -apply to the ape, the horse, the dog, the fowl, the fish, the insect, -the fruit, the flower. They apply to these--and they apply to man as -well. They--and the like of them--Legion by name--common alike to the -lords and the lower orders of the creation, constitute the _natural_ -history of genus _Homo_; and I use the language of the Zoologist for -the sake of exhibiting in a prominent and palpable manner, the truly -zoological character of this department of science. _Man as an animal_ -is the motto here; whilst _Man as a moral being_ is the motto with the -Historian. - -It is not very important whether we call this _Natural_ or _Physical_ -History. There are good authorities on both sides. It is only important -to see how it differs from the _History of the Historian_. - -Man's Civil history has its divisions. Man's Natural history has them -also. - -The first of these takes its name from the Greek words for _man_ -(_anthropos_) and _doctrine_ (_logos_), and is known as _Anthropology_. - -When the first pair of human beings stood alone on the face of the -earth, there were then the materials for Anthropology; and so there -would be if our species were reduced to the last man. There would be an -Anthropology if the world had no inhabitants but Englishmen, or none -but Chinese; none but red men of America, or none but blacks of Africa. -Were the uniformity of feature, the identity of colour, the equality -of stature, the rivalry of mental capacity ever so great, there would -still be an Anthropology. This is because Anthropology deals _with Man -as compared with the lower animals_. - -We consider the structure of the human extremities, and enlarge upon -the flatness of the foot, and the flexibility of the hand. The one -is subservient to the erect posture, the other to the innumerable -manipulations which human industry demands. We compare them with -the fins of fishes, the wings of birds; in doing which, we take the -most extreme contrasts we can find. But we may also take nearer -approximations, _e.g._ the hands of the higher apes. Here we find -likeness as well as difference; difference as well as likeness. We -investigate both; and record the result either in detail or by some -general expression. Perhaps we pronounce that the one side gives the -conditions of an arboreal life, the other those of a social state; the -ape being the denizen of the woods, the man of towns and cities; the -one a climber, the other a walker. - -Or we compare the skull of the man and the chimpanzee; noticing that -the ridges and prominences of the external surface, which in the -former are merely rudimentary, become strongly-marked crests in the -latter. We then remember that the one is the framework for the muscles -of the face; the other is the case for the brain. - -All that is done in this way is Anthropology. - -Every class of organized beings has, _mutatis mutandis_, its -anthropological aspect; so that the dog may be contemplated in respect -to the fox which equals, the ape which excels, or the kangaroo -which falls short of it in its approach to a certain standard of -organization; in other words, as _species_ and _genera_ have their -relative places in the ladder of creation, the investigation of such -relations is co-extensive with the existence of the classes and groups -on which it rests. - -Anthropology deals too much with such matters as these to be popular. -Unless the subject be handled with excessive delicacy, there is -something revolting to fastidious minds in the cool contemplation of -the _differentiae_ of the Zoologist - - "Who shows a Newton as he shows an ape." - -Yet, provided there be no morbid gloating over the more dishonourable -points of similarity, no pleasurable excitement derived from the -lowering view of our nature, the study is _not_ ignoble. At any -rate, it is part of human knowledge, and a step in the direction of -self-knowledge. - -Besides this, the relationship is merely one of degree. We may not -be either improperly or unpleasantly like the orang-utan or the -chimpanzee. We may even be angelomorphic. Nevertheless, we are more -like orang-utans and chimpanzees than aught else upon earth. - -The other branch of Man's Natural History is called Ethnology--from the -Greek word signifying _nation_ (_ethnos_). - -It by no means follows, that because there is an _anthropology_ there -is an _ethnology_ also. There is no ethnology where there is but a -single pair to the species. There would be no ethnology if all the -world were negroes; none if every man was a Chinese; none if there were -naught but Englishmen. The absolute catholicity of a religion without -sects, the centralized uniformity of a universal empire, are types and -parallels to an anthropology without an ethnology. This is because -Ethnology deals with _Man in respect to his Varieties_. - -There would be an anthropology if but one single variety of mankind -existed. - -But if one variety of mankind--and no more--existed, there would be no -ethnology. It would be as impossible a science as a polity on Robinson -Crusoe's island. - -But let there be but a single sample of different though similar bodily -conformation. Let there be a white as well as a black, or a black as -well as a white man. In that case ethnology begins; even as a polity -began on Crusoe's island when his servant Friday became a denizen of it. - -The other classes of organized beings, although, _mutatis mutandis_, -they have, of necessity, their equivalent to an anthropology, may -or may not have an ethnology. The dog has one; the chimpanzee has -either none or an insignificant one; differences equivalent to those -which separate the cur from the greyhound, or the shepherd's-dog -from the pointer, being wanting. Again, a treatise which showed how -the chimpanzee differed from the orang-utan on one side, and man on -the other, would be longer than a dissertation upon the extent to -which chimpanzees differed from each other; yet a dissertation on the -_varieties of dogs_ would be bulkier than one on their relations to -the fox. This shows how the proportions of the two studies may vary -with the species under consideration. In the _Natural History of Man_, -the ethnological aspect is the most varied. It is also the one which -has been most studied. With the horse, or the sheep, with many of the -domestic fowls, with the more widely-cultivated plants, the study of -the _variety_ outweighs that of the _species_. With the dog it does -so in an unparalleled degree. But what if the dog-tribe had the use -of language? what if the language differed with each variety? In -such a case the study of canine ethnology would be doubly and trebly -complex, though at the same time the _data_ for conducting it would be -both increased and improved. A distant--a _very_ distant approach--to -this exists. The wild dog _howls_; the companion of man alone _barks_. -This is a difference of language as far as it goes. This is written to -foreshadow the importance of the study of language as an instrument of -ethnological investigation. - -Again--what if the dog-tribe were possessed of the practice of certain -human arts, and if these varied with the variety? If they buried -their dead? and their tombs varied with the variety? if those of one -generation lasted for years, decenniums, or centuries? The ethnology -would again increase in complexity, and the _data_ would again be -increased. The graves of an earlier generation would serve as unwritten -records of the habits of sepulture with an earlier one. This is -written to foreshadow the importance of the study of antiquities as an -instrument of the same kind with philology. - -With dogs there are impossibilities. True; but they serve as -illustrations. With man they are realities--realities which make -philology and archaeology important adjuncts to his natural history. - -We have now ascertained the character of the study in question; and -seen how far it differs from _history_ properly so-called--at least -we have done so sufficiently for the purpose of definition. A little -reflection will show its relations to certain branches of science, -_e.g._ to physiology, and mental science--a relation upon which there -is no time to enlarge. It is enough to understand the existence of such -a separate substantive branch of knowledge and inquiry. - -What is the amount of this knowledge? This is proportionate to that of -the inquiry. What has this been? Less than we are prepared to expect. - - "The proper study of mankind is Man." - -This is a stock quotation on the subject. - - "Homo sum; humani nihil a me alienum puto." - -This is another. Like many apophthegms of the same kind, they have -more currency than influence, and are better known than acted on. We -know the zoology of nine species out of ten amongst the lower animals -better than that of our own genus. So little have the importance and -the investigation of a really interesting subject been commensurate. - -It is a _new_ science--so new as scarcely to have reached the period of -adolescence. Let us ask what the ancients cared about it. - -We do not look for systematic science in the Scriptures; and the -ethnology which we derive from them consists wholly of incidental -notices. These, though numerous, are brief. They apply, too, to but -a small portion of the earth's surface. That, however, is one of -pre-eminent interest--the cradle of civilization, and the point where -the Asiatic, African, and European families come in contact. - -Greece helps us more: yet Greece but little. The genius of Thucydides -gave so definite a character to history, brought it so exclusively in -contact with moral and political, in opposition to physical, phaenomena, -and so thoroughly made it the study of the statesman rather than of the -zoologist, that what may be called the _naturalist_ element, excluded -at the present time, was excluded more than 2000 years ago. How widely -different this from the slightly earlier Herodotean record--the form -and spirit of which lived and died with the great father of historic -narrative! The history of the Peloponnesian war set this kind of -writing aside for ever, and the loss of what the earlier prototype -might have been developed into, is a great item in the price which -posterity has to pay for the #ktema eis aei# of the Athenian. As it -is, however, the nine books of Herodotus form the most ethnological -work not written by a professed and conscious ethnologist. Herodotus -was an unconscious and instinctive one; and his ethnology was of a -sufficiently comprehensive character. Manners he noted, and physical -appearance he noted, and language he noted; his Scythian, Median, -Aegyptian, and other glosses having the same value in the eyes of the -closet philologist of the present century, as the rarer fossils of -some old formation have with the geologist, or venerable coins with -the numismatic archaeologist. Let his name be always mentioned with -reverence; for the disrespectful manner in which his testimony has been -treated by some recent writers impugns nothing but the scholarship of -the cavillers. - -I do not say that there are no ethnological facts--it may be that -we occasionally find ethnological theories--in the Greek writers -subsequent; I only state that they by no means answer the expectations -raised by the names of the authors, and the opportunities afforded by -the nature of their subjects. Something is found in Hippocrates in -the way of theory as to the effect of external condition, something -in Aristotle, something in Plato--nothing, however, by which we find -the study of Man as an animal recognized as a separate substantive -branch of study. More than this--in works where the description of -new populations was especially called for, and where the evidence of -the writer would have been of the most unexceptionable kind, we find -infinitely less than there ought to be. How little we learn of Persia -from the Cyropaedia, or of Armenia from the Anabasis--yet how easily -might Xenophon have told us much! - -Amongst the successors of Aristotle, we find none who writes a -treatise #peri barbaron#--yet how natural the subject, and how great -the opportunities!--great, because of the commerce of the Euxine, and -the institution of domestic slavery: the one conducting the merchant -to the extreme Tanais, the other filling Athens with Thracians, and -Asia Minor with Africans. The advantages which the Greeks of the age of -Pericles neglected, are the advantages which the Brazilian Portuguese -neglect at present, and which, until lately, both the English and the -States-men of America neglected also. And the loss has been great. Like -time and tide, ethnology waits for no man; and, even as the Indian of -America disappears before the European, so did certain populations of -antiquity. The process of extinction and amalgamation is as old as -history; and whole families have materially altered in character since -the beginning of the historical period. The present population of -Bulgaria, Wallachia, and Moldavia is of recent introduction. What was -the ancient? "Thracians and Getae" is the answer. But what were they? -"Germans," says one writer; "Slavonians," another; "an extinct race," -another. So that there is doubt and difference of opinion. Yet we know -some little about them in other respects. We know their political -relations; a little of their creed, and manners; the names of some of -their tribes. Their place in the classification of the varieties of our -species we do _not_ know; and this is because, though the Greeks wrote -the _civil_, they neglected the _physical_ history of Man. - -Thrace, Asia Minor, and the Caucasus--these are the areas for which -the ancients might easily have left descriptions, and for which they -neglected to do so; the omission being irreparable. - -The opportunities of the Roman were greater than those of the Greek; -and they were better used. Dissertations, distantly approaching the -character of physical history, occur in even the pure historical -writers of Greece, I allude more especially to the sketch of the -manners and migrations of the ancient Greeks in the first, and the -history of the Greek colonization of Sicily in the sixth book of -Thucydides. Parallels to these re-appear in the Roman writers; and, in -some cases, their proportion to the rest of the work is considerable. -Sallust's sketch of Northern Africa, Tacitus' of Jewish history are of -this sort--and, far superior to either, Caesar's account of Gaul and -Britain. - -The _Germania_[1] of Tacitus is the nearest approach to proper -ethnology that antiquity has supplied. It is far, however, from either -giving us the facts which are of the most importance, or exhibiting -the _method_ of investigation by which ethnology is most especially -contrasted with history. - -But the true measure of the carelessness of the Romans upon these -points is to be taken by the same rule which applied to that of the -Greeks; _i. e._ the contrast between their opportunities and their -inquiry. Northern Italy, the Tyrol, Dalmatia, Pannonia, have all stood -undescribed in respect to the ancient populations; yet they were all in -a favourable position for description. - -If the Jewish, Greek, and Roman writers give but little, the -literatures derived from them give less; though, of course, there is a -numerous selection of important passages to be made from the authors -of the Middle Ages, as well as from the Byzantine historians. Besides -which, there is the additional advantage of Greece and Rome having -ceased to be the only countries thought worthy of being written about. -A Gothic, a Slavonic, a Moorish history now make their appearance. -Still they are but _civil_--not _natural_--histories. However, our -sphere of observation increases, the members of the human family -increase, and our records increase. Nevertheless, the facts for the -_naturalist_ occur but incidentally. - -Of the Oriental literature I can only give my _impression_; and, as -far as that goes, it is in favour of the Chinese statements having the -most, and the Indian the least ethnological value; indeed, the former -nation appears to have connected the notice of the occupant population -with the notice of the area occupied, with laudable and sufficient -closeness. I believe, too, that several differences of language are -also carefully noted. Still, such ethnology as this supplies is an -educt from the works in question, rather than their subject. - -We now come to times nearer our own. For a sketch like the present, -the _Science_ begins when the _classification_ of the Human Varieties -is first attempted. Meanwhile, we must remember that America has -been discovered, and that our opportunities now differ from those of -the ancients not merely in degree but in kind. The field has been -infinitely enlarged; and the world has become known in its extremities -as well as in its middle parts. The human naturalists anterior to the -times of Buffon and Linnaeus are like the great men before Agamemnon. -A minute literary history would doubtless put forward some names -for this period; indeed for some departments of the study there are -a few great ones. Still it begins with the times of Linnaeus and -Buffon--Buffon first in merit. That writer held that a _General History -of Man_, as well as _A Theory of the Earth_, was a necessary part of -his great work; and, as far as the former subject is concerned, he -thought rightly. It is this, too, in which he has succeeded best. -Thoroughly appreciating its importance, he saw its divisions clearly; -and after eight chapters on the Growth of Man, his Decay, and his -Senses, he devotes a ninth, as long as the others put together, to the -consideration of the _Varieties of the Human Species_. "Every thing," -he now writes, "which we have hitherto advanced relates to Man as an -individual. The history of the species requires a separate detail, -of which the principal facts can only be derived from the varieties -that are found in the inhabitants of different regions. Of these -varieties, the first and most remarkable is the colour, the second the -form and size, and the third the disposition. Considered in its full -extent, each of these objects might afford materials for a volume[2]." -No man need draw a clearer line between anthropology and ethnology -than this. Of the systematic classification, which philology has so -especially promoted, no signs occur in his treatise; on the other hand, -his appreciation of the effects of difference in physical conditions -is well-founded in substance, and definitely expressed. To this he -attributes the contrast between the Negro, the American, and the -African, and, as a natural result, he commits himself unequivocally to -the doctrine of the unity of the species. - -Linnaeus took less cognizance of the species to which he belonged; the -notice in the first edition of the _Systema Naturae_ being as follows:-- - - =Quadrupedalia.= - - _Corpus hirsutum, pedes quatuor, feminae viviparae, lactiferae._ - - =Anthropomorpha.= - - _Dentes primores iv. utrinque vel nulli._ - - { Europaeus albescens. - { Americanus rubescens. - =Homo= Nosce te ipsum H. { Asiaticus fuscus. - { Africanus niger. - - Anteriores. Posteriores. - =Simia= _Digiti_ 5. _Digiti_ 5. Simia, cauda carens. - Papio. Satyrus. - - Posteriores anterioribus similes. } Cercopithecus. - } Cynocephalus. - - =Bradypus= _Digiti_ 3. vel 2. _Digiti_ 3. Ai--_ignavus_. - Tardigradus. - -Now both Buffon and Linnaeus limit their consideration of the bodily -structure of man to the phaenomena of colour, skin, and hair; in other -words, to the so-called _soft parts_. - -From the Greek word _osteon_ = _bone_, we have the anatomical term -_osteology_ = _the study of the bony skeleton_. - -This begins with the researches of the contemporary and helpmate of -Buffon. Daubenton first drew attention to the _base of the skull_, and, -amongst the parts thereof, to the _foramen ovale_ most especially. -Through the _foramen ovale_ the spinal chord is continued into the -brain, or--changing the expression--the brain prolonged into the -spinal chord; whilst by its attachments the skull is connected with -the vertebral column. The more this point of junction--the pivot on -which the head turns--is in the _centre_ of the base of the skull, the -more are the conditions of the erect posture of man fulfilled; the -contrary being the case if the _foramen_ lie backward, as is the case -with the ape as compared with the Negro, and, in some instances, with -the Negro as compared with the European. I say _in some instances_, -because the backward position of the _foramen ovale_ in the Negro is by -no means either definite or constant. Now the notice of the variations -of the position of the _foramen ovale_--one of the first specimens -of ethnological criticism applied to the _hard parts_ of the human -body--is connected with the name of Daubenton. - -The study of the skull--for the skeleton is now dividing the attention -of investigators with the skin and hair--in _profile_ is connected -with that of Camper. This brings us to his well-known _facial angle_. -It means the extent to which the forehead _retreated_; sloping -backwards from the root of the nose in some cases, and in others rising -perpendicularly above the face. - -Now the osteology of Daubenton and Camper was the osteology that -Blumenbach found when _he_ took up the subject. It was something; but -not much. - -In 1790, Blumenbach published his anatomical description of ten -skulls--his first decade--drawn up with the special object of showing -how certain varieties of mankind differed from each other in the -conformation of so important an organ as the skull of a reasonable -being--a being thereby distinguished and characterized. - -He continued his researches; publishing at intervals similar decades, -to the number of six. In 1820, he added to the last a pentad, so that -the whole list amounted to sixty-five. - -It was in the third decade, published =A.D.= 1795, that an unfortunate -skull of a Georgian female made its appearance. The history of this -should be given. Its owner was taken by the Russians, and having been -removed to Moscow died suddenly. The body was examined by Professor -Hiltenbrandt, and the skull presented to De Asch of St. Petersburg. -Thence it reached the collection of Blumenbach, of which it seems to -have been the gem--"_universus hujus cranii habitus tam elegans et -venustus, ut et tantum non semper vel indoctorum, si qui collectionem -meam contemplentur, oculos eximia sua proportionis formositate -feriat_." This encomium is followed by the description. Nor is this -all. A plaster cast of one of the most beautiful busts of the Townley -Museum was in possession of the anatomist. He compared the two; -"and so closely did they agree that you might take your oath of one -having belonged to the other"--"_adeo istud huic respondere vides, -ut illud hujus prototypo quondam inhaesisse pejerares_." Lastly, he -closes with an extract from Chardin, enthusiastically laudatory of -the beauty of the women of Georgia, and adds that his skull verifies -the panegyric--"_Respondet ceteroquin formosum istud cranium, quod -sane pro canone ideali habere licet, iis quae de summa Georgianae gentis -pulcritudine vel in vulgus nota sunt._" - -At the end of the decade in question he used the epithets Mongolian, -Aethiopian, and Caucasian (_Caucasia varietas_). - -In the next (=A.D.= 1808), he speaks of the excessive beauty--the -ideal--the normal character of his Georgian skull; and speaks of his -osteological researches having established a quinary division of the -Human Species; naming them--1. The _Caucasian_; 2. The Mongolian; -3. The Aethiopic; 4. The American; and 5. The Malay. - -Such is the origin of the term _Caucasian_; a term which has done much -harm in Ethnology; a term to which Blumenbach himself gave an undue -value, and his followers a wholly false import. This will be seen -within a few pages. Blumenbach's Caucasian class contained-- - - 1. Most of the Europeans. - 2. The Georgians, Circassians, and other families of Caucasus. - 3. The Jews, Arabs, and Syrians. - -In the same year with the fourth decade of Blumenbach, John Hunter gave -testimony of the value of the study of Man to Man, by a dissertation -with a quotation from Akenside on the title-page-- - - "---------- the spacious West - And all the teeming regions of the South, - Hold not a quarry, to the curious flight - Of Knowledge half so tempting or so fair, - As Man to Man." - -His tract was an Inaugural Dissertation, and I merely mention it -because it was written by Hunter, and dedicated to Robertson. - -Cuvier, in his _Regne Animal_, gives at considerable length the -anthropological characteristics of Man, and places him as the only -species of the genus _Homo_, the only genus of the order _Bimana_ = -_two-handed_; the apes being _Quadrumana_ = _four-handed_. This was the -great practical recognition of Man in his zoological relations. - -In respect to the Ethnology, the classification of Blumenbach was -modified--and that by increasing its generality. The absolute primary -divisions were reduced to three--the Malay and the American being--not -without hesitation--subordinated to the Mongolian. Meanwhile, an -additional prominence was given to the group which contained the -Australians of Australia, and the Papuans of New Guinea. Instead, -however, of being definitely placed, it was left for further -investigation. - -The abuse of the term Caucasian was encouraged. Blumenbach had merely -meant that his favourite specimen had exhibited the best points in the -greatest degree. Cuvier speaks of traditions that ascribe the origin -of mankind to the mountain-range so-called--traditions of no general -diffusion, and of less ethnological value. - -The time is now convenient for taking a retrospective view of the -subject in certain other of its branches. Colour, hair, skin, bone, -stature--all these are points of _physical_ conformation or structure; -material and anatomical; points which the callipers or the scalpel -investigates. But colour, hair, skin, bone, and stature, are not the -only characteristics of man; nor yet the only points wherein the -members of his species differ from each other. There is the _function_ -as well as the organ; and the parts of our body must be considered -in regard to what they _do_ as well as with reference to what they -_are_. This brings in the questions of the phaenomena of growth and -decay,--the average duration of life,--reproduction, and other allied -functions. This, the physiological rather than the purely anatomical -part of the subject, requires a short notice of its own. _A priori_, we -are inclined to say that it would be closely united, in the practice -of investigation, with what it is so closely allied as a branch of -science. Yet such has not been exactly the case. The anatomists were -physiologists as well; and when Blumenbach described a skull, he, -certainly, thought about the power, or the want of power, of the brain -which it contained. But the speculators in physiology were not also -anatomists. Such speculators, however, there were. An historian aspires -to philosophy. There are some facts which he would account for; others -on which he would build a system. Hot climates favour precocity of the -sexual functions. They also precipitate the decay of the attractions -of youth. Hence, a woman who is a mother at twelve has outgrown her -beauty at twenty. From this it follows that mental power and personal -attractions become, necessarily, disunited. Hence the tendency on the -part of the males to take wives in succession; whereby polygamy is -shown to have originated in a law of nature. - -I do not ask whether this is true or false. I merely remind the reader -that the moment such remarks occur, the _natural_ history of Man has -become recognized as an ingredient in the _civil_. - -The chief early writers who expanded the real and supposed facts of the -_natural history of Man_, without being professed ethnologists, were -Montesquieu and Herder. By advertising the subject, they promoted it. -It is doubtful whether they did more. - -We are still within the pale of _physical_ phaenomena; and the purely -intellectual, mental, or moral characteristics of Man have yet to be -considered. What divisions were founded upon the difference between the -arts of the Negro and the arts of the Parisian? What upon the contrast -between the despotisms of Asia and the constitutions of Europe? -What between the cannibalism of New Zealand and the comparatively -graminivorous diet of the Hindu? There were not wanting naturalists -who even in _natural history_ insisted upon the high value of such -characters, immaterial and supra-sensual as they were. The dog and -fox, the hare and rabbit were alike in form; different in habits and -temper--yet the latter fact had to be recognized. Nay, more, it helped -to verify the specific distinctions which the mere differences of form -might leave doubtful. - -All that can be said upon this matter is, that no branch of the subject -was earlier studied than that which dealt with the manners and customs -of strange nations; whilst no branch of it both was and is half so -defective as that which teaches us their value as characteristics. With -ten writers familiar with the same facts there shall be ten different -ways of appreciating them:-- - - "Manserunt hodieque manent vestigia ruris." - -In the year 1851, this is the weakest part of the science. - -With one exception, however--indefinite and inappreciable as may be the -ethnological value of such differences as those which exist between the -superstitions, moral feelings, natural affections, or industrial habits -of different families, there is one great intellectual phaenomenon which -in definitude yields to no characteristic whatever--I mean Language. -Whatever may be said against certain over-statements as to constancy, -it is an undoubted fact that identity of language is _prima facie_ -evidence of identity of origin. - -No reasonable man has denied this. It is not _conclusive_, but _prima -facie_ it undoubtedly is. More cannot be said of colour, skin, hair, -and skeleton. Possibly, not so much. - -Again, language without being identical may be similar; just as -individuals without being brothers or sisters may be first or second -cousins. Similarity, then, is _prima facie_ evidence of relationship. - -Lastly, this similarity may be weighed, measured, and expressed -numerically; an important _item_ in its value. Out of 100 words in two -allied languages, a per-centage of any amount between 1 and 99 may -coincide. Language then is a _definite_ test, if it be nothing else. It -has another recommendation; or perhaps I should say convenience. It can -be studied in the closet: so that for one traveller who describes what -he sees in some far-distant country, there may be twenty scholars at -work in the libraries of Europe. This is only partially the case with -the osteologist. - -Philological ethnology began betimes; long before ethnology, or even -anthropology--which arose earlier--had either a conscious separate -existence or a name. It began even before the physical researches of -Buffon. - -"There is more in language than in any of its productions"--Many who by -no means undervalue the great productions of literature join in this: -indeed it is only saying that the Greek language is a more wonderful -fact than the Homeric poems, or the Aeschylean drama. This, however, is -only an expression of admiration at the construction of so marvellous -an instrument as human speech. - -"When history is silent, language is evidence"--This is an explicit -avowal of its value as an instrument of investigation. - -I cannot affiliate either of these sayings; though I hold strongly with -both. They must prepare us for a new term--_the philological school -of ethnology_, _the philological principle of classification_, _the -philological test_. The worst that can be said of this is that it was -isolated. The philologists began work independently of the anatomists, -and the anatomists independently of the philologists. And so, with one -great exception, they have kept on. - -Pigafetta, one of the circumnavigators with Magalhaens, was the first -who collected specimens of the unlettered dialects of the countries -that afforded opportunities. - -The Abbe Hervas in the 17th century, published his Catalogue of -Tongues, and Arithmetic of Nations, parts of a large and remarkable -work, the _Saggio del Universo_. His _data_ he collected by means of -an almost unlimited correspondence with the Jesuit missionaries of the -Propaganda. - -The all-embracing mind of Leibnitz had not only applied itself to -philology, but had clearly seen its bearing upon history. A paper on -the Basque language is a sample of the ethnology of the inventor of -Fluxions. - -Reland wrote on the wide distribution of the Malay tongue; criticised -certain vocabularies from the South-Sea Islands of Hoorn, Egmont, -Ticopia (then called Cocos Island), and Solomon's Archipelago, and gave -publicity to a fact which even now is mysterious--the existence of -Malay words in the language of Madagascar. - -In 1801 Adelung's _Mithridates_ appeared, containing specimens of -all the known languages of the world; a work as classical to the -comparative philologist as Blackstone's Commentaries are to the -English lawyer. Vater's Supplement (1821) is a supplement to Adelung; -Juelg's (1845) to Vater's. - -Klaproth's is the other great classic in this department. His _Asia -Polyglotta_ and _Sprachatlas_ give us the classification of all the -families of Asia, according to the _vocabularies_ representing their -languages. Whether a comparison between their different _grammars_ -would do the same is doubtful; since it by no means follows that the -evidence of the two coincides. - -Klaproth and Adelung have the same prominence in _philological_ that -Buffon and Blumenbach have in _zoological_ ethnology. - -Blumenbach _appreciated_ the philological method: but the first -who _combined_ the two was Dr. Prichard. His profession gave him -the necessary physiology; and that he was a philologist amongst -philologists is shown not only by numerous details scattered -throughout his writings, but by his 'Eastern Origin of the Celtic -Nations'--the most definite and desiderated addition that has been -made to ethnographical philology. I say nothing about the details of -Dr. Prichard's great work. Let those who doubt its value try to do -without it. - -But there is still something wanting. The relation of the sciences to -the other branches of knowledge requires fixing. With anthropology the -case is pretty clear. It comes into partial contact with the naturalist -sciences (or those based on the principle of classification) and the -biological (or those based on the idea of organization and life). - -Ethnology, however, is more undecided in respect to position. If it -be but a form of history, its place amongst the inductive sciences is -equivocal; since neither the laws which it developes nor the method of -pursuing it give it a place here. These put it in the same category -with a series of records taken from the testimony of witnesses, or with -a book of travels--literary but not scientific. And so it really is to -a certain extent. Two remarkable productions, however, have determined -its relations to be otherwise. - -In Sir C. Lyell's 'Principles of Geology' we have an elaborate -specimen of reasoning from the known to the unknown, and of the -_inference of causes from effects_. It would have been discreditable -to our philosophy if such a sample of logic put in practice had been -disregarded. - -Soon after, came forth the pre-eminently suggestive works, _par -nobile_, of the present Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. Here we -are taught that in the sciences of geology, ethnology, and archaeology, -the _method_ determines the character of the study; and that in all -these we argue backwards. Present _effects_ we know; we also know -their _causes_ as far as the historical period goes back. When we get -beyond this, we can still reason--reason from the experience that the -historical period has supplied. Climate, for instance, and certain -other conditions have _some_ effect; within the limits of generation -a small, within that of a millenium a larger one. Hence, before we -dismiss a difference as inexplicable, we must investigate the changes -that may have produced it, the conditions which may have determined -those changes, and the time required from the exhibition of their -influence. - -In Dr. Prichard's 'Anniversary Address,' delivered before the -Ethnological Society of London in 1847--a work published after the -death of its illustrious author--this relationship to Geology is -emphatically recognized:--"Geology, as every one knows, is not an -account of what nature produces in the present day, but of what it has -long ago produced. It is an investigation of the changes which the -surface of our planet has undergone in ages long since past. The facts -on which the inferences of geology are founded, are collected from -various parts of Natural History. The student of geology inquires into -the processes of nature which are at present going on, but this is for -the purpose of applying the knowledge so acquired to an investigation -of what happened in past times, and of tracing, in the different -layers of the earth's crust--displaying, as they do, relics of various -forms of organic life--the series of the repeated creations which have -taken place. This investigation evidently belongs to _History_ or -_Archaeology_, rather than to what is termed _Natural History_. By a -learned writer, whose name will ever be connected with the annals of -the British Association, the term Palaeontology has been aptly applied -to sciences of this department, for which Physical Archaeology may be -used as a synonym. Palaeontology includes both Geology and Ethnology. -Geology is the archaeology of the globe--ethnology that of its human -inhabitants." - -When ethnology loses its palaeontological character, it loses half its -scientific elements; and the practical and decided recognition of this -should be the characteristic of the English school of ethnologists. - -This chapter will conclude with the notice of the bearings of the -palaeontological method upon one of the most difficult parts of -ethnology, viz. the identification of ancient populations, or the -distribution of the nations mentioned by the classical, scriptural -and older oriental writers amongst the existing or extinct stocks and -families of mankind. - -There are the Etruscans--who were they? The Pelasgians--who were they? -The Huns that overrun Europe in the fifth century; the Cimmerii that -devastated Asia, 900 years earlier? Archaeology answers some of these -questions; and the testimony of ancient writers helps us in others. Yet -both mislead--perhaps, almost as often as they direct us rightly. If -it were not so, there would be less discrepancy of opinion. - -Nevertheless, up to the present time the primary fact concerning -any such populations has always been the testimony of some ancient -historian or geographer, and the first question that has been put -is, _What say Tacitus--Strabo--Herodotus--Ptolemy_, &c. &c.? In -critical hands the inquiries go further; and statements are compared, -testimonies weighed in a balance against each other, the opportunities -of knowing, and the honesty in recording of the respective authors -investigated. In this way a sketch of ancient Greece by Thucydides -has a value which the authority of a lesser writer would fail to give -it--and so on with others. Nevertheless, what Thucydides wrote he -wrote from report, and inferences--report, most probably, carefully -weighed, and inferences legitimately drawn. Yet sources of error, -for which he is not to be held responsible, are innumerable. He went -upon hearsay evidence--he sifted it, perhaps; but still he went upon -hearsay evidence only. How do we value such evidence? By the natural -probabilities of the account it constitutes. By what means do we -ascertain these? - -I submit there is but one measure here--the existing state of things -as either known to ourselves, or known to contemporaries capable of -learning them at the period nearest the time under consideration. This -we examine as the effect of some antecedent cause--or series of causes. -#Pou sto?# says the scholar. On the dictum of such or such an author. -#Pou sto?