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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..dca9889 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #52041 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52041) diff --git a/old/52041-0.txt b/old/52041-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 222ed78..0000000 --- a/old/52041-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3709 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Scandinavian Relations with Ireland during -the Viking Period, by A. Walsh - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: Scandinavian Relations with Ireland during the Viking Period - -Author: A. Walsh - -Release Date: May 10, 2016 [EBook #52041] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SCANDINAVIAN RELATIONS *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - -Transcriber’s Note: The spelling, accents and hyphenation of given -names are inconsistent and have been retained as printed. - - - - - SCANDINAVIAN RELATIONS - WITH IRELAND DURING - THE VIKING PERIOD - - BY - - A. WALSH - - [Illustration] - - DUBLIN - THE TALBOT PRESS LIMITED - - LONDON - T. FISHER UNWIN LIMITED - - 1922 - - - - -PREFACE - - -This short study was written during my tenure of a Travelling -Studentship from the National University of Ireland, and in March, -1920, was accepted for the Research Degree Certificate of Cambridge -University. - -A glance at the bibliography shows that comparatively little has -been written in English on this interesting period of our history. -On the other hand modern Scandinavian scholars--Alexander Bugge, -Marstrander, and Vogt--have thrown a good deal of light on the subject, -but unfortunately very few of their books have been translated into -English. The present dissertation is based principally upon the Old and -Middle Irish annals and chronicles and the Icelandic sagas; reference -has also been made to the work of Scandinavian, English and Irish -scholars on the subject. - -I should like to acknowledge my debt to Professor Chadwick, who -directed my work: those who have had the privilege of working under -him will readily understand how much is due to his encouragement and -stimulating criticism. I wish also to express my thanks to my friends, -Miss N. Kershaw and Mr. E. J. Thomas, for many kindnesses while the -book was in preparation; to Miss Eleanor Hull and Professor Ó’Máille, -University College, Galway, for the loan of books; and to the Librarian -and staff of Cambridge University Library, the National Library, -Dublin, and T.C.D. Library. - -A. W. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - PREFACE - - Chap. - - I. THE VIKINGS IN IRELAND (795-1014) 1 - - II. INTERCOURSE BETWEEN THE GAILL AND THE GAEDHIL DURING THE - VIKING PERIOD 10 - - III. THE GROWTH OF THE SEAPORT TOWNS 21 - - IV. THE EXPANSION OF IRISH TRADE 29 - - V. SHIPBUILDING AND SEAFARING 35 - - VI. LINGUISTIC INFLUENCES 40 - - (_a_) Loan-words from Old Norse in Irish. - - (_b_) Gaelic Words in Old Norse Literature. - - (_c_) Irish Influence on Icelandic Place-nomenclature. - - VII. THE VIKINGS AND THE CELTIC CHURCH 47 - - VIII. LITERARY INFLUENCE. THE SAGAS OF ICELAND AND IRELAND 57 - - BIBLIOGRAPHY 77 - - - - -Scandinavian Relations with Ireland during the Viking Period. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE VIKINGS IN IRELAND (795-1014). - - -The Vikings made their first appearance[1] on the Irish coasts in 795 -A.D., when they plundered and burned the church on Recru, or Lambay -Island, near Dublin. During the next ten or twelve years Ireland -seems to have been almost free from further attacks, but in 807 they -descended on Inis Murray, off the Sligo coast, and from there made -their way inland to Roscommon.[2] After that the raids ceased for a few -years, then began again with renewed vigour on Connacht and Munster, on -some of the inland counties of Leinster, and on several places along -the east coast.[3] - -The arrival of Turgeis[4] (O.N. Thorgestr) in Armagh, about 832, marks -a new phase of the invasions. Hitherto the Vikings had come in isolated -parties solely for purposes of plunder; now, however, “great sea-cast -floods of foreigners” landed in every harbour, and began to form -settlements in various parts of the island. Dublin was first occupied -in 836, and four years later the Norsemen strengthened their position -there considerably by the erection of a _longphort_ or fortress. From -their _longphort_ at Linn Duachaill (between Drogheda and Dundalk) -built in the same year, they made their way to the West and plundered -Clonmacnois, while settlers from Cael-uisce, near Newry, went south and -laid waste County Kildare.[5] - -The power of Turgeis was not confined to the north of Ireland. His -fleets were stationed on Loch Ree, the centre from which Meath and -Connacht were devastated. His wife, Ota (O.N. Authr), desecrated -the monastery of Clonmacnois by giving her oracular responses (_a -frecartha_) from the high altar.[6] The tyranny of Turgeis came to -an end in 845, when he was captured by Maelsechnaill, who afterwards -became _árd-rí_, and was drowned in Lough Owel.[7] - -After his death the tide of battle turned in favour of the Irish, -and the Norsemen were defeated in several battles. Weakened by -warfare, they had to contend in 849 with an enemy from without--the -Dubh-Gaill[8] or Danes who had sailed round the south coast of England -and landed in Ireland “to exercise authority over the foreigners who -were there before them.” Two years after their arrival the newcomers -plundered the fortresses at Dublin and Dundalk, but were attacked in -the following year on Carlingford Loch by the Norsemen. In this great -naval battle, which lasted three days and three nights, the Danes were -finally victorious.[9] - -“Amhlaoibh Conung, son of the King of Lochlann,” known in Icelandic -sources as Olaf the White, came to Ireland about 852 to rule over his -countrymen, and to exact tribute from the Irish.[10] According to the -_Fragments of Annals_, he left suddenly and returned a few years later -accompanied by his “younger brother, Imhar,” who may be identified -with Ivarr Beinlausi (_i.e._, “the Boneless”) son of Ragnarr Lothbrók. -Both kings ruled from Dublin, which town now gained a new importance -as the seat of the Scandinavian Kings in Ireland. In 865 the Vikings -extended their activities to Scotland, whence they carried off much -plunder and many captives. An expedition on a larger scale was made by -Olaf and Ivarr in 869, when Dumbarton, after a four months’ siege, fell -into their hands. They returned in triumph to Ireland in the following -year with a large number of English, British, and Pictish prisoners -and ended their victorious march by the capture of Dunseverick (Co. -Antrim).[11] - -Olaf returned to Norway some time after this to take part in the wars -there,[12] and we hear no more of him in the Irish Annals. “Imhar, King -of the Norsemen of all Ireland and Britain,” did not long survive him; -his death is recorded under the year 873.[13] - -During the years which followed Ivarr’s death the country was -comparatively peaceful, and the Irish began to enjoy a rest from fresh -invasions, which lasted about forty years.[14] The Danes and the -Norsemen again began to quarrel among themselves, and once more their -opposing fleets met on Carlingford Lough;[15] in this battle Albann -(O.N. Halfdanr), brother of Ivarr, a well-known leader of the Vikings -in England, was slain. Dissensions also spread among the ranks of the -Dublin Norsemen, dividing them into two hostile parties, one siding -with Sitriucc, son of Ivarr, the other with a certain Sighfrith.[16] -This internal strife so weakened Norse power that the Irish captured -the fortress at Dublin in 902, and drove the Vikings across the sea -with great slaughter. - -The forty years’ rest terminated abruptly in 913, when several fleets -arrived at Waterford and proceeded to ravage all Munster and Leinster. -In 916 Raghnall (O.N. Rögnvaldr), grandson of Ivarr, assumed command -while his brother or cousin, Sihtric Gale (also nicknamed Caoch, ‘the -Blind’) came with a fleet to Cenn Fuaid, in the east of Leinster, and -built a fortification there.[17] Both chiefs united forces against the -_árd-rí_ Niall Glundubh, and having defeated him in battle Sihtric -entered Dublin and became king (918). In the following year the Irish -under Niall made a brave stand at Kilmashogue, near Dublin, but Sihtric -won a decisive victory, and Niall and twelve other kings were among the -slain.[18] - -Scandinavian power in Ireland was now at its height. Large fleets -occupied all the lakes in Ulster, so that no part of the surrounding -territory was safe from their attacks.[19] The Vikings also retained -their grip of the coast towns, and successfully withstood the efforts -made by the Irish leaders to dislodge them. Between the years 920 -and 950 the importance of Dublin increased considerably through its -connection with the Scandinavian Kingdom of Northumbria. Raghnall, -grandson of Ivarr, captured York about 919[20] and reigned there until -his death in 921.[21] He was succeeded by Sihtric Gale, who had -been expelled from Dublin in the preceding year,[22] probably by his -brother, Guthfrith. After Sihtric’s death in 927 Guthfrith, King of -Dublin (d. 934), with the Vikings of Dundalk, left Ireland in order -to secure his own succession in York, but he would seem to have been -driven out by Aethelstan, for the Irish Annals mention his return to -Dublin after an absence of six months.[23] - -Guthfrith’s son, Olaf, came forward about this time. Supported by the -Norsemen of Strangford Lough he plundered Armagh, but his subsequent -attacks on Ulster were checked by Muirchertach MacNeill, son of -Niall Glundubh. Olaf fought in alliance with Constantine in the -battle of Brunanburh (937), and after the defeat inflicted on them by -Aethelstan’s forces he fled to Dublin.[24] He is probably the “Anlaf of -Ireland” who was chosen King by the Northumbrians in 941,[25] but he -died about a year later.[26] - -Another Olaf, the famous Olaf Cuaran, also called Sihtricsson to -distinguish between them, also played an important part in campaigns in -Ireland and England. He went to York about 941, and was elected king -by the Northumbrians, but was expelled after a few years along with -Raegenald, son of Guthfrith.[27] He then took the Dublin Kingdom under -his rule, and in the following year was defeated in battle by the Irish -at Slaine (Co. Meath). Leaving his brother Guthfrith to govern in his -stead, he departed to York, where he became king a second time; but the -Northumbrians drove him out after three years and placed “Yric, son of -Harald” (_i.e._, Eric Bloodaxe, late King of Norway) on the throne.[28] - -Henceforward Olaf limited his activities to Ireland, where he reigned, -the most famous of the Dublin Kings, for some thirty years. In 980, -having summoned auxiliaries from the Scottish isles and Man, he -prepared to attack the _árd-rí_, Maelsechnaill II. A fierce battle was -fought between them at Tara in which the Norse armies were completely -routed, Olaf’s son Raghnall being among the slain. Maelsechnaill -followed up this victory by a three days’ siege of Dublin, after -which he carried off a number of hostages from the Norsemen, and also -obtained from them 2,000 kine, together with jewels and various other -treasures.[29] Olaf himself, utterly disheartened by his defeat, went -on pilgrimage to Iona, where he died soon after. - -Some fifteen years before, a severe blow had been struck at the -power of the Limerick Vikings under Ivarr, grandson of Ivarr and his -sons. The attack made on them at Sulcoit (968) by two princes of the -Dal Cais, the brothers Mathgamain and Brian, resulted in victory -for the Irish, who took Limerick shortly after.[30] Mathgamain was -treacherously murdered in 976, and Brian then became King of Thomond. -He soon brought the Kingdoms of Ossory and Leinster under his control, -and by the terms of a treaty made in 998 Maelsechnaill consented -to leave Brian master of Leth Mogha (_i.e._, the southern half of -Ireland). The Leinstermen under King Maelmordha, dissatisfied with -this arrangement, began to make trouble and revolted, assisted by the -Dublin Norsemen. An important victory was gained over their combined -armies at Gleann Mama (Co. Wicklow) in the year 1000 by Brian, who -after the battle captured Dublin. King Sihtric (O.N. Sigtryggr), son of -Olaf Cuaran, had to submit to Brian’s authority. Having accepted his -allegiance Brian married Gormflaith, mother of Sihtric and sister of -Maelmordha, and at the same time gave his own daughter to Sihtric in -marriage.[31] - -Brian became _árd-rí_ in 1002, and after that for about twelve years -there was peace. Towards the end of that time Gormflaith, who had -meanwhile separated from her husband, incited her brother Maelmordha to -make war on Brian. Maelmordha and Sihtric began to gather forces for -the coming struggle. Sihtric at his mother’s command sought the aid of -Sigurthr, Earl of Orkney and of Brodar,[32] a Viking whose fleet then -lay off the west coast of Man. Fleets also came from Norway[33] and -Iceland to help their kinsmen. The armies under Brian and Maelsechnaill -marched towards Dublin, and having encamped near Kilmainham set fire -to the district of Fingal (_i.e._, _Fine Gall_, “the Foreigners’ -territory”) north of the city. The two armies met at Clontarf on Good -Friday morning and the battle, one of the most famous ever fought on -Irish soil, raged all that day. The Norsemen suffered a severe defeat, -and in attempting to fly for refuge to their ships were slaughtered by -Maelsechnaill at Dubhgall’s Bridge, near the Four Courts. Brian himself -did not take part in the fight, but he was slain in his tent by Brodar -after the battle.[34] - -After the Battle of Clontarf the Norsemen became gradually absorbed -in the general population except in a few coast towns, where they -continued to live more or less distinct and governed by petty kings -until the English Invasion (1169). In the chronicles of the twelfth -and thirteenth centuries they are generally alluded to as “_Ostmen_” -(corruptly _Houstmanni_, _Nosmani_, etc.),[35] and it would seem that -when Dublin, Limerick, and Waterford were captured by the English the -“Ostmen” had to withdraw to certain districts outside the walls of -these towns. Thus, near Dublin, north of the River Liffey, we hear of -Ostmaneby[36] (_i.e._, _Austmannabyr_) afterwards called Ostmanstonry, -and now known as Oxmanstown. Mention is also made (c. 1200) of a -“‘cantred’ of the Ostmen and holy isle,” near Limerick and (c. 1282) -of a “vill of the Ostmen”[37] near Waterford.[38] In the records of -the fourteenth century, however, there is an almost total absence of -references to the “Ostmen” in Ireland.[39] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[1] Zimmer was of the opinion that the Norsemen made their way to -Ireland as early as the seventh century. He bases his theory on an -entry in the _Annals of Ulster_ and in certain other Irish annals -(under the year 617) recording “the devastation of Tory Island by -a marine fleet.” (_über die frühesten Berührungen der Iren mit den -Nordgermanen_, p. 279 ff. in _Sitzungsberichte der kgl. preussischen -Akademie der Wissenschaften_. 1891. Bd. I., pp. 279-317.) But this -attack is likely to have been due to Saxon or Pictish raiders rather -than to the Norsemen. - -[2] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 807. - -[3] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 811, 820-824, 827, 830. - -[4] Some writers would identify Turgeis with Thorgils, son of Harold -Fairhair, who with his brother Frothi went on a viking expedition to -Ireland. They captured Dublin, and Thorgils reigned there for a long -time as king. In the end, however, he was betrayed by the Irish and was -killed. (_Heimskringla: Haralds saga hins hárfagra_, ch. 35.) - -This account of Thorgils certainly bears a resemblance to that of -Turgeis contained in the Irish chronicles and Giraldus Cambrensis (cf. -Todd: Introduction to _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, I., ii.), -but it is of course incorrect to say that Turgeis was a son of Harold -Fairhair. - -[5] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 841. - -[6] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 13. - -[7] _Ib._, p. 15. - -[8] The Irish chroniclers use a variety of names for the Scandinavians: -_Dibearccai_ (outlaws), _Gaill_ (foreigners), _Gennti_ (Gentiles), and -_Pagánaigh_ (Pagans). They also distinguish between Danes and Norsemen. -The Danes were known as _Danair_, _Danmarcaigh_, _Dubh Gennti_ (Black -Gentiles), and _Dubh-Gaill_. The word _Dubh-Gaill_ (Black Foreigners) -still survives in the personal names _Doyle_ and _MacDowell_ and in -the place-name _Baldoyle_. The Norsemen were called _Finn-Gaill_ -(Fair Foreigners), _Finn-Genti_, _Nortmannai_ (Lat. Northmanni) and -_Lochlannaigh_ (_i.e._, men of _Lochlann_ or Norway). - -[9] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 851 (= 852). - -[10] _Three Fragments of Annals_, p. 127. - -Vogt (_Dublin som Norsk By_, p. 66) suggests that Olaf was related to -Turgeis, the first Norse King of Ireland, and to Earl Tomrair (O.N. -Thórarr), “_tanist_ of the King of Lochlann,” who fell in the battle of -Scaith Neachtain (847). On the other hand it may be noted here that the -Annalist errs in making Olaf a brother of Ivarr the Boneless. - -[11] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 870. - -[12] _Three Fragments of Annals_, p. 195. The _Landnámabók_, II., ch. -15 says that “Olaf fell in battle in Ireland,” but this is surely a -mistake. - -[13] _Annals of Ulster_, _sub anno_, 872 (= 873). - -[14] Cf. _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 27. Cf. also the -entries in the _Annals of Ulster_: - -“Ruaidhri, son of Muirmenn King of the Britons came to Ireland, fleeing -before the Black Foreigners” (an. 876). - -“The shrine of Colum-Cille and all his relics were brought to Ireland -to escape the Foreigners” (an. 877). - -[15] The _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_ (p. 27) mentions another -battle between Fair and Black Gentiles, in which many of the latter -were killed. - -[16] It is extremely difficult to identify these two princes owing -to the similarity between their names. It has been suggested that -Sighfrith is the Siefredus or Sievert who ruled jointly with -Guthred-Cnut (d. c. 894) as King of Northumbria, while Sitriucc son -of Ivarr is probably the “Sitric comes” whose name appears on a coin -dating from this period. (See A. Mawer: _The Scandinavian Kingdom of -Northumbria_, pp. 11-13. Saga-book of the Viking Club, VII. Part I.) - -[17] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 916. - -[18] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 918. _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, -p. 37. An entry in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (A.D. 921), referring -to the result of this battle, runs:--“In this year King Sihtric slew -his brother Niel.” There is, however, no evidence in Irish sources that -Sihtric and Niall were brothers, or even half-brothers. - -[19] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 920, 921, 923, 925. - -[20] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, A.D. 923. - -[21] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 920. - -[22] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 919. - -[23] _Ib._, A.D. 927. - -[24] _Ib._, A.D. 937. _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, A. Annal, 937. - -[25] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, D. Annal 941. - -[26] _Ib._, E. Annal 942; _Annals of Clonmacnoise_, A.D. 934. - -[27] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, A. Annal 944. - -[28] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, E. Annals 949, 952. - -[29] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 978, 979; _Annals of Ulster_, -A.D. 979 (= 980). - -[30] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 77. - -[31] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 115; _Annals of the Four -Masters_, A.D. 997. - -[32] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 153. _Njáls Saga_, ch. -155. In the _Annals of Loch Cé_ (A.D. 1014) Brodar is called the earl -of York (_iarla Caoire Eabhroigh_). - -[33] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 151. - -[34] _Ib._, pp. 151-191; _Njáls Saga_, chs. 155-157, _Annals of Loch -Cé_, A.D. 1014; _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 1013. - -[35] _Calendar of the Ancient Records of Dublin_ (ed. by J. T. -Gilbert), II. 81; _Chartularies of St. Mary’s Abbey, Dublin_ (ed. -by Gilbert), I. 258; II. 251; Giraldus Cambrensis: _Topographia -Hibernica_, V. 187. - -The name “Ostmen” is generally supposed to have been first given -to them by the English, but the word is Norse (_i.e._, _Austmenn_, -plural of _Austmathr_, “a man living in the East”) and therefore must -have been current in Ireland before the English invasion. It may be -suggested that the name was applied to the original Scandinavian -settlers in Ireland, to merchants and other later comers from Norway, -Sweden, and Denmark. Cf. the nickname _Austmathr_, given to a certain -Eyvindr by the Scandinavian settlers in the Hebrides because he had -come there from Sweden. - -[36] _Chartularies of St. Mary’s Abbey_, I. 267; _ib._, I. 227, 234, -etc.; _Calendar of the Ancient Records of Dublin_, I. 55; II. 96. - -[37] _A Calendar of Documents Relating to Ireland_ (ed. by H. S. -Sweetman), I. 24. - -[38] _Ib._, II. p. 426. - -[39] For interesting articles on the Ostmen in Ireland see A. Bugge: -_Sidste Afsnit af Nordboernes Historie i Irland_, pp. 248-315 (Aarb ger -for nord. Oldk. 1900); and E. Curtis: _The English and the Ostmen in -Ireland_ (English Historical Review, XXIII., p. 209 ff.). - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -INTERCOURSE BETWEEN THE GAILL AND THE GAEDHIL DURING THE VIKING PERIOD. - - -The existence of the Gaill-Gaedhil or foreign Irish in Ulster and -various parts of Munster[40] during the years 854-856 shows that -even in the early part of the ninth century there must have been -considerable intercourse between the Vikings and the native population. -For some of the Gaill-Gaedhil were partly of Irish, partly of Norse -extraction; others, as the annalist explicitly states, were Irishmen -who had been fostered by the Norsemen, and in consequence had -forsaken Christian practices and lapsed into Paganism.[41] From a -chance allusion in a tenth century text[42] it would seem that they -could speak Gaelic, but so badly that the expression “the gicgog of -a Gall-Gaedheal” was generally understood to mean halting or broken -Gaelic. - -They are mentioned in the Annals for the first time[43] in 854, in -which year Aedh Finnliath, King of Aileach, won a great victory over -them in a battle fought at Glenelly, in Tyrone.[44] After this they -took an active part in the Irish wars, fighting like mercenaries -on different sides--at one time in alliance with the _árd-rí_, -Maelsechnaill, who was at war with the Norsemen;[45] again, with an -Irish clan against the Dublin Vikings under Ivarr,[46] and still later -we find them joined with the men of Waterford in opposition to the -_árd-rí_.[47] Led by Caittil Find (O.N. Ketill + Ir. _find_--fair) -they made their last stand against the Dublin Vikings under Olaf and -Ivarr, but were defeated with heavy losses, and after this there is no -further record of their activities in Ireland.[48] On one occasion at -least, they fought with the Viking armies in England. According to -the account of the siege of Chester (c. 912) preserved in the _Three -Fragments of Annals_, many Irishmen, foster-children of the Norsemen, -formed part of the besieging army under the chieftain Hingamund,[49] -who had been expelled from Dublin some time previously. To these -Irishmen Aethelflaed, the lady of the Mercians, sent ambassadors -appealing to them as “true and faithful friends” to abandon the -“hostile race of Pagans” and to assist the Saxons in defending the -city. The Irish then deserted their former allies and joined the -Saxons, “and the reason they acted so towards the Danes,” adds the -chronicler, “was because they were less friendly with them than with -the Norsemen.”[50] - -The Vikings who formed settlements in Ireland during the reign of -Turgeis (839-845) seem to have mingled freely with the Irish, for -we find them not long after their arrival stirring up the clans to -rebellion against the _árd-rí_[51] and joining the native princes on -plundering expeditions. The annals mention several such alliances. -Cinaedh, Prince of Cranachta-Breagh, who had revolted against -Maelsechnaill with a party of plunderers, laid waste the country from -the Shannon eastward to the sea.[52] Another Irish prince, Lorcan, King -of Meath, accompanied Olaf and Ivarr when they broke into the famous -burial-mounds[53] at New Grange, Knowth and Dowth, on the Boyne, and -carried off the treasures which they found there. After the great -naval battle between Danes and Norsemen in Carlingford Lough (A.D. -852) Danes and Irish frequently united forces against the common -enemy, and on one occasion--after the two armies had won a victory -over the Norsemen in Tipperary--the Danish chieftain Horm and his men -were escorted in triumph to Tara where they were received with great -honour by the _árd-rí_.[54] Even after the arrival of Olaf the White, -who brought about a temporary reconciliation between the two parties -of “Foreigners,” a detachment of Danes remained on in the service of -Cearbhall, King of Ossory.[55] - -The Irish chronicler, in alluding to the Norse practice of billeting -their soldiers in the Irish farmhouses, lays stress on the feelings of -hostility entertained by the Irish towards this “wrathful, foreign, -purely Pagan people.” Yet, we not infrequently find instances of -friendly intercourse, as in the well-known story of Olaf-Trygvason and -the peasant.[56] It appears that after Olaf’s marriage to Gyda, sister -of Olaf Cuaran, he occasionally visited Ireland. Once he sailed there -with a large naval force, and being short of provisions went on land -with his men on a foraging expedition. They seized a large number of -cows, and were driving them towards the shore when a peasant ran after -them and begged Olaf to give him back his cows. Olaf told him to take -them, if he could separate them from the rest without delaying their -journey. The peasant had with him a large sheep-dog, which he sent in -among the herd, and the dog ran up and down and drove off as many cows -as the peasant claimed. As they were all marked in the same way it was -evident that the dog knew all his master’s cows. Then Olaf asked if the -peasant would give him the dog. “Willingly,” was the reply. So Olaf -gave him in return a gold ring, and assured him of his friendship. The -dog was called Vígi, “the best of all dogs,” and Olaf had it for a long -time. Years later, after the great naval battle in which Olaf lost his -life, “Vígi lay on a mound and would take no food from anyone, although -he drove away other dogs and beasts and birds from what was brought to -him… Thus he lay till he died.”[57] - -Moreover, the evidence of both Norse and Irish sources goes to show -that all through the ninth and tenth centuries there was extensive -intermarriage between the two peoples. Marriages of the invaders -with the women whom they had carried off as captives must have taken -place from an early period,[58] and we know definitely that the kings -and chieftains on both sides frequently strengthened their alliances -by unions between members of the royal families. According to the -_Landnámabók_ many distinguished Icelanders traced their descent to -Kjarval, _i.e._, Cearbhall, King of Ossory (d. 887), an ally of Olaf -and Ivarr. His grandson, Dufthak (Ir. Dubhthach)[59] was the founder -of an Icelandic family, and three of his daughters, Kormlöth (Ir. -Gormflaith),[60] Frithgerth[61] and Rafarta[62] married Norsemen. The -_Landnámabók_ speaks of Kjarval as having been King of Dublin while -“Alfred the Great ruled in England… and Harold Fairhair in Norway,”[63] -a statement which is often doubted because unsupported by the evidence -of the Irish historians; but it is not at all unlikely, since Cearbhall -was remotely connected with the Dublin royal house through his -granddaughter Thurithr, who married Thorsteinn the Red, son of Olaf the -White.[64] - -There is no mention of Authr, Olaf’s Norse wife, in the Annals, but we -hear incidentally[65] that Olaf, while in Ireland, married a daughter -of Aedh Finnliath, King of Aileach. After he became _árd-rí_ (864) Aedh -turned against the Norsemen, and having plundered all their fortresses -in the north of Ireland marched towards Lough Foyle, where they had -assembled to give him battle. Aedh was victorious, and some years after -he again defeated the Foreigners, who were at this time in alliance -with his nephew Flann; Flann himself and Carlus, son of Olaf the White -being numbered among the slain. We also hear of other Irish Kings -who were closely related to their Viking opponents. _Laxdaela Saga_ -contains an interesting account of a slave-woman who was bought at a -market in Norway by an Icelander called Höskuldr. The woman was dumb, -but Höskuldr was so struck by her appearance that he willingly paid for -her three times the price of an ordinary slave, and took her back with -him to Iceland. A few years later, happening to overhear her talking -to their little son, Olaf Pái, he discovered to his amazement that her -dumbness was feigned. She then confessed that her name was Melkorka -(Ir. _Mael-Curcaigh_) and that she was the daughter of Myr Kjartan, a -king in Ireland, whence she had been carried off as a prisoner of war -when only fifteen years old. - -When Olaf was grown up his mother urged him to visit Ireland in order -to establish his relationship with King Myr Kjartan, “for,” she said, -“I cannot bear your being called the son of a slave-woman any longer.” -Before they parted she gave him a large finger-ring and said: “This -my father gave me for a teething-gift, and I know he will recognise -it when he sees it.” She also put into his hands a knife and belt and -bade him give them to her nurse: “I am sure she will not doubt these -tokens.” And still further Melkorka spoke: “I have fitted you out -from home as best I know how, and taught you to speak Irish, so that -it will make no difference to you where you are brought to shore in -Ireland…”[66] - -The saga goes on to describe the voyage to Ireland, the landing there, -and Olaf’s reception by King Myr Kjartan. - -Myr Kjartan may be identified with Muirchertach “of the Leather -Cloaks,” King of Aileach, who like his father Niall Glundubh -distinguished himself by his spirited resistance to Norse rule in -the first half of the tenth century.[67] Donnflaith, another of his -daughters and mother of the _árd-rí_, Maelsechnaill II., married Olaf -Cuaran. Their son, Gluniarainn, reigned in Dublin after his father’s -retirement to Iona, and appears to have been on friendly terms with -Maelsechnaill.[68] The relationship between these two families becomes -more complicated owing to the fact that Maelsechnaill’s own wife, -Maelmuire (d. 1021), was a daughter of Olaf.[69] - -But perhaps no figure stands out so prominently in the Irish and -Norse chronicles[70] of the second half of the tenth century as -Gormflaith (O.N. Kormlöth) who first married Olaf Cuaran, then his -enemy Maelsechnaill II., and finally Brian Borumha, from whom she also -separated. - -The interchange of family and personal names which took place to -such an extent during the Viking period also points to the close -connection between the foreigners and the Irish. As early as 835 -mention is made of one Gofraidh (O.N. Guthröthr), son of Fergus, who -went to Scotland from Ireland in order to strengthen the Dal Riada and -died some time after as King of the Hebrides.[71] The Dublin Viking -who led an attack on Armagh in 895 had an Irish name, Glun-iarainn, -obviously a translation of O.N. _Jarn-kné_. He was in all probability -a relative of Iercne or Jargna (corrupt forms of _Jarn-kné_) who ruled -in conjunction with Zain or Stain (O.N. Steinn) as King of Dublin -(c. 850);[72] while other earls of Dublin, Otir mac Eirgni,[73] Eloir -mac Ergni or Largni[74] and Gluntradna, son of Glun-Iarainn would -also appear to have been of the same royal family.[75] Irish names -occur more frequently in Norse families during the tenth and eleventh -centuries; we find Uathmaran, son of Earl Bairith (O.N. Barthr); -Camman,[76] son of Olaf Godfreyson; Giolla Padraig, Dubhcenn[77] and -Donndubhan, sons of King Ivarr of Limerick;[78] Niall, son of Erulb -(O.N. Herjulfr); Cuallaidh, son of King Ivarr of Waterford; Eachmarach, -and very many others.[79] On the other hand, we may note the prevalence -of such common Norse names as Ivarr, Guthröthr, Sumarlithi among the -Irish, especially in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Several of -these names still survive, as, for instance, MacAuliffe (O.N. Óláfr); -MacCaffrey (O.N. Guthöthr); MacCalmont or Lamont (O.N. Lögmathr); -Kettle (O.N. Ketill); Kitterick (? Ir. Mac + N. Sigtryggr); MacKeever -(O.N. Ivarr); Manus and MacManus (O.N. Magnus); Quistan (Ir. Mac. + -O.N. Eysteinn); Reynolds (O.N. Rögnvaldr); Sigerson (O.N. Sigurthr) and -MacSorley (O.N. Sumarlithi). - -Both Gaill and Gaedhil, so dissimilar in many ways, benefited by -their intercourse with one another. In Ireland the Vikings played an -important part in the development of trade; they also promoted the -growth of town life. We may trace the beginnings of the seaport towns, -Dublin, Limerick, Waterford and Wexford, to the forts built by them -near the large harbours in the ninth and tenth centuries. In Dublin -coins were minted for the first time in Ireland[80] during the reign -of Sihtric Silken Beard (c. 989-1042). Moreover, the large number of -loan-words from Old Norse which made their way into Irish shows that -the Irish learned in many other ways from the invaders, notably in -shipbuilding and navigation. - -So far as literature and art are concerned, the period of the -Viking occupation is one of the most interesting in the history of -Ireland. In spite of the destruction of the monasteries and the -departure of numbers of the monks[81] to the Continent the work of -the great schools was carried on and there was considerable literary -activity;[82] in 914 and 924, respectively, the great crosses at -Clonmacnois and Monasterboice were set up; cumhdachs, or book-shrines -of plated gold and silver, were made for the three great manuscripts, -the _Book of Kells_, the _Book of Durrow_ and the _Book of Armagh_; -carved gold, silver, and bronze work reached a high level of excellence -in the famous Ardagh Chalice and the Tara Brooch; and during the years -which intervened between the battles of Gleann Mama and Clontarf, -Romanesque architecture was introduced into Ireland. Irish art did -not remain wholly free from Scandinavian influence. In the Cross of -Cong (A.D. 1123) the Celtic interlaced patterns are found side by side -with the “worm-dragon” ornament, while the crosier of Clonmacnois, the -psalter of Ricemarsh and the shrine of St. Patrick’s Bell are decorated -in the style known as “Hiberno-Danish.”[83] - -The Vikings, on the other hand, came under the influences of Irish -art and literature. We find marks of Celtic influence not only in the -sculptured crosses erected by the Norsemen in the North of England -and Man, but even in Scandinavia itself.[84] Moreover, there are -strong reasons for supposing that the rise of the prose saga among the -Icelanders may be the outcome of their intercourse with the Irish in -the ninth and tenth centuries. