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Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c2c2349 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #51578 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/51578) diff --git a/old/51578-h.zip b/old/51578-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index c4e09ba..0000000 --- a/old/51578-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/51578-h/51578-h.htm b/old/51578-h/51578-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 8675b78..0000000 --- a/old/51578-h/51578-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,752 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> - -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> - <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> - <title> - The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Progress Of The Women's Suffrage Movement, by Mrs. Henry Sidgwick. - </title> - <style type="text/css"> - - p { margin-top: .75em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .75em; - } - - p.bold {text-align: center; font-weight: bold;} - p.bold2 {text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: 150%;} - - h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; - } - h1 span, h2 span { display: block; text-align: center; } - #id1 { font-size: smaller } - - - hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; - } - - body{margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; - } - - .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; - text-indent: 0px; - } /* page numbers */ - - .center {text-align: center;} - .smaller {font-size: smaller;} - .space-above {margin-top: 3em;} - - </style> - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Progress of the Women's Suffrage -Movement, by Eleanor Mildred Sidgwick - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Progress of the Women's Suffrage Movement - Presidential Address to the Cambridge Branch of the C. & - U. W. F. A. at the Annual Meeting on May 23rd, 1913 - -Author: Eleanor Mildred Sidgwick - -Release Date: March 27, 2016 [EBook #51578] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT *** - - - - -Produced by MWS, Martin Pettit and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="center"><a name="cover.jpg" id="cover.jpg"></a><img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" /></div> - -<hr /> - -<p class="bold">Conservative and Unionist Women's<br />Franchise Association.</p> - -<h1 class="space-above">The Progress of the<br />Women's Suffrage Movement</h1> - -<p class="bold">by</p> - -<p class="bold2">Mrs. Henry Sidgwick</p> - -<p class="bold">Presidential Address to the Cambridge Branch of<br /> -the C. & U. W. F. A. at the Annual Meeting on<br /> -May 23rd, 1913.</p> - -<p class="bold space-above">CAMBRIDGE</p> - -<p class="bold">BOWES & BOWES</p> - -<p class="bold">1913</p> - -<p class="bold">PRICE TWOPENCE NET.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> - -<p class="bold2">THE PROGRESS OF THE WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT.</p> - -<blockquote><p class="center"><i>An address to the Cambridge Branch of the Conservative and -Unionist Women's Suffrage Association at their Annual Meeting on -May 23, 1913. By Mrs. Henry Sidgwick.</i></p></blockquote> - -<p>It seems to me sometimes that we do not cheer ourselves as much as we -might by thinking of the immense strides our movement has made in the -last fifty years; so I propose to say a few words about it this -afternoon, although there is not of course anything very new to say. For -we need cheering because, notwithstanding the general progress of our -cause, we are just now suffering from a serious set-back due to the -action of the militant societies. They are clearly and visibly setting -people against us. And it appears that not only in this country are they -raising up enemies against us, but that <i>our</i> militants are hindering -the movement in other countries.</p> - -<p>Moreover, what is much worse than injury to the special cause which our -society exists to promote, the militants are injuring our country and -the cause of civilization and progress. The very existence and -usefulness of society depends on the maintenance of law and order. The -protection of the weak, the possibility of development in well being -generally, all that society stands for, depends on its members being law -abiding—on their respecting law and life and property. And here we have -women, while urging that their admission to a formal share in the -government of the country would be for its advantage, at the same time -teaching by the most powerful method they can use,—namely, -example—doctrines subversive of all social order; teaching that persons -who cannot get the majority to agree with their view of what is -advisable in the interest of the whole should injure and annoy the -community in every way they conveniently can—proceeding even to -incendiarism, and apparently threatening manslaughter.</p> - -<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span></p><p>It is heartbreaking that such things should be done in a good -cause—and it is especially hard for women to bear because it hurts -their pride in their own sex. They have to see not only their country -injured, and the cause of women's suffrage, in whose name these things -are done, retarded, but they have to see the reputation of their sex for -good sense and sober judgment draggled in the mud.</p> - -<p>This is the most serious—indeed, I think the only serious set-back our -movement has had. It has on the whole been sufficiently wisely conducted -to secure almost uniformly steady progress from its small beginnings to -its present great proportions.