# says the Archimedean ethnologist. On the last testified fact. - -Of the unsatisfactory character of anything short of contemporary -testimony in the identification of ancient nations, the pages and pages -that nine-tenths of the historians bestow upon the mysterious _Pelasgi_ -is a specimen. Add Niebuhr to Mueller, and Thirlwall to Niebuhr--Pelion -to Ossa, and Olympus to Pelion--and what _facts_ do we arrive at--facts -that we may rely on as such, facts supported by contemporary evidence, -and recorded under opportunities of being ascertained? Just the -three recognized by Mr. Grote; viz. that their language was spoken -at Khreston--that it was spoken at Plakeae--that it differed, in some -unascertained degree, from the Greek. - -This is all that the ethnologist recognizes; and from this he argues as -he best can. Every fact, less properly supported by either first-hand -or traceable evidence, he treats with indifference. It may be good in -history; but it is not good for _him_. He has too much use to put it -to, too much to build upon it, too much argument to work out of it, to -allow it to be other than unimpeachable. - -Again--Tacitus carries his _Germania_ as far as the Niemen, so as to -include the present countries of Mecklenburg, Pomerania, Brandenburg, -West and East Prussia, and Courland. Is this improbable in itself? No. -The area is by no means immoderately large. Is it improbable when we -take the present state of those countries in question? No. They are -German at present. Is it improbable in any case? and if so, in what? -Yes. It becomes improbable when we remember that the present Germans -have been as unequivocally and undoubtedly recent immigrants for the -parts in question, as are the English of the Valley of the Mississippi, -and that at the beginning of the historical period the whole of -them were Slavonic, with nothing but the phraseology of Tacitus to -prevent us from believing that they always had been so. But it is also -improbable that so respectable a writer as Tacitus should be mistaken. -Granted. And here begins the conflict of difficulties. Nevertheless, -the primary ethnological fact is the state of things as it existed when -the countries under consideration were first accurately known, taken -along with the probability or improbability of its having so existed -for a certain period previous, as compared with the probability or -improbability of the migrations and other assumptions necessary for its -recent introduction. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[1] The value of Tacitus as an authority is minutely investigated in an -ethnological edition of the _Germania_ by the present writer, now in -course of publication. The object of the present chapter is merely to -show the extent to which the science in question is of recent, rather -than ancient, origin. - -[2] Barr's Translation, vol. iv. p. 191. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - - Ethnology--its objects--the chief problems connected with it-- - prospective questions--transfer of populations--Extract from - Knox--correlation of certain parts of the body to certain external - influences--parts less subject to such influences--retrospective - questions--the unity or non-unity of our species--opinions-- - plurality of species--multiplicity of protoplasts--doctrine of - development--Dokkos--Extract--antiquity of our species--its - geographical origin--the term _race_. - - -In Cuvier--as far as he goes--we find the anthropological view of the -subject predominant; and this is what we expect from the nature of -the work in which it occurs: the degree in which one genus or species -differs from the species or genus next to it being the peculiar -consideration of the systematic naturalist. To exhibit our varieties -would have required a special monograph. - -In Prichard on the contrary ethnology preponderates; of anthropology, -in the strict sense of the word, there being but little; and the -ethnology is of a broad and comprehensive kind. Description there -is, and classification there is; but, besides this, there is a great -portion of the work devoted to what may be called _Ethnological -Dynamics_, i. e. the appreciation of the effect of the external -conditions of climate, latitude, relative sea-level and the like upon -the human body. - -Prichard is the great repertory of facts; and read with Whewell's -commentary it gives us the Science in a form sufficiently full for -the purposes of detail, and sufficiently systematic for the basis of -further generalization. Still it must be read with the commentary -already mentioned. If not, it fails in its most intellectual element; -and becomes a system of simple records, rather than a series of subtle -and peculiar inferences. So read, however, it gives us our facts and -classifications in a _working form_. In other words, the Science has -now taken its true place and character. - -If more than this be needed--and for the anthropology, it may be -thought by some that Cuvier is too brief, and Prichard too exclusively -ethnological--the work of Lawrence forms the complement. These, along -with Adelung and Klaproth, form the _Thesaurus Ethnologicus_. But the -facts which they supply are like the sword of the Mahometan warrior. -Its value depended on the arm that wielded it; and such is the case -here. No book has yet been written which can implicitly be taken -for much more than its _facts_. Its inferences and classification -must be _criticised_. Be this, however, as it may, in =A.D.= 1846 -Mr. Mill writes, that "concerning the physical nature of man, as an -organized being, there has been much controversy, which can only be -terminated by the general acknowledgement and employment of stricter -rules of induction than are commonly recognized; there is, however, -a considerable body of truth which all who have attended to the -subject consider to be fully established, nor is there now any radical -imperfection in the method observed in this department of science by -its most distinguished modern teachers." - -This could not have been written thirty years ago. The _department of -science_ would, then, have been indefinite; and the _teachers_ would -not have been _distinguished_. - -It may now be as well to say what Ethnology and Anthropology are -_not_. Their relations to history have been considered. _Archaeology_ -illustrates each; yet the moment that it is confounded with either, -mischief follows. _Psychology_, or the Science of the laws of Mind, has -the same relation to them as _Physiology_--_mutatis mutandis_; _i.e._ -putting Mind in the place of Body. - -But nearer than either are its two subordinate studies of Ethology[3], -or the Science of Character, by which we determine the kind of -character produced in conformity with the laws of Mind, by _any_ set of -circumstances, _physical_ as well as moral; and the Science of Society -which investigates the action and reaction of associated masses[4] on -each other. - -Such then is our Science; which the principle of Division of Labour -requires to be marked off clearly in order to be worked advantageously. -And now we ask the nature of its _objects_. It has not much to do -with the establishment of any _laws_ of remarkable generality; a -circumstance which, in the eyes of some, may subtract from its value -as a science; the nearest approach to anything of this kind being -the general statement implied in the classifications themselves. Its -real object is the solution of certain _problems_--problems which it -investigates by its own peculiar method--and problems of sufficient -height and depth and length and breadth to satisfy the most ambitious. -All these are referable to two heads, and connect themselves with -either the _past_ or the _future_ history of our species; its _origin_ -or _destination_. - -We see between the Negro and the American a certain amount of -difference. Has this always existed? If not, how was it brought about? -By what influences? In what time? Quickly or slowly? These questions -point backwards, and force upon us the consideration of what _has -been_. - -But the next takes us forwards. Great experiments in the transfer of -populations from one climate to another have gone on ever since the -discovery of America, and are going on now; sometimes westwards as to -the New World; sometimes eastwards as to Australia and New Zealand; -now from Celtic populations like Ireland; now from Gothic countries -like England and Germany; now from Spain and Portugal;--to say nothing -of the equally great phaenomenon of Negro slavery being the real or -supposed condition of American prosperity. Will this succeed? Ask -this at Philadelphia, or Lima, Sydney, or Auckland, and the answer is -pretty sure to be in the affirmative. Ask it of one of our English -anatomists. His answer is as follows:--"Let us attend now to the -greatest of all experiments ever made in respect of the transfer of a -population indigenous to one continent, and attempting by emigration -to take possession of another; to cultivate it with their own hands; -to colonize it; to persuade the world, in time, that they are _the -natives_ of the newly occupied land. Northern America and Australia -furnished the fields of this, the greatest of experiments. Already -has the horse, the sheep, the ox, become as it were indigenous to -these lands. Nature did not place them there at first, yet they -seem to thrive and flourish, and multiply exceedingly. Yet, even as -regards these domestic animals, we cannot be quite certain. Will -they eventually be self-supporting? Will they supplant the llama, the -kangaroo, the buffalo, the deer? or in order to effect this, will -they require to be constantly renovated from Europe? If this be the -contingency, then the acclimatation is not perfect. How is it with man -himself? The man planted there by nature, the Red-Indian, differs from -all others on the face of the earth; he gives way before the European -races, the Saxon and the Celtic; the Celt, Iberian, and the Lusitanian -in the south; the Celt and the Saxon in the north. - -"Of the tropical regions of the New World, I need not speak; every -one knows that none but those whom nature placed there can live -there; that no Europeans can colonize a tropical country. But may -there not be some doubts of their self-support in milder regions? -Take the Northern States themselves. There the Saxon and the Celt -seem to thrive beyond all that is recorded in history. But are we -quite sure that this is fated to be permanent? Annually from Europe -is poured a hundred thousand men and women of the best blood of the -Scandinavian, and twice the number of the pure Celt; and so long as -this continues, he is sure to thrive. But check it, arrest it suddenly, -as in the case of Mexico and Peru; throw the _onus_ of reproduction -upon the population, no longer European, but a struggle between the -European alien and his adopted father-land. The climate; the forests; -the remains of the aborigines not yet extinct; last, not least, that -unknown and mysterious degradation of life and energy, which in ancient -times seems to have decided the fate of all the Phoenician, Grecian, -and Coptic colonies. Cut off from their original stock, they gradually -withered and faded, and finally died away. The Phoenician never became -acclimatized in Africa, nor in Cornwall, nor in Wales; vestiges of his -race, it is true, still remain, but they are mere vestiges. Peru and -Mexico are fast retrograding to their primitive condition; may not the -Northern States, under similar circumstances, do the same? - -"Already the United States man differs in appearance from the European: -the ladies early lose their teeth; in both sexes the adipose cellular -cushion interposed between the skin and the aponeuroses and muscles -disappears, or, at least, loses its adipose portion; the muscles become -stringy, and show themselves; the tendons appear on the surface; -symptoms of premature decay manifest themselves. Now what do these -signs, added to the uncertainty of infant life in the Southern States, -and the smallness of their families in the Northern, indicate? Not the -conversion of the Anglo-Saxon into the Red-Indian, but warnings that -the climate has not been made for him, nor he for the climate. - -"See what even a small amount of insulation has done for the French -Celt in Lower Canada. Look at the race there! Small men, small horses, -small cattle, still smaller carts, ideas smallest of all; he is not -even the Celt of modern France! He is the French Celt of the Regency, -the thing of Louis XIII. Stationary--absolutely stationary--his -numbers, I believe, depend on the occasional admixture of fresh blood -from Europe. He has increased to a million since his first settlement -in Canada; but much of this has come from Britain, and not from France. -Give us the statistics of the original families who keep themselves -apart from the fresh blood imported into the province. Let us have the -real and solid increase of the original _habitans_, as they are pleased -to call themselves, and then we may calculate on the result. - -"Had the colony been left to itself, cut off from Europe, for a century -or two, it is my belief that the forest and the buffalo, and the -Red-Indian, would have pushed him into the St. Lawrence[5]." - -I give no opinion as to the truth of the extract; remarking that, -whether right or wrong, it is forcibly and confidently expressed. -All that the passage has to do is to illustrate the character of the -question. It directs our consideration to what _will be_. - -To work out questions in either of these classes, there must, of -course, be some reference to the general operations of climate, -food, and other influences;--operations which imply a correlative -susceptibility of modification on the part of the human organism. - -In a well-constructed machine, the different parts have a definite -relation to each. The greater the resistance, the thicker the ropes and -chains; and the thicker the ropes and chains, the stronger the pulleys; -the stronger the pulleys, the greater the force; and so on throughout. -Delicate pulleys with heavy ropes, or light lines with bulky pulleys, -would be so much power wasted. The same applies to the skeleton. If -the muscle be massive, the bone to which it is attached must be firm; -otherwise there is a disproportion of parts. In this respect the -organized and animated body agrees with a common machine, the work -of human hands. It agrees with, but it also surpasses it. It has an -internal power of self-adjustment. No amount of work would convert a -thin line into a strong rope, or a light framework into a strong one. -If bulk be wanted, it must be given in the first instance. But what -is it with the skeleton, the framework to the muscles? It _has_ the -power of adapting itself to the stress laid upon it. The food that we -live upon is of different degrees of hardness and toughness; and the -harder and tougher it is, the more work is there for the muscles of -the lower jaw. But, as these work, they grow; for--other things being -equal--size is power; and as they grow, other parts must grow also. -There are the bones. _How_ they grow is a complex question. Sometimes -a smooth surface becomes rough, a fine bone coarse; sometimes a short -process becomes lengthened, or a narrow one broadens; sometimes the -increase is simple or absolute, and the bone in question changes its -character without affecting that of the parts in contact with it. But -frequently there is a complication of changes, and the development of -one bone takes place at the expense of another; the _relations_ of the -different portions of parts of a skeleton being thus altered. - -A skeleton, then, may be modified by the action of its own muscles; in -other words, wherever there are muscles that are liable to an increase -of mass, there are bones similarly susceptible--bones upon which -asperities, ridges, or processes may be developed--bones from which -asperities, ridges, or processes may disappear, and bones of which the -relative proportions may be varied. In order, however, that this must -take place, there must be the muscular action which determines it. - -Now this applies to the _hard parts_, or the skeleton; and as it is -generally admitted, that if the bony framework of the body can be thus -modified by the action of its own muscles, the extreme conditions of -heat, light, aliment, moisture, &c., will, _a fortiori_, affect the -soft parts, such as the skin and adipose tissue. Neither have any great -difficulties been raised in respect to the varieties of colour in the -iris, and of colour and texture, both, in the hair. - -But what if we have in certain _hard_ parts a difference without its -corresponding tangible modifying cause? What if parts which no muscle -acts upon vary? In such a case we have a new class of facts, and a -new import given to it. We no longer draw our illustrations from the -ropes and pulleys of machines. Adaptation there may be, but it is no -longer an adaptation of the simple straightforward kind that we have -exhibited. It is an adaptation on the principle which determines the -figure-head of a vessel, not one on the principle which decides the -rigging. Still there is a principle on both sides; on one, however, -there is an evident connection of cause and effect; on the other, the -notion of choice, or spontaneity of an _idea_, is suggested. - -In this way, the consideration of a tooth differs from that of the jaw -in which it is implanted. No muscles act directly upon it; and all that -pressure at its base can do is to affect the direction of its growth. -The form of its crown it leaves untouched. How--I am using almost -the words of Prof. Owen--can we conceive the development of the great -canine of the chimpanzee to be a result of external stimuli, or to -have been influenced by muscular actions, when it is calcified before -it cuts the gum, or displaces its deciduous predecessor--a structure -preordained, a weapon prepared prior to the development of the forces -by which it is to be wielded[6]? - -This illustrates the difference between the parts manifestly obnoxious -to the influence of external conditions and the parts which either do -not vary at all, or vary according to unascertained laws. - -With the former we look to the conditions of sun, air, habits, or -latitude; the latter we interpret, as we best can, by references to -other species or to the same in its earlier stages of development. - -Thus, the so-called supra-orbital ridge, or the prominence of the -lower portion of forehead over the nose and eyes, is more marked in -some individuals than in others; and more marked in the African and -Australian varieties than our own. This is an ethnological fact. - -Again--and this is an anthropological fact--it is but moderately -developed in man at all: whilst in the orang-utan it is moderate; and -in the chimpanzee enormously and characteristically developed. - -Hence it is one of the nine points whereby the _Pithecus Wurmbii_ -approaches man more closely than the _Troglodytes Gorilla_[7], in -opposition to the twenty-four whereby the _Troglodytes Gorilla_ comes -nearer to us than the _Pithecus Wurmbii_. - -Had this ridge given attachment to muscles, we should have asked what -work those muscles did, and how far it varied in different regions, -instead of thinking much about either the _Pithecus Wurmbii_ or the -_Troglodytes Gorilla_. - -However, it is certain problems which constitute the higher branches of -ethnology; and it is to the investigation of these that the department -of ethnological dynamics is subservient. Looking _backwards_ we find, -first amongst the foremost, the grand questions as to-- - - 1. The unity or non-unity of the species. - 2. Its antiquity. - 3. Its geographical origin. - -The unity or non-unity of the human species has been contemplated under -a great multiplicity of aspects; some involving the fact itself, some -the meaning of the term _species_. - -1. Certain points of structure are _constant_. This is one reason for -making man the only species of genus, and the only genus of his order. - -2. All mixed breeds are prolific. This is another. - -3. The evidence of language indicates a common origin; and the simplest -form of this is a single pair. This is a third. - -4. We can predicate a certain number of general propositions concerning -the class of beings called Human. This merely separates them from all -other classes. It does not determine the nature of the class itself in -respect to its members. It may fall in divisions and subdivisions. - -5. The species may be one; but the number of _first pairs_ may be -numerous. This is the doctrine of the _multiplicity of protoplasts_[8]. - -6. The species may have had no protoplast at all; but may have been -developed out of some species anterior to it, and lower in the scale of -Nature, this previous species itself having been so evolved. In this -case, the protoplast is thrown indefinitely backwards; in other words, -the protoplast of one species is the protoplast of many. - -7. The genus _Homo_ may fall into several species; so that what some -call the _varieties of a single species_ are really different species -of a single genus. - -8. The varieties of mankind may be too great to be included in even a -_genus_. There may be two or even more genera to an _order_. - -9. Many of the present varieties may represent the intermixtures of -species no longer extant in a pure state. - -10. All _known_ varieties may be referable to a single species; but -there may be new species undescribed. - -11. All _existing_ varieties may be referable to a single species; but -certain _species_ may have ceased to exist. - -Such are the chief views which are current amongst learned men on -this point; though they have not been exhibited in a strictly logical -form, inasmuch as differences of opinion as to the meaning of the term -_species_ have been given in the same list with differences of opinion -as to the fact of our unity or non-unity. - -These differences of opinion are not limited to mere matters of -inference. The _facts_ on which such inferences rest are by no means -unanimously admitted. Some deny the constancy of certain points of -structure, and more deny the _permanent_ fecundity of mixed breeds. -Again, the evidence of language applies only to known tongues; whilst -the fourth view is based upon a _logical_ rather than a _zoological_ -view of _species_. - -The doctrine of a _multiplicity of protoplasts_ is common. Many -zoologists hold it, and they have of course zoological reasons -for doing so. Others hold it upon grounds of a very different -description--grounds which rest upon the assumption of a final -cause. Man is a _social_ animal. Let the import of this be ever so -little exaggerated. The term is a _correlative_ one. The wife is not -enough to the husband; the _pair_ requires its _pair_ for society's -sake. Hence, if man be not formed to live alone now, he was not -formed alone at first. To be born a member of society, there must be -associates. This is the teleological[9]--perhaps it may be called the -theological--reason for the multiplicity of protoplasts. - -Its _non_-inductive character subtracts something from its value. - -The difficulty of drawing a line as to the magnitude of the original -society subtracts more. If we admit a second pair, why not grant a -village, a town, a city and its corporation? &c. - -Again, this is either a primitive civilization or something very like -it. Where are its traces? Nevertheless, if we grant certain assumptions -in respect to the history of human civilization, the teleological -doctrine of the multiplicity of protoplasts is difficult to refute. - -And so is the zoological; provided that we make concessions in the way -of language. Let certain pairs have been created with the capacity but -not the gift of speech, so that they shall have learned their language -of others. Or let _all_, at first, have been in this predicament, and -some have evolved speech earlier than others--a speech eventually -extended to all. It is not easy to answer such an argument as this. - -The multiplicity of protoplasts is common ground to the zoologist and -the human naturalist, although the phaenomena of speech and society -give the latter the larger share. The same applies to the _doctrine of -development_. The fundamental affinity which connects all the forms -of human speech is valid against the transcendentalist only when he -assumes that each original of a species of Man appeared, as such, with -his own proper language. Let him allow this to have been originally -dumb, and with only the capacity of learning speech from others, -and all arguments in favour of the unity of species drawn from the -similarity of language fall to the ground. - -The eighth doctrine is little more than an exaggeration of the seventh. -The seventh will not be noticed now, simply because the facts which it -asserts and denies pervade the whole study of ethnology, and appear and -re-appear at every point of our investigations. - -_All +known+ varieties may be referable to a single species; but there -may be other species undescribed._--What are the reasons for believing -this? Premising that Dilbo was a slave from whom Dr. Beke collected -certain information respecting the countries to the south-west of -Abyssinia, I subjoin the following extract:-- - -"The countries on the west and south-west of Kaffa are, according to -Dilbo, Damboro, Bonga, Koolloo, Kootcha, Soofa, Tooffte, and Doko; on -the east and south-east are the plains of Woratto, Walamo, and Talda. - -"The country of Doko is a month's journey distant from Kaffa; and it -seems that only those merchants who are dealers in slaves go farther -than Kaffa. The most common route passes Kaffa in a south-westerly -direction, leading to Damboro, afterwards to Kootcha, Koolloo, and then -passing the river Erow to Tooffte, where they begin to hunt the slaves -in Doko, of which chase I shall give a description as it has been -stated to me, and the reader may use his own judgement respecting it. - -"Dilbo begins with stating that the people of Doko, both men and -women, are said to be no taller than boys nine or ten years old. They -never exceed that height, even in the most advanced age. They go quite -naked; their principal food are ants, snakes, mice, and other things -which commonly are not used as food. They are said to be so skilful -in finding out the ants and snakes, that Dilbo could not refrain -from praising them greatly on that account. They are so fond of this -food, that even when they have become acquainted with better aliment -in Enarea and Kaffa, they are nevertheless frequently punished for -following their inclination of digging in search of ants and snakes, as -soon as they are out of sight of their masters. The skins of snakes are -worn by them about their necks as ornaments. They also climb trees with -great skill to fetch down the fruits; and in doing this they stretch -their hands downwards and their legs upwards. They live in extensive -forests of bamboo and other woods, which are so thick that the -slave-hunter finds it very difficult to follow them in these retreats. -These hunters sometimes discover a great number of the Dokos sitting -on the trees, and then they use the artifice of showing them shining -things, by which they are enticed to descend, when they are captured -without difficulty. As soon as a Doko begins to cry he is killed, from -the apprehension that this, as a sign of danger, will cause the others -to take to their heels. Even the women climb on the trees, where in -a few minutes a great number of them may be captured and sold into -slavery. - -"The Dokos live mixed together; men and women unite and separate as -they please; and this Dilbo considers as the reason why the tribe has -not been exterminated, though frequently a single slave-dealer returns -home with a thousand of them reduced to slavery. The mother suckles the -child only as long as she is unable to find ants and snakes for its -food: she abandons it as soon as it can get its food by itself. No rank -or order exists among the Dokos. Nobody orders, nobody obeys, nobody -defends the country, nobody cares for the welfare of the nation. They -make no attempts to secure themselves but by running away. They are as -quick as monkeys; and they are very sensible of the misery prepared for -them by the slave-hunters, who so frequently encircle their forests -and drive them from thence into the open plains like beasts. They put -their heads on the ground, and stretch their legs upwards, and cry, in -a pitiful manner, 'Yer! yer!' Thus they call on the Supreme Being, of -whom they have some notion, and are said to exclaim, 'If you do exist, -why do you suffer us to die, who do not ask for food or clothes, and -who live on snakes, ants, and mice?' Dilbo stated that it was no rare -thing to find five or six Dokos in such a position and state of mind. -Sometimes these people quarrel among themselves, when they eat the -fruit of the trees; then the stronger one throws the weaker to the -ground, and the latter is thus frequently killed in a miserable way. - -"In their country it rains incessantly; at least from May to January, -and even later the rain does not cease entirely. The climate is not -cold, but very wet. The traveller, in going from Kaffa to Doko, must -pass over a high country, and cross several rivers, which fall into the -Gochob. - -"The language of the Dokos is a kind of murmuring, which is understood -by no one but themselves and their hunters. The Dokos evince much -sense and skill in managing the affairs of their masters, to whom -they are soon much attached; and they render themselves valuable to -such a degree, that no native of Kaffa ever sells one of them to be -sent out of the country. As Captain Clapperton says of the slaves of -Nyffie:--'The very slaves of this people are in great request, and when -once obtained are never again sold out of the country.' The inhabitants -of Enarea and Kaffa sell only those slaves which they have taken in -their border-wars with the tribes living near them, but never a Doko. -The Doko is also averse to being sold; he prefers death to separating -from his master, to whom he has attached himself. - -"The access to the country of Doko is very difficult, as the -inhabitants of Damboro, Koolloo, and Tooffte are enemies to the -traders from Kaffa, though these tribes are dependent on Kaffa, and pay -tribute to its sovereigns; for these tribes are intent on preserving -for themselves alone the exclusive privilege of hunting the Dokos, and -of trading with the slaves thus obtained. - -"Dilbo did not know whether the tribes residing south and west of the -Dokos persecute this unhappy nation in the same cruel way. - -"This is Dilbo's account of the Dokos, a nation of pigmies, who are -found in so degraded a condition of human nature that it is difficult -to give implicit credit to his account. The notion of a nation of -pigmies in the interior of Africa is very ancient, as Herodotus speaks -of them in II. 32." - -Now those who believe in the Dokos at all, may fairly believe them to -constitute a new species. - -Other imperfectly known populations may be put forward in a similar -point of view. - -_All +existing+ varieties may be referable to a single species; but -certain species may have ceased to exist._--There is a considerable -amount of belief in this respect. We see, in certain countries, which -are at present barbarous vestiges of a prior civilization, works, like -those of Mexico and Peru for instance, which the existing inhabitants -confess to be beyond their powers. Be it so. Is the assumption of -a different species with architectural propensities more highly -developed, legitimate? The reader will answer this question in his own -way. I can only say that such assumptions have been made. - -Again--ancient tombs exhibit skeletons which differ from the living -individuals of the country. Is a similar assumption here justifiable? -It has been made. - -The most remarkable phaenomena of the kind in question are to be found -in the history of the Peruvians. - -The parts about the Lake Titicaca form the present country of the -Aymaras, whose heads are much like those of the other Americans, whose -taste for architecture is but slight, and whose knowledge of having -descended from a people more architectural than themselves is none. - -Nevertheless, there are vast ruins in their district; whilst the -heads of those whose remains are therein preserved have skulls with -the sutures obliterated, and with remarkable frontal, lateral, and -occipital depressions. - -Does this denote an extinct species? Individually, I think it does -not; because, individually, with many others, I know that certain -habits decline, and I also believe that the flattenings of the head -are _artificial_. Nevertheless, if I, ever so little, exaggerated the -permanency of habits, or if I identified a habit with an instinct, -or if I considered the skulls _natural_, the chances are that I -should recognise the remains of ancient _stock_--possibly an ancient -_species_--without congeners and without descendants. - -_The antiquity of the human species._--Our views on this point depend -upon our views as to its unity or non-unity; so much so, that unless -we assume either one or the other, the question of antiquity is -impracticable. And it must also be added that, unless the inquiry is to -be excessively complicated, the unity-doctrine must take the form of -descent from a single pair. - -Assuming this, we take the most extreme specimens of difference, -whether it be in the way of physical conformation or mental -phaenomena--of these last, language being the most convenient. After -this, we ask the time necessary for bringing about the changes -effected; the answer to this resting upon the induction supplied within -the historical period; an answer requiring the application of what has -already been called _Ethnological Dynamics_. - -On the other hand, we may assume a certain amount of original -difference, and investigate the time requisite for effecting the -existing amount of similarity. - -The first of these methods requires a long, the second a short period; -indeed, descent from a single pair implies a _geological_ rather than -a _historical_ date. - -Furthermore--that uniformity in the average rate of change which the -geologist requires, ethnology requires also. - -_The geographical origin of Man._--Supposing all the varieties of -Man to have originated from a single protoplast pair, in what part -of the world was that single protoplast pair placed? Or, supposing -such protoplast pairs to have been numerous, what were the respective -original locations of each? I ask these questions without either -giving any answer to them, or exhibiting any method for discovering -one. Of the three great problems it is the one which has received -the least consideration, and the one concerning which there is the -smallest amount of decided opinion. The conventional, provisional, -or hypothetical cradle of the human species is, of course, the most -central point of the inhabited world; inasmuch as this gives us the -greatest amount of distribution with the least amount of migration; -but, of course, such a centre is wholly unhistorical. - -_Race_--What is the meaning of this word? - -Does it mean _variety_? If so, why not say _variety_ at once? - -Does it mean _species_? If it do, one of the two phrases is -superfluous. - -In simple truth it means either or neither, as the case may be; and -is convenient or superfluous according to the views of the writer who -uses it. - -If he believe that groups and classes like the Negro, the Hottentot, -the American, the Australian, or the Mongolian, differ from each other -as the dog differs from the fox, he talks of _species_. He has made up -his mind. - -But, perhaps, he does no such thing. His mind is made up the other way. -Members of such classes may be to Europeans, and to each other, just -what the cur is to the pug, the pointer to the beagle, &c. They may be -_varieties_. - -He uses, then, the terms accordingly; but, in order to do so, he must -have made up his mind; and certain classes must represent either one or -the other. - -But what if he have not done this? If, instead of teaching undoubted -facts, he is merely investigating doubtful ones? In this case the term -_race_ is convenient. It is convenient for him during his pursuit of an -opinion, and during the consequent suspension of his opinion. - -_Race_, then, is the term denoting a _species or variety_, as the -case may be--_pendente lite_. It is a term which, if it conceals our -ignorance, proclaims our openness to conviction. - -Of the _prospective_ views of humanity, one has been considered. But -there are others of at least equal importance. Two, out of many, may -serve as samples. - -1. The first is suggested by the following Table; taken from a fuller -one in Mr. D. Wilson's valuable Archaeology and Prehistoric Annals of -Scotland. It shows the relative proportions of a series of skulls of -_very great_, with those of a series of _moderate_ antiquity. - -The study of this--and it requires to be studied carefully--gives -grounds for believing that the capacity of a skull may increase -as the social condition improves; from which it follows that the -physical organization of the less-favoured stocks may develope itself -progressively,--and, _pari passu_, the mental power that coincides with -it. This illustrates the nature of a certain ethnological question. But -what if the two classes of skulls belong to different stocks; so that -the owners of the one were _not_ the progenitors of the proprietors of -the other? Such a view (and it is not unreasonable) illustrates the -extent to which it is complicated. - -[Transcriber's Note: The measurements in the tables are in inches and -twelfths.] - - KEY: - A: Longitudinal diameter. - B: Parietal diameter. - C: Frontal diameter. - D: Vertical diameter. - E: Intermastoid arch. - F: Intermastoid arch from upper root of zygomatic process. - - ----+---------+----------+---------+---------+-----------+--------- - | A | B | C | D | E | F - ----+---------+----------+---------+---------+-----------+--------- - Very old. - 1. | 7.0 | 5.4-1/2? | 4.9? | 4.10 | 13.11 | 11.5 - 2. | 7.0 | 4.8 | 4.4 | 5.3 | 13.2 | 11.0 - 3. | 6.11 | 5.3 | 3.11 | 5.0 | ... | 12.0 - 4. | 7.0 | 4.11 | 4.4 | 5.3 | 13.8 | 11.4-1/2 - 5. | 6.6 | 4.1? | 4.11 | 4.2? | 13.2 | 11.3 - 6. | 7.3 | 5.4 | 4.6 | 5.2 | 14.3 | 11.9 - 7. | 7.5 | 5.2 | 4.5 | 5.2 | 14.3 | 12.0 - 8. | 7.9 | 5.6 | 4.9 | ... | ... | 12.3 - 9. | 7.3 | 5.8 | 4.3-1/2 | 4.9 | 14.0 | 11.9 - Moderately old. - 17. | 7.9 | 5.0 | 4.10 | 5.6 | 14.9 | 11.11 - 18. | 7.6 | 5.1 | 4.6 | 5.1 | 14.8 | 11.3 - 19. | 7.3 | 5.3 | 4.5 | 5.4-1/2 | 14.5 | 12.4 - 20. | 7.5 | 5.6-1/2 | 5.0-1/2 | 5.6 | 14.11-1/2 | 12.3 - 21. | 7.3 | 5.6-1/2 | 4.4 | 5.6 | 14.8 | 12.0 - 22. | 7.2 | 5.7 | 4.5 | 5.6 | 14.9 | 11.10 - 23. | 7.3-1/2 | 5.7 | 4.6 | 5.2 | 15.0? | 12.4? - 24. | 7.2 | 5.5 | 4.6 | ... | ... | ... - 25. | 7.8 | 5.6 | 4.3-1/2 | 5.3 | 14.4 | 11.8 - 26. | 7.9 | 5.7 | 5.3 | 5.6 | 15.7 | 13.3 - 27. | 7.11 | 5.5 | 4.9 | ... | ... | 12.0 - ----+---------+----------+---------+---------+-----------+--------- - -KEY: - G: Intermastoid lines. - H: Ditto from upper root of zygomatic process. - I: Occipitofrontal arch. - J: Ditto from occipital protuberance to root of nose. - K: Horizontal periphery. - L: Relative capacity. - - ----+----------+----------+-------+----------+-----------+---------- - | G | H | I | J | K | L - ----+----------+----------+-------+----------+-----------+---------- - Very old. - 1. | 3.6-1/2 | 4.8-1/2 | 13.9 | 12.0 | 20.4 | 32.2 - 2. | 4.1 | 4.10 | 14.0 | 11.11 | 19.6 | 31.9 - 3. | ... | 4.8-1/2 | 14.4 | 11.4 | 19.0 | 30.11 - 4. | 4.1 | 4.10 | 13.10 | 11.3 | 16.7-1/2 | 28.10-1/2 - 5. | ... | 4.8? | 13.11 | 12.0 | 19.0 | 29.6 - 6. | 4.4 | 5.0-1/2 | 14.8 | 12.3 | 20.8-1/2 | 33.1-1/2 - 7. | 3.7 | 4.10-1/2 | 14.3 | 12.3 | 20.7-1/2 | 33.2-1/2 - 8. | ... | 5.6 | 15.6 | ... | 21.3 | ... - 9. | 3.8-1/2 | 5.0 | 14.2 | 11.9 | 20.7 | 32.7 - Moderately old. - 17. | 4.0 | 5.4 | 15.5 | 13.6 | 21.3 | 34.6 - 18. | 3.11 | 5.3 | 14.6 | 12.11 | 20.4 | 32.11-1/2 - 19. | 3.11-1/2 | 4.9 | 14.9 | 12.9 | 20.10 | 33.5-1/2 - 20. | 4.0 | ... | 14.9 | 12.6 | 20.10 | 33.9 - 21. | 4.1 | 5.3 | 14.5 | 12.10 | 20.2 | 32.11 - 22. | 4.3 | 5.6 | 14.4 | 12.6 | 20.0 | 32.8 - 23. | ... | ... | 14.8 | 12.6-1/2 | 19.10-1/2 | 32.4 - 24. | ... | ... | ... | 12.10 | 20.7 | ... - 25. | 4.7 | 5.6 | 14.6 | 12.7 | 20.11 | 33.10 - 26. | 4.0-1/2 | 5.4 | 16.4 | 14.4 | 21.11 | 35.2 - 27. | ... | 5.1 | 15.5 | 13.9 | 21.6 | ... - ----+----------+----------+-------+----------+-----------+---------- - -2. The second, like the first, shall be explained by extracts:-- - - * * * * * - - _a._ Mrs. ----, a neighbour of Mr. M'Combie, was twice married, and - had issue by both husbands. The children of the first marriage were - five in number; by the second, three. One of these three, a daughter, - bears an unmistakeable resemblance to her mother's first husband. - What makes the likeness the more discernible is, that there was the - most marked difference, in their features and general appearance, - between the two husbands. - - * * * * * - - _b._ A young woman, residing in Edinburgh, and born of white - (Scottish) parents, but whose mother some time previous to her - marriage had a natural (Mulatto) child, by a negro-servant, in - Edinburgh, exhibits distinct traces of the negro. Dr. Simpson, - whose patient the young woman at one time was, has had no recent - opportunities of satisfying himself as to the precise extent to which - the negro character prevails in her features; but he recollects being - struck with the resemblance, and noticed particularly that the hair - had the qualities characteristic of the negro. - - * * * * * - - _c._ Mrs. ----, apparently perfectly free from scrofula, married a - man who died of phthisis; she had one child by him, which also died - of phthisis. She next married a person who was to all appearance - equally healthy as herself, and had two children by him, one of which - died of phthisis, the other of tubercular mesenteric disease--having, - at the same time, scrofulous ulceration of the under extremity. - -There are the elements of a theory here; especially if they be -taken along with certain phaenomena, well-known to the breeders of -race-horses--the theory being, that the mixture of the _distinctive -characters_ of different divisions of mankind may be greater than -the intermixture itself. I give no opinion on the _data_. I merely -illustrate an ethnological question--one out of many. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[3] From the Greek word (#ethos#) _ethos_ = _character_. - -[4] Called by Comte _Sociology_, a name half Latin and half Greek, and -consequently too barbarous to be used, if its use can be avoided. - -[5] Knox, Races of Men, pp. 73, 74. - -[6] On the Osteology of the Great Chimpanzee. By Professor Owen, in the -Philosophical Transactions. - -[7] Owen, Philosophical Transactions, Feb. 22, 1848. - -[8] From _protos_ = _first_, and _plastos_ = _formed_. - -[9] From the Greek _telos_ = _an end_. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - - Methods--the science one of observation and deduction rather than - experiment--classification--on mineralogical, on zoological - principles--the first for Anthropology, the second for Ethnology-- - value of Language as a test--instances of its loss--of its - retention--when it proves original relation, when intercourse--the - grammatical and glossarial tests--classifications must be - _real_--the distribution of Man--size of area--ethnological - contrasts in close geographical contact--discontinuity and - isolation of areas--oceanic migrations. - - -In the Natural History of Man we must keep almost exclusively to -the methods of deduction and observation; and in observation we are -limited to one sort only, _i. e._ that simple and spontaneous kind -where the object can be found if sought for, but cannot be artificially -produced. In other words, there is no great room for _experiment_. -The _corpus_ is not _vile_ enough for the purpose. Besides which, -"even if we suppose unlimited power of varying the experiment (which -is abstractedly possible), though no one but an oriental despot either -has the power, or if he had would be disposed to exercise it, a still -more essential condition is wanting--the power of performing any of the -experiments with scientific accuracy[10]." Experiment is nearly as much -out of place in Ethnology and Anthropology as it is in Astronomy. - -Psammetichus, to be sure, according to Herodotus, did as follows. He -took children of a poor man, put them in the charge of a shepherd who -was forbidden to speak in their presence, suckled them in a lone hut -through a she-goat, waited for the age at which boys begin to talk, -and then took down the first word they uttered. This was _bekos_, -which when it was shown to mean in the Phrygian language _bread_, the -Egyptians yielded the palm of antiquity to that rival. - -Now this was an ethnological experiment; but then Psammetichus _was_ -an oriental despot; and the instance itself is, probably, the only one -of its class--the only one, or nearly so--the only one which is a true -experiment; since in order to be such there must be a definite and -specific end or object in view. - -We know the tradition about Newton and the apple. This, if true, was -no experiment, but an observation. To have been the former, the tree -should have been shaken for the purpose of seeing the fruit descend. -There would then have been an end and aim--malice prepense, so to say. - -Hence the phaenomena of the African slave-trade, of English emigration, -and of other similar elements for observation are no experiments; -since it has not been Science that either the slaver or the settler -ever thought about. Sugar or cotton, land or money, was what ran in -their heads. - -The revolting operation by which the jealous Oriental labours to secure -the integrity of his harem is in its end a scientific fact. It tells -how much the whole system sympathises with the mutilation of one of its -parts. But it is nothing for Science to either applaud or imitate. It -is repeated by the sensual Italian for the sake of ensuring fine voices -in the music-market; and Science is disgusted at its repetition. Even -if done in her own name, and for her own objects, it would still be but -an inhuman and intolerable form of zootomy. - -Still the trade in Africans, and the emigration of Englishmen are said -to partake of the nature of a scientific experiment, even without being -one. They are said to serve as such. So they do; yet not in the way -in which they are often interpreted. A European regiment is decimated -by being placed on the Gambia, or in Sierra Leone. The American -Anglo-Saxon is said to have lost the freshness of the European--to have -become brown in colour, and wiry in muscle. Perhaps he has. Yet what -does this prove? Merely the effect of _sudden_ changes; the results -of _distant_ transplantation; the imperfect character of those forms -of acclimatization which are not _gradual_. It was not in this way -that the world was originally peopled. New climates were approached -by degrees, step by step, by enlargement and extension of the -circumference of a previously acclimated family. Hence the experience -of the kind in question, valuable as it is in the way of Medical -Police, is comparatively worthless in a theory as to the Migrations -of Mankind. Take a man from Caucasus to the Gold Coast, and he either -dies or takes a fever. But would he do so if his previous sojourn had -been on the Gambia, his grandfather's on the Senegal, his ancestor's -in the tenth degree on the Nile, and that ancestor's ancestor's on the -Jordan--thus going back till we reached the first remote patriarch of -the migration on the Phasis? This is an experiment which no single -generation can either make or observe; yet less than this is no -experiment at all, no imitation of that particular operation of Nature -which we are so curious to investigate. - -What follows applies to Ethnology. The first result we get from our -observations is a _classification_, _i. e._ groups of individuals, -families, tribes, nations, sub-varieties, varieties, and (according -to some) of species connected by some common link, and united on some -common principle. There is no want of groups of this kind; and many -of them are so natural as to be unsusceptible of improvement. Yet -the nomenclature for their different divisions is undetermined, the -values of many of them uncertain, and, above all, the principle upon -which they are formed is by no means uniform. Whilst some investigators -classify mankind on _Zoological_, others do so on what may be called -_Mineralogical_, principles. This difference will be somewhat fully -illustrated. - -In Africa, as is well known, a great portion of the population is -black-skinned; and with this black skin other physical characteristics -are generally found in conjunction. Thus the hair is either crisp -or woolly, the nose depressed, and the lips thick. As we approach -Asia these criteria decrease; the Arab being fairer, better-featured -and straighter-haired than the Nubian, and the Persian more so than -the Arab. In Hindostan, however, the colour deepens; and by looking -amongst the most moist and alluvial parts of the southern peninsula -we find skins as dark as those of Africa, and hair crisp rather than -straight. Besides this, the fine oval contour and regular features of -the high-cast Hindus of the North become scarce, whilst the lips get -thick, the skin harsh, and the features coarse. - -Further on--we come to the great Peninsula which contains the Kingdoms -of Ava and Siam--the Indo-Chinese or Transgangetic Peninsula. In many -parts of this the population blackens again; and in the long narrow -peninsula of Malacca, a _large_ proportion of the older population -has been described as _blacks_. In the islands we find them again; so -much so that the Spanish authorities call them _Negritos_ or _Little -Negroes_. In New Guinea all is black; and in Australia and Van Diemen's -Land it is blacker still. In Australia the hair is generally straight; -but in the first and last-named countries it is frizzy, crisped, or -curling. This connects them with the Negroes of Africa; and their -colour does so still more. At any rate we talk of the Australian -_Blacks_, just as the Spaniards do of the Philippine _Negritos_. Moral -characteristics connect the Australian and the Negro, much in the same -manner as the physical ones. Both, as compared with the European, -are either really deficient in intellectual capacity, or (at least) -have played an unimportant part in the history of the world. Thus, -several populations have come under the class of _Blacks_. Is this -classification natural? - -It shall be illustrated further. On the extremities of each of the -quarters of the world, we find populations that in many respects -resemble each other. In Northern Asia and Europe, the Eskimo, Samoeid, -and Laplander, tolerant of the cold of the Arctic Circle, are all -characterized by a flatness of face, a lowness of stature, and a -breadth of head. In some cases the contrast between them and their -nearest neighbours to the south, in these respects, is remarkable. The -Norwegian who comes in contact with the Lap is strong and well-made; so -are many of the Red Indians who front the Eskimo. - -At the Cape of Good Hope something of the same sort appears. The -Hottentot of the southern extremity of Africa is undersized, -small-limbed, and broad-faced; so much so, that most writers, in -describing him, have said that, in his conformation, the Mongolian -type--to which the Eskimo belongs--Asiatic itself--re-appears in -Africa. And then his neighbour the Kaffre differs from him as the -Finlander does from the Lap. - -_Mutatis mutandis_, all this re-appears at Cape Horn; where the -Patagonian changes suddenly to the Fuegian. - -But we in Europe are favoured; our limbs are well-formed and our skin -fair. Be it so: yet there are writers who, seeing the extent to which -the islanders of the Pacific are favoured also, and noting the degree -to which European points of colour, size, and capacity for improvement, -real or supposed, re-appear at the Antipodes, have thrown the -Polynesian and the Englishman in one and the same class. - -And so, perhaps, he is, if we are to judge by certain characteristics: -if agreement in certain matters, wherein the intermediate populations -differ, form the grounds upon which we make our groups, the Fuegians, -Eskimo, and Hottentots form one class, and the Negroes and Australians -another. But are these classes natural? That depends upon the questions -to which the classification is subservient. If we wish to know how far -moisture and coolness freshen the complexion; how far moisture and heat -darken it; how far mountain altitudes affect the human frame; in other -words, how far common external conditions develope common habits and -common points of structure, nothing can be better than the groups in -question. - -But alter the problem: let us wish to know how certain areas were -peopled, what population gave origin to some other, how the Americans -reached America, whence the Britons came into England, or any -question connected with the migrations, affiliations, and origin of -the varieties of our species, and groups of this kind are valueless. -They tell us something--but not what we want to know: inasmuch as -our question now concerns blood, descent, pedigree, relationship. To -tell an inquirer who wishes to deduce one population from another -that certain distant tribes agree with the one under discussion in -certain points of resemblance, is as irrelevant as to tell a lawyer -in search of the next of kin to a client deceased, that though you -know of no relations, you can find a man who is the very picture -of him in person--a fact good enough in itself, but not to the -purpose; except (of course) so far as the likeness itself suggests a -relationship--which it may or may not do. - -Classes formed irrespective of descent are classes on the -_Mineralogical_, whilst classes formed with a view to the same are -classes on the _Zoological_, principle. Which is wanted in the -Natural History of Man? The first for _Anthropology_; the second for -_Ethnology_. - -But why the antagonism? Perhaps the two methods may coincide. The -possibility of this has been foreshadowed. The family likeness may, -perhaps, prove a family connexion. True: at the same time each case -must be tested on its own grounds. Hence, whether the African is to -be grouped with the Australian, or whether the two classes are to be -as far asunder in Ethnology as in Geography, depends upon the results -of the special investigation of that particular connexion--real or -supposed. It is sufficient to say that none of the instances quoted -exhibit any such relationship; though many a theory--as erroneous as -bold--has been started to account for it. - -It is for Ethnology, then, that classification is most wanted--more -than for Anthropology; even as it is for Zoology that we require orders -and genera rather than for Physiology. This is based upon certain -distinctive characters; some of which are of a physical, others of a -moral sort. Each falls into divisions. There are moral and intellectual -phaenomena which prove nothing in the way of relationship, simply -because they are the effects of a common grade of civilizational -development. What would be easier than to group all the hunting, all -the piscatory, or all the pastoral tribes together, and to exclude from -these all who built cities, milked cows, sowed corn, or ploughed land? -Common conditions determine common habits. - -Again, much that seems at first glance definite, specific, and -characteristic, loses its value as a test of ethnological affinity, -when we examine the families in which it occurs. In distant countries, -and in tribes far separated, superstition takes a common form, and -creeds that arise independently of each other look as if they were -deduced from a common origin. All this makes the facts in what may be -called the Natural History of the Arts or of Religion easy to collect, -but difficult to appreciate; in many cases, indeed, we are taken up -into the rare and elevated atmosphere of metaphysics. What if different -modes of architecture, or sculpture, or varieties in the practice -of such useful arts as weaving and ship-building, be attributed to -the same principle that makes a sparrow's nest different from a -hawk's, or a honey-bee's from a hornet's? What if there be different -_instincts_ in human art, as there is in the nidification of birds? -Whatever may be the fact, it is clear that such a doctrine must modify -the interpretation of it. The clue to these complications--and they -form a Gordian knot which must be unravelled, and not cut--lies in -the cautious induction from what we know to what we do not; from the -undoubted differences admitted to exist within undoubtedly related -populations, to the greater ones which distinguish more distantly -connected groups. - -This has been sufficient to indicate the existence of certain moral -characters which are really no characters at all--at least in the way -of proving descent or affiliation; and that physical ones of the same -kind are equally numerous may be inferred from what has already been -written. - -It is these elements of uncertainty so profusely mixed up with almost -all the other classes of ethnological facts, that give such a high -value, as an instrument of investigation, to _Language_; inasmuch as, -although two different families of mankind may agree in having skins of -the same colour, or hair of the same texture, without, thereby, being -connected in the way of relationship, it is hard to conceive how they -could agree in calling the same objects by the same name, without a -community of origin, or else either direct or indirect intercourse. -Affiliation or intercourse--one of the two--this community of language -exhibits. One to the exclusion of the other it does _not_ exhibit. If -it did so, it would be of greater value than it is. Still it indicates -one of the two; and either fact is worth looking for. - -The value of language has been overrated; chiefly, of course, by -the philologists. And it has been undervalued. The anatomists and -archaeologists, and, above all, the zoologists, have done this. The -historian, too, has not known exactly how to appreciate it, when its -phaenomena come in collision with the direct testimony of authorities; -the chief instrument in his own line of criticism. - -It is overrated when we make the affinities of speech between -two populations _absolute_ evidence of connection in the way of -relationship. It is overrated when we talk of _tongues being -immutable_, and of _languages never dying_. On the other hand, it -is unduly disparaged when an inch or two of difference in stature, -a difference in the taste in the fine arts, a modification in the -religious belief, or a disproportion in the influence upon the affairs -of the world, is set up as a mark of distinction between two tribes -speaking one and the same tongue, and alike in other matters. Now, -errors of each kind are common. - -The permanence of language as a sign of origin must be determined, -like every thing else of the same kind, by induction; and this tells -us that both the loss and retention of a native tongue are illustrated -by remarkable examples. It tells both ways. In St. Domingo we have -negroes speaking French; and this is a notable instance of the adoption -of a foreign tongue. But the circumstances were peculiar. _One_ tongue -was not changed for another; since no Negro language predominated. -The real fact was that of a _mixture of languages_--and this is next -to no language at all. Hence, when French became the language of the -Haytians, the usual obstacle of a previously existing common native -tongue, pertinaciously and patriotically retained, was wanting. It -superseded an indefinite and conflicting mass of Negro dialects, rather -than any particular Negro language. - -In the southern parts of Central America the ethnology is obscure, -especially for the Republics of San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa -Rica. Yet if we turn to Colonel Galindo's account of them, we find -the specific statement that aborigines still exist, and that their -language is the _Spanish_; not any native Indian dialect. As similar -assertions respecting the extinction and replacement of original -languages have frequently proved incorrect, let us assume this to be an -over-statement--though I have no definite grounds for considering it -one. Over-statement though it may be, it still shows the direction in -which things are going; and that is towards the supremacy of a European -tongue. - -On the confines of Asia and Europe there is the nation, tribe or family -of the Bashkirs. Their present tongue is the Turkish. It is believed, -however, that originally it was the mother-tongue of the Majiars of -Hungary. - -Again, the present Bulgarian is akin to the Russian. Originally, it was -a Turk dialect. - -Lastly--for I am illustrating, not exhausting, the subject--there -died, in the year 1770, at Karczag in Hungary, an old man named Varro; -the last man, in Europe, that knew even a few words of the language -of his nation. Yet this nation was and is a great one; no less a one -than that of the ancient Komanian Turks, some of whom invaded Europe -in the eleventh century, penetrated as far as Hungary, settled there -as conquerors, and retained their language till the death of this -same Varro. The rest of the nation remained in Asia; and the present -occupants of the parts between the Caspian and the Aral are their -descendants. Languages then may be lost; and one may be superseded by -another. - -The ancient Etruscans as a separate substantive nation are extinct: -so is their language, which we know to have been peculiar. Yet the -Etruscan blood still runs in the veins of the Florentine and other -Italians. - -On the other hand, the pertinacity with which language resists the -attempts to supersede it is of no common kind. Without going to -Siberia, or America, the great _habitats_ of the broken and fragmentary -families, we may find instances much nearer home! In the Isle of Man -the native Manks still remains; though dominant Norsemen and dominant -Anglo-Saxons have brought their great absorbent languages in collision -with it. In Malta, the labourers speak Arabic--with Italian, with -English, and with a Lingua Franca around them. - -In the western extremities of the Pyrenees, a language neither French -nor Spanish is spoken; and has been spoken for centuries--possibly -milleniums. It was once the speech of the southern half of France, and -of all Spain. This is the Basque of Biscay. - -In contact with the Turk on one side, and the Greek and the Slavonic on -the other, the Albanian of Albania still speaks his native Skipetar. - -A reasonable philologist makes similarity of language strong--very -strong--_prima facie_ evidence in favour of community of descent. - -When does it imply this, and when does it merely denote commercial -or social intercourse? We can measure the phaenomena of languages and -exhibit the results numerically. Thus the _percentage_ of words common -to two languages may be 1, 2, 3, 4-98, 99, or any intermediate number. -But, now comes the application of a maxim. _Ponderanda non numeranda._ -We ask what _sort_ of words coincide, as well as _how many?_ When -the names of such objects as _fire_, _water_, _sun_, _moon_, _star_, -_hand_, _tooth_, _tongue_, _foot_, &c. agree, we draw an inference -very different from the one which arises out of the presence of such -words as _ennui_, _fashion_, _quadrille_, _violin_, &c. Common sense -distinguishes the words which are likely to be borrowed from one -language into another, from those which were originally common to the -two. - -There are a certain amount of French words in English, _i. e._ of words -borrowed from the French. I do not know the percentage, nor yet the -time required for their introduction; and, as I am illustrating the -subject, rather than seeking specific results, this is unimportant. -Prolong the time, and multiply the words; remembering that the former -can be done indefinitely. Or, instead of doing this, increase the -points of contact between the languages. What follows? We soon begin -to think of a familiar set of illustrations; some classical and some -vulgar--of the Delphic ship so often mended as to retain but an -equivocal identity; of the Highlander's knife, with its two new blades -and three new handles; of Sir John Cutler's silk-stockings degenerated -into worsted by darnings. We are brought to the edge of a new question. -We must tread slowly accordingly. - -In the English words call-_est_, call-_eth_ (call-_s_), and call-_ed_, -we have two parts; the first being the root itself, the second a sign -of _person_, or _tense_. The same is the case with the word father-_s_, -son-_s_, &c.; except that the _-s_ denotes _case_; and that it is -attached to a substantive, instead of a verb. Again, in wis-_er_ we -have the sign of a comparative; in wis-_est_ that of a superlative -degree. All these are _inflexions_. If we choose, we may call them -_inflexional_ elements; and it is convenient to do so; since we can -then analyse words and contrast the different parts of them: _e. g._ -in _call-s_ the _call-_ is radical, the _-s_ inflexional. - -Having become familiarized with this distinction, we may now take -a word of French or German origin--say _fashion_ or _waltz_. Each, -of course, is foreign. Nevertheless, when introduced into English, -it takes an English inflexion. Hence we say, _if I dress absurdly -it is fashion's fault_; also, _I am waltz_-ing, _I waltz_-ed, _he -waltz_-es--and so on. In these particular words, then, the inflexional -part has been English; even when the radical was foreign. This is -no isolated fact. On the contrary, it is sufficiently common to be -generalized so that the _grammatical_ part of language has been -accredited with a permanence which has been denied to the _glossarial_ -or _vocabular_. The one changes, the other is constant; the one is -immortal, the other fleeting; the one form, the other matter. - -Now it is imaginable that the glossarial and grammatical tests may -be at variance. They would be so if all our English verbs came to be -French, yet still retained their English inflexions in _-ed_, _-s_, -_-ing_, &c. They would be so if all the verbs were like _fashion_, -and all the substantives like _quadrille_. This is an extreme case. -Still, it illustrates the question. Certain Hindu languages are said -to have nine-tenths of the vocables common with a language called the -Sanskrit--but _none_ of their inflexions; the latter being chiefly -Tamul. What, then, is the language itself? This is a question which -divides philologists. It illustrates, however, the difference between -the two tests--the _grammatical_ and the _glossarial_. Of these, it is -safe to say that the former is the more constant. - -Yet the philological method of investigation requires caution. Over -and above the terms which one language borrows from another, and which -denote intercourse rather than affinity, there are two other classes of -little or no ethnological value. - -1. _Coincidences may be merely accidental._ The likelihood of their -being so is a part of the Doctrine of Chances. The mathematician may -investigate this: the philologist merely finds the _data_. Neither has -been done satisfactorily, though it was attempted by Dr. T. Young. - -2. _Coincidences may have an +organic+ connexion._ No one would say -that because two nations called the same bird by the name _cuckoo_, the -term had been borrowed by either one from the other, or by both from a -common source. The true reason would be plain enough. Two populations -gave a name on imitative principles, and imitated the same object. -_Son_ and _brother_, _sister_ and _daughter_--if these terms agree, -the chances are that a philological affinity is at the bottom of the -agreement. But does the same apply to _papa_ and _mama_, identical in -English, Carib, and perhaps twenty other tongues? No. They merely show -that the infants of different countries begin with the same sounds. - -Such--and each class is capable of great expansion--are the cases where -philology requires caution. Another matter now suggests itself. - -To be valid a classification must be _real_; not _nominal_ or -_verbal_--not a mere book-maker's arrangement. Families must be in -definite degrees of relationship. This, too, will bear illustration. A -man wants a relation to leave his money to: he is an Englishman, and -by relation means nothing more distant than a _third_ cousin. It is -nothing to him if, in Scotland, a _fifth_ cousinship is recognised. -He has not found the relation he wants; he has merely found a greater -amount of latitude given to the term. Few oversights have done more -harm than the neglect of this distinction. Twenty years ago the -Sanskrit, Sclavonic, Greek-and-Latin, and Gothic languages formed a -class. This class was called Indo-Germanic. Its western limits were -in Germany; its eastern in Hindostan. The Celtic of Wales, Cornwall, -Brittany, Ireland, Scotland, and the Isle of Man was not included in -it. Neither was it included in any other group. It was anywhere or -nowhere--in any degree of isolation. Dr. Prichard undertook to fix it. -He did so--well and successfully. He showed that, so far from being -isolated, it was connected with the Greek, German, and Sclavonic by -a connexion with the Sanskrit, or (changing the expression) with the -Sanskrit through the Sclavonic, German, and Greek--any or all. The -mother-tongue from which all these broke was supposed to be in Asia. -Dr. Prichard's work was entitled the 'Eastern Origin of the Celtic -Nations.' Did this make the Celtic Indo-Germanic? It was supposed to do -so. Nay, more--it altered the name of the class; which was now called, -as it has been since, Indo-European. Inconveniently. _A_ relationship -was mistaken for _the_ relationship. The previous tongues were (say) -second cousins. The Celtic was a fourth or fifth. What was the result? -Not that a new second cousin was found, but that the family circle was -enlarged. - -What follows? Dr. Prichard's fixation of the Celtic as a member of even -the same _clan_ with the German, &c. was an addition to ethnographical -philology that many inferior investigators strove to rival; and it -came to be current belief--acted on if not avowed--that tongues as -like the Celtic as the Celtic was to the German were Indo-European -also. This bid fair to inundate the class--to make it prove too -much--to render it no class at all. The Albanian, Basque, Etruscan, -Lap, and others followed. The outlier of the group once created -served as a nucleus for fresh accumulations. A strange language of -Caucasus--the Iron or Ossetic--was placed by Klaproth as Indo-Germanic; -and that upon reasonable grounds, considering the unsettled state -of criticism. Meanwhile, the Georgian, another tongue of those same -mysterious mountains, wants placing. It has undoubted Ossetic--or -Iron--affinities. But the Ossetic--or Iron--is Indo-European. So -therefore is the Georgian. This is a great feat; since the Caucasian -tongues and the Caucasian skulls now agree, both having their -affinities with Europe--as they ought to have. But what if both the -Iron and Georgian are half Chinese, or Tibetan, _i. e._ are all but -monosyllabic languages both in grammar and vocables? If such be the -case, the term 'Indo-European' wants revising; and not only that--the -principles on which terms are fixed and classes created want revising -also. At the same time, the 'Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations' -contains the most definite addition to philology that the present -century has produced; and the proper compliment to it is Mr. Garnett's -review of it in the 'Quarterly;' the first of a series of masterly -and unsurpassed specimens of inductive philology applied to the -investigation of the true nature of the inflexions of the Verb. But -this is episodical. - -The next instrument of ethnological criticism is to be found in the -phaenomena themselves of the dispersion and distribution of our species. - -First as to its universality. In this respect we must look minutely -before we shall find places where Man is _not_. These, if we find -them at all, will come under one of two conditions; the climate will -be extreme, or the isolation excessive. For instances of the first we -take the Poles; and, as far as the Antarctic Circle is concerned, we -find no inhabitants in the ice-bound regions--few and far between--of -its neighbourhood; none south of 55 deg. S. lat., or the extremity of -the Tierra del Fuego. This, however, _is_ peopled. We must remember, -however, that in the Southern Ocean such regions as New South Shetland -and Victoria Land are isolated as well as cold and frozen. - -The _North_ Pole, however, must be approached within 25 deg. before -we lose sight of Man, or find him excluded from even a permanent -habitation. Spitzbergen is beyond the limits of human occupancy. Nova -Zembla, when first discovered, was also uninhabited. So was Iceland. -Here, however, it was the isolation of the _island_ that made it so. A -hardy stock of men, nearly related to ourselves, have occupied it since -the ninth century; and _continental_ Greenland is peopled as far as the -75th degree--though, perhaps, only as a summer residence. - -Far to the east of Nova Zembla and opposite to the country of the -Yukahiri--a hardy people on the rivers Kolyma and Indijirka, and -within the Arctic Circle--lies the island of New Siberia. I find from -Wrangell's Travels in Siberia that certain expatriated Yukahiri are -believed to have fled thither. Have they lived or died? Have they -reached the island? In case they have done so, and kept body and -soul together, New Siberia is probably the most northern spot of the -inhabited world. - -How _cold_ a country must be in order to remain empty of men, we have -seen. Such localities are but few. None are too _hot_--unless, indeed, -we believe the centre of Equatorial Africa to be a solitude. - -In South America there is a great blank in the Maps. For many degrees -on each side of the Upper Amazons lies a vast tract--said to be a -jungle--and marked _Sirionos_, the name of a frontier population. Yet -the _Sirionos_ are not, for one moment, supposed to fill up the vast -hiatus. At the same time, there are few, or none, besides. Is this -tract a drear unhumanized waste? It is said to be so--to be wet, woody, -and oppressively malarious. Yet, this merely means that there is a -forest and a swamp of a certain magnitude, and of a certain degree of -impenetrability. - -Other such areas are unexplored--yet we presume them to be occupied; -though ever so thinly: _e. g._ the interiors of New Guinea and -Australia. - -That Greenland was known to the early Icelanders is well known. And -that it was occupied when so first known is also certain. One of the -geographical localities mentioned in an old Saga has an Eskimo word -for one of its elements--_Utibuks-firth_ = _the firth of the isthmus_; -_Utibuk_ in Eskimo meaning _isthmus_. - -Of the islands originally uninhabited those which are, at one and the -same time, large and near continents are Madeira and Iceland--the -former being a lonely wood. The Canaries, though smaller and more -isolated, have been occupied by the remarkable family of the Guanches. -Add to these, Ascension, St. Helena, the Galapagos, Kerguelen's Island, -and a few others. - -Easter Island, a speck in the vast Pacific, and more than half way -between Asia and America, exhibited both inhabitants and ruins to its -first discoverers. - -Such is the _horizontal_ distribution of Man; _i.e._ his distribution -according to the degrees of latitude. What other animal has such a -range? What species? What genus or order? Contrast with this the -localized habitats of the Orang-utan, and the Chimpanzee as species; of -the Apes as genera; of the Marsupialia as orders. - -The _vertical_ distribution is as wide. By _vertical_ I mean elevation -above the level of the sea. On the high table-land of Pamer we have -the Kerghiz; summer visitants at least, where the _Yak_ alone, among -domesticated animals, lives and breathes in the rarefied atmosphere. -The town of Quito is more than 10,000 feet above the sea; Walcheren is, -perhaps, below the level of it. - -Who expects uniformity of physiognomy or frame with such a distribution? - -_The size of ethnological areas._--Comparatively speaking, Europe is -pretty equally divided amongst the European families. The Slavonic -populations of Bohemia, Silesia, Poland, Servia, and Russia may, -perhaps, have more than their due--still the French, Italians, -Spaniards, Portuguese, and Wallachians, all speaking languages of -classical origin, have their share; and so has our own Germanic -or Gothic family of English, Dutch, Frisians, Bavarians, and -Scandinavians. Nevertheless, there are a few families as limited in -geographical area as subordinate in political importance. There are -the Escaldunac, or Basques,--originally the occupants of all Spain and -half France, now pent up in a corner of the Pyrenees--the Welsh of the -Iberic Peninsula. There are, also, the Skipetar, or Albanians; wedged -in between Greece, Turkey, and Dalmatia. Nevertheless, the respective -areas of the European families are pretty equally distributed; and -the land of Europe is like a lottery wherein all the prizes are of an -appreciable value. - -The comparison with Asia verifies this. In immediate contact with the -vast Turkish population centred in Independent Tartary, but spread -over an area reaching, more or less continuously, from Africa to the -Icy Sea (an area larger than the whole of Europe), come the tribes -of Caucasus--Georgians, Circassians, Lesgians, Mizjeji, and Iron; -five well-defined groups, each falling into subordinate divisions, -and some of them into subdivisions. The language of Constantinople -is understood at the Lena. In the mountain range between the Caspian -and the Black Sea, the mutually unintelligible languages are at least -fifteen--perhaps more, certainly not fewer. Now, the extent of land -covered by the Turk family shows the size to which an ethnological -area may attain; whilst the multiplicity of mutually unintelligible -tongues of Caucasus shows how closely families may be packed. Their -geographical juxtaposition gives prominence to the contrast. - -At the first view, this contrast seems remarkable. So far from being -so, it is of continual occurrence. In China the language is one and -indivisible: on its south-western frontier the tongues are counted -by the dozen--just as if in Yorkshire there were but one provincial -dialect throughout; two in Lincolnshire; and twenty in Rutland. - -The same contrast re-appears in North America. In Canada and the -Northern States the Algonkin area is measured by the degrees of -latitude and longitude; in Louisiana and Alabama by the mile. - -The same in South America. One tongue--the Guarani--covers half the -continent. Elsewhere, a tenth part of it contains a score. - -The same in Southern Africa. From the Line to the neighbourhood of the -Cape all is Kaffre. Between the Gambia and the Gaboon there are more -than twenty different divisions. - -The same in the North. The Berbers reach from the Valley of the Nile to -the Canaries, and from the Mediterranean to the parts about Borneo. In -Borneo there are said to be thirty different languages. - -Such are areas in size, and in relation to each other; like the -bishoprics and curacies of our church, large and small, with a -difficulty in ascertaining the average. However, the simple epithets -_great_ and _small_ are suggestive; since the former implies an -_encroaching_, the latter a _receding_ population. - -A distribution over continents is one thing; a distribution over -islands another. The first is easiest made when the world is young and -when the previous occupants create no obstacles. The second implies -maritime skill and enterprise, and maritime skill improves with the -experience of mankind. One of the greatest facts of ethnological -distribution and dispersion belongs to this class. All the islands of -the Pacific are peopled by the members of one stock, or family--the -Polynesian. These we find as far north as the Sandwich Islands, as -far south as New Zealand, and in Easter Island half-way between Asia -and America. So much for the _dispersion_. But this is not all: the -_distribution_ is as remarkable. Madagascar is an African rather than -an Asiatic island; within easy sail of Africa; the exact island for -an African population. Yet, ethnologically, it is Asiatic--the same -family which we find in Sumatra, Borneo, the Moluccas, the Mariannes, -the Carolines, and Polynesia being Malagasi also. - -_Contrast between contiguous populations._--Ethnological resemblance -by no means coincides with geographical contiguity. The general -character of the circumpolar families of the Arctic Circle is that -of the Laplander, the Samoeid, and the Eskimo. Yet the zone of -population that encircles the inhospitable shores of the Polar Sea is -not exclusively either Lap or Samoeid--nor yet Eskimo. In Europe, the -Laplander finds a contrast on each side. There is the Norwegian on the -west; the Finlander on the east. We can explain this. The former is -but a recent occupant; not a natural, but an intruder. This we infer -from the southern distribution of the other members of his family--who -are Danish, German, Dutch, English, and American. For the same reason -the Icelander differs from the Greenlander. The Finlander, though more -closely allied to the Lap than the Norwegian--belonging to the same -great Ugrian family of mankind--is still a southern member of his -family; a family whose continuation extends to the Lower Volga, and -prolongations of which are found in Hungary. East of the Finlander, -the Russian displaces the typically circumpolar Samoeid; whilst at the -mouth of the Lena we have the Yakuts--Turk in blood, and tongue, and, -to a certain extent, in form also. - -In America the circumpolar population is generally Eskimo. Yet at -one point, we find even the verge of the Arctic shore occupied by a -population of tall, fine-looking athletes, six feet high, well-made, -and handsome in countenance. These are the Digothi Indians, called also -Loucheux. Their locality is the mouth of the M{c}Kenzie River; but -their language shows that their origin is further south--_i. e._ that -they are Koluches within the Eskimo area. - -In Southern Africa we have the Hottentot in geographical proximity -to the Kaffre, yet the contrast between the two is considerable. -Similar examples are numerous. What do they denote? Generally, but -not always, they denote encroachment and displacement; encroachment -which tells us which of the two families has been the stronger, and -displacement which has the following effect. It obliterates those -intermediate and transitional forms which connect varieties, and so -brings the more extreme cases of difference in geographical contact, -and in ethnological contrast; hence _encroachment_, _displacement_, and -the _obliteration of transitional forms_ are terms required for the -full application of the phaenomena of distribution as an instrument of -ethnological criticism. - -_Continuity and isolation._--In Siberia there are two isolated -populations--the Yakuts on the Lower Lena, and the Soiot on the Upper -Yenesey. The former, as aforesaid, are Turk; but they are surrounded by -nations other than Turk. They are cut off from the rest of the stock. - -The Soiot in like manner are surrounded by strange populations. Their -true relations are the Samoeids of the Icy Sea; but between these two -branches of the stock there is a heterogeneous population of Turks and -Yeneseians--so-called. - -The great Iroquois family of America is separated into two parts--one -northern and one southern. Between these lie certain members of the -Algonkin class. Like the Soiot, and the Northern Samoeids, the two -branches of the Iroquois are separated. - -The Majiars of Hungary are wholly enclosed by non-Hungarian -populations; and their nearest kinsmen are the Voguls of the Uralian -Mountains, far to the north-east of Moscow. - -This shows that ethnological areas may be either uninterrupted or -interrupted; continuous or discontinuous; unbroken or with isolated -fragments; and a little consideration will show, that _wherever there -is isolation there has been displacement_. Whether the land has risen -or the sea encroached is another question. We know why the Majiars -stand separate from the other Ugrian nations. They intruded themselves -into Europe within the historical period, cutting their way with the -sword; and the parts between them and their next of kin were never more -Majiar than they are at the present moment. - -But we know no such thing concerning the Iroquois; and we infer -something quite the contrary. We believe that they once held all the -country that now separates their two branches, and a great deal more -beside. But the Algonkins encroached; partially dispossessing, and -partially leaving them in occupation. - -In either case, however, there has been _displacement_; and the -displacement is the inference from the _discontinuity_. - -But we must remember that true discontinuity can exist in _continents_ -only. The populations of two _islands_ may agree, whilst that of -a whole archipelago lying between them may differ. Yet this is no -discontinuity; since the sea is an unbroken chain, and the intervening -obstacle can be sailed round instead of crossed. The nearest way from -the continent of Asia to the Tahitian archipelago--the nearest part of -Polynesia--is _via_ New Guinea, New Ireland, and the New Hebrides. All -these islands, however, are inhabited by a different division of the -Oceanic population. Does this indicate displacement? No! It merely -suggests the Philippines, the Pelews, the Carolines, the Ralik and -Radak groups, and the Navigators' Isles, as the route; and such it -almost certainly was. - - -FOOTNOTE - -[10] Mill (vol. ii.), speaking of the allied subject of the Moral -History of Man. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - - Details of distribution--their conventional character--convergence - from the circumference to the centre--Fuegians; Patagonian, Pampa, - and Chaco Indians--Peruvians--D'Orbigny's characters--other South - American Indians--of the Missions--of Guiana--of Venezuela-- - Guarani--Caribs--Central America--Mexican civilization no isolated - phaenomenon--North American Indians--Eskimo--apparent objections to - their connection with the Americans and Asiatics--Tasmanians-- - Australians--Papuas--Polynesians--Micronesians--Malagasi-- - Hottentots--Kaffres--Negroes--Berbers--Abyssinians--Copts--the - Semitic family--Primary and secondary migrations. - - -If the inhabited world were one large circular island; if its -population were admitted to have been diffused over its surface from -some single point; and if that single point were at one and the same -time unascertained and requiring investigation, what would be the -method of our inquiries? I suppose that both history and tradition are -silent, and that the absence of other _data_ of the same kind force us -upon the general probabilities of the case, and a large amount of _a -priori_ argument. - -We should ask what point would give us the existing phaenomena with the -least amount of migration; and we should ask this upon the simple -principle of not multiplying causes unnecessarily. The answer would -be--_the centre_. From the centre we can people the parts about the -circumference without making any line of migration longer than half a -diameter; and without supposing any one out of such numerous lines to -be longer than the other. This last is the chief point--the point which -more especially fixes us to the centre as a hypothetical birth-place; -since, the moment we say that any part of the circumference was -reached by a shorter or longer line than any other, we make a specific -assertion, requiring specific arguments to support it. These may or may -not exist. Until, however, they have been brought forward, we apply -the rule _de non apparentibus_, &c., and keep to our conventional -and provisional point in the centre--remembering, of course, its -provisional and conventional character, and recognising its existence -only as long as the search for something more real and definite -continues. - -In the earth as it is, we can do something of the same kind; taking six -extreme points as our starting-places, and investigating the extent to -which they _converge_. These six points are the following:-- - - 1. Tierra del Fuego. - 2. Tasmania (Van Diemen's Land). - 3. Easter Island--the furthest extremity of Polynesia. - 4. The Cape of Good Hope, or the country of the Saabs (Hottentots). - 5. Lapland. - 6. Ireland. - -From these we work through America, Australia, Polynesia, Africa, -and Europe, to Asia--some part of which gives us our _conventional, -provisional, and hypothetical centre_. - -I. _From Tierra del Fuego to the north-eastern parts of Asia._--The -Fuegians of the island have so rarely been separated from the -Patagonians of the continent that there are no recognised elements -of uncertainty in this quarter, distant as it is. Maritime habits -connect them with their northern neighbours on the west; and that long -labyrinth of archipelagoes which runs up to the southern border of -Chili is equally Fuegian and Patagonian. Here we are reminded of the -habits of some of the Malay tribes, under a very different sky, and -amongst the islets about Sincapore--of the Bajows, or sea-gipsies, -boatmen whose home is on the water, and as unfixed as that element; -wanderers from one group to another; fishermen rather than traders; not -strong-handed enough to be pirates, and not industrious enough to be -cultivators. Such skill as the Fuegian shows at all, he shows in his -canoe, his paddles, his spears, his bow, his slings, and his domestic -architecture. All are rude--the bow-strings are made exclusively of -the sinews of animals, his arrows headed with stone. Of wood there is -little, and of metal less; and, low as is the latitude, the dress, or -undress, is said to make a nearer approach to absolute nakedness than -is to be found in many of the inter-tropical countries. - -In size they fall short of the continental Patagonians; in colour -and physical conformation they approach them very closely. The same -broad and flattened face occurs in both, reminding some writers of the -Eskimo, others of the Chinuk. Their language is certainly referable to -the Patagonian class, though, probably, unintelligible to a Patagonian. - -Within the island itself there are differences; degrees of discomfort; -and degrees in its effects upon the bodily frame. At the eastern -extremity[11] the population wore the skins of land-animals, and looked -like hunters rather than fishers and sealers. Otherwise, as a general -rule, the Fuegians are _boatmen_. - -Not so their nearest kinsmen. They are all horsemen; and in their more -northern localities the most formidable ones in the world--Patagonians -of considerable but exaggerated stature, Pampa Indians between Buenos -Ayres and the southern Andes, and, higher up, the Chaco Indians of -the water-system of the river Plata. To these must be added two other -families--one on the Pacific and one on the Atlantic--the Araucanians -of Chili, and the Charruas of the lower La Plata. - -Except in the impracticable heights of the Andes of Chili, and, as -suggested above, in the island of Tierra del Fuego, the same equestrian -habits characterize all these populations; and, one and all, the -same indomitable and savage independence. Of the Chaco Indians, the -Tonocote are partially settled, and imperfectly Christianized; but -the Abiponians--very Centaurs in their passionate equestrianism--the -Mbocobis, the Mataguayos, and others, are the dread of the Spaniards -at the present moment. The resistance of the Araucanians of Chili has -given an epic[12] to the country of their conquerors. - -Of the Charruas every man was a warrior; self-relying, strong, and -cruel; with his hand against the Spaniard, and with his hand against -the other aborigines. Many of these they exterminated, and, too proud -to enter into confederations, always fought single-handed. In 1831, the -President of Uraguay ordered their total destruction, and they were -cut down, root and branch; a few survivors only remaining. - -_Minus_ the Fuegians, this division is pre-eminently natural; yet -the Fuegians cannot be disconnected from it. As a proof of the -physical differences being small, I will add the description of a -naturalist--D'Orbigny--who separates them. They evidently lie within a -small compass. - -_a._ _Araucanian branch of the Ando-Peruvians._--Colour light olive; -form massive; trunk somewhat disproportionately long; face nearly -circular; nose short and flat; lips thin; physiognomy sombre, cold. - -_b._ _Pampa branch of the Pampa Indians._--Colour deep olive-brown, or -_maroon_; form Herculean; forehead vaulted; face large, flat, oblong; -nose short; nostrils large; mouth wide; lips large; eyes horizontal; -physiognomy cold, often savage. - -D'Orbigny is a writer by no means inclined to undervalue differences. -Nevertheless he places the _Peruvians_ and the Araucanians in the same -primary division. This shows that, if other characters connect them, -there is nothing very conclusive in the way of physiognomy against -their relationship. I think that certain other characters _do_ connect -them--language most especially. At the same time, there is no denying -important contrasts. The civilization of Peru has no analogue beyond -the Tropics; and if we are to consider this as a phaenomenon _per se_, -as the result of an instinct as different from those of the Charrua -as the architectural impulses of the bee and the hornet, broad and -trenchant must be our lines of demarcation. Yet no such lines can be -drawn. Undoubted members of the Quichua stock of the Inca Peruvians -(architects and conquerors, as that particular branch was) are but -ordinary Indians--like the Aymaras. Nay, the modern Peruvians when -contrasted with their ancestors are in the same category. The present -occupants of the parts about Titicaca and Tiaguanaco wonder at the -ruins around them, and confess their inability to rival them just as a -modern Greek thinks of the Phidian Jupiter and despairs. Again, the gap -is accounted for--since most of those intervening populations which may -have exhibited transitional characters have become either extinct, or -denationalized. Between the Peruvians and Araucanians, the Atacamas and -Changos are the only remaining populations--under 10,000 in number, and -but little known. - -Nevertheless, an unequivocally allied population of the Peruvian stock -takes us from 28 deg. S. lat. to the Equator. Its unity within itself -is undoubted; and its contrast with the next nearest families is no -greater than the displacements which have taken place around, and our -own ignorance in respect to parts in contact with it. - -Of all the populations of the world, the Peruvian is the most -_vertical_ in its direction. Its line is due north and south; its -breadth but narrow. The Pacific is at one side, and the Andes at the -other. One is well-nigh as definite a limit as the other. When we cross -the Cordilleras the Peruvian type has changed. - -The Peruvians lie between the Tropics. They cross the Equator. One of -their Republics--Ecuador--even takes its name from its meridian. But -they are also mountaineers; and, though their sun is that of Africa, -their soil is that of the Himalaya. Hence, their locality presents a -conflict, balance, or antagonism of climatologic influences; and the -degrees of altitude are opposed to those of latitude. - -Again, _their line of migration is at a right angle with their -Equatorial parallel_--that is, if we assume them to have come from -North America. The bearing of this is as follows:--The town of Quito -is about as far from Mexico due north, as it is from French Guiana due -west. Now if we suppose the line of migration to have reached Peru -from the latter country, the great-great-ancestors of the Peruvians -would be people as inter-tropical as themselves, and the influences -of climate would coincide with the influences of descent; whereas if -it were North America from which they originated, their ancestors of -a corresponding generation would represent the effect of a climate -twenty-five degrees further north--these, in their turn, being -descended from the occupants of the temperate, and they from those -of the frigid zone. The full import of the relation of the lines of -migration--real or hypothetical--to the degrees of latitude has yet to -be duly appreciated. To say that the latter go for nothing because the -inter-tropical Indian of South America is not as black as the negro, is -to compare things that resemble each other in one particular only. - -It is Peru where the ancient sepulchral remains have complicated -ethnology. The skulls from ancient burial-places are preternaturally -flattened. Consider this natural; and you have a fair reason for -the recognition of a fresh species of the genus _Homo_. But is it -legitimate to do so? I think not. That the practice of flattening the -head of infants was a custom once as rife and common in Peru as it is -in many other parts of both North and South America at the present day, -is well known. Then why not account for the ancient flattening thus? -I hold that the writers who hesitate to do this should undertake the -difficult task of proving a negative: otherwise they multiply causes -unnecessarily. - -Two stocks of vast magnitude take up so large a proportion of South -America, that though they are not in immediate geographical contact -with the Peruvians, they require to be mentioned next in order here. -They are mentioned now in order to enable us to treat of _other_ and -_smaller_ families. These two great stocks are the Guarani and the -Carib; whilst the classes immediately under notice are-- - -_The remaining South Americans who are neither Carib nor -Guarani._--This division is artificial; being based upon a negative -character; and it is geographical rather than ethnological. The first -branch of it is that which D'Orbigny calls _Antisian_, and which he -connects at once with the Peruvians Proper; both being members of that -primary division to which he referred the Araucanians--the Araucanians -being the third branch of the _Ando_-Peruvians; the two others -being the-- - -_a._ _Peruvian branch._--Colour deep olive-brown; form massive; trunk -long in proportion to the limbs; forehead retreating; nose aquiline; -mouth large; physiognomy sombre:--Aymara and Quichua Peruvians. - -_b._ _Antisian branch._--Colour varying from a deep olive to nearly -white; form not massive; forehead not retreating; physiognomy lively, -mild:--Yuracares, Mocetenes, Tacanas, Maropas, and Apolistas. - -The Yuracares, Mocetenes, Tacanas, Maropas, and Apolistas, are -_Antisien_; and their locality is the eastern slopes of the Andes[13], -between 15 deg. and 18 deg. S. lat. Here they dwell in a thickly wooded -country, full of mountain streams, and their corresponding valleys. One -portion of them at least is so much lighter-skinned than the Peruvians, -as to have taken its name from its colour--_Yurak-kare_ = _white man_. - -To the west of the Antisians lie the Indians of the _Missions_ of -Chiquito and Moxos, so called because they have been settled and -Christianized. The physical characters of these also are D'Orbigny's. -The division, however, he places in the same group with the Patagonians. - -_a._ _Chiquito branch._--Colour light olive; form moderately -robust; mouth moderate; lips thin; features delicate; physiognomy -lively:--Indians of the Mission of Chiquitos. - -_b._ _Moxos branch._--Form robust; lips thickish; eyes not _brides_; -physiognomy mild:--Indians of the Mission of Moxos. - -And now we are on the great water-system of the Amazons; with the -united effects of heat and moisture. They are not the same as in -Africa. There are no negroes here. The skin is in some cases yellow -rather than brown; in some it has a red tinge. The stature, too, is -low; not like that of the negro, tall and bulky. It is evident that -heat is not everything; and that it may have an inter-tropical amount -of intensity without necessarily affecting the colour beyond a certain -degree. As to differences between the physical conditions of Brazil and -Guiana on one side, and those of the countries we have been considering -on the other, they are important. The condition of both the soil and -climate determines to agriculture. This gives us a contrast to the -Pampa Indians; whilst, in respect to the Peruvians, there is no longer -the Andes with its concomitants; no longer the variety of climate -within the same latitude, the abundance of building materials, and the -absence of rivers. Boatmen, cultivators, and foresters--_i. e._ hunters -of the wood rather than of the open prairie--such are the families in -question. Into groups of _small_ classificational value they divide and -subdivide indefinitely more than the few investigators have suggested; -indeed, D'Orbigny throws them all into one class. - -The tribes of the Orinoco form the last section of Indians, which are -neither Guarani nor Caribs; and this brief notice of their existence -clears the ground for the somewhat fuller account of the next two -families. - -_The Guarani_ alone cover more land than all the other tribes between -the Amazons, the Andes, and the La Plata put together: but it is -not certain that their area is continuous. In the Bolivian province -of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, and in contact with the Indians of the -Missions and the Chaco, we find the Chiriguanos and Guarayos--and these -are Guarani. Then as far north as the equator, and as far as the river -Napo on the Peruvian frontier, we find the flat-head Omaguas, the -fluviatile mariners (so to say) of the Amazons; and these are Guarani -as well. - -The bulk, however, of the stock is Brazilian; indeed, _Brazilian_ and -_Guarani_ have been sometimes used as synonyms. There are, however, -other Guarani in Buenos Ayres; there are Guarani on the boundaries of -Guiana; and there are Guarani at the foot of the Andes. But amidst the -great sea of the Guarani populations, fragments of other families stand -out like islands; and this makes it likely that the family in question -has been aggressive and intrusive, has effected displacements, and has -superseded a number of transitional varieties. - -_The Caribs_ approach, without equalling, the Guarani, in the magnitude -of their area. This lies mostly in Guiana and Venezuela. The chief -population of Trinidad _is_, that of the Antilles _was_, Carib. The -Caribs, the Inca Peruvians, the Pampa horsemen, and the Fuegian boatmen -represent the four extremes of the South American populations. - -In some of the Brazilian tribes, the oblique eye of the Chinese and -Mongolians occurs. - -In order to show the extent to which a multiplicity of small -families may not only exist, but exist in the neighbourhood of great -ethnological areas, I will enumerate those tribes of the Missions, -Brazil, Guiana, and Venezuela, for which vocabularies have been -examined, and whereof the languages are believed, either from the -comparison of specimens, or on the strength of direct evidence, to be -mutually unintelligible; premising that differences are more likely -to be exaggerated than undervalued, and that the number of tribes not -known in respect to their languages is probably as great again as that -of the known ones. - -A. Between the Andes, the Missions, and the 15' and 17' S. L. come the -Yurakares; whose language is said to differ from that of the Mocetenes, -Tacana, and Apolistas, as much as these differ amongst themselves. - -B. In the Missions come--1. The Moxos. 2. The Movima. 3. The Cayuvava. -4. The Sapiboconi--these belonging to Moxos. In Chiquitos are--1. The -Covareca. 2. The Curuminaca. 3. The Curavi. 4. The Curucaneca. 5. The -Corabeca. 6. The Samucu. - -C. In Brazil, the tribes, other than Guarani, of which I have seen -vocabularies representing mutually unintelligible tongues, are-- - -1. The Botocudo, fiercest of cannibals. - -2. The Goitaca, known to the Portuguese as _Coroados_ or _Tonsured_. - -3. The Camacan with several dialects. - -4. The Kiriri and Sabuja. - -5. The Timbira. - -6. The Pareci, the predominant population of the Mata Grosso. - -7. The Mundrucu, on the southern bank of the Amazons between the rivers -Mauhe and Tabajos. - -8. The Muru. - -9, 10, 11. The Yameo, Maina, and Chimano between the Madera and the -Ucayale. - -12. The Coretu, the only one out of forty tribes known to us by a -vocabulary, for the parts between the left bank of the Amazons and the -right of the Rio Negro. - -D. Of French, Spanish, and Dutch Guiana I know but little. Upon -_British_ Guiana a bright light has been thrown by the researches of -Sir R. Schomburgk. Here, besides numerous well-marked divisions of the -Carib group, we have-- - -1. The Warows, arboreal boatmen--boatmen because they occupy the Delta -of the Orinoco, and the low coast of Northern Guiana--and arboreal -because the floods drive them up into the trees for a lodging. In -physical form the Warows are like their neighbours; but their language -has been reduced to no class, and their peculiar habits place them in -strong contrast with most other South Americans. They are the Marshmen -of a country which is at once a delta and a forest. - -2. The Taruma. - -3. The Wapisiana, with the Aturai, Dauri, and Amaripas as extinct, or -nearly extinct, sections of them--themselves only a population of four -hundred. - -E. Venezuela means the water-system of Orinoco, and here we have the -mutually unintelligible tongues of-- - -1. _The Salivi_, of which the Aturi are a division--the Aturi known -from Humboldt's description of their great sepulchral cavern on the -cataracts of the Orinoco; where more than six hundred bodies were -preserved in woven bags or baskets--some mummies, some skeletons, some -varnished with odoriferous resins, some painted with arnotto, some -bleached white, some naked. This custom re-appears in parts of Guiana. -The Salivi have undergone great displacement; since there is good -reason for believing that their language was once spoken in Trinidad. - -2. _The Maypures._ - -3. _The Achagua._ - -4. _The Yarura_, to which the _Betoi_ is allied; and possibly-- - -_The Ottomaka._--These are the _dirt-eaters_. They fill their stomach -with an unctuous clay, found in their country; and that, whether food -of a better sort be abundant or deficient. - -There is plenty of difference here; still where there is difference in -some points there is so often agreement in others that no very decided -difficulties are currently recognized as lying against the doctrine -of the South Americans being specifically connected. When such occur, -they are generally inferences from either the superior civilization -of the ancient Peruvians or from the peculiarity of their skulls. The -latter has been considered. The former seems to be nothing different -in kind from that of several other American families--the Muysca of -New Grenada, the Mexican, and the Maya further northwards. But this -may prove too much; since it may merely be a reason for isolating the -Mexicans, &c. Be it so. The question can stand over for the present. - -Something has now been seen of two classes of phaenomena which will -appear and re-appear in the sequel--viz. the great difference in the -physical conditions of such areas as the Fuegian, the Pampa, the -Peruvian, and the Warows, and the contrast between the geographical -extension of such vast groups as the Guarani, and small families like -the Wapisiana, the Yurakares, and more than twenty others. - -There is a great gap between South and Central America: nor is it safe -to say that the line of the Andes (or the Isthmus of Darien) gives -the only line of migration. The islands that connect Florida and the -Caraccas must be remembered also. - -The natives of New Grenada are but imperfectly known. In Veragua a -few small tribes have been described. In Costa Rica there are still -Indians--but they speak, either wholly or generally, Spanish. The same -is, probably, the case in Nicaragua. The Moskito Indians are dashed -with both negro and white blood, and are Anglicized in respect to -their civilization--such as it is. Of the West Indian Islanders none -remain but the dark-coloured Caribs of St. Vincents. In Guatimala, -Peruvianism re-appears; and architectural remains testify an industrial -development--agriculture, and life in towns. The intertropical Andes -have an Art of their own; essentially the same in Mexico and Peru; -seen to the best advantage in those two countries, yet by no means -wanting in the intermediate districts; remarkable in many respects, -but not more remarkable than the existence of three climates under one -degree of latitude. - -Mexico, like Peru, has been isolated--and that on the same principle. -Yet the Aegyptians of the New World cannot be shown to have exclusively -belonged to any one branch of its population. In Guatimala and -Yucatan--where the ruins are not inferior to those of the Astek[14] -country--the language is the Maya, and it is as unreasonable to suppose -that the Asteks built these, as to attribute the Astek ruins to Mayas. -It is an illegitimate assumption to argue that, because certain -buildings were contained within the empire of Montezuma, they were -therefore Astek in origin or design. More than twenty other nations -occupied that vast kingdom; and in most parts of it, _where stone is -abundant_, we find architectural remains. - -Architecture, cities, and the consolidation of empire which they -determine, keep along the line of the Andes. They also stand in an -evident _ratio_ to the agricultural conditions of the soil and -climate. The Chaco and Pampa habits which stood so much in contrast -with the industrial civilization of Peru, and so coincided with the -open prairie character of the country, re-appear in Texas. They -increase in the great valley of the Mississippi. Nevertheless the -Indians of Florida, the Carolinas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, and -the old _forests_ were partially agricultural. They were also capable -of political consolidation. Powhattan, in Virginia, ruled over kings -and sub-kings even as Montezuma did. Picture-writing--so-called--of -which much has been said as a Mexican characteristic, is being found -every day to be commoner and commoner amongst the Indians of the United -States and Canada. - -In an alluvial soil the barrow replaces the pyramid. The vast -sepulchral mounds of the Valley of the Mississippi are the subjects of -one of the valuable works[15] of the present time. - -The Natchez, known to the novelist from the romance of Chateaubriand, -are known to the ethnologist as pre-eminent amongst the Indians of -the Mississippi for their Mexican characteristics. They flattened the -head, worshiped the sun, kept up an undying fire, recognized a system -of caste, and sacrificed human victims. Yet to identify them with -the Asteks, to assume even any extraordinary intercourse, would be -unsafe. Their traditions, indeed, suggest the idea of a migration; -but their language contradicts their traditions. They are simply what -the other natives of Florida were. I see in the accounts of the early -Appalachians little but Mexicans and Peruvians _minus_ their metals, -and gems, and mountains. - -The other generalities of North America are those of Brazil, Peru, -and Patagonia repeated. The Algonkins have an area like the Guarani, -their coast-line only extending from Labrador to Cape Hatteras. The -Iroquois of New York and the Carolinas--a broken and discontinuous -population--indicate encroachment and displacement; they once, however, -covered perhaps as much space as the Caribs. The Sioux represent the -Chaco and Pampa tribes. Their country is a hunting-ground, with its -relations to the northern Tropic and the Arctic Circle, precisely those -of the Chaco and Pampas to the Southern and Antarctic. - -The western side of the Rocky Mountains is more Mexican than the -eastern; just as Chili is more Peruvian than Brazil. - -I believe that if the Pacific coast of America had been the one -first discovered and fullest described, so that Russian America, -New Caledonia, Queen Charlotte's Archipelago, and Nutka Sound, had -been as well known as we know Canada and New Brunswick, there would -never have been any doubts or difficulties as to the origin of the -so-called Red Indians of the New World; and no one would ever have -speculated about Africans finding their way to Brazil, or Polynesians -to California. The common-sense _prima facie_ view would have been -admitted at once, instead of being partially refined on and partially -abandoned. North-eastern Asia would have passed for the fatherland -to North-western America, and instead of Chinese and Japanese -characteristics creating wonder when discovered in Mexico and Peru, -the only wonder would have been in the rarity of the occurrence. -But geographical discovery came from another quarter, and as it was -the Indians of the Atlantic whose history first served as food for -speculation, the most natural view of the origin of the American -population was the last to be adopted--perhaps it has still to be -recognized. - -The reason for all this lies in the following fact. The Eskimo, who -form the only family common to the Old and the New World, stand in a -remarkable contrast to the unequivocal and admitted American aborigines -of Labrador, Newfoundland, Canada, the New England States, New York, -and the other well-known Indians in general. Size, manners, physical -conformation, and language, all help to separate the two stocks. But -this contrast extends only to the parts _east_ of the Rocky Mountains. -On the west of them there is no such abruptness, no such definitude, -no such trenchant lines of demarcation. The Athabascan dialects of New -Caledonia and Russian America are notably interspersed with Eskimo -words, and _vice versa_. So is the Koluch tongue of the parts about -New Archangel. As for a remarkable dialect called the Ugalents (or -Ugyalyackhmutsi) spoken by a few families about Mount St. Elias, it -is truly transitional in character. Besides this, what applies to the -languages applies to the other characteristics as well. - -The lines of separation between the Eskimo and the non-Eskimo Americans -are as faint on the Pacific, as they are strong on the Atlantic side of -the continent. - -What accounts for this? The phaenomenon is by no means rare. The -Laplander, strongly contrasted with the Norwegian on the west, -graduates into the Finlander on the east. The relation of the Hottentot -to the Kaffre has been already noticed. So has the hypothesis -that explains it. One stock has encroached upon another, and the -transitional forms have been displaced. In the particular case before -us, the encroaching tribes of the Algonkin class have pressed upon the -Eskimo from the south; and just as the present Norwegians and Swedes -now occupy the country of a family which was originally akin to the -Laps of Lapland (but with more southern characters), the Micmacs and -other Red Men have superseded the southerly and transitional Eskimo. -Meanwhile, in North-_western_ America no such displacement has taken -place. The families still stand _in situ_; and the phaenomena of -transition have escaped obliteration. - -Just as the Eskimo graduate in the American Indian, so do they pass -into the populations of North-eastern Asia--language being the -instrument which the present writer has more especially employed in -their affiliation. From the Peninsula of Aliaska to the Aleutian chain -of islands, and from the Aleutian chain to Kamskatka is the probable -course of the migration from Asia to America--traced backwards, _i.e._ -from the goal to the starting-point, from the circumference to the -centre. - -Then come two conflicting lines. The Aleutians may have been either -Kamskadales or Curile Islanders. In either language there is a -sufficiency of vocables to justify either notion. But this is a mere -point of minute ethnology when compared with the broader one which has -just preceded it. The Japanese and Corean populations are so truly -of the same class with the Curile islanders, and the Koriaks to the -north of the sea of the Okhotsk are so truly Kamskadale, that we may -now consider ourselves as having approached our conventional centre -so closely as to be at liberty to leave the parts in question for the -consideration of another portion of the circumference--another extreme -point of divergence. - -II. _From Van Diemen's Land to the South-Eastern parts of Asia._--The -aborigines of Van Diemen's Land, conveniently called Tasmanians, have a -fair claim, when considered by themselves, to be looked upon as members -of a separate species. The Australians are on a level low enough to -satisfy the most exaggerated painters of a _state of nature_; but the -Tasmanians are, apparently, lower still. Of this family but a few -families remain--occupants of Flinders' Island, whither they have been -removed by the Van Diemen's Land Government. And here they decrease; -but whether from want of room or from intermarriage is doubtful. The -effects of neither have been fairly investigated. From the Australians -they differ in the texture of their hair--the leading diagnostic -character. The Tasmanian is shock-headed, with curled, _frizzy_, matted -and greased locks. None of their dialects are intelligible to any -Australian, and the commercial intercourse between the two islands -seems to have been little or none. Short specimens of four mutually -unintelligible dialects are all that I have had the opportunity of -comparing. They belong to the same class with those of Australia, New -Guinea, and the Papua islands; and this is all that can safely be said -about them. - -It is an open question whether the Tasmanians reached Van Diemen's Land -from South Australia, from Timor, or from New Caledonia--the line of -migration having, in this latter case, wound _round_ Australia, instead -of stretching _across_ it. Certain points of resemblance between the -New Caledonian and Tasmanian dialects suggest this refinement upon the -_prima facie_ doctrine of an Australian origin; and the texture of the -hair, as far as it proves anything, goes the same way. - -Australia is radically and fundamentally the occupancy of a single -stock; the greatest sign of difference between its numerous tribes -being that of language. Now this is but a repetition of the -philological phaenomena of America. The blacker and ruder population -of Timor represents the great-great ancestors of the Australians; and -it was from Timor that Australia was, apparently, peopled. I feel -but little doubt on the subject. Timor itself is connected with the -Malayan peninsula by a line of dark-coloured, rude, and fragmentary -populations, to be found in Ombay and Floris at the present moment, -and inferred to have existed in Java and Sumatra before the development -of the peculiar and encroaching civilization of the Mahometan Malays. - -It is in the Malayan peninsula that another line of migration -terminates. From New Caledonia to New Guinea a long line of -islands--Tanna, Mallicollo, Solomon's Isles, &c.