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[40] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 855, 856; _Annals of the Four Masters_, -A.D. 856. - -[41] _Three Fragments of Annals_, pp. 128, 129, 138, 139. - -[42] _Airec Menmam Uraird Maic Coisse_, sec. 29 (Marstrander: _Bidrag -til det Norske Sprogs Historie i Irland_, p. 10). - -[43] With the Gaill-Gaedhil are often identified a body of plunderers, -members of Meath and Cavan clans, who in the year 845 devastated large -tracts of territory “after the manner of the Gentiles” (_Annals of -Ulster_, A.D. 845). The Annalists call them “sons of death” (_maic -báis_), possibly a term applied by the monastic chroniclers to a -people who had abandoned their Christian baptism, and who had profaned -churches and religious houses. (Cf. Marstrander, _op. cit._, p. 7, n.) - -[44] Cf. _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 854. _Three Fragments of -Annals_, A.D. 852, referring to the same event, mention the “fleet of -the Gaill-Gaedhil.” - -[45] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 855. - -[46] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 856. - -[47] _Fragments of Annals_, A.D. 858. - -[48] There was also a mixed Norse and Gaelic population in Galloway -(the word is a corruption of _Gall-Gaedhil_, Welsh Galwydel) as well -as in the Hebrides (Ir. _Innse Gall._, _i.e._, the “Islands of the -Foreigners or Norsemen”) and other parts of Scotland. There is a -reference to these Gaill-Gaedhil in the _Four Masters_ (A.D. 1154): -“The Cinél Eoghain and Muirchertach, son of Niall, sent persons over -the sea to hire the fleets of the Gaill-Gaedhil of Aran, Cantire and -the Isle of Man and the borders of Scotland in general, over which Mac -Sgelling was in command…” (For other references see Marstrander, _op. -cit._, p. 9.) - -By _Gaddgethlar_ the Norsemen understood “the place… where Scotland and -England meet” (cf. _Orkneyinga Saga_, ch. 28). It is also interesting -to note that in Norse sources the inhabitants of Galloway are called -_Vikinga-Skotar_, a direct translation of Gaill-Gaedhil. - -O’Flaherty (_Ogygia_, p. 360) thought that the Gaill-Gaedhil mentioned -in the Annals of the mid-ninth century came to Ireland from Scotland, -but the ancient _Three Fragments of Annals_, which contain the fullest -accounts of the Gaill-Gaedhil (pp. 138-141) speak of them as _Scuit_ -(_i.e._, an Irish form of the Latin _Scoti_, a word which is always -used with reference to the Irish before the tenth century). Moreover, -the impression received from reading the _Fragments of Annals_ is that -the Annalist had in his mind the Norse-Gaelic population of Ireland, -not of Scotland. - -[49] _Ann. Cambriae_, A.D. 902; (Steenstrup: _Normannerne_, III., pp. -37-41). - -[50] _Three Fragments of Annals_, p. 230 ff. - -[51] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 845, 852; _Annals of Ulster_, -A.D. 846. _Three Fragments of Annals_, A.D. 862. - -[52] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 848. - -[53] The plundering of these burial-mounds--“a thing that had never -been done before”--made a deep impression on the Irish Annalists; it -was thought that the Vikings discovered the existence of the treasure -by magic, “through paganism and idol worship” (_War of the Gaedhil with -the Gaill_, p. 115). The same source (p. 25) records the plundering of -Kerry by Baraid (O.N. Barthr) and Olaf the White’s son “who left not a -cave there underground that they did not explore.” - -Several references to this practice of the Vikings occur also in -Icelandic literature. It is interesting to compare the Irish accounts -with the following passage from Landnámabók (I., ch. 5): “Leifr (one of -the earliest settlers in Iceland) went on a Viking raid to the West. -He plundered Ireland and found there a large underground house (Icel. -_jarth-hus_). It was dark within until he made his way to a place where -he saw a light shining from a sword which a man held in his hand. Leifr -slew the man and took the sword and much treasure besides.” - -[54] _Three Fragments of Annals_, p. 135. - -[55] _Ib._, p. 137. - -[56] _Heimskringla: Óláfs Saga Tryggvasonar_, ch. 35. - -[57] Cf. The story of Samr, (_i.e._, probably Ir. sam, “happy” or -“peaceful”) the Irish hound which Olaf Pai gave to Gunnarr. Samr was -killed while defending his master’s homestead. (_Njáls Saga_, chs. 69, -75.) - -[58] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 820; _Fragments of Annals_, p. -166; _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 79; _The Victorious Career -of Callachan of Cashel_, p. 9. - -[59] _Landnámabók_, V., ch. 8. - -[60] _Ib._, V., ch. 13. - -[61] _Ib_., III., ch. 9. - -[62] _Ib._, III., ch. 12. Rafarta was the wife of Eyvindr the -Easterner, “who settled down in Ireland and had charge of Kjarval’s -defences” (cf. _Grettis Saga_, ch. 3). _Orkneyinga Saga_ (ch. 11.) -makes Edna (Ir. _Eithne_) another of Kjarval’s daughters to be the -mother of Sigurthr, Earl of Orkney (killed in the battle of Clontarf, -1014); but owing to the chronological difficulty this is hardly likely. - -[63] _Landnámabók_, I., ch. 1. - -[64] _Ib._, II., ch. 15. - -[65] _Three Fragments of Annals_, p. 151. The same source (p. 173) -mentions still another wife of Olaf, “the daughter of Cinaedh,” _i.e._, -in all probability Cinaedh Mac Ailpin, King of the Picts (d. 858). - -[66] _Laxdaela Saga_ (translated by M.A.C. Press), chs. 12, 13, 20, 21. - -[67] The _Annals of the Four Masters_ record his death under the year -941: “Muirchertach of the Leather Cloaks, lord of Aileach, the Hector -of the West of Europe in his time, was slain at Ardee by Blacaire, son -of Godfrey, lord of the Foreigners.” - -Muirchertach’s grandson was killed by Olaf Cuaran. (_Ib._, A.D. 975). - -[68] _Ib._, A.D. 981. - -[69] _Ib._, A.D. 1021. - -[70] _War of the Gaedhit with the Gaill_, p. 142 ff.; _Njáls Saga_, -chs. 153, 154. - -[71] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 851. - -[72] _Three Fragments of Annals_, pp. 119, 123. _Annals of Ulster_, -A.D. 852. - -[73] _Chronicon Scotorum_, A.D. 883. - -[74] _Ib._, 886; _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 885. - -[75] See A. Bugge: _Nordisk Sprog og Nordisk Nationalitet, i Irland_, -pp. 284, 285. Professor Marstrander (_op. cit._, pp. 45, 46) takes -_Gluntradna_ to be an Irish adaptation of an O.N. nickname _Trönu-Kné_, -to which he compares _Trönubeina, the daughter of Thraell, in the -Rígsthula_, 9. - -[76] Cf. the name Grímr Kamban (_Landnámabók_, Hauksbók MS., ch. 19) -which seems to be a Norse form of the Irish _Camman_. - -[77] According to A. Bugge, _Dubhcenn_ is a translation of the O.N. -_Svarthöfthi_, but Marstrander (_op. cit._, p. 45) holds that the name -was known in Ireland before the Viking age. It may be suggested that -it was a nickname given to Ivarr’s son by the Irish. Cf. Olaf _Cuaran_ -(Ir. _cuaran_, a shoe made of skin); Olaf _Cenncairech_ (_i.e._, -“Scabby-head.”) - -[78] Their mother was an Irishwoman, sister of Donnabhan, King of Ui -Fidgenti. Donnabhan himself was married to a daughter of Ivarr, King of -Limerick. (_War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 207). - -[79] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 931; _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. -960, 1036, 1042, etc. See also Whitley Stokes: _On the Gaelic Names in -the Landnámabók_ (_Revue Celtique_, III., pp. 186-191). - -[80] From the contemporary Irish poems the _Book of Rights_ and _The -Curcuit of Muirchertach Mac Neill_ it may be inferred that in ancient -Ireland all payments were made in kind. With the extension of trade, -however, it is probable that many Anglo-Saxon and other foreign -coins--including those of the Scandinavian Kings of Northumbria, -several of whom also reigned in Ireland--came to be circulated in -Ireland. The Vikings in England struck coins there during the reign of -Halfdanr (d. 877). (Cf. C. F. Keary: _Catalogue of Coins in the British -Museum_, I., p. 202). - -[81] One of these fugitives wrote the following lines on the margin of -Priscian’s Latin Grammar in the monastery of St. Gall, Switzerland: - -“Is acher ingaith innocht fufuasna fairge findfolt, Ni agor reimm mora -minn dond laechraid lainn na lothlind.” - -(_Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus_. Ed. Stokes and Strachan, II., 290.) - -_i.e._, - -Bitter is the wind to-night, It tosses the ocean’s white hair; To-night -I fear not the fierce warriors of Norway Coursing on the Irish Sea. - -(Translation by Kuno Meyer: _Ancient Irish Poetry_, p. 101.) - -[82] See Margaret Stokes: _Early Christian Architecture in Ireland_, p. -127. - -[83] G. Coffey: _A Guide to the Celtic Antiquities of the Christian -Period_ (National Museum, Dublin) pp. 29, 49 and 62. - -[84] _Ib._, p. 17. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE GROWTH OF THE SEAPORT TOWNS. - - -The foundation of the seaport towns was the most important, and at the -same time the most permanent effect of the Viking invasion of Ireland. -Before this the only towns were the larger monastic centres[85] at -Armagh, Clonmacnois, Durrow and Clonfert, which, besides the monastery -itself, consisted of numerous beehive-shaped houses of stone, or small -huts of clay and wattles built for the accommodation of the students -attending the schools. During the first half of the ninth century -these monasteries suffered sorely from the attacks of Viking raiders. -After a stubborn resistance on the part of the Irish, Armagh fell into -the hands of Turgeis, who drove out the abbot Farannan and “usurped -the abbacy” (c. A.D. 839). Some years later Armagh was abandoned when -the Vikings captured Dublin, at this time a small “town by the hurdle -ford,”[86] but they were quick to realise its possibilities as the seat -of their monarchy and the chief centre of their trade. As a result -of the struggle for ecclesiastical supremacy, which took place at a -later period[87] between Armagh and Dublin, the Bishops of Dublin were -obliged to acknowledge the Primate of Armagh; but the latter town -never recovered its former prestige as the capital of Ireland.[88] - -That Dublin owes its importance, if not its origin, to the Norsemen -may be inferred from the almost total silence of the historians and -annalists regarding it in the years preceding the Scandinavian inroads. -It is probable that there was a fort to guard the hurdle-ford where -the great road from Tara to Wicklow, Arklow and Wexford crossed the -Liffey, but it seems to have played no great part in history before the -Norsemen fortified it in 840. Between Church Lane and Suffolk Street -they had their _Thing_[89] or meeting-place, which was still to be seen -in the seventeenth century; while all along College Green, called Le -Hogges[90] and later Hoggen Green by the English, lay their barrows -(O.N. _haugar_). During the ninth and tenth centuries the Kingdom of -Dublin--known to the Scandinavians as _Dyflinarski_--became one of the -most powerful in the west. Its sway extended north to its colonies[91] -at the Strangford and Carlingford Loughs, west to Leixlip, south to -Wicklow, Wexford[92] and even as far as Waterford. The Dublin kings -intermarried with royal families in Ireland, England and Scotland, -and between the years 919 and 950 ruled, though in somewhat broken -succession, as Kings of York. - -Limerick (O.N. Hlymrek)[93], the great stronghold on the west coast, -had no existence as a city before the ninth century. It was first -occupied during the reign of Turgeis by Vikings, who used the harbour -as a base for their ships.[94] The only chieftains mentioned in -connection with this kingdom during the ninth century are Hona and -Tomrir Torra (O.N. Thórarr Thórri), who were slain about the year 860 -in attempting to capture Waterford.[95] A few years later Barith (O.N. -Barthr) and Haimar (O.N. Heimarr) when marching through Connacht on -their way to Limerick, were attacked by the Connachtmen and forced to -retreat.[96] The real importance of Limerick, however, dates from the -early part of the tenth century when it was colonised by Vikings under -Tomar (Thórir) son of Elgi (O.N. Helgi). To secure the fort against -attack an earthen mound was built all round, and gates were placed -at certain distances leading into the streets and the houses.[97] -As a kingdom it was independent, having subject colonies at Cashel, -Thurles, Lough Ree and Lough Corrib.[98] It had no connection with -Dublin during the tenth century; in fact, there is evidence to show -that both royal houses were bitterly hostile towards each another. On -one occasion Guthfrith, King of Dublin, led an army to Limerick, but -was repulsed with heavy losses by the Vikings there.[99] A few years -later (A.D. 929) he expelled Tomar’s successor, King Ivarr of Limerick, -and his followers from Magh Roighne (a plain in Ossory), where they had -encamped for a whole year. Olaf Godfreyson was equally active. After -defeating Olaf Cenncairech and the Limerick Vikings at Lough Ree in -937, he carried them off to Dublin,[100] and that same year probably -forced them to fight on his side in the battle of Brunnanburh. - -This hostility would seem to have been due to rivalry between -two powerful kingdoms, rather than, as has been suggested,[101] -to difference of nationality. It is not at all certain that the -Limerick Vikings were purely Danes. One Irish chronicler speaks -of the Scandinavians in Munster as _Gaill_ and _Danair_ and calls -their fleets _loingeas Danmarcach ocus allmurach_ (“fleets of Danes -and foreigners”).[102] Elsewhere[103] we find the word Lochlannaigh -(_i.e._, Norsemen) used with reference to the Limerick settlers; -and Colla (O.N. Kolli), Prince of Limerick (d. 931) was certainly a -Norseman, for he was son of Barthr, a leader of the Finn-Gennti in the -ninth century. There would seem to have been a mixture of both Danes -and Norsemen in Limerick, and since there is no proof that struggles -for mastery took place between them, we may take it that they acted in -harmony. - -During the tenth century Limerick stood in close connection with the -Scandinavian Kingdom in the Hebrides.[104] Mention is made of one -chieftain “Morann, son of the Sea King of Lewis,”[105] who fought and -fell in Limerick against the Irish. Moreover, the occurrence of the -names Manus, Maccus (O.N. Magnus) and Somarlidh (O.N. Sumarlithi) -in both royal families points at least to relationship by marriage. -Indeed, the same family seems to have reigned in both kingdoms. -“Godfrey, son of Harold, King of the Hebrides,” who was slain by the -Dal Riada in 989[106] was in all probability a son of that “Harold, -lord of the foreigners of Limerick,” whose death is recorded by the -Four Masters in 940. - -Practically nothing is known of the Scandinavian settlement in -Waterford[107] (O.N. _Vethrafjörthr_) before the year 919, when Vikings -under Raghnall (O.N. Rögnvaldr), “King of the Danes,” concentrated -their forces there before attacking Dublin. These invaders, sometimes -called Nortmannai (‘Norsemen’), but generally alluded to as _Gaill_ -(‘foreigners’) must have also included Danes, as Raghnall’s army -was composed of both Danes and Norsemen;[108] and moreover, both -parties are represented as fighting side by side against the Irish in -Waterford.[109] - -Waterford had not at first a dynasty of its own, but was dependent on -the Dublin Kingdom. Olaf Godfreyson seems to have been in command there -while his father was King of Dublin;[110] and we hear also that when -the town was attacked by the Irish under Cellachan of Cashel, Sihtric, -a prince from Dublin, came with a fleet to relieve it.[111] Later in -the same century, the kingdom of Waterford stood quite distinct, and -was governed by Ivarr (d. 1000), who was probably a member of the -Dublin royal family. He came forward as a claimant to the Dublin throne -after the murder of Gluniarainn, son of Olaf Cuaran (989) but was -driven out after a three years’ reign by Sihtric Silken-Beard. Ivarr’s -successors in Waterford, Amond (O.N. _Amundr_) and Goistilin Gall were -killed in the battle of Clontarf. - -In the tenth and eleventh centuries Waterford was strongly fortified, -and, like Limerick, had gates leading into the town.[112] The town -itself was built in the form of a triangle with a tower at each -angle,[113] only one of which, the famous Reginald’s Tower, built in -1003, is still standing. Gualtier (? Ir. _Gall tír_, ‘land of the -foreigners’), a barony lying on the west side of the harbour, is -supposed to have been connected with the ‘Ostmen,’ who were obliged to -settle there after the arrival of the English in 1169. - -Cork, the seat of a famous school founded by St. Finbar, fell an easy -prey to the Vikings in the first half of the ninth century. They built -forts there and at Youghal,[114] but in endeavouring to push their way -inland to Fermoy were checked by the Irish (866), and their chief, -Gnimcinnsiolla (or Gnimbeolu)[115] was slain. We hear no more of -Scandinavians here until early in the tenth century when new invaders, -part of the large army which came to Waterford with Raghnall and -Earl Ottarr in 919, gained possession of the town. The new settlers -seem to have been chiefly, if not entirely, Danes (_Danair_ and -_Duibhgeinnti_),[116] and it would seem that with the Danish colonies -at Thurles and Cashel they subsequently came under the authority of -Ivarr of Limerick, “the high-king of the foreigners of Munster.” - -Traces of the Scandinavian occupation still remain in the place-names -on the coast, especially in the districts surrounding the seaport -towns. Near Dublin we find Howth (O.N. _höfuth_, ‘a head’) and Skerries -(O.N. _skjær_, ‘a rock’); also Lambey, Dalkey and Ireland’s Eye, all -three containing the O.N. form _ey_, an ‘island.’ The name Leixlip is -probably a form of O.N. _laxhleypa_[117] (‘salmon-leap’) not, as is -generally supposed, of O.N. _lax-hlaup_. The O.N. _fjörthr_ occurs in -Wexford, Strangford and Carlingford (O.N. Kerlingafjörthr).[118] Other -Scandinavian names on the east coast are Copeland Islands (_i.e._, -_Kaupmannaeyjar_, ‘the merchants’ islands’) near Belfast Lough; Arklow, -Wicklow (O.N. _lo_, a low, flat meadow by the water’s edge.); Carnsore -and Greenore (O.N. _eyrr_, ‘a small tongue of land running into the -sea’). - -The number of names on the south and west coasts is limited; besides -Water_ford_, we find only Hel_vick_ (O.N. _vík_, ‘a bay’), Dursey -Island, south-west of Cork, and Swerwick Harbour, in Kerry. At least -three well-authenticated place-names have dropped out of use; Dún na -Trapcharla, in Co. Limerick (O.N. (1) _torf-karl_, ‘a turf-cutter’ or -(2) _thorp-karl_, a ‘small farmer’);[119] Jolduhlaup,[120] a cape in -the north of Ireland; and Ulfreksfjörthr,[121] the Norse name for Lough -Larne. - -It is also interesting to note that the second element in the names of -the three provinces, Ulster, Leinster and Munster is derived from the -O.N. _stathir_ (plural of _stathr_, ‘a place’), while the name Ireland -(O.N. Iraland) is Scandinavian in form and replaced the old Irish word -Eríu during the Viking period. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[85] In the _Annals of Tighernach_ (A.D. 716), the _Annals of Ulster_ -(A.D. 715), and the _Book of Hymns_ (ed. Todd, p. 156) the Latin -_civitas_ (Ir. _Cathair_) is the word used for a monastery. - -[86] The old name for Dublin was _Baile-atha-Cliath_, “the town of the -hurdle ford.” It was afterwards called _Dubh-linn_ (“black pool”), of -which the O.N. _Dyflin_ is a corruption. - -[87] See p. 55. - -[88] Armagh is the only place in Ireland which is marked on a tenth -century map of the world preserved in the British Museum. See R. A. S. -Macalister: _Muiredach_: _Abbot of Monasterboice_, p. 13. - -[89] It is called _Tengmonth_ and _Teggemuta_ in medieval documents -(_Chartularies of St. Mary’s Abbey_, I., 15, 461, 463, 465) and from -it the surrounding parish of St. Andrew--“_Parochia Sancti Andreae de -Thengmote_”--took its name. In 1647 it is referred to as “the fortified -hill near the College,” but about thirty years later it was levelled -to the ground and the earth was used for building Nassau Street (J. T. -Gilbert: _History of Dublin_, II, p. 258). - -[90] The name survived until the 18th century in _Hog Hill_, but it was -afterwards changed to St. Andrew’s Street. - -[91] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 839, 840, 925, 928, 934. - -These colonies were governed by earls, not kings, and their dependency -on the kingdom of Dublin is clearly shown by certain entries in the -Annals. In 926 a Viking fleet at Linn Duachaill (on the coast of Louth) -was commanded by Albdann (O.N. _Halfdanr_), son of Guthfrith (King of -Dublin, 920-933). Later, when part of Albdann’s army was besieged at -Ath Cruithne (near Newry), Guthfrith went with his forces to relieve -it. In 927 the “foreigners of Linn Duachaill” accompanied Guthfrith -when he marched on York. See Steenstrup, _op. cit._, III., p. 115. - -[92] Wexford was also governed by earls. One of them, Accolb, is -mentioned in the _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 928. - -[93] The Irish name _Luimnech_ (hence O.N. _Hlymrek_) was originally -applied to the estuary of the Shannon, but was afterwards confined to -the town itself when it had risen to importance under Scandinavian rule. - -[94] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 843; _War of the Gaedhil with -the Gaill_, p. 8. - -[95] _Three Fragments of Annals_, pp. 167, 144-6. _War of the Gaedhil -with the Gaill_, ch. 23. - -[96] _Three Fragments of Annals_, pp. 173-175; _Chronicon Scotorum_, -A.D. 887. - -[97] _The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel_, pp. 9, 66; _War of -the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 56. - -[98] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 845, 922, 929; _The Victorious Career of -Cellachan of Cashel_, p. 10; _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. -10; _Three Fragments of Annals_, p. 197. - -[99] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 924. - -[100] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 935; _Chronicon Scotorum_, -A.D. 936. - -[101] A. Bugge: _Sidste Afsnit af Nordboernes Historie i Irland_, pp. -254, 255. - -[102] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 41. - -[103] _The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel_, p. 64. - -[104] Steenstrup: _op. cit._, III., p. 213. - -[105] _The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel_, p. 65. - -[106] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 988. - -[107] _Three Fragments of Annals_ (A.D. 860) record that “two fleets -of the Norsemen came into the land of Cearbhall, son of Dunlaing (King -of Ossory) to plunder it.” These fleets probably sailed up the Barrow -from Waterford harbour. The same annals also mention (p. 129) a Norse -chieftain called Rodolbh, who may have been connected with the colony -at Waterford. See also _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 888 [891]. - -[108] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 921. - -[109] _The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel_, p. 71. - -[110] The Four Masters record “the plundering of Kildare by the son of -Gothfrith (_i.e._, Olaf) from Waterford” (A.D. 926). - -[111] _The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel_, p. 70. - -[112] _The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel_, pp. 13, 70. - -[113] Smith: _History of Waterford_, p. 165. - -[114] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 846, 864. - -[115] _Ib._, 865. _Fragments of Annals_, p. 169. - -_Gnimbeolu_ is the O.N. _Grímr Bióla_. The Irish “_Cinnsiolla_” -(Nom. Cenn Selach) is probably a translation of O.N. _Selshofuth_, -a word which does not occur as a nickname in Old Norse literature. -It was, however, known in Ireland as may be seen from the runic -inscription--_domnal Selshofoth a soerth (th) eta_--on a bronze -sword-plate found in Greenmount (Co. Louth). Cf. Marstrander, _op. -cit._ p. 49. - -[116] _The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel_, pp. 10, 67. - -[117] Cf. Marstrander, _op. cit._, p. 149. - -[118] Cf. Marstrander, _op. cit._, p. 154. According to him, the O.N. -_Kerling_, “an old woman” in this instance, is a folk-etymological form -of Carlinn, the old name for the ford. - -[119] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 1062. Cf. _Co dunad na -Piscarcarla in Cath Ruis na Rig_ (ed. Hogan) where _Piscarcarla_ -corresponds to the O.N. _fiskikari_, “a fisherman.” - -The word _Trapcharla_ (“na _Trapcharla_”) also occurs in the _Book -of Ballymote_ as the name of a people who fought at Troy. It has -been suggested that the term was generally used during the ninth and -tenth centuries of a Norse colony in Co. Limerick, which colony would -acquire a legendary character after the Norsemen had been driven out -of Ireland, and would figure, like the Lochlannaigh or Norsemen, in -Middle-Irish stories and poems. - -See _Miscellany presented to Kuno Meyer_, pp. 293, 370. - -[120] _Landnámabók_ I. ch. 1. - -[121] _Heimskringla: Saga Óláfs hins helga_, chs. 88, 10. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE EXPANSION OF IRISH TRADE. - - -When the Scandinavians had firmly established themselves on the Irish -coasts they developed trade to a considerable extent, not only by -bringing Ireland into communication with their new settlements in -England, but also by opening up commerce with Iceland and Scandinavia, -and even with Russia and the East.[122] Before A.D. 900 at all events, -they had been accustomed to visit France from Ireland, and had -trafficked with merchants there, using a certain vessel called the -‘Epscop’[123] for measuring their wine. That this branch of their trade -was in a flourishing condition in the latter half of the tenth century -may be inferred from a contemporary poem in which Brian Borumha is said -to have exacted as tribute one hundred and fifty vats of wine from -the Norsemen of Dublin, and a barrel of red wine every day from the -Limerick settlers.[124] - -The Scandinavians also made marked advances on the old methods of -trading by building their forts near the large harbours and carrying -on from there a continuous overseas commerce.[125] Previous to this -foreign merchants[126] who visited Ireland used to exchange their -goods for home produce at the numerous _oenachs_ or fairs held at -certain intervals all over the country. These _oenachs_ continued to be -celebrated during the Viking period, but it was in the seaport towns, -Dublin, Limerick, Cork, Wexford, and Waterford, that the most important -trade was centred. Dublin, owing to its splendid position, half way -between the Continent and the Scandinavian settlements in Scotland -and Iceland, and within easy distance of England, became one of the -wealthiest towns in the West. One Irish chronicler gives a glowing -account of the treasures carried off from there by the Irish after the -battle of Gleann Máma (A.D. 1000): - -“In that one place were found the greatest quantities of gold, silver, -bronze, and precious stones: carbuncle-gems, buffalo horns, and -beautiful goblets… much also of various vestures of all colours were -found there likewise.”[127] - -Dublin is frequently mentioned in the sagas and seems to have been -very well known to Icelandic dealers. In _Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga_ -(_Heimskringla_) we read that during the reign of Olaf Cuaran -a merchant called Thórir Klakka, who had been on many a Viking -expedition, went on a trading voyage to Dublin, “as was usual in those -days.”[128] When _Olaf’s_ son, Sihtric Silken Beard, was King of Dublin -(c. 994) the Icelandic poet Gunnlaug Ormstungu sailed from England to -Ireland with merchants who were bound for Dublin.[129] - -_Eyrbyggia Saga_ tells[130] of both Thórodd, the owner of a large ship -of burden, and Guthleif,[131] who went with other traders on voyages -“west to Dublin.” Still more interesting is the account in the same -saga of a merchant-ship that came from Dublin in the year 1000 to -Snaefellsness in Iceland and anchored there for the summer. There were -on board some Irishmen and men from the Sudreyar (Hebrides) but only -a few Norsemen. One of the passengers, a woman named Thorgunna, had a -large chest containing “bed-clothes beautifully embroidered, English -sheets, a silken quilt, and other valuable wares, the like of which -were rare in Iceland.”[132] - -Limerick is heard of only once in Icelandic sources; a trader named -Hrafn was surnamed “the Limerick-farer” (Hlymreks fari)[133] because -he had lived for a long time there. The _War of the Gaedhil with -the Gaill_ gives a detailed description of the spoils gained by the -Irish after the battle of Sulcoit (968) whence it would seem that the -Limerick Vikings had been engaged in trade with France, Spain and the -East. - -“They carried away their (_i.e._, ‘The Vikings’) jewels and their best -property, their saddles, beautiful and foreign, their gold and their -silver; their beautifully woven cloth of all colours and of all kinds; -their satins and their silken cloths, pleasing and variegated, both -scarlet and green, and all sorts of cloth in like manner.”[134] - -Reference has already been made to the numbers of Irish women captured -by Viking raiders; many of these captives were afterwards sold as -slaves in Norway and Iceland. In _Laxdaela Saga_ we hear of Melkorka, -an Irish princess, who was exposed for sale with eleven other women -at a market in Norway. The slave-dealer, a man known as Gilli (Ir. -Giolla) “the Russian” was in all probability a Scandinavian merchant -from Ireland who had carried on trade with Russia. The extent of the -slave traffic is further illustrated in _Kristni Saga_ (ch. 3) where -mention is made of “a fair Irish maid” whom Thangbrandr the priest -bought; “and when he came home with her a certain man whom the emperor -Otto the Young had put as steward there, wished to take her from him,” -but Thangbrandr would not let her go![135] On the other hand, the -Irish frequently descended on the Viking strongholds in Ireland and -carried off the Norse women and children, “the soft, youthful, bright, -matchless girls; blooming, silk-clad young women, and active, large -well-formed boys.”[136] Therefore it is not unlikely that the “slaves -ignorant of Gaelic” who are stated to have been given as tribute to -the Irish kings in the ninth and tenth centuries[137] were really -Scandinavian prisoners of war. - -An interesting passage in the _Book of Ely_ gives an idea of the -activity of the Irish merchants at this period: “Certain merchants from -Ireland, with merchandise of different kinds and some coarse woollen -blankets, arrived at the little town called Grantebrycge (Cambridge) -and exposed their wares there.”[138] It is not surprising then that the -wealth of Ireland increased rapidly, so much so that Brian Borumha, -realising that this was largely due to Viking enterprise, allowed the -invaders to remain in their forts on the coast “for the purpose of -attracting commerce from other countries to Ireland.”[139] And even -after their defeat at Clontarf, the Vikings remained in the coast -towns, whence they continued to engage in trade with England and the -Continent. Both Giraldus Cambrensis[140] and William of Malmesbury[141] -mention the extensive slave-trade carried on between Ireland and -England in the twelfth century, Bristol being the chief centre. In -addition to the slave traffic, large supplies of wine were imported -from France, while the Irish ‘out of gratitude’ (_non ingrata_) gave -hides and skins in exchange.[142] That there was commercial intercourse -with Chester and also with the towns round the Bristol Channel may -be seen from the names of the citizens of Dublin in the year 1200: -Thorkaill, Swein Ivor from Cardiff; Turstinus and Ulf from Bristol; -Godafridus and Ricardus from Swansea; Thurgot from Haverfordwest and -Harold from Monmouth.[143] About 1170 two ships sailing from England -“laden with English cloths and a great store of goods” were attacked -and plundered near Dublin by a Norseman, Swein, son of Asleif; and some -years later vessels from Britain carrying corn and wine were seized in -Wexford harbour by the English invaders.[144] - -The historical evidence is amply borne out by the existence of -such old Norse loan-words in Irish as _mangaire_ (O.N. mangari, a -‘trader’), _marg_ (O.N. mörk, a ‘mark’), margadh, (O.N. markathr, -a ‘market’), and _penning_ (O.N. penningr, a ‘penny’), and also by -certain archæological discoveries. In Scandinavia coins of King Sithric -Silken-Beard have been found,[145] while four sets of bronze scales -and some weights richly decorated in enamel and gold have been dug up -in Ireland (Bangor, Co. Down).[146] To the same period (early ninth -century) also belong the scales and weights which were discovered in -the great hoard at Islandbridge, near Kilmainham in 1866.[147] With -such strong evidence of the influence exerted by the Vikings on the -expansion of Irish trade it is not surprising to find that even as late -as the seventeenth century the greater part of the merchants of Dublin -traced their descent to Olaf Cuaran and the Dublin Norsemen.[148] - - -FOOTNOTES - -[122] See the map of the Irish Trade Routes in Mrs. J. R. Green’s _The -Old Irish World_. - -[123] “Epscop fina” in the sea-laws, _i.e._, “a vessel for measuring -wine used by the merchants of the Norsemen and the Franks.” See _Sanas -Cormaic_ (_Cormac’s Glossary_) compiled c. A.D. 900. (_Anecdota from -Irish Manuscripts_ IV., ed. Kuno Meyer.) - -[124] Cf. O’Curry: _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish_, II., -p. 125. For a transcript of the poem see A. Bugge: _Vesterlandenes -Indflydelse paa Nordboernes i Vikingetiden_, p. 183. - -[125] Cf. _Laxdaela Saga_, ch. 21. - -[126] According to an ancient poem on the great fair of Carman (Co. -Kildare) foreign merchants visited this fair and sold there “articles -of gold and silver, ornaments and beautiful clothes.” For other -references see Joyce: _A Social History of Ancient Ireland_, Vol. II., -pp. 429-431; O’Curry: _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish_, III., -p. 531. - -[127] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 115. - -[128] _Saga Óláfs Tryggvasonar_ (_Heimskringla_), ch. 51. - -[129] _Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu_, ch. 8. - -[130] _Eyrbyggia Saga_, ch. 29. - -[131] _Ib._, ch. 64. - -[132] _Ib._, ch. 50. - -[133] _Landnámabók_, II., ch. 21, etc. - -[134] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 79. - -[135] _Kristni Saga_, ch. 3. - -[136] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 79. - -[137] _The Book of Rights_ (Leabhar na gCeart), pp. 87, 181. Ed. J. -O’Donovan. - -[138] _Liber Eliensis_, (ed. Gale) I., ch. XLII. - -[139] _Keating: History of Ireland_, III., p. 271. (Ed. Dinneen). -Keating probably derived his information from Giraldus Cambrensis: -_Topographia Hibernica_, D. III., ch. LIII. - -[140] _Expugnatio Hibernica_, I., ch. XVIII. - -[141] _De Vita S. Wulstani_, II., 20. - -(See Cunningham: _Growth of English Industry and Commerce_, I., p. 86.) - -[142] Giraldus Cambrensis: _Topographia Hibernica_, I., ch. VI. - -[143] A. Bugge: _Contributions to the History of the Norsemen in -Ireland_, Part III. - -[144] Giraldus Cambrensis: _Expugnatio Hibernica_, I., ch. III. - -[145] A. Bugge: _Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes i -Vikingetiden_, pp. 300-304. - -[146] G. Coffey, _op. cit._, p. 91. - -[147] _Ib._, p. 89. - -[148] Duald Mac Firbis: _On the Fomorians and the Norsemen_ (ed. A. -Bugge), p. 11. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -SHIPBUILDING AND SEAFARING. - - -The almost complete absence of any allusion to Irish ships[149] -during the eighth and ninth centuries shows that at this time the -Irish had no warships to drive back the powerful naval forces of the -Vikings. Meeting with no opposition on sea the invaders were able to -anchor their fleets in the large harbours, and afterwards to occupy -certain important positions along the coasts. In this connection it is -interesting to note that the Irish word _longphort_ (a ‘shipstead’; -later, ‘a camp’) is used for the first time in the _Annals of Ulster_ -with reference to the Norse encampments at Dublin and Linn-Duachaill -(840); hence it has been concluded that the early Norse _long-phorts_ -were not exactly fortified camps, but ‘ships drawn up and protected on -the landside, probably by a stockaded earthwork.’[150] - -The Annalists tell how, when the Vikings were expelled from Dublin in -902, they fled across the sea to England, leaving large numbers of -their ships behind them. It was probably the capture of these vessels -that impressed upon the Irish the advantages of this new method of -warfare, for they now began to build ships and to prepare to meet -the Vikings in their own element.[151] In 913 a “new fleet,” manned -by Ulstermen, attacked the Norsemen off the coast of Man but was -defeated.[152] Another Ulster fleet commanded by Muirchertach mac -Neill, King of Aileach, sailed to the Hebrides in 939 and carried off -much spoil and booty.[153] Moreover, the Irish seem to have imitated -the Scandinavian practice of “drawing” or carrying their light vessels -over land to the lakes and rivers in the interior of the island. -Mention is made of Domhnall, son of Muirchertach, who “took the boats -from the river Bann on to Lough Neagh, and over the river Blackwater -upon Lough Erne, and afterwards upon Lough Uachtair.”[154] - -The men of Munster also had their navy, which they organised according -to Norse methods[155] by compelling each district in the different -counties to contribute ten ships to it. Thus by the middle of the -tenth century they were able to put a formidable fleet to sea. When -Cellachan of Cashel (d. 954) was captured by the Vikings and brought to -Dublin, he sent messengers to the Munstermen bidding them to defend -their territory: “and afterwards,” he said, “go to the chieftains of -my fleet and bring them with you to Sruth na Maeile (Mull of Cantyre), -and if I am carried away from Ireland, let the men of Munster take -their ships and follow me.”[156] The chronicle goes on to give a vivid -description of the great naval battle which followed: the Vikings -under the leadership of Sihtric, a prince from Dublin, took up their -position in the Bay of Dundalk, where the “barques and swift ships of -the men of Munster” met them. The Irish ships were arranged according -to the territories they represented: those of Corcolaigdi and Ui -Echach (Co. Cork) were placed farthest south; next came the fleets of -Corcoduibne and Ciarraige (Co. Kerry), and lastly those of Clare. When -the Munstermen saw Cellachan, who had been bound and fettered to the -mast by Sihtric’s orders, they made gallant attempts to release him; -some of them leaped upon “the rowbenches and strong oars of the mighty -ships” of the Norsemen, while others threw tough ropes of hemp across -the prows to prevent them from escaping. Failbhe, King of Corcoduibne, -brought his ship alongside Sihtric’s, and with his sword succeeded -in cutting the ropes and fetters that were round the King, but was -himself slain immediately afterwards. The battle ended in victory for -the Irish: the Norsemen were forced to leave the harbour with all their -ships, but “they carried neither King nor chieftain with them.”[157] - -The _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_ records still more victories -for the Munster fleet during the reign of Brian Borumha. In 984 he -assembled “a great marine fleet” on Lough Derg and took three hundred -boats up the Shannon to Lough Ree[158] and again in 1001 sailed with -his fleet to Athlone.[159] But the greatest triumph of all was in -1005, when Brian, then at the height of his power, “sent forth a naval -expedition composed of the foreigners of Dublin and Waterford and the -Ui Ceinnselaigh (_i.e._, the men of Wexford) and almost all the men -of Erin, such of them as were fit to go to sea; and they levied royal -tribute from the Saxons and the Britons and from the men of Lennox in -Scotland and the inhabitants of Argyle.”[160] - -The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records the names of a number of Frisian -sailors who fought with the English in a naval battle against the -Vikings (A. an. 897). In the same way the Irish ships must have been -manned to a large extent by Norse mercenaries or by the Gaill-Gaedhil, -for practically all the shipping terms introduced into Irish in the -tenth and eleventh centuries are of Norse origin.[161] This is evident -from the following list:-- - - Mid. Ir. _abor_, _abur_: O.N. _hábora_, ‘an oar hole.’ - - _Accaire_: O.N. _akkeri_, ‘an anchor.’ - - _Accarsoid_: O.N. _akkerissaeti_, ‘a harbour for - ships.’ - - _Achtuaim_: O.N. _aktaumr_, ‘a brace.’ - - _athbha_: phonetic form (af, av) of O.N. - _höfuth_, ‘head’ of a ship. - - _Allsad_: O.N. _halsa_, ‘to slacken a sail.’ - - _As_: O.N. _ass_, ‘the pole to which the - lower end of a sail was - fastened during a fair wind.’ - - _bat_, _bad_: O.N. _bátr_, ‘a boat.’ - - _birling_: O.N. _byrthingr_, ‘a transport vessel,’ - ‘a merchant ship.’[162] - - _carb_: O.N. _karfi_, ‘a ship.’ - - _cnairr_: O.N. _knörr_, ‘a merchant ship.’ - - _laideng_: O.N. _leithangr_, ‘naval forces.’ - - _lipting_: O.N. _lypting_, ‘a taffrail.’ - - _lunnta_, _lunn_ (in reania): O.N. _hlunnr_, ‘the handle of an oar.’ - - _scib_: O.N. _skip_, ‘a ship,’ whence also are - derived _sciobaire_, ‘a sailor’ - and _scipad_ and _sgiobadh_, ‘to - make ready for sailing.’ - - _tile_: O.N. _thili_, ‘a plank,’ ‘the bottom - board in a boat.’ - - _Tlusdais_ (? teldass): O.N. _tjaldáss_, ‘the horizontal topmast - of a ship.’ - - _uicing_, a word used for O.N. _Víkingr_, ‘one who haunts - ‘a fleet’: a bay or creek.’ - _uiginnecht_, piracy: - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -LINGUISTIC INFLUENCES. - - -(_a_) Loan-words from Old Norse in Irish. - -The large number of loan-words from Old Norse which occur in Old and -Middle Irish indicate clearly the extent and character of Scandinavian -influence in Ireland. They are therefore interesting from an historical -point of view, for they confirm, and sometimes supplement, the evidence -of Irish and Icelandic sources, that the relations existing between the -two peoples were largely of a friendly character. - -As the subject has already been fully dealt with by Celtic -scholars,[163] only the more important loan words are given here:-- - - -I. DRESS[164] AND ARMOUR. - - O. Ir. _at-cluic_, also _clocc-att_ ‘a helmet.’ _att_ = O.N. _hattr_, - ‘a hat,’ while _cluic_ = M. Ir. _clocenn_, ‘a head.’ - - M. Ir. _allsmann_; O.N. _halsmen_, ‘a necklace.’ - - M. Ir. _boga_; O.N. _bogi_, ‘a bow.’ - - M. Ir. _bossan_; O.N. _púss_, ‘a small bag or purse - hanging from the belt.’ - - M. Ir. _cnapp_; O.N. _knappr_, ‘a button.’ - - M. Ir. _elta_; O.N. _hjalt_, ‘a hilt’ (of a sword). - - M. Ir. _mattal_; O.N. _möttull_, ‘a cloak.’ - - M. Ir. _mergge_; O.N. _merki_, ‘a flag’ or ‘banner.’ - - M. Ir. _sceld_; O.N. _sköjldr_, ‘a shield.’ - - O. Ir. _scot_, lin _scoit_; O.N. _skaut_, ‘a cloth,’ or ‘sheet.’ - - M. Ir. _starga_; O.N. _targa_, ‘a shield.’ - - -II. HOUSEBUILDING. - - M. Ir. _bailc_; O.N. _bálkr_, ‘a beam.’ - - M. Ir. _fuindeog_; O.N. _vindauga_, ‘a window.’ - - M. Ir. _garda_; O.N. _garthr_, ‘a garden.’ - - M. Ir. _halla_; O.N. _höll_, ‘a hall.’ - - M. Ir. _sparr_; O.N. _sparri_, ‘a rafter.’ - - M. Ir. _stóll_; O.N. _stóll_, ‘a stool.’ - - -III. - -Other interesting loan words are:-- - - O. Ir. _armand_, _armann_; O.N. _ármathr_, ‘an officer.’ - - M. Ir. _callaire_; O.N. _kallari_, ‘a herald.’ - - M. Ir. _gunnfann_; O.N. _gunnfáni_, ‘a battle standard.’ - - O. Ir. _erell_; M. Ir. _iarla_; O.N. _jarl_, ‘an earl.’ - - M. Ir. _lagmainn_;[165] O.N. _lögmenn_, plural of _lögmathr_, - ‘a lawman.’ - - M. Ir. _Pers_;[166] O.N. _berserkr_. - - M. Ir. _sráid_; O.N. _straeti_, ‘a street.’ - - M. Ir. _sreang_; O.N. _strengr_, ‘a string.’ - - M. Ir. _tráill_; O.N. _thraell_, ‘a slave.’ - - M. Ir. _trosg_; O.N. _thorskr_, ‘codfish.’ - - O. Ir. _ustaing_; O.N. _hústhing_, ‘an assembly.’ - -Certain old Norse words and phrases which are to be found in Irish -texts also go to show the familiarity of the Irish with the Norse -language. They may be mentioned here, although they are not loan-words, -but rather attempts on the part of the Irish authors to reproduce the -speech of the foreigners:-- - - _cing._[167] O.N. _konungr_, or possibly A.S. - _cyning_. - - _conung_ (_Three Fragments of - Annals_, pp. 126, 194, 228). O.N. _konungr_, ‘a king.’ - - “_Faras Domnall?_” (_War of “_Hvar es Domhnall?_” “Where - the Gaedhil with the Gaill_; is Domhnall?” - p. 174). - - “_Sund a sniding_,” was the O. Ir. _sund_, “here.” - reply. O.N. _nithingr_, “here, rascal.” - - fíut (_Book of Leinster_, 172, - a, 7). O.N. _hvítr_, ‘white.’ - - _Infuit_, a personal name; O.N. _hvítr_, ‘white.’ - _War of the Gaedhil with - the Gaill_, p. 78. - - _litill_ (_ibid._, p. 84). O.N. _lítill_, ‘little.’ - - _mikle_ (_Three Fragments of O.N. _míkill_, ‘much.’ - Annals_, p. 176). - - _nui, nui_ (_ibid_, p. O.N. _knúe_, from _knýja_, ‘to - 164).[168] advance.’ - - _roth._[169] O.N. _rauthr_, ‘red.’ - - -(_b_) Gaelic Words in Old Norse Literature.[170] - -Considering the close connection between Ireland and Iceland, -especially in the tenth and eleventh centuries, it is surprising that -so few Gaelic words found their way into Old Norse literature. The only -Norse words that can be said, with any certainty, to be derived from -Irish, are the following:-- - - _bjannak_ (_Ynglingasaga_, Ir. _bennacht_, ‘a blessing.’ - _Heimskringla_, ch. 2): - - _erg_ (_Orkneyinga Saga_, Ir. airghe, (1) ‘a herd of cattle.’ - ch. 113) (2) ‘grazing land.’ - - _gelt_;[171] Ir. _geilt_, ‘a madman.’ - - _varth at gjalti_, to become - mad with fear. Cf. _Eyrbyggja - Saga_, ch. 18. - - _ingian_; Ir. _inghean_, ‘a girl.’ - - _kapall_ (Fornmanna Sögur II., Ir. _capall_, ‘a horse.’ - p. 231); - - _kesja_; Ir. _ccis_, ‘a spear.’ - - _korki_ (Snorres Edda, II., Ir. _coirce_, ‘oats.’ - 493); - - _kross_; Ir. _cros_, ‘a cross.’ - - _kuaran_; Ir. _cuaran_, ‘a shoe’ (made of skin). - - _kúthi_;[172] ? Ir. _cuthach_, ‘fierce.’ - - _male diarik_;[173] Ir. _mallacht duit, a rig_, ‘a curse - upon you, O king.’ - - _minnthak_;[174] Ir. _mintach_, ‘made of meal.’ - - _ríg_ (in _Rígsmál_); Ir. _ri(g)_, ‘a king.’ - - _tarfr_ (_Eyrbyggia Saga_, ch. Ir. _tarbh_, ‘a bull.’ - 63, etc.) - - -(_c_) Irish Influence on Icelandic Place-nomenclature. - -A number of the place-names mentioned in the _Landnámabók_[175] contain -a Gaelic element which, with one or two exceptions, is present in the -form of a personal name. Among these Icelandic place-names we may note -the following:-- - - _Personal Name._ - - _Bekkanstathir_; Ir. _Beccán_. - - (1) _Branslackr_, (also (2) Ir. (1) _Bran_, (2) _Brian_. - _Brjamslackr_); - - _Dufansdalir_; Ir. _Dubhan_. - - _Dufthaksholt_; Ir. _Dubhthach_. - also _Dufthakskor_; etc. - - _Kalmansá_; Ir. _Colmán_. - also _Kalmanstunga_. - - _Kjallakshöll_, Ir. _Ceallach_. - _Kjallaksstathir_; - - _Kjaransvík_; Ir. _Ciarán_. - - _Kylansholar_; Ir. _Culen_ (Marstrander). - - (1) _Lunansholt_ or Ir. (1) _Lon-án_ (2) _Lommán_. - (2) _Lumansholt_; - - _Minnthakseyr_; Ir. _mintach_, ‘made of meal.’ - - _Papýli_, _Papey_; Ir. ‘papa,’ ‘an anchorite.’ - - _Patreksfjörthr_; Ir. personal name _Patraic_. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE VIKINGS AND THE CELTIC CHURCH. - - -Beyond a few meagre allusions the Irish Annals throw no light on the -progress of Christianity among the “foreigners” in Ireland during -the ninth century. Fortunately, however, the Icelandic Sagas and the -_Landnámabók_ have preserved some interesting details concerning a -small number of the Norse settlers in Iceland, who had previously come -under the influence of Christianity in Ireland and in the Western -Islands of Scotland. As far as we can gather from these sources the -new faith seems at first to have made but little headway; heathenism -retained a strong hold on the majority of the Norse people, and -there can be little doubt that this form of religion was extensively -practised in Ireland during the Viking age. Evidence of this is to -be found in _The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, which describes -how Authr, wife of Turgéis, sat on the high altar of the church in -Clonmacnois, and gave audiences as a prophetess.[176] In this instance -the high altar would seem to have corresponded to the _seithr hjallr_ -or platform which it was customary to erect in Icelandic houses when -a _völva_ or prophetess was called in to foretell the future.[177] -Some writers[178] also point to the numerous raids on churches and -religious houses as a proof of the Vikings’ hostility to Christianity, -but these attacks were much more likely to have originated in the -amount of treasure which the raiders knew to be stored in these places. -It is rather in this light, too, that we must regard Turgéis’ expulsion -of the abbot Farannan from Armagh (in 839), and his subsequent -usurpation of the abbacy,[179] than as an attempt to stamp out -Christianity and establish heathenism in its stead. - -Yet, at the same time, the Norsemen must have come into close contact -with the religion of the “White Christ” through their intercourse with -the Irish. Indeed, an entry in the _Annals of Ulster_ (A.D. 872), -referring to the death of Ivárr the Boneless, implies that this famous -Viking died a Christian.[180] The records are silent on this point with -regard to Olaf the White, although he was related by marriage to Ketill -Flatnose, a famous chief in the Hebrides, all of whose family, with -the exception of his son, Björn the Easterner, adopted Christianity. -Olaf’s wife, Authr, daughter of Ketill, was one of the most zealous of -these early Norse converts: “She used to pray at Crossknolls, where -she had crosses erected, because she was baptized, and was a good -Christian.” Before her death she gave orders that she was to be buried -on the seashore, between high and low water-mark, because she did not -wish to lie in unconsecrated ground. The _Landnámabók_ also says that -for some time after her death her kinsfolk reverenced these knolls, -but in course of time their faith became corrupt, and in the same -place they built a temple and offered up sacrifices.[181] We hear, -too, of Orlygr the Old, who had been fostered by Bishop Patrick in the -Hebrides. When he was setting out for Iceland the Bishop gave him “wood -for building a church, a plenarium, an iron penny and some consecrated -earth to be put under the corner pillars,” and asked him to dedicate -the church to St. Columba. On the voyage a great storm arose. Orlygr -prayed to St. Patrick that he might reach Iceland in safety, promising, -as a thanksgiving, to call the place in which he should land by the -saint’s name.[182] Mention is also made of several other Christians -from the British Isles: Jörundr, Helgi Bjóla;[183] Thorkell--son of -Svarkell from Caithness--“who prayed before the cross, ever good to -old men, ever good to young men;”[184] Ásólf,[185] Ketill--grandson -of Ketill Flatnose--who was surnamed _hinn fiflski_ (‘the foolish’) -because he adhered to Christianity.[186] A long time after (c. A.D. -997) Thangbrandr the Priest found descendants of Ketill’s in Iceland, -“all of whom had been Christians from father to son.”[187] Considering -the missionary ardour of the Irish at this period it is curious that -no priests accompanied these early settlers to Iceland. This may -have been due to scepticism as to the sincerity of these converts; -such, at least, is the impression received from the Irish annals and -chronicles, in which the Norsemen are almost invariably referred -to as ‘heathens’ and ‘pagans.’ The result was that the influence -of Christianity declined in Iceland; “some of those who came from -west-the-sea remained Christians until the day of their death” says the -_Landnámabók_, “but their families did not always retain the faith, for -some of their sons erected temples and offered sacrifices, and the land -was wholly heathen for nearly one hundred and twenty years.”[188] - -In the transition from heathenism to Christianity opposing beliefs were -sometimes held at the same time; the Viking continued to have recourse -to Thor even after he had been baptized. Helgi the Lean, son of Eyvindr -the Easterner, and Rafarta, daughter of King Cearbhall of Ossory, “was -very mixed in his faith; he believed in Christ, but he invoked Thor for -seafaring and brave deeds. When he came in sight of Iceland he asked -Thor where he should settle down;” and when he had built his house, -“he made a large fire near every lake and river, thus sanctifying all -the land between… Helgi believed in Christ, and therefore named his -house after Him.”[189] We also read that “Örlygr the Old and his family -trusted in Columba,”[190] but whether they abandoned all other belief -in the Christian faith and fell into Paganism is not quite clear. -Again, in the account of the naval battle between Danes and Norsemen in -Carlingford Lough (A.D. 852) the annalist describes how “Lord Horm,” -leader of the Danish forces, advised his men to “pray fervently” to -St. Patrick, “the archbishop and head of the saints of Erin,” whose -churches and monasteries the Norsemen had plundered and burned. So -the Danes put themselves under the protection of the saint: “Let our -protector,” they cried, “be the holy Patrick and the God who is lord -over him also, and let our spoils and our wealth be given to his -church.” After the battle ambassadors from the _árd-rí_ found the Danes -seated round a great fire, cooking their food in cauldrons--which were -supported on the dead bodies of the Norsemen, while near by was “a -trench full of gold and silver to give to Patrick; for the Danes,” adds -the chronicler, “were a people with a kind of piety; they could for a -while refrain from meat and from women.”[191] - -This confusion of the two religions is also illustrated in the -crosses, symbols of Christianity, which the Vikings erected in the -north of England and in the Isle of Man to the memory of their -kinsfolk. On the Gosforth cross in Cumberland a representation of the -Crucifixion--obviously influenced by Celtic designs--is found side -by side with a figure of the god Vitharr slaying the Wolf, a scene -described in Vafthrúthnismál; while on the western side of the cross -is portrayed the punishment of Loki.[192] A fragment of a cross in -the same locality shows Thor fishing for the Mithgarthsormr,[193] a -subject which is also treated on a cross slab in Kirk Bride Parish -Church, Isle of Man.[194] Among the many other Celtic crosses in Man -are four upon which are carved pictures from the story of Sigurthr -Fáfnisbani: Sigurthr roasting the dragon’s heart on the fire and -cooling his fingers in his mouth, his steed Grani and the tree with the -talking birds; another figure has been identified with Loki throwing -stones at the Otter.[195] There are besides twenty-six crosses with -Runic inscriptions, six of which bring out the Viking connection with -the Celtic Church. On one the Ogam alphabet is scratched, and the same -monument bears a Runic inscription which tells us that “Mal Lumkun -(Ir. Mael Lomchon) raised this cross to his foster (mother) Malmuru -(Ir. Maelmuire), daughter of Tufgal (Ir. Dubhgall), whom Athisl had -to wife.” To this the rune writer adds: “It is better to leave a good -foster-son than a bad son.”[196] Crosses were also erected by Mail -Brikti (Ir. Mael Brigde), son of Athakan (Ir. Aedhacan) the smith;[197] -by Thorleifr Hnakki in remembrance of his son Fiak (Ir. Fiacca);[198] -and by an unknown Norseman to the memory of his wife Murkialu (Ir. -Muirgheal).[199] Another cross-slab commemorates Athmiul (? Ir. -Cathmaoil), wife of Truian (_i.e._, the Pictish name _Druian_), son of -Tufkal,[200] while still another stone contains a fragment of a prayer -to Christ, and the Irish saints, Malaki (Malachy), Bathrik (Patrick), -and Athanman (Adamnan).[201] - -The advance of Christianity during the tenth century may be attributed -to a large extent to the prevalence of the practice known as -_prime-signing_ or marking with the sign of the cross. According to -_Eyrbyggja Saga_ (ch. 50), this was “a common custom among merchants -and mercenary soldiers in Christian armies, because those men who were -‘prime-signed’ could associate with Christians as well as heathens, -while retaining that faith which they liked best.” Nearly all the -Norse kings who reigned in Dublin during this century seem to have -accepted Christianity. When Gothfrith plundered Armagh in 919 “he -spared the church and the houses of prayer, with their company of -culdees (ceile-de) and the sick.”[202] We may assume that Sihtric -Gale, Gothfrith’s brother (or cousin) was also a Christian, since he -formed a friendly alliance with Aethelstan, who gave him his sister in -marriage.[203] In 943 Olaf Cuaran was baptized, and in the same year -Rögnvaldr, another Norse prince, was confirmed.[204] After the battle -of Tara (980) Olaf went on pilgrimage to Iona, where he died “after -penance and a good life.”[205] His daughter and grandson were called by -distinctively Irish Christian names--Maelmuire[206] (servant of Mary), -and Gilla Ciarain[207] (servant of St. Ciaran). We may also note the -name Gilla-Padraig which occurs in the royal family of Waterford[208] -and the half-Irish name of a priest in Clonmacnois, Connmhach Ua -Tomrair, who must have been of Norse extraction.[209] - -But all traces of heathenism in Ireland had not disappeared by the end -of the tenth century. An interesting relic was Thor’s ring (Ir. _fail -Tomhair_) which was carried off from Dublin by King Maelsechnaill -II. in 994.[210] This must have been the _dóm-hringr_, so frequently -alluded to in Icelandic literature. It was a ring of silver or gold, -about twenty ounces in weight, which lay upon an altar in the temple, -except during ceremonies, when it was worn on the priest’s arm.[211] -Upon this ring oaths were usually sworn.[212] That it was connected -with the worship of Thor is clear from a passage in the _Landnámabók_ -describing a place called Thorsnes in Iceland: “there still stands -Thor’s stone, on which were broken the backs of those men who were -about to be sacrificed, and close by is the _dómhringr_ where the men -were condemned to death.”[213] Even as late as the year A.D. 1000 we -hear of Thor’s wood (_caill Tomair_) north of Dublin, which was laid -waste by Brian Borumha after the battle of Gleann Mama.[214] - -The battle of Clontarf (A.D. 1014) is frequently represented as a -great fight between Pagan and Christian, but this point of view -is hardly confirmed by the historical facts. It is true that the -Norsemen numbered among their supporters such prominent upholders -of heathenism as Sigurthr, earl of Orkney, and Broder--who had been -a mass-deacon, but “now worshipped fiends, and was of all men most -skilled in sorcery,” yet it must be remembered that the Leinstermen, -under their king Maelmordha, also formed part of the Norse army on -the same occasion. Moreover, both the Norse and Irish accounts of the -battle agree that Gormflaith, who had been the wife of Brian Borumha, -inspired by hatred of Brian, was mainly responsible for the renewal of -hostilities between the two peoples. Her son, Sihtric Silken Beard, -who was most active in mobilising the Norse troops, must have been -a Christian, since the coins which were minted in Dublin during his -reign are stamped with the sign of the cross. In 1028 he visited Rome, -and there is record of another visit some years later.[215] His death -is entered in the Annals under the year 1042, in which same year his -daughter, a nun in an Irish convent, also died.[216] - -It was probably on his return to Dublin from Rome in 1036 that Sihtric -gave “a place on which to build a church of the Blessed Trinity,” -afterwards known as Christchurch Cathedral, and “contributed gold and -silver wherewith to build it.”[217] - -The Norsemen would seem to have regarded the Irish Church with no -friendly feelings. The first Norse bishop, Dunan or Donatus, was on -intimate terms with Lanfranc, and when the next bishop, Patrick, was -chosen by the clergy and people of Dublin, he was sent, with a letter -professing their “bounden obedience” to Lanfranc for consecration (A.D. -1074).[218] His successors, Donatus (d. 1095), Samuel (d. 1121), and -Gregory (d. 1162) were also consecrated at Canterbury, and acknowledged -the supremacy of the archbishop. An interesting letter addressed to -the Archbishop of Canterbury by the priests and citizens of Dublin in -1121 is still extant: “You know,” the letter runs, “that the bishops of -Ireland, more especially the Bishop of Armagh, is extremely angry with -us because we will not submit to his decrees, and because we always -wish to remain under your authority.”[219] - -Bishoprics were founded at Waterford and Wexford later than in Dublin. -Malcus, the first Bishop of Waterford, was consecrated at Canterbury, -and on his arrival in Waterford in 1096, he began to build a church, -dedicated, like that of Dublin, to the Holy Trinity.[220] - -Some years later we hear of a Bishop of Limerick, Gilla or Gilbert, -who does not seem to have been consecrated in England, but who was in -close touch with the Archbishop of Canterbury.[221] He it was who -convoked the synod at Rathbresail, at which it was decided to divide -Ireland into dioceses: “there,” says Keating, “the sees and dioceses of -the bishops of Ireland were regulated; Dublin was excluded, because it -was not customary for its bishop to receive consecration except from -the Archbishop of Canterbury.”[222] Limerick and Waterford were placed -under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Cashel, but this decree seems -to have been ignored by the people of Limerick, for they elected their -next bishop, Patrick, in the ordinary way and sent him to England for -consecration.[223] It is uncertain whether the Waterford people obeyed, -as the records merely mention the names of the succeeding bishops. - -A still more important synod was held at Kells in 1132. There the -decision of the previous synod regarding the division of the country -into dioceses was ratified, and archbishoprics were established at -Dublin, Armagh, Cashel, and Tuam. Henceforth the bishops of Dublin, -Limerick, and Waterford were consecrated in Ireland, and this marked -the close of the connection between Canterbury and the Celtic Church. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[149] Only one reference is to be found in the Annals. See _Annals of -the Four Masters_, A.D. 728. - -[150] Eoin MacNeill: “The Norse Kingdom of the Hebrides” (_Scottish -Review_, Vol. XXXIX., pp. 254-276). - -[151] It is interesting to recall that a new development in -shipbuilding, probably due to the same causes, was taking place in -England about the same time. The _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ first mentions -a naval encounter with Vikings under the year 875, and some twenty -years later describes the long ships, “shaped neither like the Frisian -nor the Danish,” which Alfred had commanded to be built to oppose the -_oescs_, or Danish ships. - -[152] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 912. - -[153] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 939. - -[154] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 953 (= 955). _Annals of -Ulster_, A.D. 963. - -To this entry the annalist adds the following note: “Quod non factum -est ab antiquis temporibus.” - -Cf. _Three Fragments of Annals_ (A.D. 873): “Bairith (O.N. Barthr), -drew many ships from the sea westwards to Lough Ree…” - -[155] Ancient Norway was divided by Haakon into districts -(_Skipreithur_) each of which had in wartime to equip and man -a warship: the number of these districts was fixed by law. -_Gulathingslög_, 10. Cf. _The Victorious Career of Cellachan -of Cashel_, p. 151, n; etc. Cf. _The Saga of Haakon the Good_ -(_Heimskr._), ch. 21. - -[156] _The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel_, pp. 29, 86. - -[157] _Ib._, pp. 89-102. - -[158] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 109. - -[159] _Ib._, p. 133. - -[160] _Ib._, p. 137. - -[161] See A. Bugge: _Norse Loan-words in Irish_ (_Miscellany Presented -to Kuno Meyer_, p. 291 ff.). - -W. A. Craigie: _Oldnordiske Ord i de Gaeliske Sprog_ (_Arkiv för -Nordisk Filologi_, X., 1894). - -C. Marstrander: _Bidrag til det Norske Sprogs Historie i Irland_. - -K. Meyer: Revue Celtique, X., pp. 367-9, XI., pp. 493-5, XII., pp. -460-3. - -[162] Marstrander (_op. cit._, p. 21) suggests that the word is -connected with the O.N. dialectal form _berling_, “a little stick or -beam under the shallows in a boat.” - -[163] Cf. the list of authorities referred to _ante_, pp. 38, 39. - -[164] The Norsemen sometimes adopted Irish fashions in their dress. -The great Viking Magnus, who was killed in Ireland in A.D. 1103, was -usually called “barelegs” (O.N. _berfaettr_) because he always wore -the Irish kilts; and his son, Harold Gilli, who could speak Irish -better than Norse, “much wore the Irish raiment, being short-clad and -light-clad.” It was probably from his Irish _cuaran_, or shoes of skin -that Olaf Sihtricsson, the famous King of Dublin received his nickname. - -[165] In the _Annals of the Four Masters_ (A.D. 960), _lagmainn_ is the -name given to certain chieftains from the Hebrides who plundered the -southern and eastern coasts of Ireland. - -[166] The word occurs only once in Irish: cf. _The Victorious Career of -Cellachan of Cashel_, p. 140. - -[167] _The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 203, says that when -the Norsemen were fleeing after the battle of Clontarf, Earl Broder, -accompanied by two warriors, passed by the tent in which King Brian -was. One of these men, who had been in Brian’s service, saw the King -and cried “Cing, Cing” (This is the King). “No, no, acht prist, prist” -said Broder (No, no, it is a priest, said Broder). - -[168] These annals state that on one occasion (_A.D._ 869) Cennedigh of -Leix, a brave Irish chieftain, was pursued by the Norsemen, who “blew -their trumpets and raised angry barbarous shouts, many of them crying -‘_nui, nui_.’” - -[169] Marstrander (_op. cit._, p. 156) suggests, however, that _roth_ -may be an archaic form of the Irish _ruadh_, ‘red.’ - -[170] Cf. W. A. Craigie: _Gaelic Words and Names in the Sagas and -Landnámabók_. (_Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie_, Band I., pp. -439-454). - -A. Bugge: _Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes i Vikingetiden_, -ch. 9. See especially pp. 358-359. - -[171] There is an interesting account of the _gelt_ in the Old Norse -_Konungs Skuggsjá_ (_Speculum Regale_): - -“It happens that when two hosts meet and are arranged in battle-array, -and when the battle-cry is raised loudly on both sides, cowardly men -run wild and lose their wits from the dread and fear which seize them. -And they run into a wood away from other men, and live there like -beasts and shun the meeting of men like wild beasts. And it is said of -these men then when they have lived in the woods in that condition for -twenty years, that feathers grew on their bodies like birds, whereby -their bodies are protected against frost and cold…” - -Cf. Kuno Meyer: _On the Irish Mirabilia in the Old Norse “Speculum -Regale”_ (_Eríu_, Vol. IV., pp. 11-12). - -This bears a striking resemblance to a certain passage in the -mediæval romance _Cath Muighe Rath_ (Battle of Moy Rath, p. 232. Ed. -by O’Donovan). It may also be compared with another romance, which -probably dates from the same period, viz., _Buile Suibhne_, (_The -Madness of Suibhne_, ed. by J. G. O’Keefe for the Irish Texts Society). -Cf. also _Hávamál_ (ed. Gering), str. 129, etc. - -[172] Vilbald, a descendant of Kjarval, King of Ossory, had a ship -called _Kuthi_, cf. _Landnámabók_, IV., ch. II. Todd (_War of the -Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 299, n.) suggests Ir. _Cuthach_. - -[173] According to _Jáns Saga hins Helga_, ch. 14 (_Biskupa Sögur_ I., -Kaupmannahófn, 1858) King Magnus Barelegs sent an Icelander with other -hostages to King Myrkjartan of Connacht. When they arrived there, one -of the Norsemen addressed the King in these words: “Male diarik,” to -which the King replied “Olgeira ragall,” _i.e._, Ir., _olc aer adh ra -gall_, (it is a bad thing to be cursed by a Norseman.) - -[174] _minnthak_ was the name given by Hjorleif’s Irish thralls to the -mixture of meal and butter which they compounded while on board ship on -their way to Iceland. They said it was good for quenching thirst. Cf. -_Landnámabók_, I., ch. 6. - -[175] Cf. Whitley Stokes, _op. cit._, pp. 186, 191. - -[176] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 13. - -Cf. also _Three Fragments of Annals_, p. 146: “In a battle fought -between the Irish and the Norsemen the latter were driven to a small -place surrounded by a wall. The druid Hona went up on the wall, and -with his mouth open began to pray to the gods and to exercise his -magic; he ordered the people to worship the gods…” - -[177] Cf. _Thorfinssaga Karlsefnis_, ch. 3; _Vatnsdaela Saga_, ch. 10; -_Tháttr af Nornagesti_, ch. 11; _Hrólfs Saga Kraka_, ch. 3; etc. - -[178] _e.g._, C. Haliday: _The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin_, p. 12 -ff. Margaret Stokes, _op. cit._, pp. 96-98. - -[179] Cf. _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 8. - -[180] The expression used is _quievit in Christo_ and occurs only in -_MS. A_. As neither _MS. B_ nor any of the other annals mention Ivárr’s -conversion it may be that the scribe of the former has unintentionally -slipped into using a formula which was customary in recording the death -of a Christian. - -[181] _Landnámabók_, II., ch. 16. - -[182] _Landnámabók_, I., ch. 12. - -[183] _Ib._, V., ch. 15. - -[184] _Ib._, I., ch. 13. - -[185] _Ib._, I., ch. 15. - -[186] _Ib._, IV., ch. 11. - -[187] _Njáls Saga_, ch. 101. - -[188] _Landnámabók_, V., ch. 15. - -[189] _Ib._, III., ch. 12. - -[190] _Ib._, I., ch. 12. - -[191] _Three Fragments of Annals_, pp. 120-124. - -[192] Cf. _Gylfaginning_, chs. 51, 52. - -[193] _Hýmiskvitha, pass._ Cf. W. S. Calverley: _The Ancient Crosses at -Gosforth_, p. 168. - -[194] P. M. C. Kermode: _Manx Crosses_, pp. 180-184. - -[195] _Ib._, pp. 170-179. - -[196] _Ib._, pp. 86-95, 195-199. - -[197] _Ib._, pp. 150-153. - -[198] _Ib._, pp. 203-205. - -[199] _Ib._, pp. 209-213. - -[200] _Ib._, p. 169. - -[201] _Ib._, pp. 212-213. - -[202] _Annals of Ulster_, A.D. 919. The same source in recording -Gothfrith’s death (A.D. 933) speaks of him as “the most cruel of the -Norsemen.” - -[203] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, _MS.D._, A.D. 925. - -[204] _Ib._, _MSS. A._, 942, D. 943. - -[205] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 979. - -[206] _Ib._, A.D. 1021. - -[207] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, p. 207. - -[208] _Annals of the Four Masters_, A.D. 982. - -[209] _Ib._, A.D. 1011. - -[210] _Ib._, A.D. 994. - -[211] _Eyrbyggja Saga_, chs. 4 and 10; _Kjalnesinga Saga_, ch. 2; etc. - -[212] Cf. _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, _MS.A._ Annal, A.D. 876, -_Kjalnesinga Saga_, ch. 2; etc. - -[213] _Landnámabók_, II., ch. 12. - -[214] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, pp. 196, 198. - -[215] _Annals of Tigernach_, A.D. 1028, 1036. - -[216] _Ib._, A.D. 1042. - -[217] _The Whole Works of Sir James Ware Concerning Ireland_, Vol I., -p. 301. (Ware quotes from the Black Book of Christchurch Cathedral, -Dublin.) - -[218] _Ib._, p. 306. - -[219] _Ib._, pp. 309-311. - -[220] _Ib._, pp. 525-6. - -[221] _Ib._, p. 504. - -Cf. J. MacCaffrey: _The Black Book of Limerick_. Introduction, chs. 5 -and 7. - -[222] _The History of Ireland_, by Geoffrey Keating (ed. P. S. -Dinneen). Vol. III., p. 298. - -[223] _Ware_, _op. cit._, p. 505. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -LITERARY INFLUENCE: THE SAGAS OF ICELAND AND IRELAND. - - -I. - -The most interesting branch of early Norse literature is the saga or -prose story. Of these there are many varieties but the most distinctive -are the following: (1) the _Íslendinga Sögur_, or stories relating to -prominent Icelanders, (2) _Konunga Sögur_, or stories of Kings, chiefly -of Norway; (3) _Fornaldar Sögur_, or stories about early times. All -these are essentially Icelandic in origin; sagas having their origin in -Norway are by no means unknown, but they are, as a rule, translated or -derived from French and other foreign sources.[224] In their present -form the sagas relating to the history of Iceland date for the most -part from the thirteenth century, though some of them were probably -committed to writing in the latter part of the twelfth. - -The earliest Icelandic document of which we have any record is the -original text of the Laws, said to have been written in the year 1181. -Ari’s _Íslendinga-Bók_, containing a short account of the settlement -of Iceland with notices of the more important events, and accounts -of the succession of lawmen and bishops, was written a few years -later, though the form in which it has come down to us is that of an -abbreviated text written about the year 1130. This work, the foundation -of all subsequent historical writing in Iceland, contains some short -notices, which apparently had been handed down by tradition, but these -stories, usually known as sagas, would seem to have been written down -somewhat later. Indeed until the close of the twelfth century the -language employed for historical writings in Iceland, as elsewhere, was -for the most part Latin. - -Though the writing of the sagas did not begin until the latter part -of the twelfth century, sagas in some form or other must have been -in existence much earlier, carried on from generation to generation -by oral tradition. This faculty of reciting sagas was a special -characteristic of the Icelanders, by whom it was carefully cultivated. -In the preface to his _Historia Danica_ Saxo acknowledges his -indebtedness to the “men of Thule,” who “account it a delight to learn -and to consign to remembrance the history of all nations, deeming it as -great a glory to set forth the excellence of others as to display their -own. Their stores, which are stocked with attestations of historical -events, I have examined somewhat closely and have woven together no -small portion of the present work by following their narrative.”[225] - -That the art of story-telling did not decline in Iceland even after -the majority of the sagas were written down is attested by _Sturlunga -Saga_. Here we are told that when Sturla visited King Magnus’ court at -Bergen in 1263 the king received him coldly, but afterwards allowed -him to accompany the royal party on a voyage to the south of Norway. -In the evening one of the sailors asked if there was anyone among them -who could tell stories, but he received no answer. He turned to Sturla, -“Sturla, the Icelander, will you entertain us?” “Willingly,” said -Sturla. Then he related the story of Huld[226] better and with much -more detail than any of those present had ever heard it told before. -Then many men made their way to the deck so as to hear as clearly as -possible, and there was a great crowd there. The queen asked: “What -is that crowd on the deck?” A man answered, “Men who are listening to -the tale the Icelander is telling.” “What story is that?” she asked. -“It is about a great giantess; it is a good story and well told.” On -the following day the queen sent for Sturla and asked him to come and -bring with him the saga of the giantess.[227] So Sturla went aft to -the quarterdeck and told the story over again. When he had finished, -the queen and many of the listeners thanked him and took him to be a -learned and wise man.[228] - -A much earlier reference to the recitation, and indeed the composition -of sagas is found in _Thorgils Saga ok Haflitha_, in which there is an -account of a wedding-feast at Reykholar in 1119: - -“There was fun and merriment and great festivity, and all kinds of -amusements, such as dancing, wrestling and story-telling… Hrólfr of -Skalmarnes told a story about Hrongvithr the Viking, and Olaf ‘the -sailor’s king,’ and about the rifling of the barrow of Thrainn the -berserkr, and about Hrómundr Gripsson, and he included many verses in -his story. King Sverrir used to be entertained with this story, and he -declared that fictitious stories like these were the most entertaining -of any; and yet there are men who can trace their ancestry to Hrómundr -Gripsson. Hrólfr had put this saga together. Ingimundr the priest told -the story of Ormr, the poet of Barrey and included many verses in -it, besides a good poem which Ingimundr had composed, therefore many -learned men regard this saga as true.”[229] - -The former of these stories is the _Hrómundra Saga_ which belongs to -the class commonly called _Fornaldar Sögur_.[230] - -Still further back in the reign of Harald Hardradith (1047-1066) we -have a most important allusion to the art of story-telling. According -to the saga[231] a young Icelander came one summer to King Harald -seeking his protection. The king received him into his court on the -understanding that he should entertain the household during the winter. -He soon became very popular, and received gifts from members of the -household and from the king himself. Just before Christmas the king -noticed that the Icelander seemed dejected, and he asked the reason. -The Icelander replied that it was because of his ‘uncertain temper.’ - -“That is not so,” said the king… “I think your stock of sagas must -be exhausted, because you have entertained us all through the winter, -whenever you were called upon to do so. Now you are worried because -your sagas have come to an end at Christmas time, and you do not wish -to tell the same over again.” - -“You have guessed rightly,” said the Icelander. “I know only one more -saga, but I dare not tell it here, because it is the story of your -adventures abroad.” - -“That is the saga I particularly want to hear,” said the king, and he -asked the Icelander to begin it on Christmas Day and tell a part of -it every day. During the Christmas season there was a good deal of -discussion about the entertainment. Some said it was presumption on -the part of the Icelander to tell the saga and they wondered how the -king would like it; others thought it was well told, but others again -thought less of it. When the saga was finished, the king, who had -listened attentively throughout, turned to the story-teller and said: -“Are you not curious to know, Icelander, how I like the saga?” - -“I am afraid to ask,” replied the story-teller. - -The king said: “I think you have told it very well. Where did you get -the material for it, and who taught it to you?” - -The Icelander answered: “When in Iceland I used to go every summer -to the _Thing_, and each summer I learned a portion of the saga from -Halldór Snorrason.” - -“Then it is not surprising that you know it so well, since you have -learned it from him,” said the king. - -We may in fact see the origin of the _Íslendinga Sögur_ in certain -passages of the sagas themselves. In _Fóstbroethra Saga_, for instance, -the story is told of an Icelander named Thormóthr, who went to -Greenland in order to avenge the death of his foster-brother Thorgeirr. -On one occasion he fell asleep in his booth, and when he awoke some -time later he found, to his surprise, that the place was quite -deserted. Then his servant Egill “the foolish” came to him and said: -“You are too far off from a great entertainment.” - -Thormóthr asked: “Where have you come from and what is the -entertainment?” - -Egill replied: “I have been to Thorgrímr Einarsson’s booth and most of -the people who are attending the _Thing_ are there now.” - -Thormóthr asked: “What form of amusement have they?” - -Egill answered: “Thorgrímr is telling a saga.” - -“About whom is the saga?” asked Thormóthr. - -“That I do not know clearly,” replied Egill, “but I know that he tells -it well and in an interesting manner. He is sitting on a chair outside -his booth and the people are all around him listening to the saga.” - -Thormóthr said: “But you must know the name of some man who is -mentioned in the saga, especially since you think it so entertaining.” - -Egill replied: “A certain Thorgeirr was a great hero in the saga, and I -think that Thorgrímr himself must have had some connection with it, and -played a brave part in it, as is most likely. I wish you would go there -and listen to the entertainment.”[232] - -Then Thormóthr and Egill went to Thorgrímr’s booth and stood close by -listening to the saga, but they could not hear it very distinctly. -Thormóthr had, however, understood from Egill’s remarks that this -was the same Thorgrímr who had slain his foster-brother and was now -recounting his exploits for the amusement of the crowd. - -More famous is the scene in _Njáls Saga_ where Gunnar Lambi’s son, who -has just arrived at Earl Sigurthr’s palace in the Orkneys is called -upon to tell the story of the burning of Njáll’s homestead. - -“The men were so pleased that King Sigtryggr [of Dublin] sat on a high -seat in the middle, but on either side of the king sat one of the -earls… Now King Sitryggr and Earl Gille wished to hear of these tidings -which had happened at the burning, and so, also, what had befallen -since. - -“Then Gunnarr Lambi’s son, who had taken part in the burning was got to -tell the tale, and a stool was set for him to sit upon… - -“Now King Sigtryggr asked: “How did Skarphethinn bear the burning?” - -““Well at first for a long time,” said Gunnarr, “but still the end of -it was that he wept.” And so he went on giving an unfair bias to his -story, but every now and then he laughed aloud. - -“Kári (Kjall’s friend who was listening outside) could not stand this -and he then ran in with his sword drawn… and smote Gunnarr Lambi’s son -on the neck with such a smart blow that his head spun off on to the -board before the king and the earls. - -“… Now Flosi undertook to tell the story of the Burning and he was fair -to all, and therefore what he said was believed.”[233] - -For the way in which such stories were preserved from generation -to generation we may refer to the end of _Droplaugarsona Saga_ -(Ljósvetninga): “Thorvaldr (born c. 1006) son of Grímr”--one of the -chief actors in the story--“had a son called Ingjaldr. His son was -named Thorvaldr, and he it was who told the story.”