</p> - -<p>In all—or almost all—big social movements ultimate success depends on -the gradual conversion to benevolence of a large neutral majority. The -movement in its beginning—and this was eminently true of our -movement—is championed by a small body of pioneers. They make converts, -and when they begin to be taken seriously a body of active opponents is -probably stirred up, but so long as the active opposition is not too -strong it does little harm—it may even do good by helping to interest -people in the question. But for a long time the great mass of people -remain neutral. Either they have never heard of the movement, or they do -not think it serious and only laugh at it, or they think the question -unimportant and do not much mind which way it is decided, or they think -immediate decision is not called for, and that they may as well wait and -see. In fact, for one reason or another they do not think very much -about it, and are not actively interested on either side.</p> - -<p>Of course if such people are led to declare themselves prematurely, the -natural caution and conservatism of human nature will usually make them -vote against change. It is largely for this reason that good judgment—a -sound political instinct as to what it is wise to press at any given -moment—is required in the leaders of a movement. And though it is no -doubt very important to draw active converts from the large neutral -class, it is still more important to prevent the enemy doing so. For it -is not necessary to convert the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> great majority into active supporters. -Success is finally achieved when a sufficient proportion of the -originally indifferent have arrived at a more or less benevolent -neutrality almost without knowing it—so that the old indifferents come -to believe that they always thought there was a great deal to be said -for the proposed change, and the young indifferents grow up with a -feeling that it has to come.</p> - -<p>This change of feeling does not for the most part come from the <i>direct</i> -influence of active propaganda. It is part of the general change in the -social atmosphere, and comes from the pressure of circumstances of -various kinds, from the unconscious influence of those who have made up -their minds, and from all the innumerable and indescribable things which -go to constitute the spirit of the age. The arguments and deliberate -influence of the active supporters help, but a large part of their -effect is indirect and unperceived at the time.</p> - -<p>It is in their influence on the neutral body that the militants are -doing most harm to the cause. They are exasperating the large undecided -mass, and driving many of them into more or less hardened opinion on the -wrong side. And once a man (or woman) has made up his mind, especially -perhaps if he has made it up emotionally, it is much harder to move him. -Of course the militants are also reducing some active supporters of the -movement to lukewarmness, at least about the advisability of immediate -advance, and thus losing the influence of such supporters. But I think -the harm they are doing with the hitherto more or less neutral is more -serious.</p> - -<p>However, do not let us talk of the militant policy any more. I, at -least, have enough belief in our cause to trust that it can live down -that set-back. Feeling on our side is rising, I believe, like a tide, so -that a little ditch cut across it will only retard it for a moment.</p> - -<p>When I first became aware of the movement—in the late sixties or early -seventies—it was in the stage of being met by ridicule. People who were -not in favour of it did not generally argue—they laughed. This no doubt -kept the timid away, but as a matter of fact very few were interested. -An old<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> friend here was reminding me the other day of a meeting of the -Cambridge Suffrage Society held she believes in the early eighties. I do -not think I attended it myself, though I am not sure. It was an open -meeting, and a lady from London was to address it. The committee did not -venture to take any room larger than the Alderman's parlour at the -Guildhall. But that was too large. The committee sat at the table near -the speaker, and six or eight other ladies came in and were asked to sit -close to the committee at the table, so as to look less scattered—and -that was all the audience the visitor had to address. And that, -according to my friend's general recollection, and my own too, was the -usual type of the early meetings organised by the Cambridge Society.</p> - -<p>But gradually all this changed—and the degree of change may be measured -by comparing with these early meetings those which have taken place at -Cambridge in recent years. No one laughs now, or very few. The question -is taken seriously even by opponents, and the number of people -sufficiently interested to wish to hear about it is very large.</p> - -<p>There is another measure of the progress made of which we old people, -who have been suffragists for a long time, are conscious. We can see -among our own friends and acquaintances people who have been doubtful -but have now pronounced themselves in favour of giving women the -parliamentary vote. I remember, for instance, a conversation many years -ago with a lady who is now an ardent suffragist, but who surprised me -then by her doubtful attitude. I see others who 20 or 30 years ago I -should have expected to find opposed, now taking a leading part on our -side in their own neighbourhoods. I remember another conversation in -which a man who was or had been a Member of Parliament—I forget -which—was taking part and was expressing great doubts about the -advisability or the advantage to themselves of giving votes to women. -Some one present said that the increasing tendency to regulate by -legislation industrial matters affecting certain classes of women -specially, or affecting them differently from men, was an important -reason why women should vote. He admitted at once that women ought to -have the vote if such legislation were increasing, but he doubted the -fact at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> moment. That man is a supporter now. What impresses me is -the number of people one knows who are now supporters, and even active -supporters, and have become so without one's being able to point to any -particular moment when what I may call their conversion took place.