--is occupied by a -dark-skinned population of rude Papuas, with Tasmanian rather than -Australian hair, _i.e._ with hair which is frizzy, crisp, curled, or -mop-headed, rather than straight, lank, or only wavy. This comes from -New Guinea; New Guinea itself comes from the Eastern Moluccas; _i.e._ -from their darker populations. These are of the same origin with those -of Timor; though the lines of migration are remarkably distinct. One is -from the Moluccas to New Caledonia _via_ New Guinea; the other is _via_ -Timor to Australia. - -Both these migrations were early; earlier than the occupancy of -Polynesia. The previous occupancy of Australia and New Guinea proves -this; and the greater differences between the different sections of the -two populations do the same. - -III. _From Easter Island to the South-Eastern parts of Asia._--The -northern, southern, and eastern extremities of Polynesia are the -Sandwich Islands, New Zealand, and Easter Island respectively. These -took their occupants from different islands of the great group to which -they belong; of which the Navigators' Islands were, probably, the first -to be peopled. The Radack, Ralik, Caroline, and Pelew groups connect -this group with either the Philippines or the Moluccas; and when we -reach these, we arrive at the point where the Papuan and Polynesian -lines diverge. Just as the Papuan line overlapped or wound round -Australia, so do the Micronesians and Polynesians form a circuit round -the whole Papuan area. - -As the languages, both of Polynesia and Micronesia, differ from each -other far less than those of New Guinea, the Papuan Islands, and -Australia, the separation from the parent stock is later. It is, most -probably, through the Philippines that this third line converges -towards the original and continental source of all three. This is the -south-eastern portion of the Asiatic Continent, or the Indo-Chinese -Peninsula. - -The Malay of the Malayan Peninsula is an _inflected_ tongue as opposed -to the Siamese of Siam, which belongs to the same class as the Chinese, -and is monosyllabic. This gives us a convenient point to stop at. - -In like manner the Corean and Japanese tongues, with which we broke off -the American line of migration, were polysyllabic; though the Chinese, -with which they came in geographical contact, was monosyllabic. - -The most remarkable fact connected with the Oceanic stock is the -presence of a certain number of Malay and Polynesian words in the -language of an island so distant as Madagascar; an island not only -_distant from_ the Malayan Peninsula, but _near to_ the Mozambique -coast of Africa--an ethnological area widely different from the Malay. - -Whatever may be the inference from this fact--and it is one upon -which many very conflicting opinions have been founded--its reality -is undoubted. It is admitted by Mr. Crawfurd, the writer above all -others who is indisposed to admit the Oceanic origin of the Malagasi, -and it is accounted for as follows:--"A navigation of 3000 miles of -open sea lies between them[16], and a strong trade-wind prevails in -the greater part of it. A voyage from the Indian Islands to Madagascar -is possible, even in the rude state of Malayan navigation; but return -would be wholly impossible. Commerce, conquests, or colonization, are, -consequently, utterly out of the question, as means of conveying any -portion of the Malayan language to Madagascar. There remains, then, but -one way in which this could have taken place--the fortuitous arrival -on the shores of Madagascar of tempest-driven Malayan _praus_. The -south-east monsoon, which is but a continuation of the south-east -trade-wind, prevails from the tenth degree of south latitude to the -equator, its greatest force being felt in the Java Sea, and its -influence embracing the western half of the island of Sumatra. This -wind blows from April to October, and an easterly gale during this -period might drive a vessel off the shores of Sumatra or Java, so as -to make it impossible to regain them. In such a situation she would -have no resource but putting before the wind, and making for the first -land that chance might direct her to; and that first land would be -Madagascar. With a fair wind and a stiff breeze, which she would be -sure of, she might reach that island, without difficulty, in a month. -* * * The occasional arrival in Madagascar of a shipwrecked _prau_ -might not, indeed, be sufficient to account for even the small portion -of Malayan found in the Malagasi; but it is offering no violence to -the manners or history of the Malay people, to imagine the probability -of a piratical fleet, or a fleet carrying one of those migrations of -which there are examples on record, being tempest-driven, like a single -_prau_. Such a fleet, well equipped, well stocked, and well manned, -would not only be fitted for the long and perilous voyage, but reach -Madagascar in a better condition than a fishing or trading boat. It may -seem, then, not an improbable supposition, that it was through one or -more fortuitous adventures of this description, that the language of -Madagascar received its influx of Malayan." - -As a supplement to the remarks of Mr. Crawfurd, I add the following -account from Mr. M. Martin:--"Many instances have occurred of the -slaves in Mauritius seizing on a canoe, or boat, at night-time, and -with a calabash of water and a few manioc, or Cassada roots, pushing -out to sea and endeavouring to reach across to Madagascar or Africa, -through the pathless and stormy ocean. Of course they generally perish, -but some succeed. We picked up a frail canoe within about a hundred -miles of the coast of Africa; it contained five runaway slaves, one -dying in the bottom of the canoe, and the others nearly exhausted. -They had fled from a harsh French master at the Seychelles, committed -themselves to the deep without compass or guide, with a small quantity -of water and rice, and trusting to their fishing-lines for support. -Steering by the stars, they had nearly reached the coast from which -they had been kidnapped, when nature sank exhausted, and we were just -in time to save four of their lives. So long as the wanderers in search -of home were able to do so, the days were numbered by notches on the -side of the canoe, and twenty-one were thus marked when met with by our -vessel." - -These extracts have been given for the sake of throwing light upon the -most remarkable Oceanic migration known--for migration there must have -been, even if it were so partial as Mr. Crawfurd makes it; migration -which may make the present Malagasi Oceanic or not, according to the -state in which they found the island at their arrival. If it were -already peopled, the passage across the great Indian Ocean is just -as remarkable as if it were, till then, untrodden by a human foot. -The only additional wonder in this latter case would be the contrast -between the Africans who missed an island so near, and the Malays who -discovered one so distant. - -Individually, I differ from Mr. Crawfurd in respect to the actual -differences between the Malay and the Malagasi, with the hesitation and -respect due to his known acquirements in the former of these languages; -but I differ more and more unhesitatingly from him in the valuation of -them as signs of ethnological separation; believing, not only that the -two languages are essentially of the same family, but that the descent, -blood, or pedigree of the Malagasi is as Oceanic as their language. - -IV. _From the Cape of Good Hope to the South-western parts of -Asia._--The Hottentots of the Cape have a better claim than any other -members of the human kind to be considered as a separate species. -Characteristics apparently differential occur on all sides. Morally, -the Hottentots are rude; physically, they are undersized and weak. In -all the points wherein the Eskimo differs from the Algonkin, or the Lap -from the Fin, the Hottentot recedes from the Kaffre. Yet the Kaffre is -his nearest neighbour. To the ordinary distinctions, steatomata on the -nates and peculiarities in the reproductive organs have been superadded. - -Nevertheless, a very scanty collation gives the following philological -similarities; the Hottentot dialects[17] being taken on the one side -and the other African languages[18] on the other. I leave it to the -reader to pronounce upon the import of the table; adding only the -decided expression of my own belief that the coincidences in question -are too numerous to be accidental, too little onomatopoeic to be -organic, and too widely as well as too irregularly distributed to be -explained by the assumption of intercourse or intermixture. - - _English_ sun. - Saab _t'koara._ - Hottentot _sorre._ - Corana _sorob._ - Agow _quorah._ - Somauli _ghurrah._ - Kru _guiro._ - Kanga _jiro._ - Wawn _jirri._ - - _English_ tongue. - Corana _tamma._ - Bushman _t'inn._ - Fertit _timi._ - - _English_ neck. - Bushman _t'kau._ - Darfur _kiu._ - - _English_ hand. - Corana _t'koam._ - Shilluck _kiam._ - - _English_ tree. - Corana _peikoa._ - Bushman _t'hauki._ - Shilluck _yuke._ - - _English_ mountain. - Corana _teub._ - Falasha _duba._ - - _English_ ear. - Corana _t'naum._ - Bullom _naimu._ - - _English_ star. - Corana _kambrokoa._ - Kossa _rumbereki._ - - _English_ bird. - Bushman _t'kanni._ - Mandingo _kuno._ - - _English_ sleep. - Corana _t'kchom._ - Bushman _t'koing._ - Susu _kima._ - Howssa _kuana._ - - _English_ fire. - Corana _taib._ - Congo _tubia._ - Somauli _dub._ - Bushman _t'jih._ - Fot _diu._ - Ashantee _ojia._ - - _English_ neck. - Bushman _t'kau._ - Makua _tchico._ - - _English_ die. - Corana _t'koo._ - Bushman _tkuki._ - Makua _ocoa = dead._ - - _English_ good. - Corana _t'kain._ - Bushman _teteini._ - Makua _oni-touny._ - - _English_ foot. - Corana _t'nah._ - Hottentot _t'noah._ - Makua _nyahai._ - - _English_ drink. - Corana _t'kchaa._ - Howssa _sha._ - - _English_ star. - Bushman _tkoaati._ - Bagnon _hoquooud._ - Fulah _kode._ - - _English_ child. - Corana _t'kob._ - Bushman _t'katkoang._ - Bagnon _colden._ - Timmani _kalent._ - Bullom _tshant._ - - _English_ tree. - Bushman _t'huh._ - Seracole, &c. _ite._ - - _English_ foot. - Corana _t'keib._ - Bushman _t'koah._ - Sereres _akiaf._ - Waag Agau _tsab._ - -Unless we suppose Southern Africa to have been the cradle of the human -species, the population of the Cape must have been an extension of -that of the Southern Tropic, and the Tropical family itself have been -originally Equatorial. What does this imply? Even this--that those -streams of population upon which the soil, climate, and other physical -influences of South Africa acted, had themselves been acted on by the -intertropical and equatorial influences of the Negro countries. Hence -the human stock upon which the physical conditions had to act, was -as peculiar as those conditions themselves. It was not in the same -predicament with the intertropical South Americans. Between these -and the hypothetical centre in Asia there was the Arctic Circle and -the Polar latitudes--influences that in some portion of the line of -migration must have acted on their ancestors' ancestors. - -It was nearer the condition of the Australians. Yet the equatorial -portion of the line of migration of these latter had been very -different from that of the Kaffres and the Hottentots. It was narrow -in extent, and lay in fertile islands, cooled by the breezes and -evaporation of the ocean, rather than across the arid table-land of -Central Africa--the parts between the Gulf of Guinea and the mouth of -the river Juba. - -Between the Hottentots and their next neighbours to the north there -are many points of difference. Admitting these to a certain extent, I -explain them by the assumption of encroachment, displacement, and the -abolition of those intermediate and transitional tribes which connected -the northern Hottentots with the southern Kaffres. - -And here I must remark, that the displacement itself is no assumption -at all, but an historical fact; since within the last few centuries -the Amakosa Kaffres alone have extended themselves at the expense of -different Hottentot tribes, from the parts about Port Natal to the -head-waters of the Orange River. - -It is only the transitional character of the annihilated populations -that is an assumption. I believe it--of course--to be a legitimate one; -otherwise it would not have been made. - -On the other hand I consider it illegitimate to assume, without -inquiry, so broad and fundamental a distinction between the two stocks -as to attribute all points of similarity to intercourse only--none to -original affinity. Yet this is done largely. The Hottentot language -contains a sound which I believe to be an _in_-aspirated _h_, _i. e._ -a sound of _h_ formed by _drawing in_ the breath, rather than by -_forcing it out_--as is done by the rest of the world. This is called -the _click_. It is a truly inarticulate sound; and as the common _h_ -is found in the language as well, the Hottentot speech presents the -remarkable phenomenon of _two_ inarticulate sounds, or two sounds -common to man and the lower animals. As a point of anthropology this -may be of value: in ethnology it has probably been misinterpreted. - -It is found in _one_ Kaffre dialect. What are the inferences? That it -has been adopted from the Hottentot by the Kaffre; just as a Kaffre gun -has been adopted from the Europeans. This is one of them. - -The other is that the sound in question is less unique, less -characteristic, and less exclusively Hottentot than was previously -believed. - -Now this is certainly not one whit less legitimate than the former; yet -the former is the commoner notion. Perhaps it is because it flatters -us with a fresh fact, instead of chastening us by the correction of an -over-hasty generalization. - -Again--the root _t-k_ (as in _tixo_, _tixme_, _utiko_) is at once -Hottentot and Kaffre. It means either a Deity or an epithet appropriate -to a Deity. Surely the doctrine that the Kaffres have simply borrowed -part of their theological vocabulary from the Hottentots is neither the -only nor the most logical inference here. - -The Kaffre area is so large that it extends on both sides of Africa to -the equator; and the contrast which it supplies when compared with the -small one of the Hottentots is a repetition of the contrasts already -noticed in America. - -The peculiarities of the Kaffre stock are fully sufficient to justify -care and consideration before we place them in the same class either -with the true Negros, or with the Gallas, Nubians, Agows, and other -Africans of the water-system of the Nile. Yet they are by no means -of that broad and trenchant kind which many have fancied them. The -undoubted Kaffre character of the languages of Angola, Loango, the -Gaboon, the Mozambique and Zanzibar coasts is a fact which must run -through all our criticism. If so, it condemns all those extreme -inferences which are drawn from the equally undoubted peculiarities -of the Kaffres of the Cape. And why? Because these last are extreme -forms; extreme, rather than either typical, or--what is more -important--transitional. - -Let us, however, look to them. What find we then? Until the -philological evidence in favour of the community of origin of the -intertropical Africans of Congo on the west, and of Inhambame, Sofala, -the Mozambique, &c. on the east, was known, no one spoke of the natives -in any of those countries as being anything else but Negro, or thought -of enlarging upon such differences as are now found between them and -the typical Black. - -Even in respect to the languages, there are transitional dialects in -abundance. In Mrs. Kilham's tables of 31 African languages, the last -is a _Kongo_ vocabulary, all the rest being Negro. Now this Kongo -vocabulary, which is truly Kaffre, differs from the rest so little -more than the rest do from each other, that when I first saw the list, -being then strongly prepossessed by the opinion that the Kaffre stock -of tongues was, to a great extent, a stock _per se_, I could scarcely -believe that the true Kongo and Kaffre language was represented; so I -satisfied myself that it was so, by a collation with other undoubted -vocabularies, before I admitted the inference. And this is only one -fact out of many[19]. - -Again--the Negros themselves are referable to an extreme rather than -a normal type; and so far are they from being co-extensive with the -_Africans_, that it is almost exclusively along the valleys of rivers -that they are to be found. There are none in the extra-tropical parts -of Northern, none in the corresponding parts of Southern Africa; and -but few on the table-lands of even the two sides of the equator. Their -areas, indeed, are scanty and small; one lies on the Upper Nile, one -on the Lower Gambia and Senegal, one on the Lower Niger, and the last -along the western coast, where the smaller rivers that originate in the -Kong Mountains form hot and moist alluvial tracts. - -From whatever other Africans the Negros are to be separated, they are -not to be disconnected from the Kaffres, the chief points of contact -and transition being the parts about the Gaboon. - -Neither are the Kaffres to be too trenchantly cut off from the -remarkable families of the Sahara, the range of Atlas, and the coasts -of the Mediterranean--families which it is convenient to take next in -order; not because this is the sequence which most closely suits either -their geography or their ethnology, but because the criticism which -has lately been applied to them best helps us in the criticism of the -present affiliations. - -On the confines of Egypt, in the oasis of Siwah, we find the most -eastern members of the great Berber, Amazirgh, or Kabyle family; and -we find them as far west as the Canary Isles, of which they were the -occupants as long as a native population occupied them at all. Members -of the same stock were the ancient subjects of Jugurtha, Syphax, and -Masinissa. Mr. Francis Newman, who has paid more attention to the -speech of the Berber tribes than any Englishman (perhaps than any -European), has shown that it deserves the new and convenient name of -_Sub_-Semitic--a term to be enlarged on. - -Let us take a language in its first state of inflection, when passing -from the monosyllabic form of the Chinese and its allied tongues, it -just begins to incorporate with its hitherto unmodified nouns and -verbs, certain prepositions denoting _relation_, certain adverbs -denoting _time_, and certain pronouns of person or possession; by means -of all which it gets equivalents to the cases, tenses and persons of -the more advanced forms of speech. - -This is the germ of Conjugation and Declension; of the Accidents -of Grammar. Let us, however, go farther. Over and above the simple -juxtaposition and incipient incorporation of these previously separable -and independent particles, let there be certain internal ones; those, -for instance, which convert the English Present Tenses _fall_ and -_speak_ into the Preterites _fell_ and _spoke_--or something of the -same sort. - -Farther still. Let such changes of _accent_ as occur when we form an -adjective like _tyr['a]nnical_, from a substantive like _t['y]rant_, be -superadded. - -The union of such processes as these will undoubtedly stamp a -remarkable character upon the language in which they appear. - -But what if they go farther? or what, if without actually going -farther, the tongues which they characterize find expositors who -delight in giving them prominence, and also exaggerate their import? -This is no hypothetical case. - -A large proportion of roots almost necessarily contain three -consonants: e. g. _bread_, _stone_, &c., pronounced _bred_, _st[^o]n_, -&c. This is one fact. - -In many languages there is an inability to pronounce two consonants -belonging to the same syllable, in immediate succession; an inability -which is met by the insertion of an intervening vowel. The Finlander, -instead of _Krist_, must say either _Ekristo_ or _Keristo_. This -principle, in English, would convert _bred_ into _bered_ or _ebred_, -and _st[^o]n_ into _est[^o]n_ or _set[^o]n_. This is another fact. - -These two and the preceding ones should now be combined. A large -proportion of roots containing three consonants may induce a grammarian -to coin such a term as _triliteralism_, and to say that this -_triliteralism_ characterizes a certain language. - -Then, as not only these consonants are separated from one another -by intervening vowels, but as the vowels themselves are subject to -change, (these changes acting upon the accentuation,) the triliteralism -becomes more important still. The consonants look like the framework -or skeleton of the words, the vowels being the modifying influences. -The one are the _constants_, the other the _variants_; and _triliteral -roots with internal modifications_ becomes a philological byword which -is supposed to represent a unique phenomenon in the way of speech, -rather than the simple result of two or three common processes united -in one and the same language. - -But the force of system does not stop here. Suppose we wished to -establish the paradox that the English was a language of the sort -in question. A little ingenuity would put us up to some clever -legerdemain. The convenient aspirate _h_--like the bat in the fable -of the birds and beasts at war--might be a consonant when it was -wanted to make up the complement of three, and a vowel when it was _de -trop_. Words like _pity_ might be made triliteral (_triconsonantal_) -by doubling the _tt_; words like _pitted_, by ejecting it. Lastly, if -it were denied that two consonants must necessarily be separated by a -vowel, it would be an easy matter to say that between such sounds as -the _n_ and _r_ in _Henry_, the _b_ and _r_ in _bread_, the _r_ and _b_ -in _curb_, there was really a very short vowel; and that _Hen[)e]ry_, -_b[)e]red_, _cur[)u]b_, were the true sounds; or that, if they were not -so in the nineteenth century, they were two thousand years ago. - -Now let all this be taught and believed, and who will not isolate the -language in which such remarkable phenomena occur? - -All this _is_ taught and believed, and consequently there _is_ a -language, or rather a group of languages, thus isolated. - -But the isolation does not stop with the philologist. The anatomist and -the historian support it as well. The nations who speak the language in -question are in the neighbourhood of Blacks, but without being Blacks -themselves; and they are in contact with rude Pagans; themselves being -eminently monotheistic. Their history also has been an influential one, -morally and materially as well; whilst the skulls are as symmetrical -as the skull of the famous Georgian female of our first chapter, their -complexions fair or ruddy, and their noses so little African as to -emulate the eagle's beak in prominent convexity. All this exaggerates -the elements of isolation. - -The class or family thus isolated, which--as stated above--has a real -existence, has been conveniently called _Semitic_; a term comprising -the twelve tribes of Israel and the modern Jews so far as they are -descended from them, the Syrians of ancient, and, partially, of -modern Syria, the Mesopotamians, the Phoenicians, the Assyrians, -the Babylonians, the Arabs, and certain populations of Aethiopia or -Abyssinia. - -Further facts, real or supposed, have contributed to isolate this -remarkable and important family. The Africans who were nearest to them, -both in locality and civilization--the Aegyptians of the Pharaohnic -empire, builders of the pyramids, and writers in hieroglyphics--have -ceased to exist as a separate substantive nation. Their Asiatic -frontagers, on the other hand, were either Persians or Armenians. - -Everything favoured isolation here. The Jew and Aegyptian were in strong -contrast from the beginning, and all our earliest impressions are in -favour of an over-valuation of their differences. As for the Persian, -he was so early placed in a different class--a class which, from the -fact of its being supposed to contain the Germans, Greeks, Latins, -Slavonians, and Hindus as well, has been called Indo-European--that he -had a proper and peculiar position of his own; and something almost as -stringent in the way of demarcation applied to the Armenian. Where, -then, were the approaches to the Semitic family to be found? - -Attempts were made to connect them with the Indo-Europeans; I think -unsuccessfully. Of course there was a certain amount of relationship -of some kind; but it by no means followed that this established the -real affiliations. There was _a_ connexion; but not _the_ connexion. -The reasons for this view lay partly in certain undoubted affinities -with the Persians, and partly in the fact of the Jew, Syrian and Arab -skulls, and the Jew, Syrian and Arab civilizations coming under the -category of _Caucasian_. - -Consciously or unconsciously, most writers have gone on this -hypothesis--naturally, but inconsiderately. Hence the rough current -opinion has been, that if the Semitic tribes were in any traceable -degree of relationship with the other families of the earth, that -relationship must be sought for amongst the Indo-Europeans. - -The next step was to raise the Semitic class to the rank of a standard -or measure for the affinities of unplaced families; and writers who -investigated particular languages more readily inquired whether such -languages were Semitic, than what the Semitic tongues were themselves. -Unless I mistake the spirit in which many admirable investigations have -been conducted, this led to the term _Sub_-Semitic. Men asked about the -amount of _Semitism_ in certain families as if it were a substantive -and inherent property, rather than what _Semitism_ itself consisted in. - -And now _Sub_-Semitic tongues multiplied; since Sub-Semitism was a -respectable thing to predicate of the object of one's attention. - -The ancient Aegyptian was stated to be _Sub_-Semitic--Benfey and others -having done good work in making it so. - -Mr. Newman did the same with the Berber. Meanwhile the anatomists -acted much like the philologists, and brought the skulls of the old -Aegyptians in the same class with those of the Jews and Arabs, so as to -be Caucasian. - -But the Caucasians had been put in a sort of antithesis to the Negros; -and hence came mischief. Whatever may be the views of those able -writers who have investigated the Sub-Semitic Africans, when pressed -for definitions, it is not too much to say that, in practice, they -have all acted as if the moment a class became Semitic, it ceased to -be African. They have all looked one way; that being the way in which -good Jews and Mahometans look--towards Mecca and Jerusalem. They have -forgotten the phaenomena of correlation. If Caesar is like Pompey, -Pompey must be like Caesar. If African languages approach the Hebrew, -the Hebrew must approach them. The attraction is mutual; and it is by -no means a case of Mahomet and the mountain. - -I believe that the Semitic elements of the Berber, the Coptic and the -Galla are clear and unequivocal; in other words, that these languages -are truly Sub-Semitic. - -In the languages of Abyssinia, the Gheez and Tigre, admitted, as long -as they have been known at all, to be _Semitic_, graduate through the -Amharic, the Falasha, the Harargi, the Gafat, and other languages which -may be well studied in Dr. Beke's valuable comparative tables[20], into -the Agow tongue, unequivocally indigenous to Abyssinia; and through -this into the true Negro classes. - -But unequivocal as may be the Semitic elements of the Berber, Coptic -and Galla, their affinities with the tongues of Western and Southern -Africa are more so. I weigh my words when I say, not _equally_, but -_more_. Changing the expression for every foot in advance which can -be made towards the Semitic tongues in one direction, the African -philologist can go a yard towards the Negro ones in the other[21]. - -Of course, the proofs of all this in full detail would fill a large -volume; indeed, the exhaustion of the subject and the annihilation of -all possible and contingent objections would fill many. The position, -however, of the present writer is not so much that of the engineer who -has to force his water up to a higher uphill by means of pumps, as it -is that of the digger and delver who merely clears away artificial -embankments which have hitherto prevented it finding its own level -according to the common laws of nature. He has little fear from the -results of separate and independent investigation, when a certain -amount of preconceived notions have been unsettled. - -To proceed with the subject--the convergence of the lines of migration -in Africa is broken or unbroken, clear or indistinct, continuous or -irregular, to much the same extent, and much in a similar manner, -with those of America. The moral contrasts which were afforded by -the Mexicans and Peruvians reappear in the case of the Aegyptians and -the Semitidae. As to the Hottentots--they, _perhaps_, are more widely -separated from their next of kin than any Americans, the Eskimo not -being excepted; so much so, that if the phaenomena of their language be -either denied or explained away, they may pass for a new species. - -Now if the reader have attended to the differences between the -_Ethnological_ and the _Anthropological_ principles of classification, -he must have inferred the necessity of certain differences of -nomenclature, since it is hardly likely that the terms which suit the -one study will exactly fit the other. And such is really the case. If -the word _Negro_ mean the combination of woolly hair, with a jetty -skin, depressed nose, thick lips, narrow forehead, acute facial angle, -and prominent jaw, it applies to Africans as widely different from -each other as the Laplander is from the Samoeid and Eskimo, or the -Englishman from the Finlander. It applies to the inhabitants of certain -portions of different river-systems, _independent of relationship_--and -_vice versa_. The Negros of Kordofan are nearer in descent to the Copts -and Arabs than are the lighter-coloured and more civilized Fulahs. -They are also nearer to the same than they are to the Blacks of the -Senegambia. If this be the case, the term has no place in Ethnology, -except so far as its extensive use makes it hard to abandon. Its -real application is to Anthropology, wherein it means the effect of -certain influences upon certain intertropical Africans, irrespective -of descent, but not irrespective of physical condition. As truly as a -short stature and light skin coincide with the occupancy of mountain -ranges, the Negro physiognomy coincides with that of the alluvia of -rivers. Few writers are less disposed to account for ethnological -differences by reference to a change of physical conditions rather -than original distinction of species than Dr. Daniell; nevertheless, -he expressly states that when you leave the low swamps of the Delta of -the Niger for the sandstone country of the interior, the skin becomes -fairer, and black becomes brown, and brown yellow. - -Of the African populations most immediately in contact with the typical -Negro of the western coast, the fairest are the Nufi (conterminous with -the Ibos of the Lower Niger) and the Fulahs who are spread over the -highlands of Senegambia, as far in the interior as Sakatu, and as far -south as the Nufi frontier. - -On the other hand, the darkest of the fairer families are the Tuaricks -of Wadreag, who belong to the Berber family, and the Sheyga Arabs of -Nubia. - -The Nubians themselves, or the natives of the Middle Nile between Aegypt -and Sennaar, are truly transitional in features between the Aegyptians -and the Blacks of Kordofan. So they are in language and apparently in -civilizational development. - -The best measure of capacity, in this respect, on the part of those -Africans who have been less favoured by external circumstances and -geographical position than the ancient Aegyptians, is to be found -amongst the Mandingos and Fulahs, each of which nations has adopted the -Mahometan religion and some portion of the Arabic literature along with -it. Of large towns there are more in _Negro_ Africa than there has ever -been in Mongolia and Tartary. Yet the Tartars are neither more nor less -than Turks like those of Constantinople, and the Mongolians are closely -connected with the industrial Chinese. - -That the uniformity of languages throughout Africa is greater than it -is either in Asia or Europe, is a statement to which I have not the -least hesitation in committing myself. - -And now, having brought the African migration--to which I allot the -Semitic populations of Arabia, Syria, and Babylonia--from its extremity -at the Cape to a point so near the hypothetical centre as the frontiers -of Persia and Armenia, I leave it for the present. - - * * * * * - -The English of England are not the earliest occupants of the island. -Before them were the ancient Britons. Were these the earliest -occupants? Who were the men by whose foot Britain, till then the home -of the lower animals alone, was first trodden? This is uncertain. Why -may not the Kelts have stood in the same relation to some rude Britons -still more primitive, that the Anglo-Saxons did to the Kelts? Perhaps -they really did so. Perhaps, even the rude and primitive tribes thus -assumed had aborigines who looked upon them as intruders, themselves -having in their turn been interlopers. The chief objection against thus -multiplying aboriginal aborigines is the rule _de non apparentibus_, &c. - -But Britain is an _island_. Everything relating to the natural -history of the useful arts is so wholly uninvestigated, that no one -has proposed even to approximate the date of the first launch of the -first boat; in other words, of the first occupancy of a piece of land -surrounded by water. The whole of that particular continent in which -the first protoplasts saw light, may have remained full to overflowing -before a single frail raft had effected the first human migration. - -Britain may have remained a solitude for centuries and milleniums after -Gaul had been full. I do not suppose this to have been the case; but, -unless we imagine the first canoe to have been built simultaneously -with the demand for water-transport, it is as easy to allow that a -long period intervened between that time and the first effort of -seamanship as a short one. Hence, the date of the original populations -of _islands_ is not in the same category with that of the dispersion of -men and women over _continents_. - -On continents, we must assume the extension from one point to another -to have been continuous--and not only this, but we may assume something -like an equable rate of diffusion also. I have heard that the American -population moves bodily from east to west at the rate of about eleven -miles a year. - -As I use the statement solely for the sake of illustrating my subject, -its accuracy is not very important. To simplify the calculation, let -us say _ten_. At this rate a circle of migration of which the centre -was (say) in the Altai range, would enlarge its diameter at the rate of -twenty miles a year--_i.e._ ten miles at one end of the radius and ten -at the other. - -Hence a point a thousand miles from the birth-place of the patriarchs -of our species would receive its first occupants exactly one hundred -years after the original locality had been found too limited. At this -rate a very few centuries would people the Cape of Good Hope, and fewer -still Lapland, the parts about Cape Comorin, the Malayan Peninsula, -and Kamskatka--all parts more or less in the condition of extreme -points[22]. - -Now as long as any _continental_ extremities of the earth's surface -remain unoccupied--the stream (or rather the enlarging circle of -migration) not having yet reached them--the _primary_ migration is -going on; and when all have got their complement, the _primary_ -migration is over. During this primary migration, the relations of man, -thus placed in movement, and in the full, early and guiltless exercise -of his high function of subduing the earth, are in conflict with -physical obstacles, and with the resistance of the lower animals only. -Unless--like Lot's wife--he turn back upon the peopled parts behind -him, he has no relations with his fellow-men--at least none arising out -of the claim of previous occupancy. In other words--during the primary -migration--the world that lay before our progenitors was either brute -or inanimate. - -But before many generations have passed away, all becomes full to -overflowing; so that men must enlarge their boundaries at the expense -of their fellows. The migrations that now take place are _secondary_. -They differ from the primary in many respects. They are slower, because -the resistance is that of Humanity to Humanity; and they are violent, -because dispossession is the object. They are partial, abortive, -followed by the fusion of different populations; or followed by their -extermination--as the case may be. All, however, that we have now to -say about them is the fact of their difference from the _primary_ one. - -Concerning the _secondary_ migrations we have a considerable amount of -knowledge. History tells us of some; ethnological induction suggests -others. The _primary_ one, however, is a great mystery. Yet it is one -which is continually talked about. - -I mention it now, (having previously enlarged upon it,) for the sake -of suggesting a question of some importance in practical Ethnology. It -is the one suggested by the remarks upon the aborigines of Britain. -When are we sure that the population of any part of a continent is -_primary_--_i.e._ descended from, or representative of, the first -occupants? Never. There are plenty of cases where, from history, from -the phaenomena of contrast, and from other ethnological arguments, we -are quite satisfied that it is _not_ so; but none where the evidence -is conclusive the other way. At the same time, the doctrine _de non -apparentibus_ cautions us against assuming displacements unnecessarily. - -However, where we have, in addition to the absence of the signs of -previous occupancy, an extreme locality, (_i.e._ a locality at the -farthest distance, in a given direction, from the hypothetical centre,) -we have _prima facie_ evidence in favour of the population representing -a _primary_ migration. Thus:-- - -1, 2. The Hottentots and Laplanders amongst the families of the -Continent are probably primary. - -3. The Irish Gaels are the same amongst islanders. - -4, 5. America and the Oceanic area appear to be _primary_ in respect to -the populations of the Continent of Asia; though within their own areas -the displacements have been considerable. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[11] Pickering, Races of Men, p. 19. - -[12] The Araucana of Ercilla. - -[13] D'Orbigny, Homme Americain. - -[14] Astek means the Mexicans of the valley of Mexico who spoke the -Astek language. _Mexican_, as applied to the kingdom conquered by -Cortez, is a political rather than an ethnological term. - -[15] Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. i. - -[16] The Indian Islands and Madagascar. - -[17] Viz. the Korana, Saab, Hottentot, and Bushman. - -[18] The Agow, Somauli, and the rest; some being spoken very far north, -as the Agow and Seracole. This list has already been published by the -author in his Report on Ethnological Philology (Transactions of the -Association for the Advancement of Science, 1847). - -[19] A table showing this is to be found in the Transactions of the -British Association for 1847, &c., pp. 224-228. - -[20] Transactions of the Philological Society, No. 33. - -[21] A short table of the Berber and Coptic, as compared with the -other African tongues, may be seen in the Classical Museum, and in -the Transactions of the British Association, &c. for 1846. In the -Transactions of the Philological Society is a grammatical sketch of the -Tumali language, by Dr. L. Tutshek of Munich. Now the Tumali is a truly -Negro language of Kordofan; whilst in respect to the extent to which -its inflections are formed by internal changes of vowels and accents, -it is fully equal to the Semitic tongues of Palestine and Arabia. - -[22] Nothing is said about Cape Horn; as America in relation to Asia -is an island. It is also, perhaps, unnecessary to repeat that both the -rate and the centre are hypothetical--either or both may or may not -be correct. That which is _not_ hypothetical is the approximation to -an _equability of rate in the case of continents_. It is difficult to -conceive any such conditions, as those which deferred the occupancy -of islands like Madagascar and Iceland, by emigrants from Africa or -Greenland, for an indefinite period, keeping one part of Africa or -Greenland empty whilst another was full. Hence, the equability in -question is a mere result of the absence, _on continents_, of any -conditions capable of arresting it for an indefinite period. The extent -to which it may be interfered with by other causes is no part of the -present question. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - - The Ugrians of Lapland, Finland, Permia, the Ural Mountains and - the Volga--area of the light-haired families--Turanians--the - Kelts of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Gaul--the Goths--the - Sarmatians--the Greeks and Latins--difficulties of European - ethnology--displacement--intermixture--identification of ancient - families--extinction of ancient families--the Etruscans--the - Pelasgi--isolation--the Basks--the Albanians--classifications and - hypotheses--the term Indo-European--the Finnic hypothesis. - - -V. _From Lapland to North-western Asia._--That the Norwegian of Norway -stands in remarkable contrast to the Lap of Finmark has already been -stated. There is nothing wonderful in this. The Norwegian is a German -from the south, and, consequently, a member of an intrusive population. - -The extent to which a similar contrast exists between the Lap and -Finlander is more remarkable; since both belong to the same family. Of -this family the Laps are an extreme branch both in respect to physical -conformation and geographical position. The term most conveniently used -to designate the stock in question is _Ugrian_. In Asia the Voguls, -Ostiaks, Votiaks, Tsheremis, Morduins, and other tribes are _Ugrian_. - -The Laps are generally speaking swarthy in complexion, black-haired -and black-eyed; and so are the Majiars of Hungary. The other -Ugrians, however, are remarkable for being, to a great extent, a -_blonde_ population. The Tshuvatsh have a light complexion with -black and somewhat curly hair, and grey eyes. The Morduins fall -into two divisions, the Ersad and Mokshad; of which the former are -more frequently _red_-haired than the latter. The Tsheremiss are -light-haired; the Voguls and Ostiaks often red-haired; the Votiaks the -most red-haired people in the world. Of course, with this we have blue -or grey eyes and fair skins. - -Few writers seem ever to have considered the exceptional character of -this physiognomy: indeed, it is unfortunate that no term like _blanco_ -(or _branco_), denoting men lighter-coloured than the Spaniards and -Portuguese, in the same way that _Negro_ denotes those who are darker, -has been evolved. It is, probably, too late for it being done now. -At any rate, complexions like those of the _fair_ portion of the -people of England are quite as exceptional as faces of the hue of the -Gulf-of-Guinea Blacks. - -Like the Negro, the White-skin is chiefly found within certain limits; -and like _Negro_ the term _White_ is anthropological rather than -ethnological, _i. e._ the physiognomy in question is spread over -different divisions of our species, and by no means coincides with -ethnological relationship. - -Nine-tenths of the fair-skinned populations of the world are to be -found between 30 deg. and 65 deg. N. lat., and west of the Oby. -Nine-tenths of them also are to be found amongst the following four -families:--1. The Ugrian. 2. The Sarmatian. 3. The Gothic. 