[234] - -The passage quoted from _Njála Saga_ and _Fóstbroethra Saga_ seem -to show that the art of story-telling was already developed at the -beginning of the eleventh century. In these instances, it is true, we -have only the records of events given by the actors themselves or by -eyewitnesses, and we cannot be certain that such stories had assumed -anything like a fixed form. Far more important is the passage from -_Haralds Saga Hardrada_,[235] for there the story-teller was not an -eyewitness, but had obtained the story, or the material for it, from -Halldór Snorrason, an Icelandic follower of King Harald. From what is -said about the length of the saga, there can be no doubt that it had -been worked up in a very elaborate way. For such elaborate secondhand -stories we have no other definite evidence, but again, considering the -time which the recital is said to have occupied, it would be unwise to -conclude that this later form of the art was entirely new. - -We have, therefore, clearly to distinguish two stages in the history -of the oral saga; (i) the story as told by someone who had taken part -in the events described; (ii) the secondhand story. The story was soon -embellished, especially in the second stage, not merely with such -devices as the records of conversation, but even by the introduction of -imaginary adventures. Indeed we need not assume that even in the first -stage the stories were told in strict accordance with fact. Reference -may be made, for instance, to the passage quoted above from _Njáls -Saga_, where Gunnarr Lambi’s son is said to have told the story of the -burning unfairly. Even in the _Íslendinga_ and _Konunga Sögur_ fiction -forms a not inconsiderable element: in the _Fornaldar Sögur_ it is -obviously much greater. - -Yet there is good reason for believing that in the main the -_Íslendinga_ and _Konunga Sögur_ are historical. This may be seen -by the general agreement between the various sagas, since the same -characters constantly reappear, and there is little inconsistency -with regard to their circumstances or personal traits. Again, the -description of houses, ships, weapons, and other articles seems -generally to correspond to those known to date from the period to which -the stories refer. There is, moreover, one feature which points to a -more or less fixed tradition dating from the closing years of the tenth -century, namely, the attitude towards those characters who figured -prominently in the struggle between Christianity and heathenism. Thus -there are indications that the rather unsympathetic representation of -Harold Greycloak and his brothers may be due to the fact that they -were Christians. Still more significant is the attitude of the sagas -towards Haakon the Bad, whose character seems to undergo a great -change--probably a reflection of the change in the popular opinion of -Christianity. - -Sagas like those of Egill and Kormak relating to the middle or first -part of the twelfth century are few in number and usually contain a -considerable amount of poetry; in fact, the prose is not infrequently -based upon the poetry. Stories dealing with early Icelandic history -from A.D. 874 onwards and Norwegian history of the same period are much -less full. In general they appear to be trustworthy, but the details -are such as might have been preserved by local or family tradition -without the special faculty which is characteristic of the sagas. - -Of a totally different character are the sagas relating to times before -the settlement of Iceland (A.D. 874). Some of these, such as _Völsunga -Saga_ and _Hervarar Saga_, deal with events as far back as the fifth -century, and are, to a great extent, paraphrases of poems, many of -which have come down to us. Very frequently, too, whether based on -poems or not, the narrative bears the stamp of fiction.[236] - -Conditions in Iceland were especially favourable to the development -of the art of story-telling, owing partly to the isolated position of -the country itself and to the difficulties of communication across -the wide tracts of land separating the various settlements within it, -partly also to the love of travel which characterised its inhabitants. -In Icelandic literature the recital of stories is mentioned in -connection with public meetings--such as the annual general assembly -(_Althingi_)--and with social gatherings at the “winter-nights,” the -chief season for hospitality in Iceland, when travellers had returned -from abroad. - -The Icelanders were famous, too, for the cultivation of poetry. This -art was evidently much practised in Norway in early times, but we -hear of hardly any Norwegian poets after Eyvindr (c. 980), whereas -in Iceland poetry flourished for a considerable period after this. -Icelandic poets were received with favour not only in Norway, but -elsewhere, for instance, in England and Ireland. It has been stated -that sagas dealing with the early part of the tenth century owe a -good deal to poetry, while stories relating to times earlier than the -settlement of Iceland are often almost entirely dependent on poetic -sources. Moreover, the cultivation of poetry probably contributed very -largely to the development of the faculty of story-telling, and the -two arts may have been practised by the same person. On this point, -however, we have no precise information. - - -II. - -Yet the remarkable fact that this faculty of story-telling was peculiar -to the Icelanders alone among the Teutonic peoples still remains to be -explained. It can hardly be without significance that the only parallel -in Europe for such a form of literature is to be found in Ireland. - -From the allusions to this type of composition in old Irish literature -it would seem to have existed at a very early period; so early, that -its very origin is obscure. There is, for example, mention of a king’s -“company of story tellers” in the eight lines of satirical verse, said -to have been composed by the poet Cairbre on Bress, the niggardly king -of the Formorians.[237] - -Story-telling was one of the many attractions of the great _aonachs_ or -fairs which played the same part in the national life of Ireland as the -_things_ or popular assemblies in Iceland. From the poem on the ancient -fair of Carman preserved in the _Book of Ballymote_, we can form an -idea of the entertainment provided by the professional story-teller:-- - -“The tales of Fianna of Erin, a never-wearying entertainment: stories -of destructions, cattle-preys, courtships, rhapsodies, battle-odes, -royal precepts and the truthful instructions of Fithil the sage: the -wide precepts of Coirfic and Cormac.”[238] - -The _Book of Leinster_ states that the poet who had attained the rank -of _ollamh_ was bound to know for recital to kings and chieftains two -hundred and fifty tales of prime importance (prím-scéla), and one -hundred secondary ones.[239] The same source gives the names of one -hundred and eighty-seven of these tales, the majority of which have not -come down to us. These include stories from the three great cycles of -legend, viz., that relating to the gods; to Cuchulain and the warriors -of the Red Branch, and to Finn and Fianna. A number of stories relating -to the kings of Ireland mentioned in this list have an historical -basis; while there are others purporting to deal with kings as far back -as 1000 B.C., which are no doubt partly imaginary, and were invented to -arouse popular interest in the past history of the country. - -We know of several stories and poems about kings and chieftains who -played a prominent part in the wars against the Vikings. The list in -_The Book of Leinster_ mentions only one, _The Love of Gormflaith for -Niall_ _i.e._, Niall Glundubh (d. 919), a summary of which is contained -in the mediæval English translation of _The Annals of Clonmacnois_. -In the case of _The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel_, it -is difficult to say whether this was originally an oral narrative -committed to writing for the first time in the fifteenth century, or -whether it was copied from an older manuscript, now lost. Brian Borumha -and his sons are the principal characters in _The Leeching of Cian’s -Leg_, a tale preserved in a sixteenth century manuscript.[240] It is -interesting to note here the presence of a strong folk element which -would seem to point towards a popular, not a literary origin. - -At the close of the tenth century story-telling was in high favour -in Ireland, and the professional story-teller was able not only to -recite any one of the great historical tales, but to improvise, if -the occasion arose. Mac Coisse, the poet attached to the court of -Maelsechnaill II., tells in an interesting prose work how his castle at -Clartha (Co. Westmeath) was once plundered by the O’Neills of Ulster. -He immediately set out for Aileach in order to obtain compensation from -the head of the clan, King Domhnall O’Neill (d. 978). On his arrival, -he was received with great honour and brought into the king’s presence. -In response to Domhnall’s request for a story, Mac Coisse mentioned -the names of a large number of tales including one called _The Plunder -of the Castle of Maelmilscotach_. This was the only one with which the -king was unfamiliar, so he asked the story-teller to relate it. In it -Mac Coisse described, under the form of an allegory, the plundering of -his castle by the king’s kinsmen. When he had finished he confessed -that he himself was Maelmilscotach[241], and he begged the king to -grant him full restitution of his property. This the king agreed to do, -and the grateful poet then recited a poem of eighteen stanzas which he -had composed about the king and his family.[242] - - -III. - -The resemblance which we have noted between Icelandic and Irish customs -seem to justify us in suggesting that they may be due in part to some -influence exercised by the one people upon the other. There is in fact -a certain amount of evidence which renders such influence probable. -We know that Irish poets and story-tellers were welcome guests at the -court of the Scandinavian kings in Ireland. In an elegy on Mathgamain, -Brian’s brother,[243] one of the Munster bards, says he finds it -difficult to reproach the foreigners because of his friendship with -Dubhcena, Ivarr’s son.[244] And during the lifetime of Brian, Mac -Liag, Brian’s chief poet, and Mac Coisse, poet and story-teller to -Maelsechnaill II., visited the court of Sigtryggr and remained there -for a whole year. On their departure they gave expression to their -feelings of regret in a poetical dialogue:-- - - _Mac Liag_: - - It is time for us to return to our homes, - We have been here a whole year; - Though short to you and me may seem - This our sojourn in Dublin, - Brian of Banba deems it too long - That he listens not to my eloquence.[245] - -Another poem of Mac Liag’s, in which he addresses the Scandinavians -of Dublin as “the descendants of the warriors of Norway,” was also -composed in Dublin, at the court of ‘Olaf of the golden shields,’ soon -after the battle of Clontarf.[246] - -On the other hand Icelandic sources mention at least three skálds who -made their way to Ireland during the tenth century: Thorgils Orraskáld, -who was with Olaf Cuaran in Dublin,[247] and Kormak (Ir. Cormac) who -fought with Harold Greycloak in Ireland (c. 961).[248] In _Gunnlaugs -Saga Ormstungu_ (ch. 8) there is a charming account of the poet’s -reception in Dublin, shortly after Sigtryggr became king (c. 994): -Gunnlaug went before the king and said: “I have composed a poem about -you, and I would like to get a hearing for it.” - -“The king answered: “No man has yet made a poem about me, and I will -certainly listen to yours.” - -“Then Gunnlaug recited his poem in praise of “Cuaran’s son,” and the -king thanked him for it. - -“Sigtryggr then called his treasurer and asked: “How shall I reward him -for this poem?” - -““As you will, lord,” replied the treasurer. - -““Shall I give him two merchant-ships?” asked the king. - -““That is too much,” said the treasurer, “other kings give, as rewards -for songs, costly gifts, good swords or gold rings.” - -“So the king gave Gunnlaug his own garments of new scarlet cloth, a -tunic ornamented with lace, a cloak lined with choice furs, and a gold -ring which weighed a mark. Gunnlaug remained for a short time there and -then went to the Orkneys.” - -It is to be noted, too, that among the original settlers in Iceland -there were a not inconsiderable number who came from Ireland and the -islands off the west coast of Scotland. These included some of the most -important families in the country. We may mention especially Authr, -widow of Olaf the White, king of Dublin, with her brothers Ketill the -Foolish, Björn, Helgi Bjóla and all their families and dependants;[249] -also Helgi the Lean who had been brought up partly in the Hebrides, -partly in Ireland, Jörundr the Christian and Örlygr the Old.[250] Not a -few of these were partly of Irish stock such as Helgi the Lean, Áskell -Hnokkan and his brother Vilbaldr who were descendants of Cearbhall, -king of Ossory (d. 877).[251] Sometimes we hear of settlers who were -of pure Gaelic blood, like Kalman (Ir. Colman) from the Hebrides,[252] -and Erpr, son of a Scottish earl Maeldúin,[253] and Myrgjol (Ir. -Muirgheal), daughter of Gliomall, an Irish king.[254] - -It has been urged[255] that the persons mentioned in the _Landnámabók_ -as coming from Ireland and Scotland form a very small percentage of the -whole number of settlers. But we have to remember that by no means all -the colonists are mentioned in the records and genealogies. There can -be no doubt that a number of slaves and freedmen accompanied the more -important settlers to Iceland, and of these probably the great majority -were of Celtic blood. Their numbers, too, were being continually -reinforced during the tenth century. It is difficult, however, to -estimate how many they were, because in the case of thralls Icelandic -names were not infrequently substituted for Irish ones. Thus, of the -Irish thralls whom Hjörleifr brought to Iceland only one, Dufthakr, had -a Gaelic name. - -Such slaves were not always people of humble origin. Gilli (Ir. -Giolla), the slave who killed Thorsteinn, son of Hallr[256] of -Side, was a descendant of Cearbhall, king of Ossory. Mention is -made elsewhere of Nithbjörg, daughter of the Irish king Biolan (Ir. -Beollán) who was carried off from Ireland in a Viking raid;[257] also -of Melkorka, King Myrkjartan’s daughter, who was bought from a slave -dealer in Norway.[258] Icelandic custom did not necessarily prevent the -children of slave women from becoming persons of wealth and influence; -indeed Ósvifr, son of Nithbjörg and Olaf Pái, son of Melkorka, were -among the leading men in Iceland in their time. It is not unreasonable, -then, to suppose that by the end of the tenth century Irish blood had -found its way into a large number of Icelandic families. - -Lastly we may observe that the Irish and Icelandic sagas bear certain -resemblances to one another which are at least worthy of attention. In -both cases the narrative prose is frequently interspersed with poetry, -and in both the use of dialogue is a prominent feature. Nor is the -subject matter dissimilar. Indeed it is possible to apply to the Irish -stories a classification roughly similar to that which is adopted for -the more important of the Icelandic sagas.[259] As far as the “stories -of the kings” are concerned, the resemblance is most striking in the -case of sagas relating to early times such as _Ynglinga Saga_. There -are Irish stories, too, corresponding to a certain extent to the -_Íslendínga Sögur_, though they are comparatively few in number, while -many of the _Fornaldar Sögur_ may be said to bear a certain resemblance -to the Irish epic stories. - -The evidence discussed above seems to afford some ground for suspecting -that the saga literature of Iceland and Ireland may not be wholly -unconnected, and, as we have seen, the conditions of the time, -particularly the frequent intercourse between the two countries, were -such as to favour the exercise of literary influence by one people upon -the other. If so, one can hardly doubt that in this case the influence -came to Iceland from Ireland. - -We have seen[260] that the prose saga appears to have developed in -Iceland in the course of the tenth century. There are indeed narratives -relating both to the settlement of Iceland and to still earlier events -in Norway. But these, in so far as they can be regarded as trustworthy -traditions--not embellished by fiction in later times--are quite brief, -and not far removed from such local or family traditions as one could -find in other parts of the world. The detailed and elaborate type of -story which we dealt with in Section I., and which is the distinctive -feature of Icelandic literature, can hardly be traced back beyond the -end of the tenth century. - -The prose stories of Ireland, on the other hand, are without doubt much -earlier. Although we have few MSS. of Irish prose dating from a period -before the twelfth century, yet it is generally agreed that many of the -forms preserved, _e.g._, in the _Yellow Book of Lecan_ MS. of the Tain -Bo Cualnge must be derived from an earlier MS. of not later than the -seventh or early eighth century. The oral saga in Ireland is therefore -of great antiquity. - -It may, of course, be argued that if the prose saga arose spontaneously -in Ireland, there is no reason why it should not also have arisen -independently in Iceland. But the existence of this form of literature -in Ireland may be due to special circumstances for which Iceland offers -no parallel. The oldest Irish sagas belong to that class of literature -known as the heroic epic, a class which among the Teutonic peoples--as -indeed among all other European peoples--makes its first appearance -in verse. The exceptional treatment of this subject in Irish is all -the more remarkable in view of the fact that among the Celtic peoples -the _file_ or professional minstrel occupied a distinguished position -in society. It would be strange if the professional minstrel were not -primarily concerned with heroic epic poetry in Ireland as in other -countries, since in the times to which our records refer the recitation -of the heroic prose epics was one of the chief functions of the _file_. - -On the other hand, we know nothing of the ancient forms of Irish -poetry. The earliest poems that have come down to us have a metrical -form which is not native. Earlier than these--in the fifth and sixth -centuries--there is evidence for the cultivation of “rhetorics,” or -metrical prose, but this too appears to be of foreign origin.[261] The -unique feature in Irish literature, namely, the fact that the early -epic, as it has come down to us, appears in prose instead of poetry may -be due, at least in part, to the disappearance of native metrical forms -before the fifth century. It may be that the prose epics originated -in paraphrases of early poems such as we find, for instance, in the -_Völsunga Saga_, which is a paraphrase of older poems dealing with the -story of Sigurthr. Or the change may have been more automatic, the -outcome of a process of metrical dissolution similar to that of which -the beginnings may be seen in certain Anglo-Saxon and German poems. -Such metrical dissolution would be favoured, if not necessitated, by -the extensive phonetic changes which took place in Ireland in the fifth -century. But into this question it is not necessary to enter here. It -is sufficient to point out that Irish Saga literature, according to -all appearances, began in the heroic epic, a form which in all other -literatures, including Norse, originated in poetry. - -The preservation of poetry, narrative or other, by oral tradition is -a common enough phenomenon among many peoples, but the traditional -prose narrative, except in such primitive forms as folk-tales, is very -rare. Since we find it both in Ireland and Iceland--and apparently in -no other European countries--and since we have found so many other -connections between these two countries, the theory that the Icelandic -Saga owes its origin, however indirectly, to the Irish Saga, seems -to deserve more serious consideration from scholars than it has yet -received. - - -FOOTNOTES - -[224] It has been stated (cf. E. Mogk: _Geschichte der -Norwegisch-Isländischen Literatur_. Strassburg, 1904, p. 830) that many -of Saxo’s stories came from Norway, where they had been collected by an -Icelander in the twelfth century. There can be no doubt that stories -of some kind relating to families and localities--especially stories -which accounted, or professed to account for local names--were current -in Norway down to this time. Such stories form the basis of many of the -_Fornaldar Sögur_, but in all probability these had been familiar to -Icelanders from the first settlement of the island, or at least during -the tenth century. We have no evidence that they ever gained literary -form in Norway. (Cf. Finnur Jónsson: _Old Norske Litteraturs Historie_, -II., p. 791.) - -[225] _The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus._ -Translated by Oliver Elton (ed. by F. York Powell, p. 5). It is not -clear whether Saxo had Icelandic manuscripts before him, but his words -leave no doubt that he was aware of the fact that stories had been -carried on by oral tradition. - -[226] This was probably something in the nature of a fairy-tale like -the _Huldre-eventyr_ of modern Norway. We may refer to the story of the -witch Huldr given in _Ynglinga Saga_ (ch. 16), and to the supernatural -being Holda or Holle in German folk-lore. - -[227] “_hafa meth sér trollkonu-söguna._” From these words Finnur -Jónsson (_op. cit._, II., p. 792) concludes that Sturla possessed a -written copy of the saga. - -[228] _Sturlunga Saga_, II., pp. 270-271. - -[229] _Thorgil’s Saga ok Haflitha_ (_Sturlunga Saga_, Vol. I., p. 19). - -[230] _Fornaldar Sögur_, Vol. II., p. 323. - -[231] _Harald’s Hardrada Saga_, ch. 99 (_Fornmanna Sögur_, VI., pp. -354-356). - -[232] _Fóstbroethra Saga_, ch. 23. - -[233] _Njáls Saga_ (by G. W. Dasent), chs. 153, 154. - -[234] _Droplaugarsona Saga_ (Ljosvetninga Saga), p. 175 (_Austfirthinga -Sögur_, ed. Jakobsen). - -[235] See pp. 60, 61, ante. - -[236] Cf. the references to _Hrómundar Saga_, pp. 69, 70, ante. - -[237] The poem is preserved in the _Book of the Dun Cow_ (twelfth -century), but the form of the language in which it is written is -considerably earlier than this date; indeed, the meaning of the verses -would be quite obscure if we did not possess explanatory glosses. - -Cf. D’Arbois de Jubainville: _The Irish Mythological Cycle_, p. 96 -(Best’s translation): also D. Hyde: _A Literary History of Ireland_, p. -285. - -There is a possible reference to an Irish story-teller in an -inscription on a stone cross at Bridgend (Glamorganshire). The -inscription, which is thought to date from the seventh century, -runs:--_(Co)nbellini possuit hanc crucem pro anima eius Scitliuissi_ … -Rhys takes _scitlivissi_ to be an Irish word, a compound of _viss_ (Ir. -_fis_, ‘knowledge’) and _scitl_ (_scetlon_, _scél_, a ‘story,’ ‘news’) -and surmises that _scitliviss_ might mean a ‘messenger,’ a ‘bringer of -news,’ a ‘scout.’ (Cf. _Celtic Britain_, pp. 313-315.) But _scitliviss_ -can also be explained as ‘one who knows stories.’ In that case we might -infer that story-telling was a profession in Ireland as early as the -seventh century; but the reading appears to be too uncertain to justify -us in attaching any great importance to the inscription. - -[238] O’Curry: _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish_, II., p. 543. - -[239] O’Curry: _Lectures on the MS. Materials of Irish History_, pp. -243, 583. - -[240] Printed in _Silva Gadelica_ (ed. Standish O’Grady), Vol. I., pp. -296-305. - -Stories of Brian and his sons are still current in the Gaelic-speaking -districts of Ireland. (See _Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie_, Band -I., pp. 477-492.) They are, however, more likely to be folk tales, in -which the deeds of mythical heroes have been transferred to historical -people, than sagas transmitted by oral tradition from generation to -generation. - -[241] _i.e._, “son of the honeyed words,” a poet. - -[242] O’Curry: _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish_, II., pp. -130-135. - -[243] Mathgamain was murdered at the instigation of King Ivarr of -Limerick in 976. - -[244] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, pp. 98-99. - -[245] _O’Curry_, _op. cit._, II., p. 128. - -[246] _Ibid._, II., p. 125. - -[247] _Landnámabók_, I., ch. 19. - -[248] _Kormak’s Saga_, ch. 19. - -[249] Cf. _Landnámabók_, II., ch. 16, etc. - -[250] _Landnámabók_, V., ch. 15. - -[251] _Ib._, IV., ch. 11. - -[252] _Ib._, II., ch. 1. - -[253] _Ib._, II., ch. 16. - -[254] _Ib._, II., ch. 16. - -[255] Finnur Jónsson, _op. cit._, II., pp. 187-188 (n); W. A. Craigie: -_Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie_, Band I., p. 441. - -[256] “This Gilli was the son of Jathguth, who was the son of Gilli, -son of Bjathach (Ir. Blathach), son of King Kjarval of Ireland.” -(_Thorsten’s Saga Síthu-Hallssonar_, appendix. _Draumr Thorsteins -Síduhalssonar_, Ásmundarson’s Ed., pp. 26, 27.) - -[257] _Landnámabók_, II., ch. 11. - -[258] Cf. p. ante. - -[259] Cf. p. 66, ante. - -[260] Cf. p. 63 ante. - -[261] See Kuno Meyer: _Learning in Ireland in the Fifth Century_ -(Dublin, 1913). - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY. - - -I. - -_Annals of Clonmacnois_, ed. by Rev. D. J. Murphy. Dublin, 1896. - -_Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters_ (Vols. I. and -II.), ed. by J. O’Donovan, Dublin, 1856. - -_Three Fragments of Irish Annals_, ed. by J. O’Donovan. Dublin, 1860. - -_Annals of Tigernach_, ed. by Whitley Stokes (Revue Celtique, XVI.; -XVII.). Paris, 1895. - -_Annals of Ulster_ (Vol. I.), ed. by W. M. Hennessy. Dublin, 1887. - -_Black Book of Limerick_, ed. by J. MacCaffrey. Dublin, 1907. - -_Book of Rights_ (Leabhar na gceart), ed. by J. O’Donovan. Dublin, 1847. - -_Brennu-Njálssaga_, ed. by Finnur Jónsson. Halle a S., 1908. - -_The Story of Burnt Njal_, translated by Sir G. W. Dasent. London, -1861. (Several subsequent editions.) - -_Caithriém Cellachain Caisil: The Victorious Career of Cellachan of -Cashel_, ed. by A. Bugge. Christiania, 1905. - -_Chronicon Scotorum_, ed. by W. M. Hennessy. London, 1866. - -_Cogadh Gaedheal re Gallaibh_ (_The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_) -ed. by J. H. Todd. London, 1867. - -_Eyrbyggja Saga_, ed. by H. Gering. Halle a S., 1897. (English -translation by E. Magnússon and William Morris, London, 1892). - -_Fornaldar Sögur_, ed. by C. C. Rafn. Copenhagen, 1829-30. - -_Fornmanna Sögur._ Copenhagen, 1825-1837. - -_Fóstbroethra Saga_, ed. by V. Ásmundarson, Reykjavík, 1899. - -_Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu_, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1911. - -_Heimskringla_, ed. by C. R. Unger. Christiania, 1868. - -_Kormaks Saga_, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1893. - -_Landnámabók_, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1909. (English -translation by Rev. T. Ellwood. Kendal, 1898.) - -_On the Fomorians and the Norsemen_ (Duald Mac Firbis), ed. by A. -Bugge. Christiania, 1905. - -_Origines Islandicae_, ed. by G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell. Oxford, -1905. - -_Orkneyinga Saga_, ed. and tr. by J. Anderson. Edinburgh, 1873. Also -tr. by Sir G. W. Dasent for the Rolls Series. London, 1894. - -_Sturlunga Saga_, ed. by G. Vigfusson. Oxford, 1878. - -_Thorsteins Saga Sithu-Hallssonar_, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, -1902. - -_Two of the Saxon Chronicles (Parallel)_, 2 Vols., ed. by Earle and -Plummer. Oxford, 1892 and 1899. - - -II. - - Bugge, A. _Contributions to the History of the Norsemen - in Ireland._ Christiania, 1900. - - ---- _Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes - i Vikingetiden._ Christiania, 1905. - - Collingwood, W. G. _Scandinavian Britain._ London, 1908. - - Craigie, W. A. _The Icelandic Sagas._ Cambridge, 1913. - - Du Chaillu, P. B. _The Viking Age_, 2 Vols. London, 1889. - - Henderson, G. _The Norse Influence on Celtic Scotland._ - Glasgow, 1910. - - Jónsson, F. _Old Norske Litieraturs Historie_, also - (abridged). Copenhagen, 1907. - - Joyce, P. W. _A Social History of Ancient Ireland_, - 2 Vols. Dublin, 1913. - - Keary, C. F. _The Vikings in Western Christendom._ - London, 1891. - - Kermode, P. M. C. _Manx Crosses._ London, 1907. - - Marstrander, C. _Bidrag til det Norske Sprogs Historie i - Irland._ Christiania, 1912. - - Mawer, A. _The Vikings._ Cambridge, 1913. - - Mogk, E. _Geschichte der Norwegisch-Isländischen - Literatur._ Strassburg, 1904. - - O’Curry, E. _On the Manners and Customs of the Ancient - Irish_ (ed. by W. K. Sullivan). London, - 1873. - - ---- _Lectures on the Manuscript Materials of - Ancient Irish History._ Dublin, 1861. - - Steenstrup, J. C. H. R. _Normannerne_ (Vols. II. and III.). - Copenhagen, 1876-82. - - Stokes, G. T. _Ireland and the Celtic Church_ (revised by - H. J. Lawlor). London, 1907. - - Vogt, L. J. _Dublin som Norsk By._ Christiania, 1896. - - _The Whole Works of Sir James Ware concerning Ireland_, 2 Vols. - (translated and continued by W. Harris). Dublin, 1764. - - Worsaae, J. J. A. _Minder om de Danske og Nordmaendene i - England, Skotland og Irland._ - Copenhagen, 1851. (English translation: - _An Account of the Danes and Norwegians - in England, Scotland and Ireland_. - London, 1852.) - - Zimmer, H. _The Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland_, - (translated by A. Meyer). London, 1902. - -Reference has also been made to the following articles:-- - - Bugge, A. _Nordisk Sprog og Nordisk Nationalitet i - Irland_ (Aarboger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed - og Historie, 1900, pp. 279-332). - - ---- _Bidrag Bidet Sidste Afsnit af Nordboernes - Historie i Irland_ _ibid._, 1904, pp. - 248-315. - - Craigie, W. A. _Oldnordiske Ord i de Gaeliske Sprog_ (Archiv - for Nordisk Filologi. 1894.) - - Curtis, E. _The English and the Ostmen in Ireland_ - (English Historical Review, XXIII., p. - 209 ff.) - - Hull, E. _Irish Episodes in Icelandic Literature_ - (Saga Book of the Viking Club. January, - 1903.) - - ---- _The Gael and the Gall: Notes on the Social - Condition of Ireland during the Norse - Period._ (_Ibid._ April, 1908.) - - Mawer, A. _The Scandinavian Kingdom of Northumbria._ - _Ibid._ January, 1911. - - Stokes, W. _A few Parallels between the Old Norse and - the Irish Literatures and Traditions_ - (Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi. 1885.) - - Zimmer, H. _Ueber die frühesien Berührungen der Iren - mit den Nordgermanen._ (Sitzungsberichte - der Kgl. Preussichen Akademie der - Wissenschaften, Bd. I., pp. 279-317. - Berlin, 1891.) - - - - -INDEX. - - - Aedh Finnliath, 10, 15. - - Albann, brother of Ivarr the Boneless, 4. - - Albdann, son of Gothfrith, 22 _n._ - - Altar-ring, 53, 54. - - _aonach_, 30, 67. - - Armagh, 21-22, 48, 52, 55. - - Art, Scandinavian influence on Irish, 20. - - Authr, wife of Olaf the White, 15, 48, 72; - wife of Turgéis, 47. - - - Brian Borumha, 7-8, 29, 37-38. - - Brunanburh, battle of, 6, 24. - - Burial mounds, 12. - - - Canterbury, 55-56. - - Carlingford Lough, battle of, 3, 13, 50-51. - - Cearbhall, king of Ossory, 13-15, 50, 72, 73. - - Cellachan, king of Cashel, 26, 36-37. - - Chester, siege of, 12. - - Clontarf, battle of, 8-9, 54. - - Colla, 25. - - Cork, 27, 30. - - - Danes, 2-4, 12, 13, 24-27, 50-1. - - _dóm-hringr_, 53-4. - - Dublin, fortress built at, 2; - seat of Scandinavian kings, 3, 5-7; - Vikings driven from, 5; - coins minted in, 19; - early history, 21-3; - as a trade centre, 30-1, 70-1. - - - _epscop_, 29. - - Eric Blood-axe, 7. - - - Fingal, 8. - - Finn Gaill, 3 _n._ - - - Gaill-Gaedhil, 10-11, 38. - - _gelt_, 44. - - Gleann Máma, battle of, 8, 30, 54. - - Gluniarainn, 17-8. - - Gnimcinnsiolla, 27. - - Gormflaith, wife of Brian Borumha, 8, 17, 54; - wife of Niall Glundubh, 68. - - Gothfrith, king of Dublin, 6, 24. - - - Heathenism, 47-8, 50-4. - - Hebrides, 17, 25, 36, 41 _n._, 48-9. - - - Iceland, 13 _n._, 8, 57-8, 66, 71. - - Ivarr the boneless, 3-4, 11, 48; - king of Limerick, 7, 24, 70 _n._, - king of Waterford, 18. - - - Ketill Flatnose, 48-9; - Ketill “the foolish,” 49, 72. - - Kilmashogue, battle of, 5. - - - _lagmainn_, 41. - - Lambey, 1. - - Limerick, 7, 9, 23-5, 30-1. - - _longphort_, 2, 34, 35. - - - Mac Liag, 70. - - Maelsechnaill I (Malachy), 2, 11; - Maelsechnaill II, 7-8, 17, 70. - - Melkorka, 16, 31, 73. - - Morann, son of the king of Lewis, 25. - - Muirchertach of the Leather Cloaks, 6, 16-7. - - - Niall Glundubh, 5, 68. - - Norsemen, _passim_. - - Northumbria, 5-7. - - Norway, 4, 16, 32, 59. - - - Olaf Cuaran (Sihtricsson), 6-7, 17, 34, 40, 53, 71; - Godfreyson, 6, 26; - Olaf the White, 3-4, 11-2, 15, 48; - Trygvasson, 13-4. - - _Ostmen_, 9, 26. - - Ota, wife of Turgéis, 2, 47. - - - Place-names, Scandinavian influence on Irish, 27-8; - Irish influence on Icelandic, 45-6. - - _prime-signing_, 75. - - - Raghnall, grandson of Ivarr, 5, 25. - - Runic inscriptions, 27 _n._, 51-2. - - - Settlers in Iceland, 13 _n._, 71, 72. - - Sihtric Silken Beard, 8, 19, 34, 54-5, 70. - - Sigurd, earl of Orkney, 8, 15 _n._ - - Slave traffic, 32-3, 72-3. - - Story-telling in Iceland, 58-64; - in Ireland, 67-9. - - Sulcoit, battle of, 7. - - - _Tengmouth_, 22 _n._ - - _thing_, 22, 61, 67. - - Turgeis, 1-2, 21, 23. - - - Waterford, 5, 9, 23, 25-6, 30. - - Wexford, 22, 23, 30. - - - _völva_, 47. - - - York, 5, 6, 23. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Scandinavian Relations with Ireland -during the Viking Period, by A. 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Walsh - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: Scandinavian Relations with Ireland during the Viking Period - -Author: A. Walsh - -Release Date: May 10, 2016 [EBook #52041] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SCANDINAVIAN RELATIONS *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="transnote"> - -<p>Transcriber’s Note: The spelling, accents and hyphenation of given names -are inconsistent and have been retained as printed.</p> - -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p class="titlepage larger">SCANDINAVIAN RELATIONS<br /> -WITH IRELAND DURING<br /> -THE VIKING PERIOD</p> - -<p class="titlepage smaller">BY</p> - -<p class="titlepage">A. WALSH</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 138px;"> -<img src="images/titlepage.jpg" width="138" height="200" alt="The Talbot Press logo" /> -</div> - -<p class="titlepage">DUBLIN<br /> -THE TALBOT PRESS LIMITED</p> - -<p class="titlepage smaller">LONDON<br /> -T. FISHER UNWIN LIMITED</p> - -<p class="titlepage smaller">1922</p> - -<hr /> - -<h2 id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2> - -<p>This short study was written during my tenure of a -Travelling Studentship from the National University of -Ireland, and in March, 1920, was accepted for the Research -Degree Certificate of Cambridge University.</p> - -<p>A glance at the bibliography shows that comparatively -little has been written in English on this interesting period -of our history. On the other hand modern Scandinavian -scholars—Alexander Bugge, Marstrander, and Vogt—have -thrown a good deal of light on the subject, but unfortunately -very few of their books have been translated into English. -The present dissertation is based principally upon the Old -and Middle Irish annals and chronicles and the Icelandic -sagas; reference has also been made to the work of -Scandinavian, English and Irish scholars on the subject.</p> - -<p>I should like to acknowledge my debt to Professor -Chadwick, who directed my work: those who have had the -privilege of working under him will readily understand how -much is due to his encouragement and stimulating criticism. -I wish also to express my thanks to my friends, Miss N. -Kershaw and Mr. E. J. Thomas, for many kindnesses while -the book was in preparation; to Miss Eleanor Hull and -Professor Ó’Máille, University College, Galway, for the -loan of books; and to the Librarian and staff of Cambridge -University Library, the National Library, Dublin, and -T.C.D. Library.</p> - -<p class="right">A. W.</p> - -<hr /> - -<h2>CONTENTS</h2> - -<table summary="Contents"> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td><td></td><td class="tdr smaller">PAGE</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td><td><a href="#PREFACE"><span class="smcap">Preface</span></a></td><td class="tdr"></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr smaller">Chap.</td><td></td><td class="tdr"></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">I.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">The Vikings in Ireland</span> (795-1014)</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">II.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Intercourse between the Gaill and the Gaedhil during the Viking Period</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_10">10</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">III.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">The Growth of the Seaport Towns</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">IV.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">The Expansion of Irish Trade</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">V.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Shipbuilding and Seafaring</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">VI.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Linguistic Influences</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td><td class="indent">(<i>a</i>) Loan-words from Old Norse in Irish.</td><td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td><td class="indent">(<i>b</i>) Gaelic Words in Old Norse Literature.</td><td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td><td class="indent">(<i>c</i>) Irish Influence on Icelandic Place-nomenclature.</td><td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">VII.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">The Vikings and the Celtic Church</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">VIII.</a></td><td><span class="smcap">Literary Influence. The Sagas of Iceland and Ireland</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td><td><a href="#BIBLIOGRAPHY"><span class="smcap">Bibliography</span></a></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_77">77</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p> - -<h1>Scandinavian Relations with Ireland -during the Viking Period.</h1> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_I"><span class="smaller">CHAPTER I.</span><br /> -THE VIKINGS IN IRELAND (795-1014).</h2> - -<p>The Vikings made their first appearance<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> on the Irish -coasts in 795 <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>, when they plundered and burned the -church on Recru, or Lambay Island, near Dublin. During -the next ten or twelve years Ireland seems to have been -almost free from further attacks, but in 807 they descended -on Inis Murray, off the Sligo coast, and from there made -their way inland to Roscommon.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> After that the raids -ceased for a few years, then began again with renewed -vigour on Connacht and Munster, on some of the inland -counties of Leinster, and on several places along the east -coast.