</p> - -<p>What causes besides active propaganda have contributed to this progress? -I think we can point to some. Among them an important place is, I think, -to be assigned to the increase of legislative interference in -arrangements connected with work and wages of which I have just -spoken—to the disappearance for good or ill of the old <i>laisser faire</i>. -When Parliament tries to legislate about such matters, it becomes very -obvious that in certain ways the interests of women and of men are not -the same, and are even occasionally opposed—not on the whole, of -course, but in certain particulars. And if so it seems also obvious that -women should have a voice in the legislation, for it is so clear that -within limits we all know better what suits ourselves than others can -know for us.</p> - -<p>This last consideration is an important principle at the base of -democratic government—at least, so long as this does not degenerate -into a mere tyranny of the majority—and the extension of the franchise -in 1867 and 1884 has, I think, had a very important effect in bringing -home to people that the arguments for extending the suffrage in the case -of men apply equally to women with the same qualifications. I think we -should find that many speeches used in favour of widening the suffrage -in 1884 would serve as speeches at a women's suffrage meeting. I used to -be impressed with the fact at the time, I remember. Probably we have -noticed that the propriety of widows and other women householders having -votes when the professed basis of the franchise is household suffrage, -occurs of itself to the man in the street—or rather, perhaps, I should -say to the man in the country village.</p> - -<p>I travelled the other day in a railway carriage filled with a party of -women travelling from somewhere beyond Cambridge—I do not know what -they were—widows and daughters of rather small tradesmen perhaps. Among -other things they talked of among themselves was the suffrage—and very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> -angry they were with the militants. "But mind you," said one, "I am not -altogether against women having votes. I think it only fair that widows -with houses should have it." I thought she and her companions belonged -clearly to that neutral body of which I spoke just now; some day, when -sound suffrage views are put before them, they will come down on the -right side of the fence if not previously too much exasperated.</p> - -<p>Then, again, as regards educated people at least, I think the large and -increasing number of educated women engaged in work useful to the -community outside their own homes has had a great effect on the views -both of men and women about the vote.</p> - -<p>These are three very important influences affecting the general -atmosphere in which views are formed—the increased tendency to -legislation affecting employments, the spread in all classes and parties -of democratic views, the work done by women. And then, last but not -least, is the steady work carried on in public and in private by the -societies for promoting women's suffrage and their members from the -commencement of the movement onwards. Our own society is a young one, -but the pioneer societies now merged in the National Union of Women's -Suffrage Societies have worked hard in times of hope and in times of -discouragement for half a century, and their labours have not been in -vain. A movement grows like a snowball—the larger the number of its -supporters the more rapidly it increases. Progress therefore of late -years has been more rapid and more obvious than it used to be, but none -the less the possibility of the present progress is largely due to the -early efforts of the pioneers.</p> - -<p>I think some of my hearers may demur to the view I expressed that the -set-back due to militancy is the only serious one from which we have -suffered. They may say that, for instance, the repeated attempts and -repeated failures to get a bill through Parliament—failures which we -cannot of course entirely attribute to the militants—are set-backs. But -I do not think failures of this sort are set-backs at all. They are only -waves on a rising tide.</p> - -<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p><p>If in a rising tide we watch to see when a sand castle will be -overwhelmed, we shall see one little wave after another approaching and -receding without apparently affecting anything. One wave perhaps will -get very near, and yet fail, and perhaps many succeeding waves will get -even less near. But the failure of these waves does not set back the -tide. That rises steadily all the time and ultimately and inevitably a -wave does at length reach and overwhelm the castle.