4. The -Keltic. - -The physical conditions which most closely coincide with the -geographical area of the _blonde_ branches of the _blonde_ families -require more study than they have found. From the parts to north and -south it is distinguished by the palpably intelligible differences -of latitude. The parts to the east of it differ less evidently; -nevertheless, they are steppes and table-lands rather than tracts of -comparatively low forests. The _blonde_ area is certainly amongst the -moister parts of the world[23]. - -That the Ugrians graduate into the Turks of Tartary and -Siberia--themselves a division of a class containing the great -Mongolian and Tungusian branches--has been admitted by most writers; -Schott having done the best work with the philological part of the -question. - -Gabelentz has, I am informed, lately shown that the _Samoeid_ tongues -come within the same class;--a statement which, without having seen -his reasons, I am fully prepared to admit. - -Now what applies to the Samoeids[24] applies to two other classes as -well:-- - -1. The Yeniseians[24] on the Upper Yenisey; and - -2. The Yukahiri[24] on the Kolyma and Indijirka. - -This gives us one great stock, conveniently called _Turanian_, whereof-- - -1. The Mongolians-- - -2. The Tungusians--of which the Mantshus are the best known -representatives-- - -3. The Ugrians, falling into the Lap, Finlandic, Majiar and other -branches;--along with - -4. The Hyperboreans, or Samoeids, Yeniseians, and Yukahiri--are -branches. - -And this stock takes us from the North Cape to the Wall of China. - -VI. _From Ireland to the Western parts of Asia._--The rule already -referred to, viz. that an island must always be considered to have been -peopled from the nearest part of the nearest land of a more continental -character than itself, unless reason can be shown to the contrary, -applies to the population of Ireland; subject to which view, the point -of emigration from Great Britain must have been the parts about the -Mull of Cantyre; and the point of immigration into Ireland must have -been the province of Ulster, and the parts that are nearest to Scotland. - -Upon this doctrine I see no reason whatever to refine, since the -unequivocal fact of the Scotch and Irish Gaelic being the same language -confirms it. Here, however, as in so many other cases, the opinions and -facts by no means go together; and the notion of Scotland having been -peopled from Ireland, and Ireland from some other country, is a common -one. The introduction of the _Scots_ of _Scotland_ from the west, when -examined, will be found to rest almost wholly on the following extract -from Beda:--"procedente tempore, tertiam Scottorum nationem in parte -Pictorum recepit, qui duce Reuda de Hibernia progressi, amicitia vel -ferro sibimet inter eos has sedes quas hactenus habent vindicarunt; a -quo videlicet duce, usque hodie Dalreudini vocantur: nam eorum lingua -_Daal_ partem significat." - -Now, as this was written about the middle of the eighth century, there -are only two statements in it that can be passed for contemporary -evidence, viz. the assertion that at the time of Beda a portion of -Scotland was called the country of the _Dalreudini_; and that in their -language _daal_ meant _part_. The Irish origin, then, is grounded upon -either an _inference_ or a _tradition_; an inference or a tradition -which, if true, would prove nothing as to the _original_ population -of either country; since, the reasoning which applies to the relation -between the peninsula of Malacca and the island of Sumatra applies -here. _There_, the population first passed from the peninsula to the -island, and then back again--reflected so to say--from the island to -the peninsula. _Mutatis mutandis_ this was the case with Scotland and -Ireland, provided that there was any migration at all. - -Upon this point the evidence of Beda may or may not be sufficient for -the historian. It is certainly unsatisfactory to the ethnologist. - -In saying this, I by no means make the disparaging insinuation that -the historian is unduly credulous, or that the ethnologist is a -model of caution. Neither assertion would be true. The ethnologist, -however, like a small capitalist, cannot afford so much credit as his -fellow-labourer in the field of Man. He is like a traveller, who, -leaving home at the twilight of the evening, must be doubly cautious -when he comes to a place where two roads meet. If he take the wrong -one, he has nothing but the long night before him; and his error grows -from bad to worse. But the historian starts with the twilight of the -dawn; so that the further he goes the clearer he finds his way, and the -easier he rectifies any previous false turnings. To argue from cause -to effect is to journey in the dim light of the early morn till we -reach the blazing noon. To argue from effect to cause is to change the -shades of evening for the gloom of night. - -As Scotland is to Ireland, so is Gaul to England. From the Shannon to -the Loire and Rhine, the stock is one; one, but not indivisible--the -British branch (containing the Welsh) and the Gaelic (containing the -Scotch) forming its two primary sections. - -Next to the Kelts come the Goths; the term _Gothic_ being a general -designation taken from a particular people. Germany is the native -land of these; just as Gaul was of the Kelts. Hence, they lie to the -north of that family, as well as to the west of it. Intrusive above -all the other populations of the earth, the branches of the Gothic -tribes have brought themselves in contact and collision with half the -families of the world. First, they encroached upon the Kelts, and, for -a time, the tide of conquest fluctuated. It was the Rhine which was -the disputed frontier--disputed as much in Caesar's time as our own. -Next, they revenged themselves on the aggressions of Rome; so that the -Ostro-_goths_ conquered Italy, and the Visi-_goths_ Spain. Then came -the Franks of France, and the Anglo-Saxons of England. In the ninth -and tenth centuries the edges of the German swords turned another way, -and Mecklenburg, Pomerania, Prussia, and part of Courland, Silesia, -Lusatia, and Saxony were wrested from the _Sarmatians_, lying to the -west and south-west. - -It is not unusual to raise the two divisions of the great Sarmatian -stock to the rank of separate substantive groups--independent of each -other, though intimately allied. In this case Lithuania, Livonia, -and Courland contain the smaller division, which is conveniently and -generally called the _Lithuanic_; the population being agricultural, -scanty, limited to the country in opposition to the towns, and -unimportant in the way of history; a population, which in the tenth and -eleventh centuries was cruelly conquered under the plea of Christianity -by the German Knights of the Sword--rivals in rapacity and bloodshed to -their equivalents of the Temple and St. John--a population which, at -the present moment, lies like iron between the hammer and the anvil, -between Russia and Prussia; and which, for one brief period only, -under the Jagellons, exercised the equivocal rights of a dominant -and encroaching family--for one brief period only within the true -historical aera. How far it may have done more at an earlier epoch -remains to be considered. - -The other branch is the _Slavonic_; comprising the Russians, the -Servians, the Illyrians, the Slovenians of Styria and Carinthia, the -Slovaks of Hungary, the Tsheks of Bohemia, and the Lekhs (or Poles) of -Poland, Mazovia, and Gallicia. A great deal is said about the future -prospects of this stock; the doctrine of certain able historians -being, that as they are the youngest of nations--a term somewhat -difficult to define--and have played but a small part in the world's -history hitherto, they have a grand career before them; a prospect -more glorious than that of the Romano-Keltic French, or the Germanic -English of the Old and New World. I doubt the inference, and I doubt -the fact on which it rests. But of this more anon. The Sarmatian -Slavono-Lithuanians are the fourth great family of Europe. They -certainly lie in the line of migration which peopled Ireland from Asia. - -South of these lie two branches of a fresh stock, divided from each -other, and presenting the difficult phaenomenon of geographical -discontinuity conjoined with ethnological affinity. Separated from -the most southern Slavonians by the two intrusive populations of -the Wallachians and the Majiars, and by the primitive family of the -Albanians, come-- - -_a._ _The Greeks_--and separated from the Slavonians of Carinthia -and Bohemia by intrusive Germans at the present moment, and by the -mysterious Etruscans in ancient times, come-- - -_b._ _The Italians._--We may call these two families Latin or Hellenic -instead of Greek and Italian, if we choose; and as the distribution of -nations is best studied during the earliest periods of their history, -the former terms are the better. - -Before we can consider the classification of these four -families--Ugrian, Kelt, Gothic, and Graeco-Latin--some fresh -observations and certain new facts are requisite. - -The ethnology of Europe is undoubtedly more difficult than that of any -of the three other quarters of the globe--perhaps more so than that of -all the world besides. It has not the character of being so--but so it -is. The more we know the more we may know. Illustrated as is Europe by -the historian and the antiquarian, it has its dark holes and corners -made all the more visible from the illumination. - -In the first place, the very fact of its being the home of the great -historical nations has made it the scene of unparalleled displacements; -for conquest is the great staple of history, and _conquest_ and -_displacement_ are correlative terms. A greater portion of Europe can -be shown to be held by either mixed or conquering nations than is to be -found elsewhere--not that this absolutely proves the encroachments to -have been greater; but that gives prominence to the greater degree in -which they have been recorded. Hence, where in other parts of the world -we shut up our papers and say _de non apparentibus_, &c., in Europe we -are forced upon the obscurest investigations, and the subtlest trains -of reasoning. - -How great is this displacement? The history of only a few out of many -of the conquering nations tells us a pregnant story in this respect. It -shows us what has taken place within the comparatively brief span of -the historical period. What lies beyond this it only suggests. - -The Ugrians with one exception have ever suffered from the -encroachments of others rather than been encroachers themselves. But -the exception is a remarkable one. - -It is that of the Majiars of Hungary, who, whatever claims they may -set up for an extraction more illustrious than the one which they -share with the Laplanders and Ostiaks, are unequivocally Ugrians--no -Circassians, as has been vainly fancied, and no descendants from the -Huns of Attila, as has been more reasonably supposed. This latter, -however, is a supposition invalidated by the high probability of the -warriors of the Scourge of God having been Turk. - -Be this, however, as it may, their advent into Europe is no earlier -than the tenth century, the country which they left having been the -present domain of the Bashkirs. - -The amount of displacement effected by the Kelts is difficult to -determine. We hear of them in so many places that the family seems -to be ubiquitous. Utterly disbelieving the Cimmerii of the Cimmerian -Bosphorus to have been Keltic, and doubtful about both the Scordisci -of the ancient Noricum, and the Celtiberians of ancient Spain, I am -inclined to limit the Keltic area at its _maximum_ extension, to Venice -westwards, and to the neighbourhood of Rome southwards. But this is not -enough. They may have been aboriginal in parts which they _seem_ to -have invaded as immigrants. This complicates the question and makes it -as hard to ascertain the extent of their encroachments on others, as -the extent to which others have encroached on them--a point for further -notice. - -The Goths have ever extended their frontier--a frontier which I believe -to have once reached no farther than the Elbe[25]. From thence to the -Niemen they have encroached at the expense of the Sarmatians--Slavonic -or Lithuanic as the case may be. - -In the time of Tacitus[25] it is highly probable that there were no -Goths north of the Eyder. Since then, however, Denmark, Sweden, and -Norway have been wrested from earlier occupants and become Scandinavian. - -The Ugrian family originally extended as far south as the Valdai -Mountains. This part of their area is now Russian. - -The conquests of Rome have given languages derived from the Latin to -Northern Italy, the Grisons, France, Spain and Portugal, Wallachia and -Moldavia. - -This brings us to another question, that of-- - -_Intermixture._--It is certain that the language of England is of -Anglo-Saxon origin, and that the remains of the original Keltic are -unimportant. It is by no means so certain that the blood of Englishmen -is equally Germanic. A vast amount of Kelticism, not found in our -tongue, very probably exists in our pedigrees. - -The ethnology of France is still more complicated. Many writers make -the Parisian a Roman on the strength of his language; whilst others -make him a Kelt on the strength of certain moral characteristics -combined with the previous Kelticism of the original Gauls. - -Spanish and Portuguese, as languages, are derivatives from the Latin. -Spain and Portugal, as countries, are Iberic, Latin, Gothic, and Arab -in different proportions. - -Italian is modern Latin all the world over: yet surely there must -be much Keltic blood in Lombardy, and much Etruscan intermixture in -Tuscany. - -In the ninth century every man between the Elbe and the Niemen spoke -some Slavonic dialect. They now nearly all speak German. Surely the -blood is less exclusively Gothic than the speech. - -I have not fallen in with any evidence which induces me to consider -the great Majiar invasion of Hungary as anything other than a simple -military conquest. If so--and the reasoning applies to nine conquests -out of ten--the female half of the ancestry of the present speakers of -the Majiar language must have been the women of the country. These were -Turk, Slavonic, Turko-Slavonic, Romano-Slavonic, and many other things -besides--anything, in short, but Majiar. - -The Grisons language is of Roman origin. - -So is the Wallachian of Wallachia and Moldavia. - -Nevertheless, in each country, the original population must be, more or -less, represented in blood by the present. - -This is enough to show what is meant by intermixture of blood, the -extent to which it demands a special investigation of its own, and the -number of such investigations required in the ethnology of Europe. -Indeed, it is the subject of a special department of the science, -conveniently called _minute ethnology_. - -_Identification of ancient nations, tribes, and families._--If there -were no such thing as migration and displacement, the study of the -ancient writers would be an easy matter. As it is, it is a very -difficult one. Nine-tenths of the names of Herodotus, Strabo, Caesar, -Pliny, Tacitus, and similar writers on ethnology and geography, are not -to be found in the modern maps; or, if found, occur in new localities. -Such is the case with the name of our own nation, the _Angli_, who -are now known as the people of _Engl-land_; whereas, in the eyes of -Tacitus they were Germans. Others have not only changed place, but have -become absolutely extinct. This is, of course, common enough. Again, -the _name_ itself may have changed, though the population to which it -applies may have remained the same, or name and place may have each -changed. - -All this creates difficulties, though not such as should deter us -from their investigation. At the same time, the criticism that must -be applied is of a special and peculiar sort. _One_ of the more -complex questions with which it has to deal is the necessary but -neglected preliminary of _determining the language in which this or -that geographical or ethnological name occurs_; which is by no means -an off-hand process. When Tacitus talks of _Germans_, or Herodotus of -_Scythians_, the terms _Scythian_ and _German_ may or may not belong -to the language of the people thus designated; in other words, they may -or may not be _native_ names--names known to the tribes to which the -geographer applies them. - -Generally such names are _not_ native--a statement which, at first, -seems hazardous; since the _prima facie_ view is in favour of the name -by which a particular nation is known to its neighbours, being the name -by which it characterizes itself. Do not our neighbours call themselves -_Francais_, whilst we say _French_, and are not the names identical? -In this particular case they are; but the case is an exceptional -one. Contrast with it that of the word _Welsh_. _Welsh_ and _Wales_ -are the _English_ names of the _Cymry_--English, but by no means -native; English, but as little _Welsh_ (strictly speaking) as the word -_Indian_, when applied to the Red Men of America, is _American_. - -_Welsh_ is the name by which the Englishman denotes his fellow-citizens -of the Principality. The German of Germany calls the _Italians_ by -the same designation; the same by which he knows the _Wallachians_ -also--since _Wallachia_ and _Wales_ and _Welschland_ are all from -the same root. What an error would it be to consider all these three -countries as identical, simply because they were so in name! Yet if -that name were _native_, such would be the inference. As it is, -however, the chief link which connects them is their common relation -to Germany (or Germanic England); a link which would have been wholly -misinterpreted had we overlooked the German origin of the term, and -erroneously referred it to the languages of the countries whereto it -had its application. - -An extract from Klaproth's 'Asia Polyglotta' shall further illustrate -this important difference between the name by which a nation is known -to itself, and the name by which it is known to its geographer. A -certain population of Siberia calls itself _Nyenech_ or _Khasovo_. But -_none_ of its neighbours so call it. On the contrary, each gives it a -different appellation. - - The Obi-Ostiaks call it _Jergan-Yakh_. - " Tungusians " _Dyandal_. - " Syranians " _Yarang_. - " Woguls " _Yarran-Kum_. - " Russians " _Samoeid_. - -What if some ancient tribe were thus polyonymous? What if five -different writers of antiquity had derived their information from the -five different nations of its neighbours? In such a case there would -have been five terms to one object; none of them belonging to the -language for which they were used. - -The name, then, itself of each ancient population requires a -preliminary investigation. And these names are numerous--more so in -Europe than elsewhere. - -The importance of the populations to which such names apply is greater -in Europe than elsewhere. It is safe to say this; because there is a -reason for it. From its excessive amount of displacement, Europe is -that part of the world where there are the best grounds for believing -in the previous existence of absolutely extinct families, or rather -in the absolute extinction of families previously existing. There are -no names in Asia that raise so many problems as those of the European -_Pelasgi_ and _Etrurians_. - -The changes and complications involved in the foregoing observations -(and they are but few out of many) are the results of comparatively -recent movements; of conquests accomplished within the last twenty-five -centuries; of migrations within (or nearly within) the historical -period. Those truly ethnological phaenomena which belong to the -_distribution itself_ of the existing families of Europe are, at least, -of equal importance. - -The most marked instances of _philological isolation_ are European; the -two chief specimens being the _Basque_ and _Albanian_ languages. - -The _Basque_ language of the Pyrenees has the same relation to the -ancient language of the Spanish Peninsula that the present Welsh -has to the old speech of Britain. It represents it in its fragments; -fragments, whereof the preservation is due to the existence of a -mountain stronghold for the aborigines to retire to. Now so isolated is -this same Basque that there is no language in the world which is placed -in the same class with it--no matter what the magnitude and import of -that class may be. - -The _Albanian_ is just as isolated. As different from the Greek, -Turkish and Slavonic tongues of the countries in its neighbourhood, -as the Basque is from the French, Spanish and Breton, it is equally -destitute of relations at a distance. It is _unclassed_--at least its -position as Indo-European is doubtful. - -What the Pelasgian and old Etruscan tongues were is uncertain. They -were probably sufficiently different from the languages of their -neighbourhood for the speakers of them to be mutually unintelligible. -Beyond this, however, they may have been anything or nothing in the -way of isolation. They _may_ have been as peculiar as the Basque and -Albanian. They _may_, on the other hand, have been just so unlike the -Greek and Latin as to have belonged to another class--the value of -that class being unascertained. Again, that class may or may not have -existing representatives amongst the tongues at present existing. I -give no opinion on this point. I only give prominence to the isolation -of the Basque and Albanian. We _know_ these last to be so different -from each other, and from all other tongues, as to come under none of -the recognized divisions in the way of ethnographical philology and its -classifications. - -_Indo-Germanic._--This brings us to the term _Indo-Germanic_; and -the term _Indo-Germanic_ brings us to the retrospect of the European -populations--all of which, now in existence, have been enumerated, but -all of which have not been classified. - -I. The Ugrians are a branch of the Turanians. - -The Turanians form either a whole class or the part of one, according -to the light in which we view them; in other words, the group has -one value in philology, and another in anatomy. This is nothing -extraordinary. It merely means that their speech has more prominent -characters than their physical conformation. - -I proceed, however, to our specification:-- - -_a._ The Turanians in respect to their _physical conformation_ are -a branch of the _Mongolians_; the Chinese, Eskimo and others, being -members of similar and equivalent divisions. - -_b._ In respect to their _language_, they are the highest group -recognized, a group subordinate to none other. - -To change the expression of this difference, the anatomical naturalist -of the Human Species has in the word _Mongolian_ a term of generality -to which the philologist has not arrived. - -II. The Greeks and Latins--the Sarmatians--and the Germans are -referrible to a higher group; a group of much the same value as the -Turanian. - -The characteristics of this group are philological. - -_a._ The _numerals_ of the three great divisions are alike. - -_b._ A large per-centage of the names of the commoner objects are alike. - -_c._ The signs of _case_ in nouns, and of _person_ in verbs, are alike. - -So wide has been the geographical extent of the populations speaking -languages thus connected (languages which separated from the common -mother-tongue subsequent to the evolution of both the cases of nouns -and the persons of verbs), that the literary language of India belongs -to the class in question. Hence, when this fact became known, and when -India passed for the _eastern_ and Germany for the _western_ extremity -of the great area of this great tongue, the term _Indo-Germanic_ -became current. - -But its currency was of no long duration. Dr. Prichard showed that -the Keltic tongues had Indo-Germanic numerals, a certain per-centage -of Indo-Germanic names for the commoner objects, and Indo-Germanic -personal terminations of verbs. Since then, the Keltic has been -considered as a fixed language, with a definite place in the -classification of the philologist; and the term _Indo-European_[26], -expressive of the class to which, along with the Sarmatian, the -Gothic, and the Classical tongues of Greece and Italy, it belongs, has -superseded the original compound _Indo-Germanic_. - -We now know what is meant by _Indo-European_; a term of, at least, -equal generality with the term _Turanian_. - -_a._ In _physical conformation_ the Indo-Europeans are a branch of the -higher division so improperly and inconveniently called _Caucasian_. - -_b._ In _language_ they are the highest group hitherto recognized, a -group subordinate to none other. - -And we have also improved our measure of the isolation of the-- - -III. _Basques._--Anatomically these are _Caucasian_ so-called. -Philologically, they are the only members of the group to which -they belong, and that group is the highest recognized. They are like -a species in natural history, which is the only one of its genus, -the genus being the only one of its order, and the order being so -indeterminate as to have no higher class to which it is subordinate. - -IV. _The Albanians_ are in the same predicament. - -This is the state of classification which pre-eminently inspires -us with the ambition of making higher groups; higher groups in -_philology_, since in _anatomy_ we have them ready-made--_i. e._ -expressed by the terms Mongolian and Caucasian. The school which has -made the most notable efforts in this way is the Scandinavian. In -England it is, perhaps, better appreciated than in Germany, and in -Germany better than in France. - -I think it had great truth in fragments. It will first be considered -on its philological side. Rask--the greatest genius for comparative -philology that the world has seen--exhibited the germs of it in his -work on the Zendavesta. Herein his hypothesis was as follows. The -geologist will follow him with ease. Just as the later formations, -isolated and unconnected of themselves, lie on an earlier, and -comparatively continuous, substratum of secondary, palaeozoic or primary -antiquity, so do the populations speaking Celtic, Gothic, Slavonic, -and Classical languages. Conquerors and encroachers wherever they -came in contact with stocks alien to their own, they made, at an -early period of history, nine-tenths of Europe and part of Asia their -own. But before them lay an aboriginal population--_before them_ in -the way of _time_. This consisted of tribes, more or less related to -each other, which filled Europe from the North Cape to Cape Comorin -and Gibraltar--progenitors of the Laplanders on the north, and the -progenitors of the Basques of the Pyrenees on the south--_all at one -time continuous_. This time was the period anterior to the invasion of -the oldest of the above-mentioned families. More than this--Hindostan -was similarly peopled; and, by assumption, the parts between Northern -Hindostan and Europe. - -Such the theory. Now let us look to the present distribution. Almost -all Europe is what is called Indo-European, _i.e._ Celtic, Gothic, -Slavonic, or Classical. But it is not wholly so. In Scandinavia we -have the Laps; in Northern Russia the Finns; on the junction of Spain -and France the Basques. These are fragments of the once continuous -Aborigines--separated from each other by Celts, Goths, and Slavonians. -Then, as to India. In the Dekhan we have a family of languages called -the Tamul--isolated also. Between each of these points the population -is homogeneous as compared with itself; heterogeneous as compared with -the tribes just enumerated. But there was once a continuity--even as -the older rocks in geology are connected, whilst the newer ones are -dissociated. - -Such was the hypothesis of Rask; an hypothesis to which he applied -the epithet _Finnic_--since the Finn of Finland was the type and -sample of these early, aboriginal, hypothetically continuous, and -hypothetically connected tongues. The invasion, however, of the -stronger Indo-Europeans broke them up. Be it so. It was a grand guess; -even if wrong, a grand and a suggestive one. Still it was but a guess. -I will not say that no details were worked out. Some few were indicated. - -Points which connected tongues so distant as the Tamul and the Finn -were noticed--but more than this was not done. Still, it was a doctrine -which, if it were proved false, was better than a large per-centage -of the true ones. It taught inquirers where to seek the affinities of -apparently isolated languages; and it bade them pass over those in the -neighbourhood and look to the quarters where other tongues equally -isolated presented themselves. - -I have mentioned Rask as the apostle of it. Arndt, I am told, was the -originator. The countrymen, however, of Rask have been those who have -most acted on it. - -But they took up the weapon at the other end. It is the _anatomists_ -and _archaeologists_ of Scandinavia who have worked it most. The Celts -have a skull of their own just as they have a language. So have the -Danes, Swedes, Norwegians, Germans, Dutch, and Englishmen. Never -mind its characteristics. Suffice, that it was--or was supposed -to be--different from that of the Finns and Basques. So had the -Hindus--different from that of the Tamuls. Now the burial-places of the -present countries of the different Gothic populations contain skulls -of the Gothic character only up to a certain point. The _very oldest_ -stand in contrast with the oldest forms but one. The _very oldest_ are -Lap, Basque, and Tamul. Surely this--if true--confirms the philological -theory. But is it true? I am not inclined to change the terms already -used. It is a grand and a suggestive _guess_. - -More than this it is not necessary to say at present; since any further -speculation in respect to the migration (_or migrations_) which peopled -Europe from the hypothetical centre in Asia is premature. The ethnology -of Asia is necessary as a preliminary. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[23] When ethnological medicine shall have become more extensively -studied than it is, it will probably be seen that the populations of -the area in question are those which are most afflicted by scrofula. - -[24] A table showing this is printed in the author's 'Varieties of -Man,' pp. 270-272. - -[25] Both these points are worked out in detail in the Author's _Taciti -Germania, with ethnological notes_. - -[26] For a criticism on this term see pp. 86-89. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - - The Monosyllabic Area--the T'hay--the Mon and Kho--Tables--the B'hot-- - the Chinese--Burmese--Persia--India--Tamulian family--the Brahui-- - the Dioscurians--the Georgians--Iron--Mizjeji--Lesgians--Armenians-- - Asia Minor--Lycians--Carians--Paropamisans--Conclusion. - - -Our plan is now to take up the different lines of migration at the -points where they were respectively broken off. This was at their -different points of contact with Asia. The first line was-- - -I. _The American._--In affiliating the American with the Asiatic, the -ethnologist is in the position of an irrigator, who supplies some wide -tract of thirsty land with water derived from a higher level, but kept -from the parts below by artificial embankments. These he removes; -his process being simple but effectual, and wholly independent of -the clever machinery of pumps, water-wheels, and similar branches of -hydraulics. The obstacle being taken away, gravitation does the rest. - -The over-valuation of the Eskimo peculiarities is the great obstacle -in American ethnology. When these are cut down to their due level, the -connexion between America and Asia is neither more nor less than one -of the clearest we have. It is certainly clearer than the junction -of Africa and north-western Asia; not more obscure than that between -Oceanica and the Transgangetic Peninsula; and incalculably less -mysterious than that which joins Asia to Europe. - -Indeed, there is no very great break, either philologically or -anatomically, until we reach the confines of China. Here, the physical -conformation keeps much the same: the language, however, becomes -_monosyllabic_. - -Now many able writers lay so much stress upon this monosyllabic -character, as to believe that the separation between the tongues so -constituted and those wherein we have an increase of syllables with a -due amount of inflexion besides, is too broad to be got over. If speech -were a mineral, this might, perhaps, be true. But speech _grows_, and -if one philological fact be more capable of proof than another, it is -that of a monosyllabic and uninflected tongue being a polysyllabic -and inflected one in its first stage of development--or rather in its -_non_-development. - -The Kamskadale, the Koriak, the Aino-Japanese, and the Korean are the -Asiatic languages most like those of America. Unhesitatingly as I -make this assertion--an assertion for which I have numerous tabulated -vocabularies as proof--I am by no means prepared to say that one-tenth -part of the necessary work has been done for the parts in question; -indeed, it is my impression that it is easier to connect America with -the Kurile Isles and Japan, &c., than it is to make Japan and the -Kurile Isles, &c., Asiatic. The group which they form belongs to an -area where the displacements have been very great. The Kamskadale -family is nearly extinct. The Koreans, who probably occupied a great -part of Mantshuria, have been encroached on by both the Chinese and the -Mantshus. The same has been the case with the Ainos of the lower Amur. -Lastly, the whole of the northern half of China was originally in the -occupancy of tribes who were probably intermediate to their Chinese -conquerors, the Mantshus and the Koreans. - -That the philological affinities necessary for making out the Asiatic -origin of the Americans lie anywhere but on the surface of the -language, I confess. Of the way whereby they should be looked for, the -following is an instance. - -The _Yukahiri_ is an Asiatic language of the Kolyma and Indijirka. -Compare its numerals with those of the other tribes in the direction of -America. They differ. They are not Koriak, not Kamskadale, by no means -Eskimo; nor yet Koluch. Before we find the name of a single Yukahiri -unit reappearing in other languages, we must go as far south along the -western coast of America as the parts about Vancouver's Island. There -we find the Hailtsa tongue--where _maluk_ = _two_. Now the Yukahiri -term for _two_ is not _maluk_. It is a word which I do not remember. -Nevertheless, _maluk_ = _two_ does exist in the Yukahiri. The word for -_eight_ is _maluk_ times the term for four (2 * 4). - -This phaenomenon would be repeated in English if our numerals ran -thus:--1. _one_; 2. _pair_; 4. _four_; 8. _two-fours_; in which case -all arguments based upon the correspondence or non-correspondence -of the English numerals with those of Germany and Scandinavia would -be as valid as if the word _two_ were the actual name of the second -unit. Indeed, in one respect they would be more so. The peculiar way -in which the Hailtsa _maluk_ reappears in the Yukahiri is conclusive -against the name being _borrowed_. Whether it is _accidental_ is quite -another question. This depends upon the extent to which it is a single -coincidence, or one out of many. All that is attempted, at present, is -to illustrate the extent to which resemblances may be disguised, and -the consequent care requisite for detecting them[27]. - -II. _The connexion between Oceanica and South-eastern Asia._--The -physical conformation of the Malays is so truly that of the -Indo-Chinese, that no difficulties lie in this department. The -philological ones are a shade graver. They involve the doubt already -suggested in respect to the relations between a monosyllabic tongue -like the Siamese, and a tongue other than monosyllabic like the Malay. - -This brings us to the great area of the monosyllabic tongues itself. -_Geographically_, it means China, Tibet, the Transgangetic Peninsula, -and the Sub-Himalayan parts of northern India, such as Nepal, Sikkim, -Assam, the Garo country, and other similar localities. - -_Politically_, it means the Chinese, Nepalese, Burmese and Siamese -empires, along with several British-Indian and independent tribes. - -The chief _religion_ is Buddhism; the physical conformation -unequivocally _Mongolian_. - -The transition from _mono_-syllabic to _poly_-syllabic has never -created much difficulty with myself: nor do I think it will do so -with any writer who considers the greater difficulties involved in -the denial of it. What these are will become apparent when we look -at the map of Asia, and observe the tongues which come in contact -with those of the class in question. Then it will become clear -that _unless we allow it to form a connecting link, it not only -stands alone itself, but isolates other families_. Thus, it is only -through the Transgangetic Peninsula that the _Oceanic_ family can -be connected with the _Indian_; a connexion which rests on grounds -sufficiently good to have induced careful writers[28] to believe the -affiliation to be _direct_ and _immediate_. It is only through this -same Transgangetic Peninsula _plus_ Tibet and China that the great -Siberian families--Turanian and Japanese--can be similarly connected -with the Oceanic. Yet such a connexion really exists, though, from its -indirect character, it is but partially recognised. Nevertheless, it -_is_ recognised (often, perhaps, unconsciously) by every inquirer who -hesitates about separating the Malay from the Mongol. - -A difficulty of far greater magnitude arises from the following -considerations:--There are two principles upon which languages may be -classified. According to the first, we take two or more languages as -we find them, ascertain certain of their characteristics, and then -inquire how far these characteristics coincide. Two or more languages, -thus taken, may agree in having a large per-centage of grammatical -inflexions, in which case they would agree in certain _positive_ -characters. On the other hand, two or more languages may agree in -the _negative_ fact of having a small and scanty vocabulary, and an -inflexional system equally limited. - -The complication here suggested lies in a fact of which a little -reflection will show the truth, viz. that _negative points of -similarity prove nothing in the way of ethnological connexion_; whence, -as far as the simplicity of their respective grammars is concerned, the -Siamese, Burmese, Chinese and Tibetan may be as little related to each -other, or to a common mother-tongue, as the most unlike languages of -the whole world of Speech. - -Again--it by no means follows that because all the tongues of the -family in question are comparatively destitute of inflexion, they are -all in the same class. A characteristic of the kind may arise from -two reasons; _non_-development, or loss. There is a stage _anterior_ -to the evolution of inflexions, when each word has but one form, and -when relation is expressed by mere juxtaposition, with or without the -superaddition of a change of accent. The tendencies of this stage are -to combine words in the way of composition, but not to go further. -Every word retains, throughout, its separate substantive character, -and has a meaning independent of its juxtaposition with the words with -which it combines. - -But there is also a stage _subsequent_ to such an evolution, when -inflexions have become obliterated and when case-endings, like -the _i_ in _patr-i_, are replaced by prepositions (in some cases -by postpositions) like the _to_ in _to father_; and when personal -endings, like the _o_ in _voc-o_, are replaced by pronouns, like the -_I_ in _I call_. Of the _first_ of these stages, the Chinese is the -language which affords the most typical specimen that can be found in -the present _late_ date of languages--_late_, considering that we are -looking for a sample of its earliest forms. Of the _last_ of these -stages the English of the year 1851 affords the most typical specimen -that can be found in the present _early_ date of language--early, -considering that we are looking for a sample of its latest forms. - -Hence-- - -_a._ How far the different monosyllabic tongues are _all_ in the same -stage--is one question. - -_b._ Whether this stage be the _earlier_ or the _later_ one--is -another; and-- - -_c._ Whether they are connected by _relationship_ as well as in -_external form_--is a third. - -In answer to this, it is safe to say (a.) that they are _all_ -uninflected, because inflexions have yet to be evolved; not because -they have been evolved and lost--as is the case with the English, a -language which stands at one end of the scale, just as the Chinese does -at the other. - -(b.) They are, also, all connected by a _bona fide_ ethnological -relationship; as can be shown by numerous tables; the Chinese and -Tibetans being, apparently, the two extremes, in the way of difference. - -As for their geographical distribution, it is a blank-and-prize -lottery, with large and small areas in juxtaposition and contrast, just -as has been the case in America and in Africa; the Sub-Himalayan parts -of British India, Sikkim and Nepal, and the Indo-Burmese frontier -(or the country about Assam and Munipur) being the tracts where the -multiplicity of mutually unintelligible tongues within a limited -district is greatest. - -Again--whenever the latter distribution occurs we have either a -mountain-fastness, political independence, or the primitive pagan -creed--generally all three. - -The population speaking a monosyllabic language which is in the most -immediate contact with the continental tribes of the Oceanic stock, -is the Southern Siamese. This reaches as far as the northern frontier -of Kedah (Quedah), about 8 deg. N. L. Everything north of this is -monosyllabic; with the exception of a Malay settlement (probably, -though not certainly, of recent origin) on the coast of Kambogia. - -Now the great stock to which the Siamese belong is called T'hay. Its -direction is from north to south, coinciding with the course of the -great river Menam; beyond the head-waters of which the T'hay tribes -reach as far as Assam. Of these northern T'hay, the _Khamti_ are the -most numerous; and it is important to know that as many as 92 words -out of 100 