<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> - -<p>The arrival of Turgeis<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> (O.N. Thorgestr) in Armagh, about -832, marks a new phase of the invasions. Hitherto the -Vikings had come in isolated parties solely for purposes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span> -of plunder; now, however, “great sea-cast floods of -foreigners” landed in every harbour, and began to form -settlements in various parts of the island. Dublin was first -occupied in 836, and four years later the Norsemen -strengthened their position there considerably by the erection -of a <i>longphort</i> or fortress. From their <i>longphort</i> at Linn -Duachaill (between Drogheda and Dundalk) built in the -same year, they made their way to the West and plundered -Clonmacnois, while settlers from Cael-uisce, near Newry, -went south and laid waste County Kildare.<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> - -<p>The power of Turgeis was not confined to the north of -Ireland. His fleets were stationed on Loch Ree, the centre -from which Meath and Connacht were devastated. His -wife, Ota (O.N. Authr), desecrated the monastery of -Clonmacnois by giving her oracular responses (<i>a frecartha</i>) -from the high altar.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> The tyranny of Turgeis came to an -end in 845, when he was captured by Maelsechnaill, who -afterwards became <i>árd-rí</i>, and was drowned in Lough Owel.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> - -<p>After his death the tide of battle turned in favour of the -Irish, and the Norsemen were defeated in several battles. -Weakened by warfare, they had to contend in 849 with an -enemy from without—the Dubh-Gaill<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> or Danes who had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span> -sailed round the south coast of England and landed in -Ireland “to exercise authority over the foreigners who -were there before them.” Two years after their arrival the -newcomers plundered the fortresses at Dublin and Dundalk, -but were attacked in the following year on Carlingford -Loch by the Norsemen. In this great naval battle, which -lasted three days and three nights, the Danes were finally -victorious.<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> - -<p>“Amhlaoibh Conung, son of the King of Lochlann,” -known in Icelandic sources as Olaf the White, came to -Ireland about 852 to rule over his countrymen, and to exact -tribute from the Irish.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> According to the <i>Fragments of -Annals</i>, he left suddenly and returned a few years later -accompanied by his “younger brother, Imhar,” who may -be identified with Ivarr Beinlausi (<i>i.e.</i>, “the Boneless”) -son of Ragnarr Lothbrók. Both kings ruled from Dublin, -which town now gained a new importance as the seat of -the Scandinavian Kings in Ireland. In 865 the Vikings -extended their activities to Scotland, whence they carried -off much plunder and many captives. An expedition on a -larger scale was made by Olaf and Ivarr in 869, when Dumbarton, -after a four months’ siege, fell into their hands. -They returned in triumph to Ireland in the following year -with a large number of English, British, and Pictish prisoners<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span> -and ended their victorious march by the capture of -Dunseverick (Co. Antrim).<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> - -<p>Olaf returned to Norway some time after this to take -part in the wars there,<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> and we hear no more of him in the -Irish Annals. “Imhar, King of the Norsemen of all Ireland -and Britain,” did not long survive him; his death is recorded -under the year 873.<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> - -<p>During the years which followed Ivarr’s death the country -was comparatively peaceful, and the Irish began to enjoy -a rest from fresh invasions, which lasted about forty years.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> -The Danes and the Norsemen again began to quarrel among -themselves, and once more their opposing fleets met on -Carlingford Lough;<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> in this battle Albann (O.N. Halfdanr), -brother of Ivarr, a well-known leader of the Vikings in -England, was slain. Dissensions also spread among the -ranks of the Dublin Norsemen, dividing them into two -hostile parties, one siding with Sitriucc, son of Ivarr, the -other with a certain Sighfrith.<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> This internal strife so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span> -weakened Norse power that the Irish captured the fortress -at Dublin in 902, and drove the Vikings across the sea -with great slaughter.</p> - -<p>The forty years’ rest terminated abruptly in 913, when -several fleets arrived at Waterford and proceeded to ravage -all Munster and Leinster. In 916 Raghnall (O.N. -Rögnvaldr), grandson of Ivarr, assumed command while -his brother or cousin, Sihtric Gale (also nicknamed Caoch, -‘the Blind’) came with a fleet to Cenn Fuaid, in the east of -Leinster, and built a fortification there.<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> Both chiefs -united forces against the <i>árd-rí</i> Niall Glundubh, and having -defeated him in battle Sihtric entered Dublin and became -king (918). In the following year the Irish under Niall -made a brave stand at Kilmashogue, near Dublin, but -Sihtric won a decisive victory, and Niall and twelve other -kings were among the slain.<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> - -<p>Scandinavian power in Ireland was now at its height. -Large fleets occupied all the lakes in Ulster, so that no -part of the surrounding territory was safe from their attacks.<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> -The Vikings also retained their grip of the coast towns, and -successfully withstood the efforts made by the Irish leaders -to dislodge them. Between the years 920 and 950 the -importance of Dublin increased considerably through its -connection with the Scandinavian Kingdom of Northumbria. -Raghnall, grandson of Ivarr, captured York about 919<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> and -reigned there until his death in 921.<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> He was succeeded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span> -by Sihtric Gale, who had been expelled from Dublin in the -preceding year,<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> probably by his brother, Guthfrith. After -Sihtric’s death in 927 Guthfrith, King of Dublin (d. 934), -with the Vikings of Dundalk, left Ireland in order to secure -his own succession in York, but he would seem to have -been driven out by Aethelstan, for the Irish Annals mention -his return to Dublin after an absence of six months.<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> - -<p>Guthfrith’s son, Olaf, came forward about this time. -Supported by the Norsemen of Strangford Lough he -plundered Armagh, but his subsequent attacks on Ulster -were checked by Muirchertach MacNeill, son of Niall -Glundubh. Olaf fought in alliance with Constantine in the -battle of Brunanburh (937), and after the defeat inflicted -on them by Aethelstan’s forces he fled to Dublin.<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> He is -probably the “Anlaf of Ireland” who was chosen King -by the Northumbrians in 941,<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> but he died about a year -later.<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> - -<p>Another Olaf, the famous Olaf Cuaran, also called -Sihtricsson to distinguish between them, also played an -important part in campaigns in Ireland and England. He -went to York about 941, and was elected king by the -Northumbrians, but was expelled after a few years along -with Raegenald, son of Guthfrith.<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> He then took the Dublin -Kingdom under his rule, and in the following year was -defeated in battle by the Irish at Slaine (Co. Meath). Leaving -his brother Guthfrith to govern in his stead, he departed -to York, where he became king a second time; but the -Northumbrians drove him out after three years and placed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span> -“Yric, son of Harald” (<i>i.e.</i>, Eric Bloodaxe, late King of -Norway) on the throne.<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> - -<p>Henceforward Olaf limited his activities to Ireland, -where he reigned, the most famous of the Dublin Kings, -for some thirty years. In 980, having summoned auxiliaries -from the Scottish isles and Man, he prepared to attack the -<i>árd-rí</i>, Maelsechnaill II. A fierce battle was fought between -them at Tara in which the Norse armies were completely -routed, Olaf’s son Raghnall being among the slain. Maelsechnaill -followed up this victory by a three days’ siege -of Dublin, after which he carried off a number of hostages -from the Norsemen, and also obtained from them 2,000 -kine, together with jewels and various other treasures.<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> -Olaf himself, utterly disheartened by his defeat, went on -pilgrimage to Iona, where he died soon after.</p> - -<p>Some fifteen years before, a severe blow had been struck -at the power of the Limerick Vikings under Ivarr, grandson -of Ivarr and his sons. The attack made on them at Sulcoit -(968) by two princes of the Dal Cais, the brothers -Mathgamain and Brian, resulted in victory for the Irish, -who took Limerick shortly after.<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Mathgamain was -treacherously murdered in 976, and Brian then became -King of Thomond. He soon brought the Kingdoms of -Ossory and Leinster under his control, and by the terms -of a treaty made in 998 Maelsechnaill consented to leave -Brian master of Leth Mogha (<i>i.e.</i>, the southern half of -Ireland). The Leinstermen under King Maelmordha, -dissatisfied with this arrangement, began to make trouble -and revolted, assisted by the Dublin Norsemen. An important -victory was gained over their combined armies at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> -Gleann Mama (Co. Wicklow) in the year 1000 by Brian, -who after the battle captured Dublin. King Sihtric (O.N. -Sigtryggr), son of Olaf Cuaran, had to submit to Brian’s -authority. Having accepted his allegiance Brian married -Gormflaith, mother of Sihtric and sister of Maelmordha, -and at the same time gave his own daughter to Sihtric -in marriage.<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> - -<p>Brian became <i>árd-rí</i> in 1002, and after that for about -twelve years there was peace. Towards the end of that -time Gormflaith, who had meanwhile separated from her -husband, incited her brother Maelmordha to make war on -Brian. Maelmordha and Sihtric began to gather forces for -the coming struggle. Sihtric at his mother’s command -sought the aid of Sigurthr, Earl of Orkney and of Brodar,<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> -a Viking whose fleet then lay off the west coast of Man. -Fleets also came from Norway<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> and Iceland to help their -kinsmen. The armies under Brian and Maelsechnaill -marched towards Dublin, and having encamped near -Kilmainham set fire to the district of Fingal (<i>i.e.</i>, <i>Fine Gall</i>, -“the Foreigners’ territory”) north of the city. The two -armies met at Clontarf on Good Friday morning and the -battle, one of the most famous ever fought on Irish soil, -raged all that day. The Norsemen suffered a severe defeat, -and in attempting to fly for refuge to their ships were -slaughtered by Maelsechnaill at Dubhgall’s Bridge, near -the Four Courts. Brian himself did not take part in the -fight, but he was slain in his tent by Brodar after the battle.<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span></p> - -<p>After the Battle of Clontarf the Norsemen became -gradually absorbed in the general population except in a -few coast towns, where they continued to live more or -less distinct and governed by petty kings until the English -Invasion (1169). In the chronicles of the twelfth and -thirteenth centuries they are generally alluded to as -“<i>Ostmen</i>” (corruptly <i>Houstmanni</i>, <i>Nosmani</i>, etc.),<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> and it -would seem that when Dublin, Limerick, and Waterford -were captured by the English the “Ostmen” had to withdraw -to certain districts outside the walls of these towns. -Thus, near Dublin, north of the River Liffey, we hear of -Ostmaneby<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> (<i>i.e.</i>, <i>Austmannabyr</i>) afterwards called Ostmanstonry, -and now known as Oxmanstown. Mention is also -made (c. 1200) of a “‘cantred’ of the Ostmen and holy -isle,” near Limerick and (c. 1282) of a “vill of the Ostmen”<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> -near Waterford.<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> In the records of the fourteenth century, -however, there is an almost total absence of references to -the “Ostmen” in Ireland.<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h3>FOOTNOTES</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Zimmer was of the opinion that the Norsemen made their way -to Ireland as early as the seventh century. He bases his theory -on an entry in the <i>Annals of Ulster</i> and in certain other Irish annals -(under the year 617) recording “the devastation of Tory Island -by a marine fleet.” (<i>über die frühesten Berührungen der Iren mit -den Nordgermanen</i>, p. 279 ff. in <i>Sitzungsberichte der kgl. preussischen -Akademie der Wissenschaften</i>. 1891. Bd. I., pp. 279-317.) But this -attack is likely to have been due to Saxon or Pictish raiders rather -than to the Norsemen.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 807.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 811, 820-824, 827, 830.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Some writers would identify Turgeis with Thorgils, son of Harold -Fairhair, who with his brother Frothi went on a viking expedition -to Ireland. They captured Dublin, and Thorgils reigned there for -a long time as king. In the end, however, he was betrayed by the -Irish and was killed. (<i>Heimskringla: Haralds saga hins hárfagra</i>, -ch. 35.) -</p> -<p> -This account of Thorgils certainly bears a resemblance to that -of Turgeis contained in the Irish chronicles and Giraldus -Cambrensis (cf. Todd: Introduction to <i>War of the Gaedhil with -the Gaill</i>, I., ii.), but it is of course incorrect to say that Turgeis -was a son of Harold Fairhair.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 841.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, p. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The Irish chroniclers use a variety of names for the Scandinavians: -<i>Dibearccai</i> (outlaws), <i>Gaill</i> (foreigners), <i>Gennti</i> (Gentiles), and -<i>Pagánaigh</i> (Pagans). They also distinguish between Danes and -Norsemen. The Danes were known as <i>Danair</i>, <i>Danmarcaigh</i>, <i>Dubh -Gennti</i> (Black Gentiles), and <i>Dubh-Gaill</i>. The word <i>Dubh-Gaill</i> -(Black Foreigners) still survives in the personal names <i>Doyle</i> and -<i>MacDowell</i> and in the place-name <i>Baldoyle</i>. The Norsemen were -called <i>Finn-Gaill</i> (Fair Foreigners), <i>Finn-Genti</i>, <i>Nortmannai</i> (Lat. -Northmanni) and <i>Lochlannaigh</i> (<i>i.e.</i>, men of <i>Lochlann</i> or Norway).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 851 (= 852).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, p. 127. -</p> -<p> -Vogt (<i>Dublin som Norsk By</i>, p. 66) suggests that Olaf was related -to Turgeis, the first Norse King of Ireland, and to Earl Tomrair -(O.N. Thórarr), “<i>tanist</i> of the King of Lochlann,” who fell in the -battle of Scaith Neachtain (847). On the other hand it may be noted -here that the Annalist errs in making Olaf a brother of Ivarr the -Boneless.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 870.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, p. 195. The <i>Landnámabók</i>, II., ch. -15 says that “Olaf fell in battle in Ireland,” but this is surely a -mistake.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <i>sub anno</i>, 872 (= 873).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Cf. <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 27. Cf. also the entries -in the <i>Annals of Ulster</i>: -</p> -<p> -“Ruaidhri, son of Muirmenn King of the Britons came to -Ireland, fleeing before the Black Foreigners” (an. 876). -</p> -<p> -“The shrine of Colum-Cille and all his relics were brought to -Ireland to escape the Foreigners” (an. 877).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> The <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i> (p. 27) mentions another -battle between Fair and Black Gentiles, in which many of the latter -were killed.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> It is extremely difficult to identify these two princes owing to -the similarity between their names. It has been suggested that -Sighfrith is the Siefredus or Sievert who ruled jointly with Guthred-Cnut -(d. c. 894) as King of Northumbria, while Sitriucc son of Ivarr is -probably the “Sitric comes” whose name appears on a coin dating -from this period. (See A. Mawer: <i>The Scandinavian Kingdom of -Northumbria</i>, pp. 11-13. Saga-book of the Viking Club, VII. Part I.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 916.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 918. <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, -p. 37. An entry in the <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 921), referring -to the result of this battle, runs:—“In this year King Sihtric slew -his brother Niel.” There is, however, no evidence in Irish sources -that Sihtric and Niall were brothers, or even half-brothers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 920, 921, 923, 925.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 923.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 920.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 919.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 927.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 937. <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, A. Annal, 937.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, D. Annal 941.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, E. Annal 942; <i>Annals of Clonmacnoise</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 934.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, A. Annal 944.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, E. Annals 949, 952.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 978, 979; <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, -<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 979 (= 980).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 77.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 115; <i>Annals of the Four -Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 997.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 153. <i>Njáls Saga</i>, ch. 155. -In the <i>Annals of Loch Cé</i> (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1014) Brodar is called the earl of -York (<i>iarla Caoire Eabhroigh</i>).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 151.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, pp. 151-191; <i>Njáls Saga</i>, chs. 155-157, <i>Annals of Loch -Cé</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1014; <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1013.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> <i>Calendar of the Ancient Records of Dublin</i> (ed. by J. T. Gilbert), -II. 81; <i>Chartularies of St. Mary’s Abbey, Dublin</i> (ed. by Gilbert), I. -258; II. 251; Giraldus Cambrensis: <i>Topographia Hibernica</i>, V. 187. -</p> -<p> -The name “Ostmen” is generally supposed to have been first -given to them by the English, but the word is Norse (<i>i.e.</i>, <i>Austmenn</i>, -plural of <i>Austmathr</i>, “a man living in the East”) and therefore -must have been current in Ireland before the English invasion. It -may be suggested that the name was applied to the original -Scandinavian settlers in Ireland, to merchants and other later comers -from Norway, Sweden, and Denmark. Cf. the nickname <i>Austmathr</i>, -given to a certain Eyvindr by the Scandinavian settlers in the -Hebrides because he had come there from Sweden.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> <i>Chartularies of St. Mary’s Abbey</i>, I. 267; <i>ib.</i>, I. 227, 234, etc.; -<i>Calendar of the Ancient Records of Dublin</i>, I. 55; II. 96.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <i>A Calendar of Documents Relating to Ireland</i> (ed. by H. S. -Sweetman), I. 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, II. p. 426.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> For interesting articles on the Ostmen in Ireland see A. Bugge: -<i>Sidste Afsnit af Nordboernes Historie i Irland</i>, pp. 248-315 (Aarb ger -for nord. Oldk. 1900); and E. Curtis: <i>The English and the Ostmen -in Ireland</i> (English Historical Review, XXIII., p. 209 ff.).</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_II"><span class="smaller">CHAPTER II.</span><br /> -INTERCOURSE BETWEEN THE GAILL AND -THE GAEDHIL DURING THE VIKING -PERIOD.</h2> - -<p>The existence of the Gaill-Gaedhil or foreign Irish in Ulster -and various parts of Munster<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> during the years 854-856 -shows that even in the early part of the ninth century -there must have been considerable intercourse between the -Vikings and the native population. For some of the Gaill-Gaedhil -were partly of Irish, partly of Norse extraction; -others, as the annalist explicitly states, were Irishmen who -had been fostered by the Norsemen, and in consequence -had forsaken Christian practices and lapsed into Paganism.<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> -From a chance allusion in a tenth century text<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> it -would seem that they could speak Gaelic, but so badly -that the expression “the gicgog of a Gall-Gaedheal” was -generally understood to mean halting or broken Gaelic.</p> - -<p>They are mentioned in the Annals for the first time<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> in -854, in which year Aedh Finnliath, King of Aileach, won<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span> -a great victory over them in a battle fought at Glenelly, -in Tyrone.<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> After this they took an active part in the -Irish wars, fighting like mercenaries on different sides—at -one time in alliance with the <i>árd-rí</i>, Maelsechnaill, who was -at war with the Norsemen;<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> again, with an Irish clan -against the Dublin Vikings under Ivarr,<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> and still later we -find them joined with the men of Waterford in opposition -to the <i>árd-rí</i>.<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> Led by Caittil Find (O.N. Ketill + Ir. <i>find</i>—fair) -they made their last stand against the Dublin -Vikings under Olaf and Ivarr, but were defeated with heavy -losses, and after this there is no further record of their -activities in Ireland.<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> On one occasion at least, they fought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span> -with the Viking armies in England. According to the account -of the siege of Chester (c. 912) preserved in the <i>Three -Fragments of Annals</i>, many Irishmen, foster-children of -the Norsemen, formed part of the besieging army under the -chieftain Hingamund,<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> who had been expelled from Dublin -some time previously. To these Irishmen Aethelflaed, the -lady of the Mercians, sent ambassadors appealing to them -as “true and faithful friends” to abandon the “hostile -race of Pagans” and to assist the Saxons in defending the -city. The Irish then deserted their former allies and joined -the Saxons, “and the reason they acted so towards the -Danes,” adds the chronicler, “was because they were less -friendly with them than with the Norsemen.”<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> - -<p>The Vikings who formed settlements in Ireland during -the reign of Turgeis (839-845) seem to have mingled freely -with the Irish, for we find them not long after their arrival -stirring up the clans to rebellion against the <i>árd-rí</i><a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> and -joining the native princes on plundering expeditions. The -annals mention several such alliances. Cinaedh, Prince of -Cranachta-Breagh, who had revolted against Maelsechnaill -with a party of plunderers, laid waste the country from the -Shannon eastward to the sea.<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> Another Irish prince, Lorcan, -King of Meath, accompanied Olaf and Ivarr when they -broke into the famous burial-mounds<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> at New Grange, -Knowth and Dowth, on the Boyne, and carried off the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span> -treasures which they found there. After the great naval -battle between Danes and Norsemen in Carlingford Lough -(<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 852) Danes and Irish frequently united forces against -the common enemy, and on one occasion—after the two -armies had won a victory over the Norsemen in Tipperary—the -Danish chieftain Horm and his men were escorted -in triumph to Tara where they were received with great -honour by the <i>árd-rí</i>.<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> Even after the arrival of Olaf the -White, who brought about a temporary reconciliation -between the two parties of “Foreigners,” a detachment -of Danes remained on in the service of Cearbhall, King -of Ossory.<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> - -<p>The Irish chronicler, in alluding to the Norse practice -of billeting their soldiers in the Irish farmhouses, lays stress -on the feelings of hostility entertained by the Irish towards -this “wrathful, foreign, purely Pagan people.” Yet, we -not infrequently find instances of friendly intercourse, as -in the well-known story of Olaf-Trygvason and the peasant.<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> -It appears that after Olaf’s marriage to Gyda, sister of -Olaf Cuaran, he occasionally visited Ireland. Once he sailed -there with a large naval force, and being short of provisions -went on land with his men on a foraging expedition. They<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span> -seized a large number of cows, and were driving them towards -the shore when a peasant ran after them and begged Olaf -to give him back his cows. Olaf told him to take them, if -he could separate them from the rest without delaying -their journey. The peasant had with him a large sheep-dog, -which he sent in among the herd, and the dog ran up -and down and drove off as many cows as the peasant -claimed. As they were all marked in the same way it was -evident that the dog knew all his master’s cows. Then Olaf -asked if the peasant would give him the dog. “Willingly,” -was the reply. So Olaf gave him in return a gold ring, and -assured him of his friendship. The dog was called Vígi, -“the best of all dogs,” and Olaf had it for a long time. -Years later, after the great naval battle in which Olaf lost -his life, “Vígi lay on a mound and would take no food -from anyone, although he drove away other dogs and beasts -and birds from what was brought to him… Thus he -lay till he died.”<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> - -<p>Moreover, the evidence of both Norse and Irish sources -goes to show that all through the ninth and tenth centuries -there was extensive intermarriage between the two peoples. -Marriages of the invaders with the women whom they -had carried off as captives must have taken place from an -early period,<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> and we know definitely that the kings and -chieftains on both sides frequently strengthened their -alliances by unions between members of the royal families. -According to the <i>Landnámabók</i> many distinguished Icelanders -traced their descent to Kjarval, <i>i.e.</i>, Cearbhall,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span> -King of Ossory (d. 887), an ally of Olaf and Ivarr. His -grandson, Dufthak (Ir. Dubhthach)<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> was the founder of an -Icelandic family, and three of his daughters, Kormlöth (Ir. -Gormflaith),<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> Frithgerth<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> and Rafarta<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> married Norsemen. -The <i>Landnámabók</i> speaks of Kjarval as having been King -of Dublin while “Alfred the Great ruled in England… -and Harold Fairhair in Norway,”<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> a statement which is -often doubted because unsupported by the evidence of the -Irish historians; but it is not at all unlikely, since Cearbhall -was remotely connected with the Dublin royal house through -his granddaughter Thurithr, who married Thorsteinn the -Red, son of Olaf the White.<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> - -<p>There is no mention of Authr, Olaf’s Norse wife, in the -Annals, but we hear incidentally<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> that Olaf, while in Ireland, -married a daughter of Aedh Finnliath, King of Aileach. -After he became <i>árd-rí</i> (864) Aedh turned against the -Norsemen, and having plundered all their fortresses in -the north of Ireland marched towards Lough Foyle, where -they had assembled to give him battle. Aedh was victorious, -and some years after he again defeated the Foreigners, -who were at this time in alliance with his nephew Flann; -Flann himself and Carlus, son of Olaf the White being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span> -numbered among the slain. We also hear of other Irish -Kings who were closely related to their Viking opponents. -<i>Laxdaela Saga</i> contains an interesting account of a slave-woman -who was bought at a market in Norway by an -Icelander called Höskuldr. The woman was dumb, but -Höskuldr was so struck by her appearance that he willingly -paid for her three times the price of an ordinary slave, -and took her back with him to Iceland. A few years later, -happening to overhear her talking to their little son, Olaf -Pái, he discovered to his amazement that her dumbness -was feigned. She then confessed that her name was -Melkorka (Ir. <i>Mael-Curcaigh</i>) and that she was the daughter -of Myr Kjartan, a king in Ireland, whence she had been -carried off as a prisoner of war when only fifteen years old.</p> - -<p>When Olaf was grown up his mother urged him to visit -Ireland in order to establish his relationship with King -Myr Kjartan, “for,” she said, “I cannot bear your being -called the son of a slave-woman any longer.” Before they -parted she gave him a large finger-ring and said: “This -my father gave me for a teething-gift, and I know he will -recognise it when he sees it.” She also put into his hands -a knife and belt and bade him give them to her nurse: “I -am sure she will not doubt these tokens.” And still further -Melkorka spoke: “I have fitted you out from home as -best I know how, and taught you to speak Irish, so that it -will make no difference to you where you are brought to -shore in Ireland…”<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> - -<p>The saga goes on to describe the voyage to Ireland, the -landing there, and Olaf’s reception by King Myr Kjartan.</p> - -<p>Myr Kjartan may be identified with Muirchertach “of -the Leather Cloaks,” King of Aileach, who like his father -Niall Glundubh distinguished himself by his spirited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span> -resistance to Norse rule in the first half of the tenth century.<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> -Donnflaith, another of his daughters and mother of the -<i>árd-rí</i>, Maelsechnaill II., married Olaf Cuaran. Their son, -Gluniarainn, reigned in Dublin after his father’s retirement -to Iona, and appears to have been on friendly terms with -Maelsechnaill.<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> The relationship between these two families -becomes more complicated owing to the fact that -Maelsechnaill’s own wife, Maelmuire (d. 1021), was a -daughter of Olaf.<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> - -<p>But perhaps no figure stands out so prominently in the -Irish and Norse chronicles<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> of the second half of the tenth -century as Gormflaith (O.N. Kormlöth) who first married -Olaf Cuaran, then his enemy Maelsechnaill II., and finally -Brian Borumha, from whom she also separated.</p> - -<p>The interchange of family and personal names which took -place to such an extent during the Viking period also points -to the close connection between the foreigners and the -Irish. As early as 835 mention is made of one Gofraidh -(O.N. Guthröthr), son of Fergus, who went to Scotland from -Ireland in order to strengthen the Dal Riada and died some -time after as King of the Hebrides.<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> The Dublin Viking -who led an attack on Armagh in 895 had an Irish name, -Glun-iarainn, obviously a translation of O.N. <i>Jarn-kné</i>. -He was in all probability a relative of Iercne or Jargna -(corrupt forms of <i>Jarn-kné</i>) who ruled in conjunction with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span> -Zain or Stain (O.N. Steinn) as King of Dublin (c. 850);<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> -while other earls of Dublin, Otir mac Eirgni,<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> Eloir mac -Ergni or Largni<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> and Gluntradna, son of Glun-Iarainn -would also appear to have been of the same royal family.<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> -Irish names occur more frequently in Norse families during -the tenth and eleventh centuries; we find Uathmaran, son -of Earl Bairith (O.N. Barthr); Camman,<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> son of Olaf -Godfreyson; Giolla Padraig, Dubhcenn<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> and Donndubhan, -sons of King Ivarr of Limerick;<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Niall, son of Erulb (O.N. -Herjulfr); Cuallaidh, son of King Ivarr of Waterford; -Eachmarach, and very many others.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> On the other hand, -we may note the prevalence of such common Norse names -as Ivarr, Guthröthr, Sumarlithi among the Irish, especially -in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Several of these -names still survive, as, for instance, MacAuliffe (O.N. -Óláfr); MacCaffrey (O.N. Guthöthr); MacCalmont or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span> -Lamont (O.N. Lögmathr); Kettle (O.N. Ketill); Kitterick -(? Ir. Mac + N. Sigtryggr); MacKeever (O.N. Ivarr); -Manus and MacManus (O.N. Magnus); Quistan (Ir. Mac. + -O.N. Eysteinn); Reynolds (O.N. Rögnvaldr); Sigerson -(O.N. Sigurthr) and MacSorley (O.N. Sumarlithi).</p> - -<p>Both Gaill and Gaedhil, so dissimilar in many ways, -benefited by their intercourse with one another. In Ireland -the Vikings played an important part in the development -of trade; they also promoted the growth of town life. We -may trace the beginnings of the seaport towns, Dublin, -Limerick, Waterford and Wexford, to the forts built by -them near the large harbours in the ninth and tenth -centuries. In Dublin coins were minted for the first time -in Ireland<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> during the reign of Sihtric Silken Beard (c. -989-1042). Moreover, the large number of loan-words from -Old Norse which made their way into Irish shows that the -Irish learned in many other ways from the invaders, notably -in shipbuilding and navigation.</p> - -<p>So far as literature and art are concerned, the period of -the Viking occupation is one of the most interesting in the -history of Ireland. In spite of the destruction of the -monasteries and the departure of numbers of the monks<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span> -to the Continent the work of the great schools was carried -on and there was considerable literary activity;<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> in 914 -and 924, respectively, the great crosses at Clonmacnois -and Monasterboice were set up; cumhdachs, or book-shrines -of plated gold and silver, were made for the three great -manuscripts, the <i>Book of Kells</i>, the <i>Book of Durrow</i> and the -<i>Book of Armagh</i>; carved gold, silver, and bronze work -reached a high level of excellence in the famous Ardagh -Chalice and the Tara Brooch; and during the years which intervened -between the battles of Gleann Mama and Clontarf, -Romanesque architecture was introduced into Ireland. -Irish art did not remain wholly free from Scandinavian -influence. In the Cross of Cong (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1123) the Celtic interlaced -patterns are found side by side with the “worm-dragon” -ornament, while the crosier of Clonmacnois, the -psalter of Ricemarsh and the shrine of St. Patrick’s Bell -are decorated in the style known as “Hiberno-Danish.”<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p> - -<p>The Vikings, on the other hand, came under the influences -of Irish art and literature. We find marks of Celtic influence -not only in the sculptured crosses erected by the Norsemen -in the North of England and Man, but even in Scandinavia -itself.<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> Moreover, there are strong reasons for supposing -that the rise of the prose saga among the Icelanders may -be the outcome of their intercourse with the Irish in the -ninth and tenth centuries.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h3>FOOTNOTES</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 855, 856; <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, -<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 856.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, pp. 128, 129, 138, 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Airec Menmam Uraird Maic Coisse</i>, sec. 29 (Marstrander: -<i>Bidrag til det Norske Sprogs Historie i Irland</i>, p. 10).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> With the Gaill-Gaedhil are often identified a body of plunderers, -members of Meath and Cavan clans, who in the year 845 devastated -large tracts of territory “after the manner of the Gentiles” (<i>Annals -of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 845). The Annalists call them “sons of death” (<i>maic -báis</i>), possibly a term applied by the monastic chroniclers to a people -who had abandoned their Christian baptism, and who had profaned -churches and religious houses. (Cf. Marstrander, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 7, n.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Cf. <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 854. <i>Three Fragments of -Annals</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 852, referring to the same event, mention the “fleet -of the Gaill-Gaedhil.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 855.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 856.