</p> - -<p>The analogy fails in one point. These waves that roll up the sandy shore -have no real effect on the tide—they are mere ripples on its surface. -But wisely conducted assaults on the suffrage citadel—such as attempts -to pass bills or resolutions in Parliament—are more than this. They -<i>do</i> help the tide to rise. The effort is <i>not</i> wasted even if it fails -at the moment. The tide rises the faster for it. Of course such partial -failures are very disappointing at the moment, especially to those who -have worked hard to secure success. It is impossible for those who have -thrown their whole energies into producing a wave which really will, -they think, reach the castle at last, to see it roll back like its -predecessors, without a sinking of heart, without a momentary feeling of -hopelessness. It is depressing to have to begin again and roll up -another wave, all the more because the energy needed to overcome what -seems the stupidity of those who disagree with us might, we think, if -set free by success be more profitably employed for the good of the -world. It is difficult sometimes to keep up courage—for the young -especially, for age brings more patience. But it is just because these -partial failures are trying that we must restore our sense of proportion -by contemplating from time to time the great progress that has been made -on the whole, and so get courage for fresh effort.</p> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Progress of the Women's Suffrage -Movement, by Eleanor Mildred Sidgwick - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT *** - -***** This file should be named 51578-h.htm or 51578-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/5/7/51578/ - -Produced by MWS, Martin Pettit and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Progress of the Women's Suffrage Movement - Presidential Address to the Cambridge Branch of the C. & - U. W. F. A. at the Annual Meeting on May 23rd, 1913 - -Author: Eleanor Mildred Sidgwick - -Release Date: March 27, 2016 [EBook #51578] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT *** - - - - -Produced by MWS, Martin Pettit and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -Conservative and Unionist Women's -Franchise Association. - -The Progress of the -Women's Suffrage Movement - -by - -Mrs. Henry Sidgwick - -Presidential Address to the Cambridge Branch of -the C. & U. W. F. A. at the Annual Meeting on -May 23rd, 1913. - -CAMBRIDGE - -BOWES & BOWES - -1913 - -+PRICE TWOPENCE NET.+ - - - - -THE PROGRESS OF THE WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT. - - _An address to the Cambridge Branch of the Conservative and - Unionist Women's Suffrage Association at their Annual Meeting on - May 23, 1913. By Mrs. Henry Sidgwick._ - - -It seems to me sometimes that we do not cheer ourselves as much as we -might by thinking of the immense strides our movement has made in the -last fifty years; so I propose to say a few words about it this -afternoon, although there is not of course anything very new to say. For -we need cheering because, notwithstanding the general progress of our -cause, we are just now suffering from a serious set-back due to the -action of the militant societies. They are clearly and visibly setting -people against us. And it appears that not only in this country are they -raising up enemies against us, but that _our_ militants are hindering -the movement in other countries. - -Moreover, what is much worse than injury to the special cause which our -society exists to promote, the militants are injuring our country and -the cause of civilization and progress. The very existence and -usefulness of society depends on the maintenance of law and order. The -protection of the weak, the possibility of development in well being -generally, all that society stands for, depends on its members being law -abiding--on their respecting law and life and property. And here we have -women, while urging that their admission to a formal share in the -government of the country would be for its advantage, at the same time -teaching by the most powerful method they can use,--namely, -example--doctrines subversive of all social order; teaching that persons -who cannot get the majority to agree with their view of what is -advisable in the interest of the whole should injure and annoy the -community in every way they conveniently can--proceeding even to -incendiarism, and apparently threatening manslaughter. - -It is heartbreaking that such things should be done in a good -cause--and it is especially hard for women to bear because it hurts -their pride in their own sex. They have to see not only their country -injured, and the cause of women's suffrage, in whose name these things -are done, retarded, but they have to see the reputation of their sex for -good sense and sober judgment draggled in the mud. - -This is the most serious--indeed, I think the only serious set-back our -movement has had. It has on the whole been sufficiently wisely conducted -to secure almost uniformly steady progress from its small beginnings to -its present great proportions. - -In all--or almost all--big social movements ultimate success depends on -the gradual conversion to benevolence of a large neutral majority. The -movement in its beginning--and this was eminently true of our -movement--is championed by a small body of pioneers. They make converts, -and when they begin to be taken seriously a body of active opponents is -probably stirred up, but so long as the active opposition is not too -strong it does little harm--it may even do good by helping to interest -people in the question. But for a long time the great mass of people -remain neutral. Either they have never heard of the movement, or they do -not think it serious and only laugh at it, or they think the question -unimportant and do not much mind which way it is decided, or they think -immediate decision is not called for, and that they may as well wait and -see. In fact, for one reason or another they do not think very much -about it, and are not actively interested on either side. - -Of course if such people are led to declare themselves prematurely, the -natural caution and conservatism of human nature will usually make them -vote against change. It is largely for this reason that good judgment--a -sound political instinct as to what it is wise to press at any given -moment--is required in the leaders of a movement. And though it is no -doubt very important to draw active converts from the large neutral -class, it is still more important to prevent the enemy doing so. For it -is not necessary to convert the great majority into active supporters. -Success is finally achieved when a sufficient proportion of the -originally indifferent have arrived at a more or less benevolent -neutrality almost without knowing it--so that the old indifferents come -to believe that they always thought there was a great deal to be said -for the proposed change, and the young indifferents grow up with a -feeling that it has to come. - -This change of feeling does not for the most part come from the _direct_ -influence of active propaganda. It is part of the general change in the -social atmosphere, and comes from the pressure of circumstances of -various kinds, from the unconscious influence of those who have made up -their minds, and from all the innumerable and indescribable things which -go to constitute the spirit of the age. The arguments and deliberate -influence of the active supporters help, but a large part of their -effect is indirect and unperceived at the time. - -It is in their influence on the neutral body that the militants are -doing most harm to the cause. They are exasperating the large undecided -mass, and driving many of them into more or less hardened opinion on the -wrong side. And once a man (or woman) has made up his mind, especially -perhaps if he has made it up emotionally, it is much harder to move him. -Of course the militants are also reducing some active supporters of the -movement to lukewarmness, at least about the advisability of immediate -advance, and thus losing the influence of such supporters. But I think -the harm they are doing with the hitherto more or less neutral is more -serious. - -However, do not let us talk of the militant policy any more. I, at -least, have enough belief in our cause to trust that it can live down -that set-back. Feeling on our side is rising, I believe, like a tide, so -that a little ditch cut across it will only retard it for a moment. - -When I first became aware of the movement--in the late sixties or early -seventies--it was in the stage of being met by ridicule. People who were -not in favour of it did not generally argue--they laughed. This no doubt -kept the timid away, but as a matter of fact very few were interested. -An old friend here was reminding me the other day of a meeting of the -Cambridge Suffrage Society held she believes in the early eighties. I do -not think I attended it myself, though I am not sure. It was an open -meeting, and a lady from London was to address it. The committee did not -venture to take any room larger than the Alderman's parlour at the -Guildhall. But that was too large. The committee sat at the table near -the speaker, and six or eight other ladies came in and were asked to sit -close to the committee at the table, so as to look less scattered--and -that was all the audience the visitor had to address. And that, -according to my friend's general recollection, and my own too, was the -usual type of the early meetings organised by the Cambridge Society. - -But gradually all this changed--and the degree of change may be measured -by comparing with these early meetings those which have taken place at -Cambridge in recent years. No one laughs now, or very few. The question -is taken seriously even by opponents, and the number of people -sufficiently interested to wish to hear about it is very large. - -There is another measure of the progress made of which we old people, -who have been suffragists for a long time, are conscious. We can see -among our own friends and acquaintances people who have been doubtful -but have now pronounced themselves in favour of giving women the -parliamentary vote. I remember, for instance, a conversation many years -ago with a lady who is now an ardent suffragist, but who surprised me -then by her doubtful attitude. I see others who 20 or 30 years ago I -should have expected to find opposed, now taking a leading part on our -side in their own neighbourhoods. I remember another conversation in -which a man who was or had been a Member of Parliament--I forget -which--was taking part and was expressing great doubts about the -advisability or the advantage to themselves of giving votes to women. -Some one present said that the increasing tendency to regulate by -legislation industrial matters affecting certain classes of women -specially, or affecting them differently from men, was an important -reason why women should vote. He admitted at once that women ought to -have the vote if such legislation were increasing, but he doubted the -fact at the moment. That man is a supporter now. What impresses me is -the number of people one knows who are now supporters, and even active -supporters, and have become so without one's being able to point to any -particular moment when what I may call their conversion took place. - -What causes besides active propaganda have contributed to this progress? -I think we can point to some. Among them an important place is, I think, -to be assigned to the increase of legislative interference in -arrangements connected with work and wages of which I have just -spoken--to the disappearance for good or ill of the old _laisser faire_. -When Parliament tries to legislate about such matters, it becomes very -obvious that in certain ways the interests of women and of men are not -the same, and are even occasionally opposed--not on the whole, of -course, but in certain particulars. And if so it seems also obvious that -women should have a voice in the legislation, for it is so clear that -within limits we all know better what suits ourselves than others can -know for us. - -This last consideration is an important principle at the base of -democratic government--at least, so long as this does not degenerate -into a mere tyranny of the majority--and the extension of the franchise -in 1867 and 1884 has, I think, had a very important effect in bringing -home to people that the arguments for extending the suffrage in the case -of men apply equally to women with the same qualifications. I think we -should find that many speeches used in favour of widening the suffrage -in 1884 would serve as speeches at a women's suffrage meeting. I used to -be impressed with the fact at the time, I remember. Probably we have -noticed that the propriety of widows and other women householders having -votes when the professed basis of the franchise is household suffrage, -occurs of itself to the man in the street--or rather, perhaps, I should -say to the man in the country village. - -I travelled the other day in a railway carriage filled with a party of -women travelling from somewhere beyond Cambridge--I do not know what -they were--widows and daughters of rather small tradesmen perhaps. Among -other things they talked of among themselves was the suffrage--and very -angry they were with the militants. "But mind you," said one, "I am not -altogether against women having votes. I think it only fair that widows -with houses should have it." I thought she and her companions belonged -clearly to that neutral body of which I spoke just now; some day, when -sound suffrage views are put before them, they will come down on the -right side of the fence if not previously too much exasperated. - -Then, again, as regards educated people at least, I think the large and -increasing number of educated women engaged in work useful to the -community outside their own homes has had a great effect on the views -both of men and women about the vote. - -These are three very important influences affecting the general -atmosphere in which views are formed--the increased tendency to -legislation affecting employments, the spread in all classes and parties -of democratic views, the work done by women. And then, last but not -least, is the steady work carried on in public and in private by the -societies for promoting women's suffrage and their members from the -commencement of the movement onwards. Our own society is a young one, -but the pioneer societies now merged in the National Union of Women's -Suffrage Societies have worked hard in times of hope and in times of -discouragement for half a century, and their labours have not been in -vain. A movement grows like a snowball--the larger the number of its -supporters the more rapidly it increases. Progress therefore of late -years has been more rapid and more obvious than it used to be, but none -the less the possibility of the present progress is largely due to the -early efforts of the pioneers. - -I think some of my hearers may demur to the view I expressed that the -set-back due to militancy is the only serious one from which we have -suffered. They may say that, for instance, the repeated attempts and -repeated failures to get a bill through Parliament--failures which we -cannot of course entirely attribute to the militants--are set-backs. But -I do not think failures of this sort are set-backs at all. They are only -waves on a rising tide. - -If in a rising tide we watch to see when a sand castle will be -overwhelmed, we shall see one little wave after another approaching and -receding without apparently affecting anything. One wave perhaps will -get very near, and yet fail, and perhaps many succeeding waves will get -even less near. But the failure of these waves does not set back the -tide. That rises steadily all the time and ultimately and inevitably a -wave does at length reach and overwhelm the castle. - -The analogy fails in one point. These waves that roll up the sandy shore -have no real effect on the tide--they are mere ripples on its surface. -But wisely conducted assaults on the suffrage citadel--such as attempts -to pass bills or resolutions in Parliament--are more than this. They -_do_ help the tide to rise. The effort is _not_ wasted even if it fails -at the moment. The tide rises the faster for it. Of course such partial -failures are very disappointing at the moment, especially to those who -have worked hard to secure success. It is impossible for those who have -thrown their whole energies into producing a wave which really will, -they think, reach the castle at last, to see it roll back like its -predecessors, without a sinking of heart, without a momentary feeling of -hopelessness. It is depressing to have to begin again and roll up -another wave, all the more because the energy needed to overcome what -seems the stupidity of those who disagree with us might, we think, if -set free by success be more profitably employed for the good of the -world. It is difficult sometimes to keep up courage--for the young -especially, for age brings more patience. But it is just because these -partial failures are trying that we must restore our sense of proportion -by contemplating from time to time the great progress that has been made -on the whole, and so get courage for fresh effort. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Progress of the Women's Suffrage -Movement, by Eleanor Mildred Sidgwick - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT *** - -***** This file should be named 51578.txt or 51578.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/5/7/51578/ - -Produced by MWS, Martin Pettit and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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