are common to this dialect and to the classical Siamese of -Bankok. - -Again, the intermediate tribes of the Upper and Middle Menam--the -Lau--speak a language as unequivocally Siamese as the Khamti. If so, -the T'hay tongue, widely extended as it is in the particular direction -from north to south, is a tongue falling into but few dialects; the -inference from which is, that it has spread within a comparatively -recent period. Consequently, it has encroached upon certain other -populations and effected certain displacements. - -I think that even in the minuter details that now suggest themselves we -can see our way; so far, at least, as to determine in which direction -the movement took place--whether it were from north to south or from -south to north. - -Few classes of tongues can be better studied for ethnological purposes -than the monosyllabic. A paper of Buchanan's, and another of Leyden's, -are amongst the most valuable articles of the Asiatic Researches. One -of Mr. Brown's in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal gives us -numerous tabulated vocabularies for the Burmese, Assamese and Indian -frontiers. Mr. Hodgson and Dr. Robertson have done still more for the -same parts. Lastly, the chief southern dialects, which have been less -studied, are tabulated in the second volume of 'Crawfurd's Embassy to -Siam.' - -Upon looking over these, we find specimens of the two tongues which -lie east and west of the southern Siamese; the first being the _Kho_ -language of Kambogia, and the second the _Mon_ of Pegu. Each of these -is spoken over a small area; indeed the Mon, which is, at present, -nearly limited to the Delta of the Irawaddi, is fast giving way before -the encroaching dialects of the Burmese class, whilst the Kho of -Kambogia is similarly limited to the lower part of the Mekhong, and is -hemmed in by the Siamese, the Lau, and the Anamitic of Cochin China. - -Now, separated as they are, the Mon and Kho are liker to each other -than either is to the interjacent Siamese; the inference from this -being that at one time they were connected by transitional and -intermediate dialects, aboriginal to the lower Menam, but now displaced -by the Siamese of Bankok introduced from the parts to the northwards. - -If this be the case, the monosyllabic tongue most closely allied to -those of the Malayan Peninsula (which are _not_ monosyllabic) is -not the present Siamese, but the language which the present Siamese -displaced. - -How far this view is confirmed by any special affinities between -the Malay dialects with the Mon and Kho is more than I can say. The -examination, however, should be made. - -The _southern_ T'hay dialects are not only less like the Mon and Kho -than is expected from their locality, but the _northern_ ones are less -like those of the Indo-Burmese frontier and Assam than the geographical -contiguity prepares us to surmise; since the per-centage of words -common to the Khamti and the other dialects of Munipur and Assam is -only as follows[29]. - - Siamese. Khamti. - 0 1 per cent. with the Aka. - 0 1 " " Abor. - 3 5 " " Mishimi. - 6 8 " " Burmese. - 8 8 " " Karien. - 3 3 " " Singpho. - 10 10 " " Jili. - 1 3 " " Garo. - 3 3 " " Munipuri. - 1 1 " " Songphu. - 0 0 " " Kapwi. - 1 1 " " Koreng. - 0 0 " " Maram. - 0 0 " " Kamphung. - 0 0 " " Luhuppa. - 0 0 " " North Tankhul. - 0 0 " " Central Tankhul. - 0 0 " " South Tankhul. - 0 0 " " Khoibu. - 0 0 " " Maring. - -This shows that their original locality is to be sought in an _eastern_ -as well as in a _northern_ direction. - -If the T'hay dialects are less like the Burmese than most other members -of their class, they are more like the B'hot of Tibet. - - _English_ boat. - Ahom _ru._ - Khamti _hu._ - Lau _heic._ - Siamese _reng._ - W. Tibetan[30] _gru._ - S. Tibetan[30] _kua._ - - _English_ bone. - Khamti _nuk._ - Lau _duk._ - Siamese _ka-duk._ - S. Tibetan _ruko._ - - _English_ crow. - Ahom _ka._ - Khamti _ka._ - Lau _ka._ - Siamese _ka._ - W. Tibetan _kha-ta._ - - _English_ ear. - Khamti (3) _hu._ - W. Tibetan _sa._ - S. Tibetan _amcho._ - - _English_ egg. - Ahom _khrai._ - Khamti _khai._ - Lau _khai._ - Siamese _khai._ - - _English_ father. - Ahom (3) _po._ - W. Tibetan _pha._ - S. Tibetan _pala._ - - _English_ fire. - Ahom (3) _fai._ - W. Tibetan _ma._ - S. Tibetan _me._ - - _English_ flower. - Ahom _blok._ - Khamti _mok._ - Lau _dok._ - Siamese _dokmai._ - W. Tibetan _me-tog._ - S. Tibetan _men-tok._ - - _English_ foot. - Ahom _tin._ - W. Tibetan _{r}kang-pa._ - S. Tibetan _kango._ - - _English_ hair. - Ahom _phrum._ - Khamti _phom._ - Lau _phom._ - Siamese _phom._ - W. Tibetan _skra._ - ---- _spu._ - S. Tibetan _ta._ - ---- _kra._ - - _English_ head. - Ahom _ru._ - Khamti _ho._ - Lau _ho._ - Siamese _hoa._ - W. Tibetan _mgo._ - S. Tibetan _go._ - - _English_ moon. - Siamese _tawan._ - W. Tibetan _{z}lava._ - S. Tibetan _dawa._ - - _English_ mother. - Ahom (4) _me._ - Tibetan _ama._ - - _English_ night. - Khamti (3) _khun._ - W. Tibetan _m tshan-mo._ - S. Tibetan _chen-mo._ - - _English_ oil. - Ahom _man gra._ - Khamti _nam._ - ---- _man._ - Lau (2) _nam._ - ---- _man._ - S. Tibetan _num._ - - _English_ road. - Ahom (2) _tang._ - Siamese _thang._ - W. Tibetan _lami._ - S. Tibetan _lani._ - - _English_ salt. - Ahom _klu._ - Khamti _ku._ - Lau _keu._ - ---- _keou._ - Siamese _kleua._ - - _English_ skin. - Ahom _plek._ - W. Tibetan _pag-spa._ - S. Tibetan _pag-pa._ - - _English_ tooth. - Ahom _khiu._ - Khamti _khiu._ - Lau _khiau._ - Siamese _khiau._ - Tibetan _so._ - - _English_ tree. - Ahom _tun._ - Khamti _tun._ - Lau _ton._ - Siamese _ton._ - W. Tibetan _l. jon-shing._ - S. Tibetan _shin dong._ - - _English_ three. - Ahom (3) _sam._ - W. Tibetan _q-sum._ - S. Tibetan _sum._ - - _English_ four. - Ahom (3) _si._ - W. Tibetan _bzhi._ - S. Tibetan _zhyi._ - - _English_ five. - Ahom (3) _ha._ - W. Tibetan _hna._ - S. Tibetan _gna._ - - _English_ six. - Ahom _ruk._ - Siamese (3) _hok._ - W. Tibetan _druk._ - S. Tibetan _thu._ - - _English_ nine. - Ahom (3) _kau._ - W. Tibetan _d-gu._ - S. Tibetan _guh._ - - _English_ in, on. - Ahom _nu._ - Khamti _nau._ - Lau _neu._ - Tibetan _la, na._ - - _English_ now. - Ahom _tinai._ - Khamti _tsang._ - Lau _leng._ - W. Tibetan _deng-tse._ - S. Tibetan _thanda._ - - _English_ to-morrow. - Ahom _sang-manai._ - Tibetan _sang._ - - _English_ drink. - Siamese _deum._ - W. Tibetan _{p}thung._ - S. Tibetan _thung._ - - _English_ sleep. - Ahom (2) _non._ - W. Tibetan _nyan._ - S. Tibetan _nye._ - - _English_ laugh. - Ahom _khru._ - Khamti _kho._ - Lau _khoa._ - Siamese _hoaro._ - W. Tibetan _{b}gad._ - S. Tibetan _{f}ga._ - -[30] S. means the _spoken_, W. the _written_ Tibetan. The collation has -been made from a table of Mr. Hodgson's in the Journal of the Asiatic -Society of Bengal. The Ahom is a T'hay dialect. - -The B'hot itself is spoken over a large area with but little -variation. We anticipate the inference. It is an intrusive tongue, -of comparatively recent diffusion. What has been its direction? From -east to west rather than from west to east; at least such is the -deduction from its similarity to the T'hay, and from the multiplicity -of dialects--representatives of a receding population--in the Himalayas -of Nepal and Sikkim. This, however, is a point on which I speak with -hesitation. - -Dialects of the B'hot class are spoken as far westward as the parts -about Cashmir and the watershed of the Indus and Oxus. This gives us -the greatest extent eastwards of any unequivocally monosyllabic tongue. - -The Chinese seem to have effected displacements as remarkable for -both breadth and length as the T'hay were for length. We get at their -original locality by the exhaustive process. On the northern and -western frontier they keep encroaching at the present moment--at the -expense of the Mantshus and Mongolians. For the provinces of Chansi, -Pe-tche-li, Chantung, Honan, &c., indeed, for four-fifths of the whole -empire, the uniformity of speech indicates a recent diffusion. In -Setshuen and Yunnan the type changes probably from that of the true -Chinese to the Tibetan, T'hay and Burmese. In Tonkin and Cochin the -language is like but different--like enough to be the only monosyllabic -language which is placed by any one in the same section with the -Chinese, but different enough to make this position of it a matter of -doubt with many. Putting all this together, the south and south-eastern -provinces of China appear to be the oldest portions of the present area. - -In fixing upon these as the parent provinces, the evidence of ethnology -on the one side, and that of the mass of tradition and inference which -passes under the honourable title of Chinese history on the other, -disagree. This latter is as follows:-- - -At some period anterior to 550 =B.C.=, the first monarch with whom -the improvement of China began, and whose name was Yao, ruled over a -small portion of the present empire, viz. its _north-west_ district; -and the first nations that he fought against were the Yen and Tsi, in -Pe-tche-li and Shantong respectively. - -Later still, Honan was conquered. - -=B.C.= 550. All to the south of the Ta-keang was barbarous; and the -title of King of Chinese was only _Vang_ or _prince_, not _Hoang-te_ or -_Emperor_. - -At this time Confucius lived. Amongst other things he wrote the -_Tschan-tsen_, or Annals of his own time. - -=B.C.= 213. Shi-hoang-ti, the first Emperor of all China, built the -great wall, colonized Japan, conquered the parts about Nankin, and -_purposely destroyed all the previously existing documents upon which -he could lay hand_. - -=B.C.= 94. Sse-mats-sian lived. What Shi-hoang-ti missed in the way -of records, Sse-mats-sian preserved, and, as such, passes for the -Herodotus China. - -A destruction of the earlier records, with a subsequent reconstruction -of the history which they are supposed to have embodied, is always -suspicious; and when once the principle of reconstruction is admitted, -no value can be attached to the intrinsic probability of a narration. -It may be probable. It may be true. It cannot, however, be historical -unless supported by historical testimony; since, if true, it is a -guess; and if probable, a specimen of the tact of the inventor. At -best, it can but be a _tradition_ or an _inference_, the basis of which -may be a certain amount of fact--little or great according to the -temperament of the investigator. - -Now, in the previous notice of the history of Chinese civilization, we -have placed its claims to a high antiquity under as favourable a point -of view as is allowable. They bear the appearance of truth--so much so, -that if we had reason to believe that there were any means of recording -them at so early an epoch as 600 years =B.C.=, and of preserving them -to so late a one as the year '51, scepticism would be impertinent. But -this is not the case. An historical fact must be taken upon evidence, -not upon probabilities; and to argue the antiquity of a civilization -like the Chinese from the antiquity of its history, and afterwards to -claim an historical value for remote traditions on the strength of an -early civilization, is to argue in a circle. - -Without saying that _all_ argument upon the antiquity of the Chinese -Empire is of this sort, it may fairly be said that _much_ of it has -been so--so much as to make Confucius as mythological a character -as Minos, and to bring the earliest reasonable records to an epoch -subsequent to the introduction of Buddhism from India. Even this -antiquity is only probable. - -A square block of land between the Ganges and Upper Irawaddi is -occupied by one dominant, and upwards of thirty subordinate sections -of one and the same population--the _Burmese_. Some of these are -mountaineers, and have retreated before the Indians from the south -and west--encroachers upon the originally Burmese countries of Assam, -Chittagong and Sylhet. Others are themselves intruders, or (what is -much the same) consolidators of conquered countries. Such are the Avans -of the Burmese Empire, properly so called, who seem to have followed -the course of the Irawaddi, displacing not only small tribes akin to -themselves, but the Mon of Pegu, as well. Lastly, the Kariens emulate -the T'hay in the length of their area and in its north-and-south -direction, being found in the southern part of the Tenasserim Provinces -(in 11 deg. N. L.) and on the very borders of China (in 23 deg. N. L.). - -No great family has its distribution so closely coincident with a -water-system as the one in question. The plateau of Mongolia and the -Himalayas are its boundaries. It occupies the whole[31] of all the -rivers which rise within these limits, and fall into either the Bay of -Bengal or the Chinese Sea; whereas (with the exception of the Himalayan -portions of the Indus and the Ganges) it occupies none of the others. -The lines of migration with the Indo-Chinese populations have generally -followed the water-courses of the Indo-Chinese rivers; and civilization -has chiefly flourished along their valleys. Yet, as these lead to an -ocean interrupted by no fresh continent, the effect of their direction -has been to isolate the nations who possess them. I imagine that this -has much more to do with peculiarities of the Chinese civilization than -aught else. Had the Hoang-ho fallen into a sea like the Mediterranean, -the Celestial Empire would, probably, have given and taken in the way -of social and political influence, have acted on the manners of the -world at large, and have itself been reacted on. Differences should -only be attributed to so indefinite and so impalpable a force as _race_ -when all other things are equal. - -Upon the principle of taking the questions in the order of complexity, -so as to dispose of the simplest first, I pass over, for the present, -the connexion between Africa and South-Western Asia, and take the -easier of the two European ones. - -_The Turanians._--The line which, beginning at Lapland, and, after -exhibiting the great Turanian affiliations, ends at the wall of China, -comprising the Ugrians, Samoeids[32], Yeniseians[32], Yukahiri[32], -Turks, Mongols, and Tungusians[33], is connected with the area of the -monosyllabic languages in different degrees of clearness according to -the criterion employed. The physical conformation is nearly identical. -The languages differ--the Turanian, like the Oceanic and the American, -being inflected and polysyllabic[34]. With this difference, the -complexities of the affiliation begin and end. Their amount has been -already suggested. - -A great part of Northern Europe, Independent Tartary, Siberia, -Mongolia, Tibet, China, and the Transgangetic Peninsula, has now been -disposed of. Nevertheless, India, Persia, Asia Minor, and Caucasus -remain; in size inconsiderable, in difficulty great--greatly difficult -because the points of contact between Europe and Asia, and Africa -and Asia, fall within this area; greatly difficult because the -displacements have been enormous; greatly difficult because, besides -displacement, there has been intermixture as well. Lest any one -undervalue the displacement, let him look at Asia Minor, which is now -Turk, which has been Roman, Persian and Greek, and which has no single -unequivocal remnant of its original population throughout its whole -length and breadth. Yet, great as this is, it is no more than what we -expect _a priori_. What families are and have been more encroaching -than the populations hereabouts--Turks from the north, Arabs from the -south, and Persians from the east? The oldest empires of the world lie -here--and old empires imply early consolidation; early consolidation, -premature displacement. Then come the phaenomena of intermixture. In -India there is a literary language of considerable age, and full of -inflexions. Of these inflexions not one in ten can be traced in any -modern tongue throughout the whole of Asia. Yet they are rife and -common in many European ones. Again, the _words_ of this same language, -_minus_ its inflexions, are rife and common in the very tongues where -the inflexions are wanting; in some cases amounting to nine-tenths of -the language. What is the inference from this? Not a very clear one at -any rate. - -Africa has but one point of contact with Asia, _i.e._ Arabia. It -is safe to say this, because, whether we carry the migration over -the Isthmus of Suez or the Straits of Babel-Mandeb, the results are -similar. The Asiatic stock, in either case, is the same--Semitic. But -Europe, in addition to its other mysteries, has two; perhaps three. One -of these is simple enough--that of the Lap line and the Turanian stock. -But the others are not so. It is easy to make the Ugrians Asiatic; but -by no means easy to connect the other Europeans with the Ugrians. The -Sarmatians, nearest in geography, have never been very successfully -affiliated with them. Indeed, so unwilling have writers been to admit -this relationship, that the Finnic hypothesis, with all its boldness, -has appeared the better alternative. Yet the Finnic hypothesis is but a -guess. Even if it be not so, it only embraces the Basks and Albanians; -so that the so-called Indo-Europeans still stand over. - -For reasons like these, the parts forthcoming will be treated with far -greater detail than those which have preceded; with nothing like the -detail of _minute_ ethnology, but still slowly and carefully. - -All that thus stands over for investigation is separated from the area -already disposed of by that line of mountains which is traced from the -Garo Hills in the north-east of Bengal to the mouth of the Kuban in the -Black Sea. First come the Eastern Himalayas, which, roughly speaking, -may be said to divide the Indian kingdoms and dependencies from the -Chinese Empire. They do not do so exactly, but they do so closely -enough for the present purpose. - -They may also be said, in the same way, to divide the nations of the -Hindu from those of more typically Mongolian conformation. - -They may also be said, in the same way, to divide the Indian tongues -from the monosyllabic. - -On the _north_ side of this range, languages undoubtedly, monosyllabic -are spoken as far westwards as Little Tibet. On the _south_ there are -Hindu characteristics both numerous and undoubted as far in the same -direction as _Cashmir_. - -Then comes a change. To the north and west of Cashmir is a _Kohistan_, -or _mountain-country_, which will soon require being described in -detail. The line, however, which we are at present engaged upon is -that of the northern boundary of the Valley of the Kabul River, the -mountains between Cabul and Herat, and the continuation of the same -ridge from Herat to the south-eastern corner of the Caspian. _North_ of -this we have--roughly speaking--the Uzbek and Turcoman Turks; south of -it, the Afghans and Persians Proper. Bokhara, however, is Persian, and -the _Kohistan_ in question is _not_ Turk--whatever else it may be. - -To proceed--this line runs nearly parallel to the southern shore -of the Caspian. Of the provinces to the north of it, Asterabad is -partly Turk and partly Persian; Mazenderan and Ghilan, Persian. From -Ghilan northwards and westwards, the valleys of the Cyrus and Araxes -form the chief exception--but, saving these, all is mountain and -mountaineership. Indeed, it is Ararat and Armenia which lie on our -left, and the vast and vague Caucasus which rears itself in front. - -The simplest ethnology of the parts between this range, the Semitic -area, and the sea, is that of the Persian province of Khorasan. With -Persia we are so much in the habit of connecting ideas of Eastern pomp -and luxury, that we are scarcely able to give it its true geographical -conditions of general sterility. Yet it is really a desert with -oases--a desert with oases for the far greater part of its area. And -of all its provinces few are more truly so than Khorasan. Here we -have a great elevated central table-land; pre-eminently destitute of -rivers; and with but few towns. Of these Yezd is the chief in interest: -the head-quarters of remains of the old fire-worship: Yezd the city -of the Parsees, more numerous there than in all the others in Persia -besides. Perhaps, too, it is the ethnological centre of the Persian -stock; since in a westerly direction they extend to Kurdistan, and in a -north-eastern one as far as Badukshan and Durwaz on the source of the -Oxus. - -The northern frontier is Turcoman, where the pastoral robbers of the -parts between Bokhara and the Caspian encroach, and have encroached. - -As far south as Shurukhs they are to be found; and east of Shurukhs -they are succeeded by the Hazarehs--probably _wholly_, certainly -_partially_, of Mongolian blood. - -Abbasabad on the north-west is a Georgian colony. On the line between -Meshed and Herat are several Kurd colonies. In Seistan we have -Persians; but further south there are Biluch and Brahui. Due east the -Afghans come in. - -Kerman is also Persian; and that to a greater degree than Khorasan. -Fars is the same; yet west of Fars the population changes, and Arabian -elements occur. They increase in Khuzistan; and in Irak Arabi we, -at one and the same time, reach the rich alluvia of the Tigris and -Euphrates and a doubtful frontier. Whether this was originally Arab or -Persian is a matter of doubt. - -From Irak we must subtract Laristan, and the Baktyari Mountains, as -well as the whole north-western half. Hamadan is the ancient Ecbatana; -the ancient Ecbatana was Median--but that the Medes and Persians were -as closely allied in blood as we suppose them to have been in their -unalterable laws, is by no means a safe assumption. The existence -of a _third_ language in the arrow-headed inscriptions yet awaits a -satisfactory explanation. - -On the other hand, Mazenderan is wholly Persian; and so is Ghilan -Proper. The Talish, however, to the north of that province, are, -possibly, of another stock. Asterabad, as stated above, is a frontier -province. - -I think that there is good reason for believing Ajerbijan to have been, -originally, other than Persian. - -In Balkh and Bokhara, the older--but not necessarily the -oldest--population appears to be Persian under recently immigrant Uzbek -masters. Beyond these countries, the Persians reappear as the chief -population, _i.e._ in Badukshan and Durwaz. - -Here the proper Persian population ends--but not either wholly or -abruptly. - -Three modifications of it occur-- - - 1. In Biluchistan to the south-east. - 2. In Kurdistan to the west. - 3. In Afghanistan to the east. - -Besides which, there are Persians encroaching upon the Armenian and -Caucasian area in Shirvan, Erivan, and Karabagh--in all of which -countries, as well as in Ajerbijan, I believe it to have been intrusive. - -_The Biluch._--East and south-east of the proper Persians of Kerman -come the Biluch, of Biluchistan. There is certainly a change of type -here. Physically, the country is much like the table-land of Kerman. -India, however, is approached; so that the Biluch are frontier tribes. -To a certain extent they are encroachers. We find them in Sind, in -Multan, and in the parts between the Indus and the Sulimani Mountains, -and in the middle part of the Sulimani Mountains themselves. They -style themselves _Usul_ or _The Pure_, a term which implies either -displacement or intermixture in the parts around. Their language is -a modified (many call it a _bad_) Persian. Philologically, however, -it may be the older and more instructive dialect--though I have no -particular reasons for thinking it so. Hindu features of physiognomy -now appear. So do Semitic elements of polity and social constitution. -We have tribes, clans, and families; with divisions and sub-divisions. -We have a criminal law which puts us in mind of the Levites. We have -classes which scorn to intermarry; and this suggests the idea of -_caste_. Then we have pastoral habits as in Mongolia. The religion, -however, is Mahometan, so that if any remains of the primitive -Paganism, available for the purposes of ethnological classification, -still exist, they lie too far below the surface to have been observed. - -Captain Postans distinguishes the Biluch from the Mekrani of Mekran; -but of this latter people I know no good description. They are, -probably, Kerman Persians. The hill-range between Jhalawan and Sind is -occupied by a family which has commanded but little notice; yet is it -one of the most important in the world, the Brahui. - -_The Kurds._--A line drawn obliquely across Persia from Biluchistan -towards the north-west brings us to another frontier population; a -population conterminous with the Semitic Arabs of Mesopotamia, and the -unplaced Armenians. These are mountaineers--the Kurds of Kurdistan. -Name for name, they are the _Carduchi_ of the Anabasis. Name for -name, they are the _Gordyaei_. Name for name, they are, probably, -the _Chaldaei_ and _Khasd-im_--a fact which engenders a difficult -complication, since the Chaldaei in the eyes of nine writers out of -ten--though not in those of so good an authority as Gesenius--are -Semitic. The Kurd area is pre-eminently irregular in outline. It is -equally remarkable for its physical conditions. It is a range of -mountains--just the place wherein we expect to find old and aboriginal -populations rather than new and intrusive ones. On the other hand, -however, the Kurd form of the Persian tongue is not remarkable for the -multiplicity and difference of its dialects--a fact which suggests the -opposite inference. Kurds extend as far south as the northern frontier -of Fars, as far north as Armenia, and as far west as the head-waters -of the Halys. Have they encroached? This is a difficult question. The -Armenians are a people who have generally given way before intruders; -but the Arabs are rather intruders than the contrary. The Kurd -direction is vertical, _i.e._ narrow rather than broad, and from north -to south (or _vice versa_) rather than from east to west (or _vice -versa_), a direction common enough where it coincides with the valley -of a river, but rare along a mountain-chain. Nevertheless it reappears -in South America, where the Peruvian area coincides with that of the -Andes. - -_The Afghans._--The Afghan area is very nearly the water-system of the -river Helmund. The direction in which it has become extended is east -and north-east; in the former it has encroached upon Hindostan, in -the latter upon the southern members of a class that may conveniently -be called the Paropamisan. In this way (I think) the Valley of the -Cabul River has become Afghan. Its relations to the Hazareh country -are undetermined. Most of the Hazarehs are Mongolian in physiognomy. -Some of them are Mongolian in both physiognomy and language. This -indicates intrusion and intermixture--intrusion and intermixture which -history tells us are subsequent to the time of Tamerlane. Phaenomena -suggestive of intrusion and intermixture are rife and common throughout -Afghanistan. In some cases--as in that of Hazarehs--it is recent, or -subsequent to the Afghan occupation; in others, it is ancient and prior -to it. - -_Bokhara._--I have not placed the division containing the Tajiks of -Balkh, Kunduz, Durwaz, Badukshan, and Bokhara, on a level with that -containing the Afghans, Kurds and Biluch, because I am not sure of -its value. Probably, however, it is in reality as much a separate -substantive class as any of the preceding. Here the intrusion has -been so great, the political relations have been so separate, and the -intermixed population is so heterogeneous as for it to have been, for a -long time, doubtful whether the people of Bokhara were Persian or Turk. -Klaproth, however, has shown that they belong to the former division, -though subject to the Uzbek Turks. If so, the present Tajiks represent -the ancient Bactrians and Sogdians--the Persians of the valley and -water system of the Oxus. But what if these were intruders? I have -little doubt about the word _Oxus_ (_Ok-sus_) representing the same -root as the _Yak_ in _Yaxsartes_ (_Yak-sartes_), and the _Yaik_, the -name of the river flowing into the northern part of the Caspian. Now -this is the _Turanian_ name for _river_, a name found equally in the -Turk, Uguari, and Hyperborean languages. At any rate, Bokhara is on an -ethnological frontier. - -But Bactria and Sogdiana were Persian at the time of Alexander's -successors; they were Persian at the very beginning of the historical -period. Be it so. The historical period is but a short one, and there -is no reason why a population should not encroach at one time and be -itself encroached upon at another. - -All the parts enumerated, and all the divisions, are so undoubtedly -Persian, that few competent authorities deny the fact. The most that -has ever been done is to separate the Afghans. Sir W. Jones did this. -He laid great stress upon certain Jewish characteristics, had his -head full of the Ten Tribes, and was deceived in a vocabulary of -their languages. Mr. Norris also is inclined to separate them, but on -different grounds. He can neither consider the Afghan language to be -Indo-European, nor the Persian to be otherwise. His inference is true, -if his facts are. But what if the Persian be other than Indo-European? -In that case they are both free to fall into the same category. - -But the complexities of the Persian population are not complete. -There is the division between the _Tajiks_ and the _Iliyats_; the -former being the settled occupants of towns and villages speaking -Persian, the others pastoral or wandering tribes speaking the Arab, -Kurd, and Turk languages. That _Tajik_ is the same word as the root -_Taoc_, in _Taoc-ene_, a part of the ancient country of Persis (now -_Fars_), and, consequently, in a pre-eminent Persian locality, is a -safe conjecture. The inference, however, that such was the original -locality of the Persian family is traversed by numerous--but by no -means insuperable--difficulties. In respect to their chronological -relations, the general statement may be made, that wherever we have -Tajiks and Iliyats together, the former are the older, the latter the -newer population. Hence it is not in any Iliyat tribe that we are to -look for any nearer approach to the aborigines than what we find in the -normal population. They are the analogues of the Jews and gipsies of -Great Britain rather than of the Welsh--recent grafts rather than parts -of the old stock. In Afghanistan this was not so clearly the case. -Indeed, the inference was the other way. - -The antiquities and history of Persia are too well-known to need -more than a passing allusion. The creed was that of Zoroaster; -still existent, in a modified (perhaps a corrupted, perhaps an -improved) form, in the religion of the modern Parsis. The language -of the Zoroastrian Scriptures was called Zend. Now the Zend is -Indo-European--Indo-European and highly inflected. The _inflexions_, -however, in the modern Persian are next to none; and of those few it -is by no means certain that they are Zend in origin. Nevertheless, the -great majority of modern Persian words _are_ Zend. What does this mean? -It means that the philologist is in a difficulty; that the grammatical -structure points one way and the vocabulary another. This difficulty -will meet us again. - -_India._--In the time of Herodotus, and even earlier, India was part of -the Persian empire. Yet India was not Persia. It was no more Persia in -the days of Darius than it is English now. The original Indian stock -was and is peculiar--peculiar in its essential fundamentals, but not -pure and unmodified. The vast extent to which this modification implies -encroachment and intermixture is the great key to nine-tenths of the -complexities of the difficult ethnology of Hindostan. Whether we look -to the juxtaposition of the different forms of Indian speech, the -multiform degrees of fusion between them, the sections and sub-sections -of their creeds--legion by name,--the fragments of ancient paganism, -the differences of skin and feature, or the institution of caste, -intrusion followed by intermixture, and intermixture in every degree -and under every mode of manifestation, is the suggestion. - -And now we have our duality--viz. the primitive element and the foreign -one--the stock and the graft. Nothing is more certain than that the -graft came from the north-west. Does this necessarily mean from Persia? -Such is the current opinion; or, if not from Persia, from some of -those portions of India itself nearest the Persian frontier. There are -reasons, however, for refining on this view. Certain influences foreign -to India may have come _through_ Persia, without being Persian. The -proof that a particular characteristic was introduced into India _via_ -Persia is one thing: the proof that it originated in Persia is another. -They have often, however, been confounded. - -In the south of India the foreign element is manifested less than in -the north; so that it is the south of India which exhibits the original -stock in its fullest form. Its chief characteristics are referable -to three heads, physical form, creed, and language. In respect to -the first, the southern Indian is darker than the northern--_caeteris -paribus_, _i. e._ under similar external conditions; but not to the -extent that a mountaineer of the Dekhan is blacker than a Bengali from -the delta of the Ganges. Descent, too, or caste influences colour, and -the purer the blood the lighter the skin. Then the lips are thicker, -the nose less frequently aquiline, the cheek-bones more prominent, -and the eyebrows less regular in the southrons. The most perfect form -of the Indian face gives us regular and delicate features, arched -eyebrows, an aquiline nose, an oval contour, and a clear brunette -complexion. All this is Persian. - -Depart from it and comparisons suggest themselves. If the lips thicken -and the skin blackens, we think of the Negro; if the cheek-bones stand -out and if the eye--as it sometimes does--become oblique, the Mongol -comes into our thoughts. - -The original Indian creeds are best characterized by negatives. They -are neither Brahminic nor Buddhist. - -The language, for the present, is best brought under the same -description. No man living considers it to be _Indo-European_. - -In proportion as any particular Indian population is characterized by -these three marks, its origin, purity, and indigenous nature become -clearer--and _vice versa_. Hence, they may be taken in the order of -their outward and visible signs of aboriginality. - -First come--as already stated--the Southrons of the Continent[35]; and -first amongst these the mountaineers. In the Eastern Ghauts we have -the Chenchwars, between the Kistna and the Pennar; in the Western the -Cohatars, Tudas, Curumbars, Erulars, and numerous other hill-tribes; -all agreeing in being either imperfect Brahminists or Pagans, and in -speaking and languages akin to the Tamul of the coast of Coromandel; -a language which gives its name to the class, and introduces the -important philological term _Tamulian_. The physical appearance of -these is by no means so characteristic as their speech and creed. The -mountain _habitats_ favour a lightness of complexion. On the other, it -favours the Mongol prominence of the cheek-bones. Many, however, of the -Tudas have all the regularity of the Persian countenance--yet they are -the pure amongst the pure of the native Tamulian Indians. - -In the _plains_ the language is Tamulian, but the creed Brahminic; -a state of evidence which reaches as far north as the parts about -Chicacole east, and Goa west. - -In the _South_, then, are the chief samples of the true Tamulian -aborigines of Indian; the characteristics of whom have been preserved -by the simple effect of distance from the point of disturbance. -Distance, however, alone has been but a weak preservative. The -combination of a mountain-stronghold has added to its efficiency. - -In _Central_ India one of these safeguards is impaired. We are nearer -to Persia; and it is only in the mountains that the foreign elements -are sufficiently inconsiderable to make the Tamulian character of the -population undoubted and undeniable. In the Mahratta country and in -Gondwana, the Ghonds, in Orissa the Kols, Khonds, and Surs, and in -Bengal the Rajmahali mountaineers are Tamulian in tongue and Pagan in -creed--or, if not Pagan, but imperfectly Brahminic. But, then, they are -all mountaineers. In the more level country around them the language is -Mahratta, Udiya, or Bengali. - -Now the Mahratta, Udiya[36] and Bengali are _not_ unequivocally and -undeniably Tamulian. They are so far from it, that they explain what -was meant by the negative statement as to the Tamulian tongues not -being considered _Indo-European_. This is just what the tongues in -question _have_ been considered. Whether rightly or wrongly is not very -important at present. If rightly, we have a difference of language as -_prima facie_--but not as _conclusive_--evidence of a difference of -stock. If wrongly, we have, in the very existence of an opinion which -common courtesy should induce us to consider reasonable, a practical -exponent of some considerable difference of some sort or other--of a -change from the proper Tamulian characteristics to something else so -great in its _degree_ as to look like a difference in _kind_. With the -Bengali--and to a certain extent with the other two populations--the -foreign element approaches its _maximum_, or (changing the expression) -the evidence of Tamulianism is at its _minimum_. Yet it is not -annihilated. The physical appearance of the Mahratta, at least, is -that of the true South Indian. Even if the language be other than -Tamulian, the Hindus of northern India may still be of the same stock -with those of Mysore and Malabar, in the same way that a Cornishman is -a Welshman--_i. e._ a Briton who has changed his mother-tongue for the -English. - -Intermediate to the Khonds and the Bengali, in respect to the evidence -of their Tamulian affinities, are the mountaineers of north-western -India. Here, the preservative effects of distance are next to nothing. -Those, however, of the mountain-fastnesses supply the following -populations--Berdars, Ramusi, Wurali, Paurias, Kulis, Bhils, Mewars, -Moghis, Minas, &c. &c., speaking languages of the same class with the -Mahratta, Udiya, and Bengali, but all imperfectly Brahminic in creed. - -The other important languages of India in the same class with those -last-mentioned, are the Guzerathi of Guzerat, the Hindu of Oude, the -Punjabi of the Punjab, and several others not enumerated--partly -because it is not quite certain how we are to place them[37], partly -because they may be sub-dialects rather than separate substantive -forms of speech. They take us up to the Afghan, Biluch, and Tibetan -frontier. - -These have been dealt with. But there is one population, belonging to -these selfsame areas, with which we have further dealings, Biluchistan -has been described; but not in detail. The Biluch that give their name -to the country have been noticed as Persian. But the Biluch are as -little the only and exclusive inhabitants of it, as the English are of -Great Britain. We have our Welsh, and the Biluch have their Brahui. - -Again--the range of mountains that forms the western watershed of the -Indus is not wholly Afghan. It is Biluch as well. But it is not wholly -Biluch. The Biluch reach to only a certain point southwards. The range -between the promontory of Cape Montze and the upper boundary of Kutch -Gundava is _Brahui_. There is no such word as _Brahuistan_; but it -would be well if there were. - -_Now the language of the Brahui belongs to the Tamulian family._ -The affinity by no means lies on the surface--nor is it likely that -it should. The nearest unequivocally Tamulian dialect on the same -side of India is as far south as Goa--such as exist further to the -north being either central or eastern. Supposing, then, the original -continuity, how great must have been the displacement; and if the -displacement have been great, how easily may the transitional forms -have disappeared, or, rather, how truly must they once have been met -with! - -However, the Brahui affinities by no means lie on the surface. The -language is known from one of the many valuable vocabularies of Leach. -Upon this, no less a scholar than Lassen commented. Without fixing it, -he remarked that the numerals were like those of Southern India. They -are so, indeed; and so is a great deal more; indeed the collation of -the whole of the Brahui vocabularies with the Tamul and Khond tongues -_en masse_ makes the Brahui Tamulian. - -Is it original or intrusive? All opinion--_valeat quantum_--goes -against it being the former. The mountain-fastness in which it occurs -goes the other way. - - * * * * * - -Our sequence is logical rather than geographical, _i. e._ it takes -localities and languages in the order in which they are subservient -to ethnological argument rather than according to their contiguity. -This justifies us in making a bold stride, in passing over all Persia, -and in taking next in order--Caucasus, with all its conventional -reminiscences and suggestions. - -The languages of Caucasus fall into a group, which, for reasons -already given, would be inconveniently called _Caucasian_, but which -may conveniently be termed _Dioscurian_[38]. This falls into the -following five divisions:--1. The Georgians; 2. the Iron; 3. the -Mizjeji; 4. the Lesgians; and 5. the Circassians. - -1. _The Georgians._--It is the opinion of Rosen that the central -province of Kartulinia, of which Tiflis is the capital, is the original -seat of the Georgian family; the chief reasons lying in the fact of -that part of the area being the most important. Thus, the language is -called _Kartulinian_; whilst the provinces round about Kartulinia are -considered as additions or accessions to the Georgian domain, rather -than as integral and original portions of it--a fact which makes the -province in question a sort of _nucleus_. Lastly, the Persian and -Russian names, _Gurg-istan_ and _Gr-usia_, by which the country is most -widely known, point to the valley of the Kur. - -To all this I demur. The utmost that is proved thereby is the greater -political prominence of the occupants of the more favoured parts of the -country; as the middle course of the Kur really is. - -Of the two sides of the watershed that separates the rivers of the -Black Sea[39] from those of the Caspian[40], it is the _western_ which -has the best claim to be considered the original _habitat_ of the -Georgians. Here it is that the country is most mountainous, and the -mountains most abrupt. Hence it is, too, that a population would have -both the wish and power to migrate towards the plains rather than _vice -versa_. - -More weighty still is the evidence derived from the dialects. The -Kartulinian is spoken over more than half the whole of Georgia: -whereas, for the parts _not_ Kartulinian, we hear of the following -dialects:-- - -1. The _Suanic_, on the head-waters of the small rivers between -Mingrelia, and the southern parts of the Circassian area--the Ingur, -the Okoumiskqual, &c. This is the most northern section of the Georgian -family. - -2, 3. The _Mingrelian_ and the _Imiritian_. - -4, 5. The _Guriel_ and _Akalzike_ in Turkish Georgia. - -6. The _Lazic_.