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Fragments of Annals</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 858.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> There was also a mixed Norse and Gaelic population in Galloway -(the word is a corruption of <i>Gall-Gaedhil</i>, Welsh Galwydel) as well as -in the Hebrides (Ir. <i>Innse Gall.</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, the “Islands of the Foreigners or -Norsemen”) and other parts of Scotland. There is a reference to -these Gaill-Gaedhil in the <i>Four Masters</i> (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1154): “The Cinél -Eoghain and Muirchertach, son of Niall, sent persons over the sea -to hire the fleets of the Gaill-Gaedhil of Aran, Cantire and the Isle -of Man and the borders of Scotland in general, over which Mac -Sgelling was in command…” (For other references see -Marstrander, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 9.) -</p> -<p> -By <i>Gaddgethlar</i> the Norsemen understood “the place… where -Scotland and England meet” (cf. <i>Orkneyinga Saga</i>, ch. 28). It is also -interesting to note that in Norse sources the inhabitants of Galloway -are called <i>Vikinga-Skotar</i>, a direct translation of Gaill-Gaedhil. -</p> -<p> -O’Flaherty (<i>Ogygia</i>, p. 360) thought that the Gaill-Gaedhil -mentioned in the Annals of the mid-ninth century came to Ireland -from Scotland, but the ancient <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, which -contain the fullest accounts of the Gaill-Gaedhil (pp. 138-141) speak -of them as <i>Scuit</i> (<i>i.e.</i>, an Irish form of the Latin <i>Scoti</i>, a word which -is always used with reference to the Irish before the tenth century). -Moreover, the impression received from reading the <i>Fragments of -Annals</i> is that the Annalist had in his mind the Norse-Gaelic -population of Ireland, not of Scotland.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Ann. Cambriae</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 902; (Steenstrup: <i>Normannerne</i>, III., pp. -37-41).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, p. 230 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 845, 852; <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, -<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 846. <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 862.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 848.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> The plundering of these burial-mounds—“a thing that had never -been done before”—made a deep impression on the Irish Annalists; -it was thought that the Vikings discovered the existence of the -treasure by magic, “through paganism and idol worship” (<i>War of -the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 115). The same source (p. 25) records -the plundering of Kerry by Baraid (O.N. Barthr) and Olaf the White’s -son “who left not a cave there underground that they did not explore.” -</p> -<p> -Several references to this practice of the Vikings occur also in -Icelandic literature. It is interesting to compare the Irish accounts -with the following passage from Landnámabók (I., ch. 5): “Leifr -(one of the earliest settlers in Iceland) went on a Viking raid to the -West. He plundered Ireland and found there a large underground -house (Icel. <i>jarth-hus</i>). It was dark within until he made his way -to a place where he saw a light shining from a sword which a man -held in his hand. Leifr slew the man and took the sword and much -treasure besides.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, p. 135.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, p. 137.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> <i>Heimskringla: Óláfs Saga Tryggvasonar</i>, ch. 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Cf. The story of Samr, (<i>i.e.</i>, probably Ir. sam, “happy” or -“peaceful”) the Irish hound which Olaf Pai gave to Gunnarr. -Samr was killed while defending his master’s homestead. (<i>Njáls -Saga</i>, chs. 69, 75.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 820; <i>Fragments of Annals</i>, -p. 166; <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 79; <i>The Victorious -Career of Callachan of Cashel</i>, p. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i>, V., ch. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, V., ch. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> <i>Ib</i>., III., ch. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, III., ch. 12. Rafarta was the wife of Eyvindr the Easterner, -“who settled down in Ireland and had charge of Kjarval’s defences” -(cf. <i>Grettis Saga</i>, ch. 3). <i>Orkneyinga Saga</i> (ch. 11.) makes Edna -(Ir. <i>Eithne</i>) another of Kjarval’s daughters to be the mother of -Sigurthr, Earl of Orkney (killed in the battle of Clontarf, 1014); -but owing to the chronological difficulty this is hardly likely.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i>, I., ch. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, II., ch. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, p. 151. The same source (p. 173) -mentions still another wife of Olaf, “the daughter of Cinaedh,” -<i>i.e.</i>, in all probability Cinaedh Mac Ailpin, King of the Picts (d. 858).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> <i>Laxdaela Saga</i> (translated by M.A.C. Press), chs. 12, 13, 20, 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> The <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i> record his death under the year -941: “Muirchertach of the Leather Cloaks, lord of Aileach, the -Hector of the West of Europe in his time, was slain at Ardee by -Blacaire, son of Godfrey, lord of the Foreigners.” -</p> -<p> -Muirchertach’s grandson was killed by Olaf Cuaran. (<i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 975).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 981.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1021.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhit with the Gaill</i>, p. 142 ff.; <i>Njáls Saga</i>, chs. -153, 154.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 851.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, pp. 119, 123. <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, -<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 852.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>Chronicon Scotorum</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 883.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, 886; <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 885.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> See A. Bugge: <i>Nordisk Sprog og Nordisk Nationalitet, i Irland</i>, -pp. 284, 285. Professor Marstrander (<i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 45, 46) takes -<i>Gluntradna</i> to be an Irish adaptation of an O.N. nickname <i>Trönu-Kné</i>, -to which he compares <i>Trönubeina, the daughter of Thraell, in the -Rígsthula</i>, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Cf. the name Grímr Kamban (<i>Landnámabók</i>, Hauksbók MS., -ch. 19) which seems to be a Norse form of the Irish <i>Camman</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> According to A. Bugge, <i>Dubhcenn</i> is a translation of the O.N. -<i>Svarthöfthi</i>, but Marstrander (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 45) holds that the name was -known in Ireland before the Viking age. It may be suggested that it -was a nickname given to Ivarr’s son by the Irish. Cf. Olaf <i>Cuaran</i> -(Ir. <i>cuaran</i>, a shoe made of skin); Olaf <i>Cenncairech</i> (<i>i.e.</i>, “Scabby-head.”)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Their mother was an Irishwoman, sister of Donnabhan, King of -Ui Fidgenti. Donnabhan himself was married to a daughter of -Ivarr, King of Limerick. (<i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 207).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 931; <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 960, -1036, 1042, etc. See also Whitley Stokes: <i>On the Gaelic Names in the -Landnámabók</i> (<i>Revue Celtique</i>, III., pp. 186-191).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> From the contemporary Irish poems the <i>Book of Rights</i> and <i>The -Curcuit of Muirchertach Mac Neill</i> it may be inferred that in ancient -Ireland all payments were made in kind. With the extension of -trade, however, it is probable that many Anglo-Saxon and other -foreign coins—including those of the Scandinavian Kings of Northumbria, -several of whom also reigned in Ireland—came to be circulated -in Ireland. The Vikings in England struck coins there during the -reign of Halfdanr (d. 877). (Cf. C. F. Keary: <i>Catalogue of Coins in -the British Museum</i>, I., p. 202).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> One of these fugitives wrote the following lines on the margin -of Priscian’s Latin Grammar in the monastery of St. Gall, Switzerland:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“Is acher ingaith innocht fufuasna fairge findfolt,</div> -<div class="verse">Ni agor reimm mora minn dond laechraid lainn na lothlind.”</div> -<div class="verse right smaller">(<i>Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus</i>. Ed. Stokes and Strachan, II., 290.)</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p><i>i.e.</i>,</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">Bitter is the wind to-night,</div> -<div class="verse">It tosses the ocean’s white hair;</div> -<div class="verse">To-night I fear not the fierce warriors of Norway</div> -<div class="verse">Coursing on the Irish Sea.</div> -<div class="verse right smaller">(Translation by Kuno Meyer: <i>Ancient Irish Poetry</i>, p. 101.)</div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> See Margaret Stokes: <i>Early Christian Architecture in Ireland</i>, -p. 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> G. Coffey: <i>A Guide to the Celtic Antiquities of the Christian -Period</i> (National Museum, Dublin) pp. 29, 49 and 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, p. 17.</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_III"><span class="smaller">CHAPTER III.</span><br /> -THE GROWTH OF THE SEAPORT TOWNS.</h2> - -<p>The foundation of the seaport towns was the most important, -and at the same time the most permanent effect of the -Viking invasion of Ireland. Before this the only towns -were the larger monastic centres<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> at Armagh, Clonmacnois, -Durrow and Clonfert, which, besides the monastery itself, -consisted of numerous beehive-shaped houses of stone, or -small huts of clay and wattles built for the accommodation -of the students attending the schools. During the first -half of the ninth century these monasteries suffered sorely -from the attacks of Viking raiders. After a stubborn -resistance on the part of the Irish, Armagh fell into the hands -of Turgeis, who drove out the abbot Farannan and “usurped -the abbacy” (c. <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 839). Some years later Armagh was -abandoned when the Vikings captured Dublin, at this time -a small “town by the hurdle ford,”<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> but they were quick -to realise its possibilities as the seat of their monarchy and -the chief centre of their trade. As a result of the struggle -for ecclesiastical supremacy, which took place at a later -period<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> between Armagh and Dublin, the Bishops of Dublin -were obliged to acknowledge the Primate of Armagh;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span> -but the latter town never recovered its former prestige as -the capital of Ireland.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> - -<p>That Dublin owes its importance, if not its origin, to the -Norsemen may be inferred from the almost total silence of -the historians and annalists regarding it in the years preceding -the Scandinavian inroads. It is probable that there -was a fort to guard the hurdle-ford where the great road -from Tara to Wicklow, Arklow and Wexford crossed the -Liffey, but it seems to have played no great part in history -before the Norsemen fortified it in 840. Between Church -Lane and Suffolk Street they had their <i>Thing</i><a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> or meeting-place, -which was still to be seen in the seventeenth century; -while all along College Green, called Le Hogges<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> and later -Hoggen Green by the English, lay their barrows (O.N. -<i>haugar</i>). During the ninth and tenth centuries the Kingdom -of Dublin—known to the Scandinavians as <i>Dyflinarski</i>—became -one of the most powerful in the west. Its sway -extended north to its colonies<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> at the Strangford and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span> -Carlingford Loughs, west to Leixlip, south to Wicklow, -Wexford<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> and even as far as Waterford. The Dublin kings -intermarried with royal families in Ireland, England and -Scotland, and between the years 919 and 950 ruled, though -in somewhat broken succession, as Kings of York.</p> - -<p>Limerick (O.N. Hlymrek)<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>, the great stronghold on the -west coast, had no existence as a city before the ninth -century. It was first occupied during the reign of Turgeis -by Vikings, who used the harbour as a base for their ships.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> -The only chieftains mentioned in connection with this -kingdom during the ninth century are Hona and Tomrir -Torra (O.N. Thórarr Thórri), who were slain about the -year 860 in attempting to capture Waterford.<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> A few years -later Barith (O.N. Barthr) and Haimar (O.N. Heimarr) -when marching through Connacht on their way to Limerick, -were attacked by the Connachtmen and forced to retreat.<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> -The real importance of Limerick, however, dates from the -early part of the tenth century when it was colonised by -Vikings under Tomar (Thórir) son of Elgi (O.N. Helgi). -To secure the fort against attack an earthen mound was -built all round, and gates were placed at certain distances<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span> -leading into the streets and the houses.<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> As a kingdom it -was independent, having subject colonies at Cashel, Thurles, -Lough Ree and Lough Corrib.<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> It had no connection with -Dublin during the tenth century; in fact, there is evidence -to show that both royal houses were bitterly hostile towards -each another. On one occasion Guthfrith, King of Dublin, -led an army to Limerick, but was repulsed with heavy losses -by the Vikings there.<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> A few years later (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 929) he -expelled Tomar’s successor, King Ivarr of Limerick, and his -followers from Magh Roighne (a plain in Ossory), where -they had encamped for a whole year. Olaf Godfreyson -was equally active. After defeating Olaf Cenncairech and -the Limerick Vikings at Lough Ree in 937, he carried them -off to Dublin,<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> and that same year probably forced them -to fight on his side in the battle of Brunnanburh.</p> - -<p>This hostility would seem to have been due to rivalry -between two powerful kingdoms, rather than, as has been -suggested,<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> to difference of nationality. It is not at all -certain that the Limerick Vikings were purely Danes. -One Irish chronicler speaks of the Scandinavians in Munster -as <i>Gaill</i> and <i>Danair</i> and calls their fleets <i>loingeas -Danmarcach ocus allmurach</i> (“fleets of Danes and -foreigners”).<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> Elsewhere<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> we find the word Lochlannaigh -(<i>i.e.</i>, Norsemen) used with reference to the Limerick settlers;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span> -and Colla (O.N. Kolli), Prince of Limerick (d. 931) was -certainly a Norseman, for he was son of Barthr, a leader -of the Finn-Gennti in the ninth century. There would seem -to have been a mixture of both Danes and Norsemen in -Limerick, and since there is no proof that struggles for -mastery took place between them, we may take it that they -acted in harmony.</p> - -<p>During the tenth century Limerick stood in close -connection with the Scandinavian Kingdom in the Hebrides.<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> -Mention is made of one chieftain “Morann, son of the -Sea King of Lewis,”<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> who fought and fell in Limerick -against the Irish. Moreover, the occurrence of the names -Manus, Maccus (O.N. Magnus) and Somarlidh (O.N. -Sumarlithi) in both royal families points at least to relationship -by marriage. Indeed, the same family seems to -have reigned in both kingdoms. “Godfrey, son of Harold, -King of the Hebrides,” who was slain by the Dal Riada -in 989<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> was in all probability a son of that “Harold, lord -of the foreigners of Limerick,” whose death is recorded by -the Four Masters in 940.</p> - -<p>Practically nothing is known of the Scandinavian settlement -in Waterford<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> (O.N. <i>Vethrafjörthr</i>) before the year -919, when Vikings under Raghnall (O.N. Rögnvaldr), -“King of the Danes,” concentrated their forces there -before attacking Dublin. These invaders, sometimes -called Nortmannai (‘Norsemen’), but generally alluded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span> -to as <i>Gaill</i> (‘foreigners’) must have also included Danes, -as Raghnall’s army was composed of both Danes and -Norsemen;<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> and moreover, both parties are represented as -fighting side by side against the Irish in Waterford.<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p> - -<p>Waterford had not at first a dynasty of its own, but was -dependent on the Dublin Kingdom. Olaf Godfreyson seems -to have been in command there while his father was King -of Dublin;<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> and we hear also that when the town was -attacked by the Irish under Cellachan of Cashel, Sihtric, -a prince from Dublin, came with a fleet to relieve it.<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> Later -in the same century, the kingdom of Waterford stood quite -distinct, and was governed by Ivarr (d. 1000), who was -probably a member of the Dublin royal family. He came -forward as a claimant to the Dublin throne after the murder -of Gluniarainn, son of Olaf Cuaran (989) but was driven -out after a three years’ reign by Sihtric Silken-Beard. -Ivarr’s successors in Waterford, Amond (O.N. <i>Amundr</i>) -and Goistilin Gall were killed in the battle of Clontarf.</p> - -<p>In the tenth and eleventh centuries Waterford was -strongly fortified, and, like Limerick, had gates leading -into the town.<a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> The town itself was built in the form of -a triangle with a tower at each angle,<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> only one of which, -the famous Reginald’s Tower, built in 1003, is still standing. -Gualtier (? Ir. <i>Gall tír</i>, ‘land of the foreigners’), a barony -lying on the west side of the harbour, is supposed to have -been connected with the ‘Ostmen,’ who were obliged to -settle there after the arrival of the English in 1169.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span></p> - -<p>Cork, the seat of a famous school founded by St. Finbar, -fell an easy prey to the Vikings in the first half of the ninth -century. They built forts there and at Youghal,<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> but in -endeavouring to push their way inland to Fermoy were -checked by the Irish (866), and their chief, Gnimcinnsiolla -(or Gnimbeolu)<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> was slain. We hear no more of Scandinavians -here until early in the tenth century when new invaders, -part of the large army which came to Waterford with -Raghnall and Earl Ottarr in 919, gained possession of the -town. The new settlers seem to have been chiefly, if not -entirely, Danes (<i>Danair</i> and <i>Duibhgeinnti</i>),<a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> and it would -seem that with the Danish colonies at Thurles and -Cashel they subsequently came under the authority of -Ivarr of Limerick, “the high-king of the foreigners of -Munster.”</p> - -<p>Traces of the Scandinavian occupation still remain in -the place-names on the coast, especially in the districts -surrounding the seaport towns. Near Dublin we find -Howth (O.N. <i>höfuth</i>, ‘a head’) and Skerries (O.N. -<i>skjær</i>, ‘a rock’); also Lambey, Dalkey and Ireland’s Eye, -all three containing the O.N. form <i>ey</i>, an ‘island.’ The name -Leixlip is probably a form of O.N. <i>laxhleypa</i><a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> (‘salmon-leap’) -not, as is generally supposed, of O.N. <i>lax-hlaup</i>. The O.N. -<i>fjörthr</i> occurs in Wexford, Strangford and Carlingford<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span> -(O.N. Kerlingafjörthr).<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> Other Scandinavian names on the -east coast are Copeland Islands (<i>i.e.</i>, <i>Kaupmannaeyjar</i>, ‘the -merchants’ islands’) near Belfast Lough; Arklow, Wicklow -(O.N. <i>lo</i>, a low, flat meadow by the water’s edge.); Carnsore -and Greenore (O.N. <i>eyrr</i>, ‘a small tongue of land running -into the sea’).</p> - -<p>The number of names on the south and west coasts -is limited; besides Water<i>ford</i>, we find only Hel<i>vick</i> (O.N. -<i>vík</i>, ‘a bay’), Dursey Island, south-west of Cork, and -Swerwick Harbour, in Kerry. At least three well-authenticated -place-names have dropped out of use; Dún -na Trapcharla, in Co. Limerick (O.N. (1) <i>torf-karl</i>, ‘a -turf-cutter’ or (2) <i>thorp-karl</i>, a ‘small farmer’);<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> -Jolduhlaup,<a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> a cape in the north of Ireland; and -Ulfreksfjörthr,<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> the Norse name for Lough Larne.</p> - -<p>It is also interesting to note that the second element -in the names of the three provinces, Ulster, Leinster and -Munster is derived from the O.N. <i>stathir</i> (plural of <i>stathr</i>, -‘a place’), while the name Ireland (O.N. Iraland) is Scandinavian -in form and replaced the old Irish word Eríu during -the Viking period.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h3>FOOTNOTES</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> In the <i>Annals of Tighernach</i> (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 716), the <i>Annals of Ulster</i> -(<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 715), and the <i>Book of Hymns</i> (ed. Todd, p. 156) the Latin -<i>civitas</i> (Ir. <i>Cathair</i>) is the word used for a monastery.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> The old name for Dublin was <i>Baile-atha-Cliath</i>, “the town of -the hurdle ford.” It was afterwards called <i>Dubh-linn</i> (“black pool”), -of which the O.N. <i>Dyflin</i> is a corruption.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> See p. 55.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Armagh is the only place in Ireland which is marked on a tenth -century map of the world preserved in the British Museum. See -R. A. S. Macalister: <i>Muiredach</i>: <i>Abbot of Monasterboice</i>, -p. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> It is called <i>Tengmonth</i> and <i>Teggemuta</i> in medieval documents -(<i>Chartularies of St. Mary’s Abbey</i>, I., 15, 461, 463, 465) and from -it the surrounding parish of St. Andrew—“<i>Parochia Sancti Andreae -de Thengmote</i>”—took its name. In 1647 it is referred to as “the -fortified hill near the College,” but about thirty years later it was -levelled to the ground and the earth was used for building Nassau -Street (J. T. Gilbert: <i>History of Dublin</i>, II, p. 258).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> The name survived until the 18th century in <i>Hog Hill</i>, but it -was afterwards changed to St. Andrew’s Street.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 839, 840, 925, 928, 934. -</p> -<p> -These colonies were governed by earls, not kings, and their -dependency on the kingdom of Dublin is clearly shown by certain -entries in the Annals. In 926 a Viking fleet at Linn Duachaill (on -the coast of Louth) was commanded by Albdann (O.N. <i>Halfdanr</i>), -son of Guthfrith (King of Dublin, 920-933). Later, when part of -Albdann’s army was besieged at Ath Cruithne (near Newry), -Guthfrith went with his forces to relieve it. In 927 the “foreigners -of Linn Duachaill” accompanied Guthfrith when he marched on -York. See Steenstrup, <i>op. cit.</i>, III., p. 115.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Wexford was also governed by earls. One of them, Accolb, is -mentioned in the <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 928.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> The Irish name <i>Luimnech</i> (hence O.N. <i>Hlymrek</i>) was originally -applied to the estuary of the Shannon, but was afterwards confined -to the town itself when it had risen to importance under Scandinavian -rule.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 843; <i>War of the Gaedhil with -the Gaill</i>, p. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, pp. 167, 144-6. <i>War of the Gaedhil -with the Gaill</i>, ch. 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, pp. 173-175; <i>Chronicon Scotorum</i>, -<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 887.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel</i>, pp. 9, 66; <i>War of -the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 56.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 845, 922, 929; <i>The Victorious Career of -Cellachan of Cashel</i>, p. 10; <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 10; -<i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, p. 197.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 924.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 935; <i>Chronicon Scotorum</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> -936.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> A. Bugge: <i>Sidste Afsnit af Nordboernes Historie i Irland</i>, pp. -254, 255.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 41.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> <i>The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel</i>, p. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Steenstrup: <i>op. cit.</i>, III., p. 213.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> <i>The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel</i>, p. 65.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 988.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i> (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 860) record that “two fleets -of the Norsemen came into the land of Cearbhall, son of Dunlaing -(King of Ossory) to plunder it.” These fleets probably sailed up the -Barrow from Waterford harbour. The same annals also mention -(p. 129) a Norse chieftain called Rodolbh, who may have been -connected with the colony at Waterford. See also <i>Annals of the Four -Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 888 [891].</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 921.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> <i>The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel</i>, p. 71.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> The Four Masters record “the plundering of Kildare by the son -of Gothfrith (<i>i.e.</i>, Olaf) from Waterford” (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 926).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> <i>The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel</i>, p. 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> <i>The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel</i>, pp. 13, 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Smith: <i>History of Waterford</i>, p. 165.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 846, 864.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, 865. <i>Fragments of Annals</i>, p. 169. -</p> -<p> -<i>Gnimbeolu</i> is the O.N. <i>Grímr Bióla</i>. The Irish “<i>Cinnsiolla</i>” -(Nom. Cenn Selach) is probably a translation of O.N. <i>Selshofuth</i>, -a word which does not occur as a nickname in Old Norse literature. -It was, however, known in Ireland as may be seen from the runic -inscription—<i>domnal Selshofoth a soerth (th) eta</i>—on a bronze sword-plate -found in Greenmount (Co. Louth). Cf. Marstrander, <i>op. cit.</i> -p. 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> <i>The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel</i>, pp. 10, 67.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Cf. Marstrander, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 149.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Cf. Marstrander, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 154. According to him, the O.N. -<i>Kerling</i>, “an old woman” in this instance, is a folk-etymological -form of Carlinn, the old name for the ford.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1062. Cf. <i>Co dunad na -Piscarcarla in Cath Ruis na Rig</i> (ed. Hogan) where <i>Piscarcarla</i> -corresponds to the O.N. <i>fiskikari</i>, “a fisherman.” -</p> -<p> -The word <i>Trapcharla</i> (“na <i>Trapcharla</i>”) also occurs in the <i>Book -of Ballymote</i> as the name of a people who fought at Troy. It has been -suggested that the term was generally used during the ninth and -tenth centuries of a Norse colony in Co. Limerick, which colony -would acquire a legendary character after the Norsemen had been -driven out of Ireland, and would figure, like the Lochlannaigh or -Norsemen, in Middle-Irish stories and poems. -</p> -<p> -See <i>Miscellany presented to Kuno Meyer</i>, pp. 293, 370.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i> I. ch. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> <i>Heimskringla: Saga Óláfs hins helga</i>, chs. 88, 10.</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_IV"><span class="smaller">CHAPTER IV.</span><br /> -THE EXPANSION OF IRISH TRADE.</h2> - -<p>When the Scandinavians had firmly established themselves -on the Irish coasts they developed trade to a considerable -extent, not only by bringing Ireland into communication -with their new settlements in England, but also by opening -up commerce with Iceland and Scandinavia, and even -with Russia and the East.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> Before <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 900 at all events, -they had been accustomed to visit France from Ireland, -and had trafficked with merchants there, using a certain -vessel called the ‘Epscop’<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> for measuring their wine. That -this branch of their trade was in a flourishing condition in -the latter half of the tenth century may be inferred from a -contemporary poem in which Brian Borumha is said to -have exacted as tribute one hundred and fifty vats of wine -from the Norsemen of Dublin, and a barrel of red wine -every day from the Limerick settlers.<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p> - -<p>The Scandinavians also made marked advances on the -old methods of trading by building their forts near the -large harbours and carrying on from there a continuous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span> -overseas commerce.<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> Previous to this foreign merchants<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> -who visited Ireland used to exchange their goods for home -produce at the numerous <i>oenachs</i> or fairs held at certain -intervals all over the country. These <i>oenachs</i> continued -to be celebrated during the Viking period, but it was in the -seaport towns, Dublin, Limerick, Cork, Wexford, and -Waterford, that the most important trade was centred. -Dublin, owing to its splendid position, half way between -the Continent and the Scandinavian settlements in Scotland -and Iceland, and within easy distance of England, became -one of the wealthiest towns in the West. One Irish chronicler -gives a glowing account of the treasures carried off from there -by the Irish after the battle of Gleann Máma (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1000):</p> - -<p>“In that one place were found the greatest quantities -of gold, silver, bronze, and precious stones: carbuncle-gems, -buffalo horns, and beautiful goblets… much also of various -vestures of all colours were found there likewise.”<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p> - -<p>Dublin is frequently mentioned in the sagas and seems -to have been very well known to Icelandic dealers. In <i>Olaf -Tryggvason’s Saga</i> (<i>Heimskringla</i>) we read that during the -reign of Olaf Cuaran a merchant called Thórir Klakka, who -had been on many a Viking expedition, went on a trading -voyage to Dublin, “as was usual in those days.”<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> When -<i>Olaf’s</i> son, Sihtric Silken Beard, was King of Dublin (c. 994) -the Icelandic poet Gunnlaug Ormstungu sailed from England -to Ireland with merchants who were bound for Dublin.<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span></p> - -<p><i>Eyrbyggia Saga</i> tells<a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> of both Thórodd, the owner of a -large ship of burden, and Guthleif,<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> who went with other -traders on voyages “west to Dublin.” Still more interesting -is the account in the same saga of a merchant-ship that came -from Dublin in the year 1000 to Snaefellsness in Iceland -and anchored there for the summer. There were on board -some Irishmen and men from the Sudreyar (Hebrides) but -only a few Norsemen. One of the passengers, a woman named -Thorgunna, had a large chest containing “bed-clothes -beautifully embroidered, English sheets, a silken quilt, and -other valuable wares, the like of which were rare in Iceland.”<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p> - -<p>Limerick is heard of only once in Icelandic sources; a -trader named Hrafn was surnamed “the Limerick-farer” -(Hlymreks fari)<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> because he had lived for a long time there. -The <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i> gives a detailed description -of the spoils gained by the Irish after the battle of -Sulcoit (968) whence it would seem that the Limerick -Vikings had been engaged in trade with France, Spain and -the East.</p> - -<p>“They carried away their (<i>i.e.</i>, ‘The Vikings’) jewels -and their best property, their saddles, beautiful and foreign, -their gold and their silver; their beautifully woven cloth -of all colours and of all kinds; their satins and their silken -cloths, pleasing and variegated, both scarlet and green, -and all sorts of cloth in like manner.”<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a></p> - -<p>Reference has already been made to the numbers of Irish -women captured by Viking raiders; many of these captives -were afterwards sold as slaves in Norway and Iceland. In -<i>Laxdaela Saga</i> we hear of Melkorka, an Irish princess, who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span> -was exposed for sale with eleven other women at a market -in Norway. The slave-dealer, a man known as Gilli (Ir. -Giolla) “the Russian” was in all probability a Scandinavian -merchant from Ireland who had carried on trade with -Russia. The extent of the slave traffic is further illustrated -in <i>Kristni Saga</i> (ch. 3) where mention is made of “a fair -Irish maid” whom Thangbrandr the priest bought; “and -when he came home with her a certain man whom the -emperor Otto the Young had put as steward there, wished -to take her from him,” but Thangbrandr would not let her -go!<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> On the other hand, the Irish frequently descended on -the Viking strongholds in Ireland and carried off the Norse -women and children, “the soft, youthful, bright, matchless -girls; blooming, silk-clad young women, and active, large -well-formed boys.”<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> Therefore it is not unlikely that the -“slaves ignorant of Gaelic” who are stated to have been -given as tribute to the Irish kings in the ninth and tenth -centuries<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> were really Scandinavian prisoners of war.</p> - -<p>An interesting passage in the <i>Book of Ely</i> gives an idea -of the activity of the Irish merchants at this period: -“Certain merchants from Ireland, with merchandise of -different kinds and some coarse woollen blankets, arrived -at the little town called Grantebrycge (Cambridge) and -exposed their wares there.”<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> It is not surprising then that -the wealth of Ireland increased rapidly, so much so that -Brian Borumha, realising that this was largely due to Viking -enterprise, allowed the invaders to remain in their forts -on the coast<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span> “for the purpose of attracting commerce from -other countries to Ireland.”<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> And even after their defeat -at Clontarf, the Vikings remained in the coast towns, -whence they continued to engage in trade with England -and the Continent. Both Giraldus Cambrensis<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> and William -of Malmesbury<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> mention the extensive slave-trade carried -on between Ireland and England in the twelfth century, -Bristol being the chief centre. In addition to the slave -traffic, large supplies of wine were imported from France, -while the Irish ‘out of gratitude’ (<i>non ingrata</i>) gave hides -and skins in exchange.<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> That there was commercial intercourse -with Chester and also with the towns round the -Bristol Channel may be seen from the names of the citizens -of Dublin in the year 1200: Thorkaill, Swein Ivor from -Cardiff; Turstinus and Ulf from Bristol; Godafridus and -Ricardus from Swansea; Thurgot from Haverfordwest and -Harold from Monmouth.<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> About 1170 two ships sailing -from England “laden with English cloths and a great -store of goods” were attacked and plundered near Dublin -by a Norseman, Swein, son of Asleif; and some years later -vessels from Britain carrying corn and wine were seized in -Wexford harbour by the English invaders.<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></p> - -<p>The historical evidence is amply borne out by the existence -of such old Norse loan-words in Irish as <i>mangaire</i> (O.N. -mangari, a ‘trader’), <i>marg</i> (O.N. mörk, a ‘mark’), margadh,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span> -(O.N. markathr, a ‘market’), and <i>penning</i> (O.N. penningr, -a ‘penny’), and also by certain archæological discoveries. -In Scandinavia coins of King Sithric Silken-Beard have been -found,<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> while four sets of bronze scales and some weights -richly decorated in enamel and gold have been dug up in -Ireland (Bangor, Co. Down).<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> To the same period (early -ninth century) also belong the scales and weights which were -discovered in the great hoard at Islandbridge, near Kilmainham -in 1866.<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> With such strong evidence of the influence -exerted by the Vikings on the expansion of Irish trade it -is not surprising to find that even as late as the seventeenth -century the greater part of the merchants of Dublin traced -their descent to Olaf Cuaran and the Dublin Norsemen.<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a></p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h3>FOOTNOTES</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> See the map of the Irish Trade Routes in Mrs. J. R. Green’s <i>The -Old Irish World</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> “Epscop fina” in the sea-laws, <i>i.e.</i>, “a vessel for measuring -wine used by the merchants of the Norsemen and the Franks.” See -<i>Sanas Cormaic</i> (<i>Cormac’s Glossary</i>) compiled c. <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 900. (<i>Anecdota -from Irish Manuscripts</i> IV., ed. Kuno Meyer.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> Cf. O’Curry: <i>Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish</i>, II., -p. 125. For a transcript of the poem see A. Bugge: <i>Vesterlandenes -Indflydelse paa Nordboernes i Vikingetiden</i>, p. 183.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Cf. <i>Laxdaela Saga</i>, ch. 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> According to an ancient poem on the great fair of Carman (Co. -Kildare) foreign merchants visited this fair and sold there “articles -of gold and silver, ornaments and beautiful clothes.” For other -references see Joyce: <i>A Social History of Ancient Ireland</i>, Vol. -II., pp. 429-431; O’Curry: <i>Manners and Customs of the Ancient -Irish</i>, III., p. 531.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 115.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> <i>Saga Óláfs Tryggvasonar</i> (<i>Heimskringla</i>), ch. 51.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> <i>Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu</i>, ch. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> <i>Eyrbyggia Saga</i>, ch. 29.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, ch. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, ch. 50.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i>, II., ch. 21, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 79.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> <i>Kristni Saga</i>, ch. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 79.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> <i>The Book of Rights</i> (Leabhar na gCeart), pp. 87, 181. Ed. J. -O’Donovan.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> <i>Liber Eliensis</i>, (ed. Gale) I., ch. XLII.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> <i>Keating: History of Ireland</i>, III., p. 271. (Ed. Dinneen). Keating -probably derived his information from Giraldus Cambrensis: -<i>Topographia Hibernica</i>, D. III., ch. LIII.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> <i>Expugnatio Hibernica</i>, I., ch. XVIII.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> <i>De Vita S. Wulstani</i>, II., 20. -</p> -<p> -(See Cunningham: <i>Growth of English Industry and Commerce</i>, I., -p. 86.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Giraldus Cambrensis: <i>Topographia Hibernica</i>, I., ch. VI.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> A. Bugge: <i>Contributions to the History of the Norsemen in -Ireland</i>, Part III.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Giraldus Cambrensis: <i>Expugnatio Hibernica</i>, I., ch. III.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> A. Bugge: <i>Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes i Vikingetiden</i>, -pp. 300-304.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> G. Coffey, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 91.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, p. 89.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Duald Mac Firbis: <i>On the Fomorians and the Norsemen</i> (ed. -A. Bugge), p. 11.</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_V"><span class="smaller">CHAPTER V.</span><br /> -SHIPBUILDING AND SEAFARING.</h2> - -<p>The almost complete absence of any allusion to Irish ships<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> -during the eighth and ninth centuries shows that at this -time the Irish had no warships to drive back the powerful -naval forces of the Vikings. Meeting with no opposition -on sea the invaders were able to anchor their fleets in the -large harbours, and afterwards to occupy certain important -positions along the coasts. In this connection it is interesting -to note that the Irish word <i>longphort</i> (a ‘shipstead’; later, -‘a camp’) is used for the first time in the <i>Annals of Ulster</i> -with reference to the Norse encampments at Dublin and -Linn-Duachaill (840); hence it has been concluded that -the early Norse <i>long-phorts</i> were not exactly fortified camps, -but ‘ships drawn up and protected on the landside, probably -by a stockaded earthwork.’<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p> - -<p>The Annalists tell how, when the Vikings were expelled -from Dublin in 902, they fled across the sea to England, -leaving large numbers of their ships behind them. It was -probably the capture of these vessels that impressed upon -the Irish the advantages of this new method of warfare, -for they now began to build ships and to prepare to meet<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span> -the Vikings in their own element.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> In 913 a “new fleet,” -manned by Ulstermen, attacked the Norsemen off the coast -of Man but was defeated.<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> Another Ulster fleet commanded -by Muirchertach mac Neill, King of Aileach, sailed to the -Hebrides in 939 and carried off much spoil and booty.<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> -Moreover, the Irish seem to have imitated the Scandinavian -practice of “drawing” or carrying their light vessels over -land to the lakes and rivers in the interior of the island. -Mention is made of Domhnall, son of Muirchertach, who -“took the boats from the river Bann on to Lough Neagh, -and over the river Blackwater upon Lough Erne, and -afterwards upon Lough Uachtair.”<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></p> - -<p>The men of Munster also had their navy, which they -organised according to Norse methods<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> by compelling each -district in the different counties to contribute ten ships to -it. Thus by the middle of the tenth century they were able -to put a formidable fleet to sea. When Cellachan of Cashel -(d. 954) was captured by the Vikings and brought to Dublin,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span> -he sent messengers to the Munstermen bidding them to -defend their territory: “and afterwards,” he said, “go to -the chieftains of my fleet and bring them with you to Sruth -na Maeile (Mull of Cantyre), and if I am carried away from -Ireland, let the men of Munster take their ships and follow -me.”<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> The chronicle goes on to give a vivid description of -the great naval battle which followed: the Vikings under -the leadership of Sihtric, a prince from Dublin, took up -their position in the Bay of Dundalk, where the “barques -and swift ships of the men of Munster” met them. The -Irish ships were arranged according to the territories they -represented: those of Corcolaigdi and Ui Echach (Co. -Cork) were placed farthest south; next came the fleets of -Corcoduibne and Ciarraige (Co. Kerry), and lastly those -of Clare. When the Munstermen saw Cellachan, who had -been bound and fettered to the mast by Sihtric’s orders, -they made gallant attempts to release him; some of them -leaped upon “the rowbenches and strong oars of the mighty -ships” of the Norsemen, while others threw tough ropes -of hemp across the prows to prevent them from escaping. -Failbhe, King of Corcoduibne, brought his ship alongside -Sihtric’s, and with his sword succeeded in cutting the ropes -and fetters that were round the King, but was himself -slain immediately afterwards. The battle ended in victory -for the Irish: the Norsemen were forced to leave the harbour -with all their ships, but “they carried neither King nor -chieftain with them.”<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> - -<p>The <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i> records still more -victories for the Munster fleet during the reign of Brian -Borumha. In 984 he assembled “a great marine fleet” -on Lough Derg and took three hundred boats up the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span> -Shannon to Lough Ree<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> and again in 1001 sailed with his -fleet to Athlone.<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> But the greatest triumph of all was in -1005, when Brian, then at the height of his power, “sent -forth a naval expedition composed of the foreigners of -Dublin and Waterford and the Ui Ceinnselaigh (<i>i.e.</i>, the -men of Wexford) and almost all the men of Erin, such of -them as were fit to go to sea; and they levied royal tribute -from the Saxons and the Britons and from the men of -Lennox in Scotland and the inhabitants of Argyle.”<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p> - -<p>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records the names of a number -of Frisian sailors who fought with the English in a naval -battle against the Vikings (A. an. 897). In the same way the -Irish ships must have been manned to a large extent by Norse -mercenaries or by the Gaill-Gaedhil, for practically all the -shipping terms introduced into Irish in the tenth and -eleventh centuries are of Norse origin.<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> This is evident -from the following list:—</p> - -<table summary="Shipping terms introduced into Irish from Norse"> - <tr> - <td>Mid. Ir. <i>abor</i>, <i>abur</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>hábora</i>, ‘an oar hole.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Accaire</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>akkeri</i>, ‘an anchor.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Accarsoid</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>akkerissaeti</i>, ‘a harbour for ships.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Achtuaim</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>aktaumr</i>, ‘a brace.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>athbha</i>:</td><td>phonetic form (af, av) of O.N. <i>höfuth</i>, ‘head’ of a ship.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span><i>Allsad</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>halsa</i>, ‘to slacken a sail.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>As</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>ass</i>, ‘the pole to which the lower end of a sail was fastened during a fair wind.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>bat</i>, <i>bad</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>bátr</i>, ‘a boat.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>birling</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>byrthingr</i>, ‘a transport vessel,’ ‘a merchant ship.’<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>carb</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>karfi</i>, ‘a ship.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>cnairr</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>knörr</i>, ‘a merchant ship.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>laideng</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>leithangr</i>, ‘naval forces.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>lipting</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>lypting</i>, ‘a taffrail.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>lunnta</i>, <i>lunn</i> (in reania):</td><td>O.N. <i>hlunnr</i>, ‘the handle of an oar.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>scib</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>skip</i>, ‘a ship,’ whence also are derived <i>sciobaire</i>, ‘a sailor’ and <i>scipad</i> and <i>sgiobadh</i>, ‘to make ready for sailing.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>tile</i>:</td><td>O.N. <i>thili</i>, ‘a plank,’ ‘the bottom board in a boat.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Tlusdais</i> (? teldass):</td><td>O.N. <i>tjaldáss</i>, ‘the horizontal topmast of a ship.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>uicing</i>, a word used for ‘a fleet’: <i>uiginnecht</i>, piracy:</td><td>O.N. <i>Víkingr</i>, ‘one who haunts a bay or creek.’</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_VI"><span class="smaller">CHAPTER VI.</span><br /> -LINGUISTIC INFLUENCES.</h2> - -<h3>(<i>a</i>) Loan-words from Old Norse in Irish.</h3> - -<p>The large number of loan-words from Old Norse which -occur in Old and Middle Irish indicate clearly the extent -and character of Scandinavian influence in Ireland. They -are therefore interesting from an historical point of view, -for they confirm, and sometimes supplement, the evidence -of Irish and Icelandic sources, that the relations existing -between the two peoples were largely of a friendly character.</p> - -<p>As the subject has already been fully dealt with by -Celtic scholars,<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> only the more important loan words are -given here:—</p> - -<h4>I. <span class="smcap">Dress<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> and Armour.</span></h4> - -<table summary="Important loan words"> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc">O. Ir. <i>at-cluic</i>, also <i>clocc-att</i> ‘a helmet.’ <i>att</i> = O.N. <i>hattr</i>, - ‘a hat,’ while <i>cluic</i> = M. Ir. <i>clocenn</i>, ‘a head.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>allsmann</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>halsmen</i>, ‘a necklace.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>boga</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>bogi</i>, ‘a bow.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>bossan</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>púss</i>, ‘a small bag or purse hanging from the belt.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>M. Ir. <i>cnapp</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>knappr</i>, ‘a button.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>elta</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>hjalt</i>, ‘a hilt’ (of a sword).</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>mattal</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>möttull</i>, ‘a cloak.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>mergge</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>merki</i>, ‘a flag’ or ‘banner.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>sceld</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>sköjldr</i>, ‘a shield.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>O. Ir. <i>scot</i>, lin <i>scoit</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>skaut</i>, ‘a cloth,’ or ‘sheet.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>starga</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>targa</i>, ‘a shield.’</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<h4>II. <span class="smcap">Housebuilding.</span></h4> - -<table summary="Loan words for housebuilding"> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>bailc</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>bálkr</i>, ‘a beam.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>fuindeog</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>vindauga</i>, ‘a window.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>garda</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>garthr</i>, ‘a garden.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>halla</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>höll</i>, ‘a hall.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>sparr</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>sparri</i>, ‘a rafter.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>stóll</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>stóll</i>, ‘a stool.’</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<h4>III.</h4> - -<p>Other interesting loan words are:—</p> - -<table summary="Other interesting loan words"> - <tr> - <td>O. Ir. <i>armand</i>, <i>armann</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>ármathr</i>, ‘an officer.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>callaire</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>kallari</i>, ‘a herald.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>gunnfann</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>gunnfáni</i>, ‘a battle standard.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>O. Ir. <i>erell</i>; M. Ir. <i>iarla</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>jarl</i>, ‘an earl.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>lagmainn</i>;<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></td><td>O.N. <i>lögmenn</i>, plural of <i>lögmathr</i>, ‘a lawman.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>Pers</i>;<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></td><td>O.N. <i>berserkr</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>sráid</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>straeti</i>, ‘a street.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>sreang</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>strengr</i>, ‘a string.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>tráill</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>thraell</i>, ‘a slave.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>M. Ir. <i>trosg</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>thorskr</i>, ‘codfish.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>O. Ir. <i>ustaing</i>;</td><td>O.N. <i>hústhing</i>, ‘an assembly.’</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span></p> - -<p>Certain old Norse words and phrases which are to be found -in Irish texts also go to show the familiarity of the Irish -with the Norse language. They may be mentioned here, -although they are not loan-words, but rather attempts -on the part of the Irish authors to reproduce the speech -of the foreigners:—</p> - -<table summary="Norse words found in Irish texts"> - <tr> - <td><i>cing.</i><a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></td><td>O.N. <i>konungr</i>, or possibly A.S. <i>cyning</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>conung</i> (<i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, pp. 126, 194, 228).</td><td>O.N. <i>konungr</i>, ‘a king.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>“<i>Faras Domnall?</i>” (<i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>; p. 174).</td><td>“<i>Hvar es Domhnall?</i>” “Where is Domhnall?”</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>“<i>Sund a sniding</i>,” was the reply.</td><td>O. Ir. <i>sund</i>, “here.” O.N. <i>nithingr</i>, “here, rascal.”</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>fíut (<i>Book of Leinster</i>, 172, a, 7).</td><td>O.N. <i>hvítr</i>, ‘white.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Infuit</i>, a personal name; <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 78.</td><td>O.N. <i>hvítr</i>, ‘white.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span><i>litill</i> (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 84).</td><td>O.N. <i>lítill</i>, ‘little.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>mikle</i> (<i>Three Fragments of</i> <i>Annals</i>, p. 176).</td><td>O.N. <i>míkill</i>, ‘much.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>nui, nui</i> (<i>ibid</i>, p. 164).<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></td><td>O.N. <i>knúe</i>, from <i>knýja</i>, ‘to advance.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>roth.</i><a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></td><td>O.N. <i>rauthr</i>, ‘red.’</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<h3>(<i>b</i>) Gaelic Words in Old Norse Literature.<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a></h3> - -<p>Considering the close connection between Ireland and -Iceland, especially in the tenth and eleventh centuries, it -is surprising that so few Gaelic words found their way -into Old Norse literature. The only Norse words that can -be said, with any certainty, to be derived from Irish, are -the following:—</p> - -<table summary="Norse words derived from Irish"> - <tr> - <td><i>bjannak</i> (<i>Ynglingasaga</i>, <i>Heimskringla</i>, ch. 2):</td><td>Ir. <i>bennacht</i>, ‘a blessing.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>erg</i> (<i>Orkneyinga Saga</i>, ch. 113)</td><td>Ir. airghe, (1) ‘a herd of cattle.’ (2) ‘grazing land.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span><i>gelt</i>;<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a></td><td>Ir. <i>geilt</i>, ‘a madman.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>varth at gjalti</i>, to become mad with fear. Cf. <i>Eyrbyggja Saga</i>, ch. 18.</td><td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>ingian</i>;</td><td>Ir. <i>inghean</i>, ‘a girl.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>kapall</i> (Fornmanna Sögur II., p. 231);</td><td>Ir. <i>capall</i>, ‘a horse.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>kesja</i>;</td><td>Ir. <i>ccis</i>, ‘a spear.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>korki</i> (Snorres Edda, II., 493);</td><td>Ir. <i>coirce</i>, ‘oats.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>kross</i>;</td><td>Ir. <i>cros</i>, ‘a cross.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>kuaran</i>;</td><td>Ir. <i>cuaran</i>, ‘a shoe’ (made of skin).</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span><i>kúthi</i>;<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a></td><td>? Ir. <i>cuthach</i>, ‘fierce.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>male diarik</i>;<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a></td><td>Ir. <i>mallacht duit, a rig</i>, ‘a curse upon you, O king.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>minnthak</i>;<a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a></td><td>Ir. <i>mintach</i>, ‘made of meal.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>ríg</i> (in <i>Rígsmál</i>);</td><td>Ir. <i>ri(g)</i>, ‘a king.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>tarfr</i> (<i>Eyrbyggia Saga</i>, ch. 63, etc.)</td><td>Ir. <i>tarbh</i>, ‘a bull.’</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<h3>(<i>c</i>) Irish Influence on Icelandic Place-nomenclature.</h3> - -<p>A number of the place-names mentioned in the -<i>Landnámabók</i><a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> contain a Gaelic element which, with one -or two exceptions, is present in the form of a personal name. -Among these Icelandic place-names we may note the -following:—</p> - -<table summary="Names"> - <tr> - <td></td><td><i>Personal Name.</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Bekkanstathir</i>;</td><td>Ir. <i>Beccán</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>(1) <i>Branslackr</i>, (also (2) <i>Brjamslackr</i>);</td><td>Ir. (1) <i>Bran</i>, (2) <i>Brian</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span><i>Dufansdalir</i>;</td><td>Ir. <i>Dubhan</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Dufthaksholt</i>; also <i>Dufthakskor</i>; etc.</td><td>Ir. <i>Dubhthach</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Kalmansá</i>; also <i>Kalmanstunga</i>.</td><td>Ir. <i>Colmán</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Kjallakshöll</i>, <i>Kjallaksstathir</i>;</td><td>Ir. <i>Ceallach</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Kjaransvík</i>;</td><td>Ir. <i>Ciarán</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Kylansholar</i>;</td><td>Ir. <i>Culen</i> (Marstrander).</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>(1) <i>Lunansholt</i> or (2) <i>Lumansholt</i>;</td><td>Ir. (1) <i>Lon-án</i> (2) <i>Lommán</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Minnthakseyr</i>;</td><td>Ir. <i>mintach</i>, ‘made of meal.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Papýli</i>, <i>Papey</i>;</td><td>Ir. ‘papa,’ ‘an anchorite.’</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Patreksfjörthr</i>;</td><td>Ir. personal name <i>Patraic</i>.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_VII"><span class="smaller">CHAPTER VII.</span><br /> -THE VIKINGS AND THE CELTIC CHURCH.</h2> - -<p>Beyond a few meagre allusions the Irish Annals throw no -light on the progress of Christianity among the “foreigners” -in Ireland during the ninth century. Fortunately, however, -the Icelandic Sagas and the <i>Landnámabók</i> have preserved -some interesting details concerning a small number of the -Norse settlers in Iceland, who had previously come under -the influence of Christianity in Ireland and in the Western -Islands of Scotland. As far as we can gather from these -sources the new faith seems at first to have made but little -headway; heathenism retained a strong hold on the majority -of the Norse people, and there can be little doubt that this -form of religion was extensively practised in Ireland during -the Viking age. Evidence of this is to be found in <i>The -War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, which describes how -Authr, wife of Turgéis, sat on the high altar of the church -in Clonmacnois, and gave audiences as a prophetess.<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> In -this instance the high altar would seem to have corresponded -to the <i>seithr hjallr</i> or platform which it was customary to -erect in Icelandic houses when a <i>völva</i> or prophetess was -called in to foretell the future.<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> Some writers<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> also point<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span> -to the numerous raids on churches and religious houses -as a proof of the Vikings’ hostility to Christianity, but -these attacks were much more likely to have originated in -the amount of treasure which the raiders knew to be stored -in these places. It is rather in this light, too, that we must -regard Turgéis’ expulsion of the abbot Farannan from -Armagh (in 839), and his subsequent usurpation of the -abbacy,<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> than as an attempt to stamp out Christianity -and establish heathenism in its stead.</p> - -<p>Yet, at the same time, the Norsemen must have come into -close contact with the religion of the “White Christ” -through their intercourse with the Irish. Indeed, an entry -in the <i>Annals of Ulster</i> (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 872), referring to the death -of Ivárr the Boneless, implies that this famous Viking died -a Christian.<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> The records are silent on this point with regard -to Olaf the White, although he was related by marriage -to Ketill Flatnose, a famous chief in the Hebrides, all of -whose family, with the exception of his son, Björn the -Easterner, adopted Christianity. Olaf’s wife, Authr, daughter -of Ketill, was one of the most zealous of these early Norse -converts: “She used to pray at Crossknolls, where she -had crosses erected, because she was baptized, and was a -good Christian.” Before her death she gave orders that she -was to be buried on the seashore, between high and low -water-mark, because she did not wish to lie in unconsecrated -ground. The <i>Landnámabók</i> also says that for some time -after her death her kinsfolk reverenced these knolls, but -in course of time their faith became corrupt, and in the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span> -place they built a temple and offered up sacrifices.<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> We -hear, too, of Orlygr the Old, who had been fostered by -Bishop Patrick in the Hebrides. When he was setting out -for Iceland the Bishop gave him “wood for building a -church, a plenarium, an iron penny and some consecrated -earth to be put under the corner pillars,” and asked him -to dedicate the church to St. Columba. On the voyage a -great storm arose. Orlygr prayed to St. Patrick that he -might reach Iceland in safety, promising, as a thanksgiving, -to call the place in which he should land by the saint’s -name.<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> Mention is also made of several other Christians -from the British Isles: Jörundr, Helgi Bjóla;<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> Thorkell—son -of Svarkell from Caithness—“who prayed before the -cross, ever good to old men, ever good to young men;”<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> -Ásólf,<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> Ketill—grandson of Ketill Flatnose—who was surnamed -<i>hinn fiflski</i> (‘the foolish’) because he adhered to -Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> A long time after (c. <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 997) Thangbrandr -the Priest found descendants of Ketill’s in Iceland, “all -of whom had been Christians from father to son.”<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> -Considering the missionary ardour of the Irish at this period -it is curious that no priests accompanied these early settlers -to Iceland. This may have been due to scepticism as to the -sincerity of these converts; such, at least, is the impression -received from the Irish annals and chronicles, in which the -Norsemen are almost invariably referred to as ‘heathens’ -and ‘pagans.’ The result was that the influence of -Christianity declined in Iceland;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span> “some of those who came -from west-the-sea remained Christians until the day of -their death” says the <i>Landnámabók</i>, “but their families -did not always retain the faith, for some of their sons erected -temples and offered sacrifices, and the land was wholly -heathen for nearly one hundred and twenty years.”<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></p> - -<p>In the transition from heathenism to Christianity -opposing beliefs were sometimes held at the same time; -the Viking continued to have recourse to Thor even after -he had been baptized. Helgi the Lean, son of Eyvindr the -Easterner, and Rafarta, daughter of King Cearbhall of -Ossory, “was very mixed in his faith; he believed in -Christ, but he invoked Thor for seafaring and brave deeds. -When he came in sight of Iceland he asked Thor where -he should settle down;” and when he had built his house, -“he made a large fire near every lake and river, thus sanctifying -all the land between… Helgi believed in Christ, and -therefore named his house after Him.”<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> We also read that -“Örlygr the Old and his family trusted in Columba,”<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> -but whether they abandoned all other belief in the Christian -faith and fell into Paganism is not quite clear. Again, in -the account of the naval battle between Danes and Norsemen -in Carlingford Lough (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 852) the annalist describes -how “Lord Horm,” leader of the Danish forces, advised -his men to “pray fervently” to St. Patrick, “the -archbishop and head of the saints of Erin,” whose churches -and monasteries the Norsemen had plundered and burned. -So the Danes put themselves under the protection of the -saint: “Let our protector,” they cried, “be the holy -Patrick and the God who is lord over him also, and let our -spoils and our wealth be given to his church.” After the -battle ambassadors from the <i>árd-rí</i> found the Danes seated -round a great fire, cooking their food in cauldrons—which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span> -were supported on the dead bodies of the Norsemen, while -near by was “a trench full of gold and silver to give to -Patrick; for the Danes,” adds the chronicler, “were a -people with a kind of piety; they could for a while refrain -from meat and from women.”<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a></p> - -<p>This confusion of the two religions is also illustrated in -the crosses, symbols of Christianity, which the Vikings -erected in the north of England and in the Isle of Man to -the memory of their kinsfolk. On the Gosforth cross in -Cumberland a representation of the Crucifixion—obviously -influenced by Celtic designs—is found side by side with a -figure of the god Vitharr slaying the Wolf, a scene described -in Vafthrúthnismál; while on the western side -of the cross is portrayed the punishment of Loki.<a name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> A fragment -of a cross in the same locality shows Thor fishing -for the Mithgarthsormr,<a name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> a subject which is also treated -on a cross slab in Kirk Bride Parish Church, Isle of Man.<a name="FNanchor_194" id="FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> -Among the many other Celtic crosses in Man are four upon -which are carved pictures from the story of Sigurthr -Fáfnisbani: Sigurthr roasting the dragon’s heart on the -fire and cooling his fingers in his mouth, his steed Grani -and the tree with the talking birds; another figure has been -identified with Loki throwing stones at the Otter.<a name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> There -are besides twenty-six crosses with Runic inscriptions, six -of which bring out the Viking connection with the Celtic -Church. On one the Ogam alphabet is scratched, and the -same monument bears a Runic inscription which tells us -that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span> “Mal Lumkun (Ir. Mael Lomchon) raised this cross -to his foster (mother) Malmuru (Ir. Maelmuire), daughter -of Tufgal (Ir. Dubhgall), whom Athisl had to wife.” To this -the rune writer adds: “It is better to leave a good foster-son -than a bad son.”<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> Crosses were also erected by Mail -Brikti (Ir. Mael Brigde), son of Athakan (Ir. Aedhacan) -the smith;<a name="FNanchor_197" id="FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> by Thorleifr Hnakki in remembrance of his -son Fiak (Ir. Fiacca);<a name="FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> and by an unknown Norseman to -the memory of his wife Murkialu (Ir. Muirgheal).<a name="FNanchor_199" id="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> Another -cross-slab commemorates Athmiul (? Ir. Cathmaoil), wife -of Truian (<i>i.e.</i>, the Pictish name <i>Druian</i>), son of Tufkal,<a name="FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> -while still another stone contains a fragment of a prayer -to Christ, and the Irish saints, Malaki (Malachy), Bathrik -(Patrick), and Athanman (Adamnan).<a name="FNanchor_201" id="FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a></p> - -<p>The advance of Christianity during the tenth century -may be attributed to a large extent to the prevalence of -the practice known as <i>prime-signing</i> or marking with the -sign of the cross. According to <i>Eyrbyggja Saga</i> (ch. 50), -this was “a common custom among merchants and -mercenary soldiers in Christian armies, because those men -who were ‘prime-signed’ could associate with Christians -as well as heathens, while retaining that faith which they -liked best.” Nearly all the Norse kings who reigned in -Dublin during this century seem to have accepted -Christianity. When Gothfrith plundered Armagh in 919 -“he spared the church and the houses of prayer, with their -company of culdees (ceile-de) and the sick.”<a name="FNanchor_202" id="FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> We may assume<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span> -that Sihtric Gale, Gothfrith’s brother (or cousin) was also -a Christian, since he formed a friendly alliance with Aethelstan, -who gave him his sister in marriage.<a name="FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> In 943 Olaf -Cuaran was baptized, and in the same year Rögnvaldr, -another Norse prince, was confirmed.<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> After the battle -of Tara (980) Olaf went on pilgrimage to Iona, where he -died “after penance and a good life.”<a name="FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> His daughter and -grandson were called by distinctively Irish Christian names—Maelmuire<a name="FNanchor_206" id="FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> -(servant of Mary), and Gilla Ciarain<a name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> (servant -of St. Ciaran). We may also note the name Gilla-Padraig -which occurs in the royal family of Waterford<a name="FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> and the -half-Irish name of a priest in Clonmacnois, Connmhach -Ua Tomrair, who must have been of Norse extraction.<a name="FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></p> - -<p>But all traces of heathenism in Ireland had not disappeared -by the end of the tenth century. An interesting relic was -Thor’s ring (Ir. <i>fail Tomhair</i>) which was carried off from -Dublin by King Maelsechnaill II. in 994.<a name="FNanchor_210" id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> This must have -been the <i>dóm-hringr</i>, so frequently alluded to in Icelandic -literature. It was a ring of silver or gold, about twenty -ounces in weight, which lay upon an altar in the temple, -except during ceremonies, when it was worn on the priest’s -arm.<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> Upon this ring oaths were usually sworn.<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> That it -was connected with the worship of Thor is clear from a -passage in the <i>Landnámabók</i> describing a place called<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span> -Thorsnes in Iceland: “there still stands Thor’s stone, -on which were broken the backs of those men who were -about to be sacrificed, and close by is the <i>dómhringr</i> where -the men were condemned to death.”<a name="FNanchor_213" id="FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> Even as late as the -year <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1000 we hear of Thor’s wood (<i>caill Tomair</i>) -north of Dublin, which was laid waste by Brian Borumha -after the battle of Gleann Mama.