--This is the tongue of the most western dialects. The -hills which form the northern boundary of the valley of the Tsorokh are -the Lazic locality; and here the diversity has attained its _maximum_. -Small as is the Lazic population, every valley has its separate -variety of speech. - -I believe, then, that in Central Caucasus the Kartulinian Georgians -have been intrusive; and this is rendered probable by the character -of the populations to the north and east of them. Between Georgia and -Daghestan we have, in the pre-eminently inaccessible parts of the -eastern half of Caucasus[41], two fresh families, different from each -other, different from the Lesgians, and different from the Circassians. - -With such reasons for believing the original direction of the Georgian -area to have been westernly, we may continue the investigation. That -they were the occupants of a considerable portion of the eastern half -of the ancient Pontus, is probable from the historical importance of -the Lazi in the time of Justinian, when a Lazic war disturbed the -degenerate Romans of Constantinople. It is safe to carry them as far -west as Trebizond. It is safe, too, to carry them farther. One of the -commonest of the Georgian terminations is the syllable _-pe_ or _-bi_, -the sign of the plural number; a circumstance which gives the town of -_Sino-pe_ a Georgian look--_Sinope_ near the promontory of _Calli-ppi_. - -2. _The Iron._--To the north-west of Tiflis we have the towns of Duchet -and Gori, one on the Kur itself, and one on a left-hand feeder of it. -The mountains above are in the occupation of the _Iron_ or _Osetes_. In -Russian Georgia they amount to about 28,000. The name _Iron_ is the one -they give themselves; _Oseti_ is what they are called by the Georgians. -Their language contains so great a per-centage of Persian words or -_vice versa_, that it is safe to put them both in the same class. This -has, accordingly, been done--and a great deal more which is neither -safe nor sound has been done besides. - -3. _The Mizjeji._--Due east of the mountaineer Iron come the equally -mountaineer Mizjeji, a family numerically small, but falling into -divisions and subdivisions. Hence, it has a pre-eminent claim to be -considered aboriginal to the fastnesses in which it is found. The parts -north of Telav, to the north-east of Tiflis, form the Mizjeji area. It -is a small one--the Circassians bound it on the north, and on the east-- - -4. _The Lesgians_ of Eastern Caucasus or Daghestan, next to the -Circassians the most independent family of Caucasus. None falls into -more divisions and subdivisions: _e.g._ - -_a._ The _Marulan_ or _Mountaineers_ (from _Marul_ = _mountain_) -speak a language called the Avar, of which the Anzukh, Tshari, Andi, -Kabutsh, Dido and Unsoh are dialects. - -_b._ _The Kasi-kumuk._ - -_c._ _The Akush._ - -_d._ _The Kura of South Daghestan._ - -The displacements of the Iron and Mizjeji--and from the limited area -of their occupancies, displacement is a legitimate inference--must -have been chiefly effected by the Georgians alone; that of the -Lesgians seems referable to a triple influence. That the Talish to -the north of Ghilan are Lesgians who have changed their native tongue -for the Persian, is a probable suggestion of Frazer's. If correct, it -makes the province of Shirvan a likely part of the original Lesgian -area--encroachment having been effected by the Armenians, Persians, and -Georgians. - -5. _The Circassians_ occupy the northern Caucasus from Daghestan to the -Kuban; coming in contact with the Slavonians and Tartars, for the parts -between the Sea of Azov and the Caspian. As both these are pre-eminent -for encroachment, the earlier contact was, probably, that of the most -northern members of the Circassian family, and the southern Ugrians. -The divisions and subdivisions of the Circassian family are both -numerous and strongly marked. - -_The Armenians._--Except amongst the mountaineer Iron and Mizjeji, -there are Armenians over the whole of Russian Caucasus--mixed, for the -most part, with Georgians. They are sojourners rather than natives. In -Shirvan, Karabagh, and Karadagh they are similarly mixed with Persians -and Turks. In this case, however, the Armenian population is probably -the older; so that we are approaching the original nucleus of the -family. In Erivan there are more Armenians than aught else; and in -Kars and Erzerum they attain their _maximum_. In Diarbekr the frontier -changes, and the tribes which now indent the Armenian area are the -Semitic Arabs and Chaldani of Mesopotamia, and the Persian Kurds of -Kurdistan. - -A great deal has been said about the extent to which the Armenian -language differs from the Georgian, considering the geographical -contact between the two. True it is that the tongues are in contact -_now_, and so they probably were 2000 years ago. Yet it by no means -follows that they were always so. The Georgian has encroached, the Iron -retreated; a fact which makes it likely that, at a time when there was -no Georgian east of Imiritia, the Osetic of Tshildir and the Armenian -of Kars met on the Upper Kur. The inference drawn from the relations -between the Mon, Kho, and T'hay tongues is repeated here, inasmuch as -the Iron and Armenian are more alike than the Armenian and Georgian. -As a rough measure of the likeness, I may state the existence of the -belief that both are Indo-European. - -_Asia Minor._--From Armenia the transition is to Asia Minor. One of -the circumstances which give a pre-eminent interest and importance to -the ethnology of Asia Minor is the certainty of the original stock -being, at the present moment, either wholly extinct, or so modified -and changed as to have become a _problem_ rather than a _fact_. There -is neither doubt nor shadow of doubt as to this--since it is within -the historical period that this transformation has taken place. It is -within the historical period that the Osmanli Turks, spreading, more -immediately from the present country of Turkestan, but remotely from -the chain of the Altaic Mountains, founded the kingdom of Roum under -the Seljukian kings, and as a preliminary to the invasion and partial -occupation of Europe, made themselves masters of the whole country -limited by Georgia, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Syria on the east and -south, and by the Euxine, the Bosporus, the Propontis, the Hellespont, -and the Aegean Sea westwards. Since then, whatever may be the _blood_, -the language has been Turk. This is, of course, _prima facie_ evidence -of the stock being Turk also. Nor are there any _very_ cogent reasons -on the other side. The physiognomy is generally described as Turk, and -the habits and customs as well. - -Such is what we get from the general traveller--and a more minute -ethnology than this has not yet been applied. What will be the -result, when a severer test is applied, is another question. It is -most probable that points of physiognomy, fragmentary traditions -and superstitions, old customs, and peculiar idiotisms in the way -of dialect, will point to a remnant of the older stock immediately -preceding it. In such a case, the ethnological question becomes -complicated--since the present Turks will be then supposed to have -_mixed_ with the older natives, rather than to have replaced them _in -toto_: so that the phaenomena will rather be those exhibited in England -(where the proportion of the _older_ Celtic and the _newer_ Anglo-Saxon -is an open question) than those of the United States of America, -where the blood is purely European, and where the intermixture of the -aboriginal Indian--if any--goes for nothing. - -Of the occupants of Asia Minor previous to the Osmanli Turks we can -ascertain the elements, but not the proportions which they bore to each -other. - -1. There was an element supplied by the Byzantine Greek -population--itself pre-eminently mixed and heterogeneous. - -2. There was an element supplied by the purer Greek population of -Greece Proper and the Islands. - -3. There were, perhaps, traces of the old Greek populations of Aeolia, -Doris, and Ionia. - -4. There was an extension of the Armenian population from the east. - -5. Of the Georgian from the north-east. - -6. Of the Semitic from the south-east. - -7. There was also Arab and Syriac intermixture consequent on the -propagation of Mahometanism. - -8. There were also remnants of a Proper Roman population introduced -during the time of the Republic and Western Empire, _e.g._ of the sort -that the Consulate of Cicero would introduce into Cilicia. - -9. There were also remnants of the _Persian_ supremacy, _e.g._ of a -sort which would be introduced when it was a Satrapy of Tissaphernes or -Pharnabazus. - -10. Lastly, there would be traces of the _Macedonian_ Greeks; whose -impress would be stamped upon it during the period which elapsed -between the fall of Darius and that of Antiochus. - -All this suggests numerous questions--but they are questions of -minute rather than general ethnology. The latter takes us to the -consideration of the populations of the frontier. Here we find-- - - 1. Georgians. - 2. Armenians. - 3. Semites of Mesopotamia and Syria. - 4. Greeks of the Aegean Islands. - 5. Bulgarians, and Turks of Thrace. - -Of these, the last are recent intruders; so that the real ethnology to -be considered is that of _ancient_ Thrace. Unfortunately this is as -obscure as that of Asia Minor itself. - -The Greeks of the Aegean are _probably_ intrusive; the other three are -ancient occupants of their present areas. - -Now, in arguing upon the conditions afforded by this frontier, it is -legitimate to suppose that each of the populations belonging to it -had some extension beyond their present limits, in which case the -_a-priori_ probabilities would be that-- - -1. On the north-west there was an extension of the Thracian population. - -2. On the north-east, of the Georgian. - -3. On the east, of the Armenian. - -4. On the south, of the Syrian and Mesopotamian. - -Now, the population of Asia Minor _may_ have been a mere extension of -the populations of the frontiers--one or all. - -But it also may have been separate and distinct from any of them. - -In this case, we are again supplied with an alternative. - -1. The population may have been _one_--just as that of Germany is _one_. - -2. The population may have fallen in several--nay, numerous -divisions--so that the so-called races may have been _one_, _two_, -_three_, _four_, or even more. - -Dealing with these questions, we first ask what are the reasons for -supposing the population--whether single or subdivided--of Asia to -have been _peculiar_, _i.e._ different from that of the frontier -areas--Georgia, Thrace, Armenia, Mesopotamia and Syria? - -This is answered at once by the evidence of the Lycian Inscriptions, -which prove the _Lycian_, at least, to have been distinct from all or -any of the tongues enumerated. - -The following extracts, however, from Herodotus carry us farther:-- - -"The Lycians were originally out of Crete; since, in the old times, it -was the Barbarians who held the whole of Crete. When, however, there -was a difference in Crete, in respect to the kingdom, between the sons -of Europa, Minos and Sarpedon, and when Minos got the best in the -disturbance, he (Minos) expelled both Sarpedon himself and his faction; -and these, on their expulsion, went to that part of Asia which is the -_Milyadic_ land. For that country which the Lycians now inhabit was in -the old times _Milyas_; and the _Milyae_ were then called _Solymi_. For -a time Sarpedon ruled over them. They called themselves by the name -which they brought with them; and even now, the Lycians are called by -the nations that dwell around them, _Termilae_. But when Lycus, the -son of Pandion, driven away from Athens, and like Sarpedon, by his -brother (Aegeus), came to the Termilae under Sarpedon, they, thence, in -the course of time, were called, after the name of Lycus, Lycians. The -usages are partly Cretan, partly Carian. One point, however, they have -peculiar to themselves, and one in which they agree with no other men. -They name themselves after their mothers, and not from their fathers: -so that if any one be asked by another _who he is_, he will designate -himself as the son of his mother, and number up his mother's mothers. -Again, if a free woman marry a slave, the children are deemed free; -whereas, if a man be even in the first rank of citizens, and take -either a strange wife or a concubine, the children are dishonoured." - -Whilst Asia Minor was being conquered for Persia, under the reign of -Cyrus, by Harpagus, the _Carians_ made no great display of valour; -with the exception of the citizens of Pedasus. These gave Harpagus -considerable trouble; but, in time, were vanquished. Not so the -Lycians.--"The Lycians, as Harpagus marched his army towards the -Xanthian plain, retreated before him by degrees, and fighting few -against many, showed noble deeds: but being worsted and driven back -upon the town, they collected within the citadel their wives, and -children, and goods, and servants. They then set light to the citadel -to burn it down. This being done, they took a solemn oath, and making -a sally died to a man, sword in hand. But of those Lycians who now -called themselves Xanthians, the majority are, except eighty hearths, -strangers (#epelydes#). These eighty hearths (families) were then away -from the country. And so they escaped. Thus it was that Harpagus took -Xanthus. In like manner he took Caunus. _For the Caunians resemble the -Lycians in most things._" - -And now we have a _second_ fact, the following, viz.--_that what the -Lycians were the Caunians were also_. - -1. _The Caunians._--According to the special evidence of Herodotus, the -Caunians had two peculiar customs--one, to make no distinction between -age and sex at feasts, but to drink and junket promiscuously--the -other, to show their contempt of all strange foreign gods by marching -in armour to the Calyndian mountains, and beating the air with spears, -in order to expel them from the boundaries of the Caunian land. Still -the _Caunians were Lycian_. - -Were any other nations thus Lycian? Caunian? Lyco-Caunian? or -Cauno-Lycian? since the particular designation is unimportant. - -_The Carians._--The language of the Carians and the Caunians was the -same; since Herodotus writes--_The Caunian nation has either adapted -itself to the Carian tongue, or the Carian to Caunian._ - -2. On the other hand, the worship of the national Eponymus was -different. _The Lydians and Mysians share in the worship of the Carian -Jove. These do so. As many, however, of different nations (#ethnos#) as -have become identical in language with the Carians do not do so._ - -And here comes a difficulty--one part of the facts connects, the other -disconnects the Carians from the Lycians. The language goes one way, -the customs another. - -But this is not the only complication introduced by the _Carian_ -family. The whole question of their origin is difficult, and that -of their affinities is equally so. It was from the islands to the -continent, rather than from the continent to the islands, that the -Carians spread themselves; and they did this as subjects of Minos, -and under the name of Leleges. As long as the system of Minos lasted, -these Carian Leleges paid no tribute; but furnished, when occasion -required, ships and sailors instead. And this they did effectually, -inasmuch as the Carian was one of the most powerful nations of its -day, and, besides that, ingenious in warlike contrivances. Of such -contrivances three were adopted by the Greeks, and recognised as the -original invention of the Carians. The first of these was the crest -for the helmet; the second, the _device_ for the shield; the third, -the _handle_ for the shield. Before the Carians introduced this -last improvement, the fighting-man hung his buckler by a leathern -thong, either on his neck or his left shoulder. Such was the first -stage in the history of Carian Leleges, who were insular rather than -continental, and Lelegian rather than Carian. It lasted for many years -after the death of Minos; but ended in their being wholly ejected from -the islands, and exclusively limited to the continent, by the Dorians -and Ionians of Greece. - -This would connect the-- - -1. Carians with the aboriginal islanders of the Aegean--these being -_Leleges_. - -2. Also with the Caunians. - -3. Also with the Lycians. Unfortunately, the evidence is not -unqualified. It is complicated by-- - -_The native tradition._--The Carian race is not insular, but aboriginal -to the continent; bearing from the earliest times the name it bears -at the present time. As a proof of this, the worship of the Carian -Jupiter is common to two other, unequivocally continental nations--the -_Lydians_ and the _Mysians_. All three have a share in a temple -at Mylasa, and each of the three is descended from one of three -brothers--Car, Lydus, or Mysus--the respective eponymi of Caria, Lydia, -and Mysia. - -All this is not written for the sake of any inference; but to -illustrate the difficulties of the subject. A new series of facts must -now be added--or rather two new ones. - -1. There are special statements in the classics that the Phrygian, -Armenian, and Thracian languages were the same. - -2. One of the three languages of the arrow-headed inscriptions has yet -to be identified with any existing tongue. - -The reader is in possession of a fair amount of complications. They can -easily be increased. - -Instead of enlarging on them, I suggest the following doctrine:-- - -1. That, notwithstanding certain conflicting statements, the -populations of Mysia, Lydia, Caria, and part of Lycia, were closely -allied. - -2. That a language akin to the Armenian was spoken as far westwards as -eastern Phrygia. - -3. That some third population, either subject to Persia or in alliance -with it, spoke the language of the Lycian inscriptions--properly -distinguished by Mr. Forbes and others from the ancient Lycian of the -Milyans--which last _may_ have been Semitic. - -4. That the third language of arrow-headed inscriptions, supposing -its locality to have been Media, may have indented the north-eastern -frontier. - -5. That, besides the Greek, two intrusive languages may have been -spoken in the north-west and south-western parts respectively, viz.-- - - _a._ The Thracian of the opposite coast of the Bosporus. - _b._ The Lelegian of the islands. - -Of these, the former was, perhaps, Sarmatian, whilst the latter may -have borne the same relation to the Carian as the Malay of Sumatra does -to that of the Orang Binua of the Malayan Peninsula. - -It may be added, that the similarity of the name _Thekhes_, the -_mountain_ from which the 10,000 Greeks saw the sea, to the Turk -_Tagh_, suggests the likelihood of Turk encroachments having existed -as early as the time of Artaxerxes. - -_Lastly_--The termination _-der_, in _Scaman-der_ (a bilingual -appellation) and _Maean-der_, indicates Persian intrusion of an equally -early date. - -Of the glosses collected by Jablonsky, none are illustrated by any -modern language, except the following:-- - - _English_ axe. - Lydian _labr-ys._ - Armenian _dabar._ - Persian _tawar._ - Kurd _teper._ - - _English_ fire. - Phrygian _pyr._ - Armenian _pur._ - Afghan _wur, or._ - Kurd _ur._ - Greek, &c. #pyr#, _fire, &c._ - - _English_ dog. - Phrygian _kyn._ - Armenian _shun._ - Sanskrit _shune._ - Lettish _suns._ - - _English_ bread. - Phrygian _bekos._ - Armenian _khaz._ - Akush _kaz._ - - _English_ water. - Phrygian _hydor._ - Armenian _tshur._ - Greek, &c. #hydor#, _water, &c._ - -There is no denying that these affinities are Indo-European rather -than aught else, and that they are Armenian as well--an objection to -several of the views laid down in the preceding pages which I have no -wish to conceal. However, all questions of this kind are a balance of -conflicting difficulties. As a set-off to this, take the following -table, where the Armenian affinities are Turk, Dioscurian, and Siberian -also. - - _English_ man. - Scythian _oior._ - Uigur _er._ - Kasan _ir._ - Baskir _ir._ - Nogay _ir._ - Tobolsk _ir._ - Yeneseian _eri._ - Teleut _eri._ - Kasach _erin._ - Casikumuk _ioori._ - Armenian _air._ - -_The watershed of the Oxus and Indus._--We are in the north-eastern -corner of Persia. The Pushta-Khur mountain, like many other hills of -less magnitude, contains the sources of two rivers, different in their -directions--of the Oxus that falls into the Sea of Aral; and of the -right branch of the Kuner, a feeder of the Cabul river--itself a member -of the great water-system of the Indus. Its south-western prolongation -gives us the corresponding watershed. This is a convenient point for -the study of a difficult but interesting class of mountaineers, who -may conveniently be called _Paropamisans_ from the ancient name of -the Hindu-kush. Their northern limits are the heights in question. -Southwards they reach the Afghan frontier in the Kohistan of Cabul. -Eastward they come in contact with India. There is no better way of -taking them in detail than that of following the water-courses, and -remembering the watersheds of the rivers. - -I. _The Oxus._--At the very head-waters of the Oxus, and in contact -with the Kirghiz Turks of Pamer, comes the small population of Wokhan, -speaking a language neither Turk nor Persian--at least not exactly -Persian; and, next to Wokhan, Shughnan, where the dialect (possibly the -language) seems to change. Roshan, next (along the Oxus) to Shughnan, -seems to be in the same category. Durwaz, however, is simply Tajik. All -are independent, and all Mahometan. - -II. _The Indus._--1. _The Indus._--The Gilghit[42] river feeds the -Indus--two other feeders that join it from the east being called the -Hunz and the Burshala, Nil, or Nagar. The population of each of these -rivers is agricultural, and is, accordingly, called _Dunghar_, a -Hindu, but no native term. Their Rajah is independent; their religion -a very indifferent Mahometanism. On the Gilghit and the parts below -its junction with the Hunz and Nagar rivers, the dialect (perhaps the -language) seems to change, and the people are known as _Dardoh_ (or -Dards) and _Chilass Dardoh_--the Daradae of the Greek and the Daradas -of the Sanskrit writers. These, too, are imperfect Mahometans. The -Dards and Dunghers carry us as far as Little Tibet (Bultistan) and the -Cashmirian frontiers. - -2. _The Jhelum._--This is the river of the famous valley of -Cashmir--the population whereof (with some hesitation) I consider -Paropamisan. - -3. _The Cabul River._--1. _The Kuner._--The eastern watershed of the -Upper Kuner is common to the Gilghit river. The population is closely -akin to the Dardoh and Dungher; its area being Upper and Lower Chitral, -its language the Chitrali, its religion Shia Mahometanism. - -South of the Chitral, on the _middle_ Kuner, the creed changes, and we -have the best known of the Paropamisans, the _Kaffres_ of Kafferistan, -reaching as far westwards and northwards as Kunduz and Badukshan--the -Kaffres, or Infidels, so called by their Mahometan neighbours, because -they still retain their primitive paganism. - -Now when we approach the Cabul river itself, the direction of which, -from west to east, is nearly at right angles with the Kuner, the -characteristics of the Dardoh, Chitrali, and Kaffre populations -decrease--in other words, the area is irregular, and the populations -themselves either partially isolated or intermixed. Thus, along the -foot of the mountains north of the Cabul river and west of the Kuner -comes the Lughmani country; the language being by no means identical -with the Kafir, and the Kafir paganism being reduced to an imperfect -Mahometan--_nemchu Mussulman_, or _half Mussulman_, being the term -applied to the speakers of the Lughmani tongue of the valley of the -Nijrow and the parts about it. - -The Der, Tirhye, and Pashai vocabularies of Leach all represent -Paropamisan forms of speech spoken by small and, more or less, -fragmentary populations. - -The valley of the Lundye has, almost certainly, been within a recent -period, Paropamisan. Thus is it that Elphinstone writes of its chief -occupants:--"The Swatis, who are also called Deggauns, appear to be -of Indian origin. They formerly possessed a kingdom extending from -the western branch of the Hydaspes to near Jellabahad. They were -gradually confined to narrower limits by the Afghan tribes; and Swaut -and Buner, their last seats, were reduced by the Eusofzyis in the -end of the fifteenth century. They are still very numerous in those -countries." By _Indian_ I believe a population akin to that of Cashmeer -is _denoted_--I do not say _intended_. Another extract carries us -further still:--"The Shulmauni formerly inhabited Shulmaun, on the -banks of the Korrum. They afterwards moved to Tira, and in the end of -the fifteenth century they were in Hustnugger, from which they were -expelled by the Eusofzyes. The old Afghan writers reckon them Deggauns, -but they appear to have used this word loosely. There are still a few -Shulmauni in the Eusofzye country who have some remains of a peculiar -language." - -Hence, the Paropamisans may safely be considered as a population of a -receding frontier, the encroachment upon their area having been Afghan. -With these the Asiatic populations end. - - * * * * * - -If we now look back upon the ground that has been gone over, we shall -find that the evidence of the human family having originated in one -particular spot, and having diffused itself from thence to the very -extremities of the earth, is by no means absolute and conclusive. Still -less is it certain that that particular spot has been ascertained. -The present writer _believes_ that it was somewhere in intratropical -Asia, and that it was _the single locality of a single pair_--without, -however, professing to have proved it. Even this centre is only -_hypothetical_--near, indeed, to the point which he looks upon as the -starting-place of the human migration, but by no means identical with -it. The Basks and Albanians he does not pretend to have affiliated; but -he does not, for this reason, absolutely isolate them. They have too -many _miscellaneous_ affinities to allow them to stand wholly alone. - -In the way of physical conformation, the Hottentot presents the -_maximum_ of peculiarities. The speech, however, of the latter is -simply African; whilst, in form and colour, the Basks and Albanians -are European. A fly is a fly even when we wonder how it came into the -amber; and men belong to humanity even when their origin is a mystery. -This gives us a composition of difficulties, and it is by taking -this and similar phaenomena into account, that the higher problems in -ethnology must be worked. Nothing short of a clear and comprehensive -view of the extent to which points of difference in one department -are compensated by points of likeness in another, will give us even a -philosophical hypothesis; all _partial_ argument from partial points -of disagreement being as unscientific as a similar overvaluation of -resemblances. - -As for the detail of the chief difficulties, the writer believes -that he, unwillingly and with great deference, differs from the -best authorities, in making so little of the transition from -America to Asia, and so much of that between Europe and Asia. The -conviction that the Semitic tongues are simply African, and that all -the theories suggested by the term _Indo-European_ must be either -abandoned or modified, is the chief element of his reasoning upon this -point--reasoning far too elaborate for a small work like the present. -He also believes that the languages of Kafferistan, the Dardoh country, -and north-eastern Afghanistan, are transitional to the monosyllabic -tongues and those of Persia--in other words, that the modern Persian -is much more monosyllabic than is generally supposed. Yet even this -leaves a break. How far the most _western_ tongue of this class can be -connected with those of Europe, and how far the most _south_-western -one has Semitic affinities are questions yet to examine--questions -beset with difficulties. However, as the skeleton of system he believes -the present work to be true as far as it goes, and at the same time -convenient for the investigator. That there is much in all existing -classifications which requires to be unlearnt is certain. Lest any -one think this a presumptuous saying, let him consider the new and -unsettled state of the science, and the small number of the labourers -as compared with the extent of the field. - - -THE END. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[27] Since this chapter was written, the news of the premature death -of the most influential supporter of the double doctrine of (a.) _the -unity of the American families amongst each other_, and (b.) _the -difference of the American race from all others_--Dr. Morton, of -Philadelphia,--has reached me. It is unnecessary to say, that the -second of these positions is, in the mind of the present writer, as -exceptionable as the first is correct. Nor is it likely to be otherwise -as long as the _eastern_ side of the Rocky Mountains is so exclusively -studied as it is by both the American and the English school. I have -little fear of the Russians falling into this error. With this remark -the objections against the very valuable labours of Dr. Morton begin -and end. His _Crania Americana_ is by far the most valuable book of -its kind. His _Crania Aegyptiaca_ and other minor works, especially his -researches on _Hybridism_, are all definite additions to ethnological -science. The impulse which he, personally, gave to the very active -study of the Human Species, which so honourably characterises his -countrymen, is more than an Englishman can exactly value. Perhaps, -it is second only to that given by Gallatin: perhaps, it is scarcely -second. - -[28] Mr. Norris, for instance, of the Asiatic Society, has given -reasons for connecting the Australian tongues with those of the Dekhan. - -[29] Taken, with much besides, from Mr. Brown's Tables, in the Journal -of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. - -[31] Considering the Buramputer and Ganges as separate rivers. - -[32] Conveniently thrown into a single class, and called _Hyperboreans_. - -[33] The great family of which the _Mantshus_ are the best-known -members. - -[34] Not necessarily with _many_ syllables, but with _more than -one_--_hyper-mono-syllabic_. - -[35] Observe--_not_ of the island of Ceylon. - -[36] Of Orissa. - -[37] The Cashmirian of Cashmir is in this predicament. It is not safe -to say that it is Hindu rather than Persian, or Paropamisan--a term -which will soon find its explanation. - -[38] From the town of _Dioscurias_, in which Pliny says business was -carried on through 130 interpreters--so numerous were the languages and -dialects. - -[39] The Phasis, Tshorok, &c. - -[40] The Kur and Aras. - -[41] The _Iron_ and _Mizjeji_. - -[42] From Moorcroft's Travels in the Himalayan Provinces, and Vigne's -Cashmir. - - - - - PRINTED BY RICHARD TAYLOR, - RED LION COURT, FLEET STREET. - - - - -=London, January 1863.= - - -Catalogue of Books - -PUBLISHED BY MR. VAN VOORST. - - -INDEX. - - Accentuated List of Lepidoptera _p._ 6 - Adams & Baikie's Manual Nat. Hist. 11 - Adams's Genera of Mollusca 5 - Aikin's Arts and Manufactures 13 - Anatomical Manipulation 12 - Ansted's Ancient World 9 - ---- Elementary Course of Geology 9 - ---- Geologist's Text-Book 9 - ---- Gold-Seeker's Manual 9 - ---- Scenery, Science, and Art 13 - Babington's Flora of Cambridgeshire 7 - ---- Manual of British Botany 7 - Baptismal Fonts 13 - Bate and Westwood's British Crustacea 4 - Beale on Sperm Whale 3 - Bell's British Quadrupeds 3 - ---- British Reptiles 4 - ---- British Stalk-eyed Crustacea 4 - Bennett's Naturalist in Australasia 10 - Bloomfield's Farmer's Boy 14 - Boccius on Production of Fish 4 - Bonaparte's List of Birds 3 - Brightwell's Life of Linnaeus 13 - Burton's Falconry on the Indus 3 - Church and Northcote's Chem. Analysis 8 - Clark's Testaceous Mollusca 5 - Clermont's Quadrupeds & R. of Europe 3 - Couch's Illustrations of Instinct 11 - Cumming's Isle of Man 12 - Cups and their Customs 13 - Currency 15 - Dallas's Elements of Entomology 5 - Dawson's Geodephaga Britannica 6 - Domestic Scenes in Greenland & Iceland 13 - Douglas's World of Insects 6 - Dowden's Walks after Wild Flowers 8 - Drew's Practical Meteorology 10 - Drummond's First Steps to Anatomy 11 - Economy of Human Life 15 - Elements of Practical Knowledge 13 - England before the Norman Conquest 13 - Entomologist's Annual 5 - Fly Fishing in Salt and Fresh Water 4 - Forbes's British Star-fishes 5 - Forbes's Malacologia Monensis 5 - ---- and Hanley's British Mollusca 5 - ---- and Spratt's Travels in Lycia 12 - Garner's Nat. Hist. of Staffordshire 12 - Gosse's Aquarium 12 - ---- Birds of Jamaica 3 - ---- British Sea-Anemones, &c. 12 - ---- Canadian Naturalist 12 - ---- Handbook to Marine Aquarium 12 - ---- Manual of Marine Zoology 12 - ---- Naturalist's Rambles on Dev. Coast 12 - ---- Omphalos 9 - ---- Tenby 12 - Gray's Bard and Elegy 14 - Greg and Lettsom's British Mineralogy 9 - Griffith & Henfrey's Micrographic Dict. 10 - Harvey's British Marine Algae 7 - ---- Thesaurus Capensis 7 - ---- Flora Capensis 7 - ---- Index Generum Algarum 7 - ---- Nereis Boreali-Americana 8 - ---- Sea-side Book 12 - Henfrey's Botanical Diagrams 7 - ---- Elementary Course of Botany 7 - ---- Rudiments of Botany 7 - ---- Translation of Mohl 7 - ---- Vegetation of Europe 7 - ---- & Griffith's Micrographic Dict. 10 - ---- & Tulk's Anatomical Manipulation 11 - Henslow, Memoir of 10 - Hewitson's Birds' Eggs 3 - ---- Exotic Butterflies 6 - Hunter's Essays, by Owen 10 - Instrumenta Ecclesiastica 13 - Jeffreys's British Conchology 5 - Jenyns's Memoir of Henslow 10 - ---- Observations in Meteorology 10 - ---- Observations in Natural History 10 - ---- White's Selborne 12 - Jesse's Angler's Rambles 4 - Johnston's British Zoophytes 5 - ---- Introduction to Conchology 5 - ---- Terra Lindisfarnensis 8 - Jones's Aquarian Naturalist 10 - Jones's Animal Kingdom 11 - ---- Natural History of Animals 11 - Knox's (A. E.) Rambles in Sussex 3 - Knox (Dr.), Great Artists & Great Anat. 11 - Latham's Descriptive Ethnology 11 - ---- Ethnology of British Colonies 11 - ---- Ethnology of British Islands 11 - ---- Ethnology of Europe 11 - ---- Man and his Migrations 11 - ---- Varieties of Man 11 - Leach's Synopsis of British Mollusca 5 - Letters of Rusticus 12 - Lettsom and Greg's British Mineralogy 9 - Lowe's Faunae et Florae Maderae 8 - ---- Manual Flora of Madeira 8 - Malan's Catalogue of Eggs 3 - Martin's Cat. of Privately Printed Books 15 - Melville and Strickland on the Dodo 3 - Meyrick on Dogs 13 - Micrographic Dictionary 10 - Mohl on the Vegetable Cell 7 - Moule's Heraldry of Fish 4 - Newman's British Ferns 8 - ---- History of Insects 5 - ---- Letters of Rusticus 12 - Northcote & Church's Chem. Analysis 8 - Owen's British Fossil Mammals 9 - ---- on Skeleton of Extinct Sloth 9 - Paley's Gothic Moldings 14 - ---- Manual of Gothic Architecture 14 - Poor Artist 13 - Prescott on Tobacco 13 - Prestwich's Geological Inquiry 9 - ---- Ground beneath us 9 - Samuelson's Earthworm and Housefly 10 - ---- Honey-Bee 10 - Sclater's Tanagers 3 - Seemann's British Ferns at One View 7 - Selby's British Forest Trees 8 - Shakspeare's Seven Ages of Man 14 - Sharpe's Decorated Windows 14 - Shield's Hints on Moths and Butterflies 6 - Siebold on True Parthenogenesis 6 - Smith's British Diatomaceae 8 - Sowerby's British Wild Flowers 6 - ---- Poisonous Plants 6 - Spratt and Forbes's Travels in Lycia 12 - Stainton's Butterflies and Moths 6 - ---- History of the Tineina 6 - Strickland's Ornithological Synonyms 4 - ---- Memoirs 9 - ---- and Melville on the Dodo 3 - Sunday Book for the Young 13 - Tugwell's Sea-Anemones 5 - Tulk and Henfrey's Anat. Manipulation 11 - Vicar of Wakefield, Illustr. by Mulready 14 - Wallich's North-Atlantic Sea-Bed 10 - Watts's Songs, Illustrated by Cope 14 - Ward (Dr.) on Healthy Respiration 12 - Westwood and Bate's British Crustacea 4 - White's Selborne 12 - Wilkinson's Weeds and Wild Flowers 7 - Williams's Chemical Manipulation 8 - Wollaston's Insecta Maderensia 6 - ---- on Variation of Species 11 - Yarrell's British Birds 3 - ---- British Fishes 4 - ---- on the Salmon 4 - - -Students' Class-Books. - - MANUAL OF CHEMICAL QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS. By =A. B. Northcote=, - F.C.S., and =Arthur H. Church=, F.C.S. Post 8vo, 10_s._ 6_d._ - - HANDBOOK OF CHEMICAL MANIPULATION. By =C. Greville Williams=. 15_s._ - - ELEMENTARY COURSE OF GEOLOGY, MINERALOGY, AND PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY. By - Professor =Ansted=, M.A., &c. Second Edition, 12_s._ - - ELEMENTARY COURSE OF BOTANY: Structural, Physiological, and - Systematic. By Professor =Henfrey=. 12_s._ 6_d._ - - MANUAL OF BRITISH BOTANY. 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PRESTON, M.A. - - NOTES ON THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF ELY CATHEDRAL. - BY THE REV. D. J. STEWART, M.A. - - JEFFREYS'S BRITISH CONCHOLOGY. - VOLS. II., III., IV.--MARINE UNIVALVES, BIVALVES, AND NUDIBRANCHS. - - -JOHN VAN VOORST, 1 PATERNOSTER ROW. - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's note: - - In Chapter II, Mr. D. Wilson's table showing relative proportions of - skulls was split into two tables to fit a 75-character width. - - Punctuation errors were corrected. - - Inconsistent hyphenation was retained. - - To match the spelling of chapter topics in Contents with that in the - main text, - on page v, two occurrences of "history" were changed from "History" - (Physical history of Man; Physical history) and two occurrences - of "Extract" were changed from "extract" (Extract from Knox; - Extract); and - on page vi, "area" was changed from "areas" (size of area) and - "Area" was changed from "area" (Monosyllabic Area). - - On page 18, "te ipsum" was changed from "teipsum" (Nosce te ipsum). - - On page 38, "Lawrence" was changed from "Lawrance" (the work of - Lawrence). - - On page 49, "Troglodytes" was changed from "Trolodytes" (than the - _Troglodytes Gorilla_). - - On page 95, "Mediterranean" was changed from "Mediterannean" (from - the Mediterranean). - - On page 97, "Kaffre" was changed from "Caffre" (to the Kaffre). - - On page 101, "Papuas" was changed from "Papua". - - On page 107, "architectural" was changed from "architectual" - (architectural impulses). - - On page 158, "hypothesis" was changed from "hypotheses" (Finnic - hypothesis). - - On page 216, "Norris" was changed from "Norriss" (Mr. Norris also). - - On page 220, "Buddhist" was changed from "Bhuddhist" (nor Buddhist). - - On page 237, "his mother's" was changed from "mothers" (his mother's - mothers). - - On page 241, "Mysus" was changed from "Myrus" (Car, Lydus, or Mysus). - - On page 243, space was inserted before "_-der_" (termination _-der_). - - In footnote [19], "pp." was changed from "p." 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