<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a></p> - -<p>The battle of Clontarf (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1014) is frequently represented -as a great fight between Pagan and Christian, but this -point of view is hardly confirmed by the historical facts. -It is true that the Norsemen numbered among their -supporters such prominent upholders of heathenism as -Sigurthr, earl of Orkney, and Broder—who had been a -mass-deacon, but “now worshipped fiends, and was of all -men most skilled in sorcery,” yet it must be remembered -that the Leinstermen, under their king Maelmordha, also -formed part of the Norse army on the same occasion. Moreover, -both the Norse and Irish accounts of the battle agree -that Gormflaith, who had been the wife of Brian Borumha, -inspired by hatred of Brian, was mainly responsible for the -renewal of hostilities between the two peoples. Her son, -Sihtric Silken Beard, who was most active in mobilising -the Norse troops, must have been a Christian, since the -coins which were minted in Dublin during his reign are -stamped with the sign of the cross. In 1028 he visited -Rome, and there is record of another visit some years later.<a name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> -His death is entered in the Annals under the year 1042, -in which same year his daughter, a nun in an Irish convent, -also died.<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p> - -<p>It was probably on his return to Dublin from Rome in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span> -1036 that Sihtric gave “a place on which to build a church -of the Blessed Trinity,” afterwards known as Christchurch -Cathedral, and “contributed gold and silver wherewith to -build it.”<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p> - -<p>The Norsemen would seem to have regarded the -Irish Church with no friendly feelings. The first Norse -bishop, Dunan or Donatus, was on intimate terms with -Lanfranc, and when the next bishop, Patrick, was chosen -by the clergy and people of Dublin, he was sent, with a -letter professing their “bounden obedience” to Lanfranc -for consecration (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1074).<a name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> His successors, Donatus -(d. 1095), Samuel (d. 1121), and Gregory (d. 1162) were also -consecrated at Canterbury, and acknowledged the supremacy -of the archbishop. An interesting letter addressed to the -Archbishop of Canterbury by the priests and citizens of -Dublin in 1121 is still extant: “You know,” the letter -runs, “that the bishops of Ireland, more especially the -Bishop of Armagh, is extremely angry with us because we -will not submit to his decrees, and because we always wish -to remain under your authority.”<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a></p> - -<p>Bishoprics were founded at Waterford and Wexford -later than in Dublin. Malcus, the first Bishop of Waterford, -was consecrated at Canterbury, and on his arrival in -Waterford in 1096, he began to build a church, dedicated, -like that of Dublin, to the Holy Trinity.<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></p> - -<p>Some years later we hear of a Bishop of Limerick, Gilla -or Gilbert, who does not seem to have been consecrated -in England, but who was in close touch with the Archbishop<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span> -of Canterbury.<a name="FNanchor_221" id="FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> He it was who convoked the synod at -Rathbresail, at which it was decided to divide Ireland into -dioceses: “there,” says Keating, “the sees and dioceses of the -bishops of Ireland were regulated; Dublin was excluded, -because it was not customary for its bishop to receive -consecration except from the Archbishop of Canterbury.”<a name="FNanchor_222" id="FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> -Limerick and Waterford were placed under the jurisdiction -of the Bishop of Cashel, but this decree seems to have been -ignored by the people of Limerick, for they elected their -next bishop, Patrick, in the ordinary way and sent him -to England for consecration.<a name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> It is uncertain whether the -Waterford people obeyed, as the records merely mention -the names of the succeeding bishops.</p> - -<p>A still more important synod was held at Kells in 1132. -There the decision of the previous synod regarding the -division of the country into dioceses was ratified, and -archbishoprics were established at Dublin, Armagh, Cashel, -and Tuam. Henceforth the bishops of Dublin, Limerick, -and Waterford were consecrated in Ireland, and this marked -the close of the connection between Canterbury and the -Celtic Church.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h3>FOOTNOTES</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Only one reference is to be found in the Annals. See <i>Annals of -the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 728.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Eoin MacNeill: “The Norse Kingdom of the Hebrides” (<i>Scottish -Review</i>, Vol. XXXIX., pp. 254-276).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> It is interesting to recall that a new development in shipbuilding, -probably due to the same causes, was taking place in England about -the same time. The <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> first mentions a naval -encounter with Vikings under the year 875, and some twenty years -later describes the long ships, “shaped neither like the Frisian nor -the Danish,” which Alfred had commanded to be built to oppose -the <i>oescs</i>, or Danish ships.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 912.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 939.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 953 (= 955). <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, -<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 963. -</p> -<p> -To this entry the annalist adds the following note: “Quod non -factum est ab antiquis temporibus.” -</p> -<p> -Cf. <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i> (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 873): “Bairith (O.N. Barthr), -drew many ships from the sea westwards to Lough Ree…”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Ancient Norway was divided by Haakon into districts (<i>Skipreithur</i>) -each of which had in wartime to equip and man a warship: the -number of these districts was fixed by law. <i>Gulathingslög</i>, 10. Cf. -<i>The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel</i>, p. 151, n; etc. Cf. -<i>The Saga of Haakon the Good</i> (<i>Heimskr.</i>), ch. 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> <i>The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel</i>, pp. 29, 86.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, pp. 89-102.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 109.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, p. 133.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, p. 137.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> See A. Bugge: <i>Norse Loan-words in Irish</i> (<i>Miscellany Presented -to Kuno Meyer</i>, p. 291 ff.).</p> - -<p>W. A. Craigie: <i>Oldnordiske Ord i de Gaeliske Sprog</i> (<i>Arkiv för -Nordisk Filologi</i>, X., 1894).</p> - -<p>C. Marstrander: <i>Bidrag til det Norske Sprogs Historie i Irland</i>.</p> - -<p>K. Meyer: Revue Celtique, X., pp. 367-9, XI., pp. 493-5, XII., pp. 460-3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Marstrander (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 21) suggests that the word is connected -with the O.N. dialectal form <i>berling</i>, “a little stick or beam under the -shallows in a boat.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> Cf. the list of authorities referred to <i>ante</i>, pp. 38, 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> The Norsemen sometimes adopted Irish fashions in their -dress. The great Viking Magnus, who was killed in Ireland -in <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1103, was usually called “barelegs” (O.N. <i>berfaettr</i>) -because he always wore the Irish kilts; and his son, Harold Gilli, -who could speak Irish better than Norse, “much wore the Irish -raiment, being short-clad and light-clad.” It was probably from his -Irish <i>cuaran</i>, or shoes of skin that Olaf Sihtricsson, the famous King -of Dublin received his nickname.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> In the <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i> (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 960), <i>lagmainn</i> is the -name given to certain chieftains from the Hebrides who plundered -the southern and eastern coasts of Ireland.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> The word occurs only once in Irish: cf. <i>The Victorious Career of -Cellachan of Cashel</i>, p. 140.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> <i>The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 203, says that when -the Norsemen were fleeing after the battle of Clontarf, Earl Broder, -accompanied by two warriors, passed by the tent in which King -Brian was. One of these men, who had been in Brian’s service, saw -the King and cried “Cing, Cing” (This is the King). “No, no, acht -prist, prist” said Broder (No, no, it is a priest, said Broder).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> These annals state that on one occasion (<i>A.D.</i> 869) Cennedigh -of Leix, a brave Irish chieftain, was pursued by the Norsemen, who -“blew their trumpets and raised angry barbarous shouts, many of -them crying ‘<i>nui, nui</i>.’”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Marstrander (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 156) suggests, however, that <i>roth</i> may be -an archaic form of the Irish <i>ruadh</i>, ‘red.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> Cf. W. A. Craigie: <i>Gaelic Words and Names in the Sagas and -Landnámabók</i>. (<i>Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie</i>, Band I., pp. -439-454). -</p> -<p> -A. Bugge: <i>Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes i Vikingetiden</i>, -ch. 9. See especially pp. 358-359.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> There is an interesting account of the <i>gelt</i> in the Old Norse -<i>Konungs Skuggsjá</i> (<i>Speculum Regale</i>): -</p> -<p> -“It happens that when two hosts meet and are arranged in battle-array, -and when the battle-cry is raised loudly on both sides, -cowardly men run wild and lose their wits from the dread and fear -which seize them. And they run into a wood away from other men, -and live there like beasts and shun the meeting of men like wild -beasts. And it is said of these men then when they have lived in the -woods in that condition for twenty years, that feathers grew on -their bodies like birds, whereby their bodies are protected against -frost and cold…” -</p> -<p> -Cf. Kuno Meyer: <i>On the Irish Mirabilia in the Old Norse -“Speculum Regale”</i> (<i>Eríu</i>, Vol. IV., pp. 11-12). -</p> -<p> -This bears a striking resemblance to a certain passage in the -mediæval romance <i>Cath Muighe Rath</i> (Battle of Moy Rath, p. 232. -Ed. by O’Donovan). It may also be compared with another romance, -which probably dates from the same period, viz., <i>Buile Suibhne</i>, -(<i>The Madness of Suibhne</i>, ed. by J. G. O’Keefe for the Irish Texts -Society). Cf. also <i>Hávamál</i> (ed. Gering), str. 129, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Vilbald, a descendant of Kjarval, King of Ossory, had a ship -called <i>Kuthi</i>, cf. <i>Landnámabók</i>, IV., ch. II. Todd (<i>War of the Gaedhil -with the Gaill</i>, p. 299, n.) suggests Ir. <i>Cuthach</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> According to <i>Jáns Saga hins Helga</i>, ch. 14 (<i>Biskupa Sögur</i> I., -Kaupmannahófn, 1858) King Magnus Barelegs sent an Icelander -with other hostages to King Myrkjartan of Connacht. When -they arrived there, one of the Norsemen addressed the King -in these words: “Male diarik,” to which the King replied “Olgeira -ragall,” <i>i.e.</i>, Ir., <i>olc aer adh ra gall</i>, (it is a bad thing to be cursed by -a Norseman.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> <i>minnthak</i> was the name given by Hjorleif’s Irish thralls to the -mixture of meal and butter which they compounded while on board -ship on their way to Iceland. They said it was good for quenching -thirst. Cf. <i>Landnámabók</i>, I., ch. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Cf. Whitley Stokes, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 186, 191.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 13. -</p> -<p> -Cf. also <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, p. 146: “In a battle fought -between the Irish and the Norsemen the latter were driven to a -small place surrounded by a wall. The druid Hona went up on the -wall, and with his mouth open began to pray to the gods and to -exercise his magic; he ordered the people to worship the gods…”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Cf. <i>Thorfinssaga Karlsefnis</i>, ch. 3; <i>Vatnsdaela Saga</i>, ch. 10; -<i>Tháttr af Nornagesti</i>, ch. 11; <i>Hrólfs Saga Kraka</i>, ch. 3; etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> <i>e.g.</i>, C. Haliday: <i>The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin</i>, p. 12 ff. -Margaret Stokes, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 96-98.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> Cf. <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> The expression used is <i>quievit in Christo</i> and occurs only in -<i>MS. A</i>. As neither <i>MS. B</i> nor any of the other annals mention Ivárr’s -conversion it may be that the scribe of the former has unintentionally -slipped into using a formula which was customary in recording the -death of a Christian.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i>, II., ch. 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i>, I., ch. 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, V., ch. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, I., ch. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, I., ch. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, IV., ch. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> <i>Njáls Saga</i>, ch. 101.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i>, V., ch. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, III., ch. 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, I., ch. 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> <i>Three Fragments of Annals</i>, pp. 120-124.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Cf. <i>Gylfaginning</i>, chs. 51, 52.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> <i>Hýmiskvitha, pass.</i> Cf. W. S. Calverley: <i>The Ancient Crosses -at Gosforth</i>, p. 168.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> P. M. C. Kermode: <i>Manx Crosses</i>, pp. 180-184.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, pp. 170-179.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, pp. 86-95, 195-199.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, pp. 150-153.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, pp. 203-205.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, pp. 209-213.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, p. 169.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, pp. 212-213.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> <i>Annals of Ulster</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 919. The same source in recording -Gothfrith’s death (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 933) speaks of him as “the most cruel of -the Norsemen.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, <i>MS.D.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 925.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, <i>MSS. A.</i>, 942, D. 943.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 979.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1021.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, p. 207.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> <i>Annals of the Four Masters</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 982.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1011.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 994.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> <i>Eyrbyggja Saga</i>, chs. 4 and 10; <i>Kjalnesinga Saga</i>, ch. 2; etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> Cf. <i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i>, <i>MS.A.</i> Annal, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 876, <i>Kjalnesinga -Saga</i>, ch. 2; etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i>, II., ch. 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, pp. 196, 198.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> <i>Annals of Tigernach</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1028, 1036.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 1042.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> <i>The Whole Works of Sir James Ware Concerning Ireland</i>, Vol I., -p. 301. (Ware quotes from the Black Book of Christchurch Cathedral, -Dublin.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, p. 306.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, pp. 309-311.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, pp. 525-6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, p. 504. -</p> -<p> -Cf. J. MacCaffrey: <i>The Black Book of Limerick</i>. Introduction, -chs. 5 and 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> <i>The History of Ireland</i>, by Geoffrey Keating (ed. P. S. Dinneen). -Vol. III., p. 298.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> <i>Ware</i>, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 505.</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_VIII"><span class="smaller">CHAPTER VIII.</span><br /> -LITERARY INFLUENCE: THE SAGAS OF -ICELAND AND IRELAND.</h2> - -<h3>I.</h3> - -<p>The most interesting branch of early Norse literature is -the saga or prose story. Of these there are many varieties -but the most distinctive are the following: (1) the <i>Íslendinga -Sögur</i>, or stories relating to prominent Icelanders, (2) -<i>Konunga Sögur</i>, or stories of Kings, chiefly of Norway; -(3) <i>Fornaldar Sögur</i>, or stories about early times. All these -are essentially Icelandic in origin; sagas having their -origin in Norway are by no means unknown, but they are, -as a rule, translated or derived from French and other -foreign sources.<a name="FNanchor_224" id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> In their present form the sagas relating -to the history of Iceland date for the most part from the -thirteenth century, though some of them were probably -committed to writing in the latter part of the twelfth.</p> - -<p>The earliest Icelandic document of which we have any -record is the original text of the Laws, said to have been -written in the year 1181. Ari’s <i>Íslendinga-Bók</i>, containing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span> -a short account of the settlement of Iceland with notices -of the more important events, and accounts of the succession -of lawmen and bishops, was written a few years later, though -the form in which it has come down to us is that of an -abbreviated text written about the year 1130. This work, -the foundation of all subsequent historical writing in -Iceland, contains some short notices, which apparently -had been handed down by tradition, but these stories, -usually known as sagas, would seem to have been written -down somewhat later. Indeed until the close of the twelfth -century the language employed for historical writings in -Iceland, as elsewhere, was for the most part Latin.</p> - -<p>Though the writing of the sagas did not begin until the -latter part of the twelfth century, sagas in some form -or other must have been in existence much earlier, carried -on from generation to generation by oral tradition. This -faculty of reciting sagas was a special characteristic of the -Icelanders, by whom it was carefully cultivated. In the -preface to his <i>Historia Danica</i> Saxo acknowledges his -indebtedness to the “men of Thule,” who “account it a -delight to learn and to consign to remembrance the history -of all nations, deeming it as great a glory to set forth the -excellence of others as to display their own. Their stores, -which are stocked with attestations of historical events, -I have examined somewhat closely and have woven together -no small portion of the present work by following their -narrative.”<a name="FNanchor_225" id="FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a></p> - -<p>That the art of story-telling did not decline in Iceland -even after the majority of the sagas were written down is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span> -attested by <i>Sturlunga Saga</i>. Here we are told that when -Sturla visited King Magnus’ court at Bergen in 1263 the -king received him coldly, but afterwards allowed him to -accompany the royal party on a voyage to the south of -Norway. In the evening one of the sailors asked if there -was anyone among them who could tell stories, but he -received no answer. He turned to Sturla, “Sturla, the -Icelander, will you entertain us?” “Willingly,” said -Sturla. Then he related the story of Huld<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> better and -with much more detail than any of those present had ever -heard it told before. Then many men made their way to -the deck so as to hear as clearly as possible, and there was -a great crowd there. The queen asked: “What is that -crowd on the deck?” A man answered, “Men who are -listening to the tale the Icelander is telling.” “What -story is that?” she asked. “It is about a great giantess; -it is a good story and well told.” On the following day the -queen sent for Sturla and asked him to come and bring -with him the saga of the giantess.<a name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> So Sturla went aft to -the quarterdeck and told the story over again. When he -had finished, the queen and many of the listeners thanked -him and took him to be a learned and wise man.<a name="FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a></p> - -<p>A much earlier reference to the recitation, and indeed -the composition of sagas is found in <i>Thorgils Saga ok -Haflitha</i>, in which there is an account of a wedding-feast -at Reykholar in 1119:</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span></p> -<p>“There was fun and merriment and great festivity, and -all kinds of amusements, such as dancing, wrestling and -story-telling… Hrólfr of Skalmarnes told a story about -Hrongvithr the Viking, and Olaf ‘the sailor’s king,’ and -about the rifling of the barrow of Thrainn the berserkr, -and about Hrómundr Gripsson, and he included many -verses in his story. King Sverrir used to be entertained -with this story, and he declared that fictitious stories like -these were the most entertaining of any; and yet there are -men who can trace their ancestry to Hrómundr Gripsson. -Hrólfr had put this saga together. Ingimundr the priest -told the story of Ormr, the poet of Barrey and included -many verses in it, besides a good poem which Ingimundr -had composed, therefore many learned men regard this -saga as true.”<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a></p> - -<p>The former of these stories is the <i>Hrómundra Saga</i> which -belongs to the class commonly called <i>Fornaldar Sögur</i>.<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p> - -<p>Still further back in the reign of Harald Hardradith (1047-1066) -we have a most important allusion to the art of story-telling. -According to the saga<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> a young Icelander came one -summer to King Harald seeking his protection. The king -received him into his court on the understanding that he -should entertain the household during the winter. He soon -became very popular, and received gifts from members -of the household and from the king himself. Just before -Christmas the king noticed that the Icelander seemed -dejected, and he asked the reason. The Icelander replied -that it was because of his ‘uncertain temper.’</p> - -<p>“That is not so,” said the king…<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span> “I think your stock -of sagas must be exhausted, because you have entertained -us all through the winter, whenever you were called upon -to do so. Now you are worried because your sagas have -come to an end at Christmas time, and you do not wish to -tell the same over again.”</p> - -<p>“You have guessed rightly,” said the Icelander. “I -know only one more saga, but I dare not tell it here, because -it is the story of your adventures abroad.”</p> - -<p>“That is the saga I particularly want to hear,” said -the king, and he asked the Icelander to begin it on Christmas -Day and tell a part of it every day. During the Christmas -season there was a good deal of discussion about the entertainment. -Some said it was presumption on the part of -the Icelander to tell the saga and they wondered how the -king would like it; others thought it was well told, but others -again thought less of it. When the saga was finished, the -king, who had listened attentively throughout, turned to -the story-teller and said: “Are you not curious to know, -Icelander, how I like the saga?”</p> - -<p>“I am afraid to ask,” replied the story-teller.</p> - -<p>The king said: “I think you have told it very well. -Where did you get the material for it, and who taught it -to you?”</p> - -<p>The Icelander answered: “When in Iceland I used to -go every summer to the <i>Thing</i>, and each summer I learned -a portion of the saga from Halldór Snorrason.”</p> - -<p>“Then it is not surprising that you know it so well, -since you have learned it from him,” said the king.</p> - -<p>We may in fact see the origin of the <i>Íslendinga Sögur</i> -in certain passages of the sagas themselves. In <i>Fóstbroethra -Saga</i>, for instance, the story is told of an Icelander named -Thormóthr, who went to Greenland in order to avenge the -death of his foster-brother Thorgeirr. On one occasion he -fell asleep in his booth, and when he awoke some time later -he found, to his surprise, that the place was quite deserted. -Then his servant Egill “the foolish” came to him and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span> -said: “You are too far off from a great entertainment.”</p> - -<p>Thormóthr asked: “Where have you come from and -what is the entertainment?”</p> - -<p>Egill replied: “I have been to Thorgrímr Einarsson’s -booth and most of the people who are attending the <i>Thing</i> -are there now.”</p> - -<p>Thormóthr asked: “What form of amusement have -they?”</p> - -<p>Egill answered: “Thorgrímr is telling a saga.”</p> - -<p>“About whom is the saga?” asked Thormóthr.</p> - -<p>“That I do not know clearly,” replied Egill, “but I -know that he tells it well and in an interesting manner. He -is sitting on a chair outside his booth and the people are all -around him listening to the saga.”</p> - -<p>Thormóthr said: “But you must know the name of -some man who is mentioned in the saga, especially since -you think it so entertaining.”</p> - -<p>Egill replied: “A certain Thorgeirr was a great hero in -the saga, and I think that Thorgrímr himself must have -had some connection with it, and played a brave part in -it, as is most likely. I wish you would go there and listen -to the entertainment.”<a name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p> - -<p>Then Thormóthr and Egill went to Thorgrímr’s booth -and stood close by listening to the saga, but they could not -hear it very distinctly. Thormóthr had, however, understood -from Egill’s remarks that this was the same -Thorgrímr who had slain his foster-brother and was now -recounting his exploits for the amusement of the crowd.</p> - -<p>More famous is the scene in <i>Njáls Saga</i> where Gunnar -Lambi’s son, who has just arrived at Earl Sigurthr’s palace -in the Orkneys is called upon to tell the story of the -burning of Njáll’s homestead.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span></p> - -<p>“The men were so pleased that King Sigtryggr [of Dublin] -sat on a high seat in the middle, but on either side of the -king sat one of the earls… Now King Sitryggr and Earl -Gille wished to hear of these tidings which had happened -at the burning, and so, also, what had befallen since.</p> - -<p>“Then Gunnarr Lambi’s son, who had taken part in the -burning was got to tell the tale, and a stool was set for him -to sit upon…</p> - -<p>“Now King Sigtryggr asked: “How did Skarphethinn -bear the burning?”</p> - -<p>““Well at first for a long time,” said Gunnarr, “but still -the end of it was that he wept.” And so he went on giving -an unfair bias to his story, but every now and then he -laughed aloud.</p> - -<p>“Kári (Kjall’s friend who was listening outside) could -not stand this and he then ran in with his sword drawn… -and smote Gunnarr Lambi’s son on the neck with such a -smart blow that his head spun off on to the board before -the king and the earls.</p> - -<p>“… Now Flosi undertook to tell the story of the Burning -and he was fair to all, and therefore what he said was -believed.”<a name="FNanchor_233" id="FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a></p> - -<p>For the way in which such stories were preserved from -generation to generation we may refer to the end of -<i>Droplaugarsona Saga</i> (Ljósvetninga): “Thorvaldr (born c. -1006) son of Grímr”—one of the chief actors in the story—“had -a son called Ingjaldr. His son was named Thorvaldr, -and he it was who told the story.”<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a></p> - -<p>The passage quoted from <i>Njála Saga</i> and <i>Fóstbroethra -Saga</i> seem to show that the art of story-telling was already -developed at the beginning of the eleventh century. In these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span> -instances, it is true, we have only the records of events given -by the actors themselves or by eyewitnesses, and we cannot -be certain that such stories had assumed anything like a -fixed form. Far more important is the passage from <i>Haralds -Saga Hardrada</i>,<a name="FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> for there the story-teller was not an eyewitness, -but had obtained the story, or the material for it, -from Halldór Snorrason, an Icelandic follower of King -Harald. From what is said about the length of the saga, -there can be no doubt that it had been worked up in a -very elaborate way. For such elaborate secondhand stories -we have no other definite evidence, but again, considering -the time which the recital is said to have occupied, it would -be unwise to conclude that this later form of the art was -entirely new.</p> - -<p>We have, therefore, clearly to distinguish two stages in -the history of the oral saga; (i) the story as told by someone -who had taken part in the events described; (ii) the -secondhand story. The story was soon embellished, especially -in the second stage, not merely with such devices as the -records of conversation, but even by the introduction of -imaginary adventures. Indeed we need not assume that -even in the first stage the stories were told in strict -accordance with fact. Reference may be made, for instance, -to the passage quoted above from <i>Njáls Saga</i>, where -Gunnarr Lambi’s son is said to have told the story of the -burning unfairly. Even in the <i>Íslendinga</i> and <i>Konunga -Sögur</i> fiction forms a not inconsiderable element: in the -<i>Fornaldar Sögur</i> it is obviously much greater.</p> - -<p>Yet there is good reason for believing that in the main -the <i>Íslendinga</i> and <i>Konunga Sögur</i> are historical. This -may be seen by the general agreement between the various<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span> -sagas, since the same characters constantly reappear, and -there is little inconsistency with regard to their circumstances -or personal traits. Again, the description of houses, ships, -weapons, and other articles seems generally to correspond -to those known to date from the period to which the stories -refer. There is, moreover, one feature which points to a -more or less fixed tradition dating from the closing years -of the tenth century, namely, the attitude towards those -characters who figured prominently in the struggle between -Christianity and heathenism. Thus there are indications -that the rather unsympathetic representation of Harold -Greycloak and his brothers may be due to the fact that they -were Christians. Still more significant is the attitude of -the sagas towards Haakon the Bad, whose character seems -to undergo a great change—probably a reflection of the -change in the popular opinion of Christianity.</p> - -<p>Sagas like those of Egill and Kormak relating to the -middle or first part of the twelfth century are few in number -and usually contain a considerable amount of poetry; in -fact, the prose is not infrequently based upon the poetry. -Stories dealing with early Icelandic history from <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 874 -onwards and Norwegian history of the same period are much -less full. In general they appear to be trustworthy, but -the details are such as might have been preserved by local -or family tradition without the special faculty which is -characteristic of the sagas.</p> - -<p>Of a totally different character are the sagas relating to -times before the settlement of Iceland (<span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 874). Some -of these, such as <i>Völsunga Saga</i> and <i>Hervarar Saga</i>, deal -with events as far back as the fifth century, and are, to a -great extent, paraphrases of poems, many of which have -come down to us. Very frequently, too, whether based on -poems or not, the narrative bears the stamp of fiction.<a name="FNanchor_236" id="FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span></p> - -<p>Conditions in Iceland were especially favourable to the -development of the art of story-telling, owing partly to the -isolated position of the country itself and to the difficulties -of communication across the wide tracts of land separating -the various settlements within it, partly also to the love of -travel which characterised its inhabitants. In Icelandic -literature the recital of stories is mentioned in connection -with public meetings—such as the annual general assembly -(<i>Althingi</i>)—and with social gatherings at the “winter-nights,” -the chief season for hospitality in Iceland, when -travellers had returned from abroad.</p> - -<p>The Icelanders were famous, too, for the cultivation of -poetry. This art was evidently much practised in Norway -in early times, but we hear of hardly any Norwegian poets -after Eyvindr (c. 980), whereas in Iceland poetry flourished -for a considerable period after this. Icelandic poets were -received with favour not only in Norway, but elsewhere, -for instance, in England and Ireland. It has been stated -that sagas dealing with the early part of the tenth century -owe a good deal to poetry, while stories relating to times -earlier than the settlement of Iceland are often almost -entirely dependent on poetic sources. Moreover, the cultivation -of poetry probably contributed very largely to the -development of the faculty of story-telling, and the two -arts may have been practised by the same person. On this -point, however, we have no precise information.</p> - -<h3>II.</h3> - -<p>Yet the remarkable fact that this faculty of story-telling -was peculiar to the Icelanders alone among the Teutonic -peoples still remains to be explained. It can hardly be -without significance that the only parallel in Europe for -such a form of literature is to be found in Ireland.</p> - -<p>From the allusions to this type of composition in old<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span> -Irish literature it would seem to have existed at a very -early period; so early, that its very origin is obscure. There -is, for example, mention of a king’s “company of story -tellers” in the eight lines of satirical verse, said to have -been composed by the poet Cairbre on Bress, the niggardly -king of the Formorians.<a name="FNanchor_237" id="FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p> - -<p>Story-telling was one of the many attractions of the great -<i>aonachs</i> or fairs which played the same part in the national -life of Ireland as the <i>things</i> or popular assemblies in Iceland. -From the poem on the ancient fair of Carman preserved -in the <i>Book of Ballymote</i>, we can form an idea of the entertainment -provided by the professional story-teller:—</p> - -<p>“The tales of Fianna of Erin, a never-wearying entertainment: -stories of destructions, cattle-preys, courtships, -rhapsodies, battle-odes, royal precepts and the truthful -instructions of Fithil the sage: the wide precepts of Coirfic -and Cormac.”<a name="FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a></p> - -<p>The <i>Book of Leinster</i> states that the poet who had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span> -attained the rank of <i>ollamh</i> was bound to know for recital -to kings and chieftains two hundred and fifty tales of prime -importance (prím-scéla), and one hundred secondary ones.<a name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> -The same source gives the names of one hundred and -eighty-seven of these tales, the majority of which have not -come down to us. These include stories from the three -great cycles of legend, viz., that relating to the gods; to -Cuchulain and the warriors of the Red Branch, and to Finn -and Fianna. A number of stories relating to the kings of -Ireland mentioned in this list have an historical basis; -while there are others purporting to deal with kings as far -back as 1000 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>, which are no doubt partly imaginary, -and were invented to arouse popular interest in the past -history of the country.</p> - -<p>We know of several stories and poems about kings and -chieftains who played a prominent part in the wars against -the Vikings. The list in <i>The Book of Leinster</i> mentions -only one, <i>The Love of Gormflaith for Niall</i> <i>i.e.</i>, Niall -Glundubh (d. 919), a summary of which is contained in -the mediæval English translation of <i>The Annals of -Clonmacnois</i>. In the case of <i>The Victorious Career of -Cellachan of Cashel</i>, it is difficult to say whether this was -originally an oral narrative committed to writing for the -first time in the fifteenth century, or whether it was copied -from an older manuscript, now lost. Brian Borumha and -his sons are the principal characters in <i>The Leeching of -Cian’s Leg</i>, a tale preserved in a sixteenth century manuscript.<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> -It is interesting to note here the presence of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span> -strong folk element which would seem to point towards -a popular, not a literary origin.</p> - -<p>At the close of the tenth century story-telling was in -high favour in Ireland, and the professional story-teller -was able not only to recite any one of the great historical -tales, but to improvise, if the occasion arose. Mac Coisse, -the poet attached to the court of Maelsechnaill II., tells -in an interesting prose work how his castle at Clartha (Co. -Westmeath) was once plundered by the O’Neills of Ulster. -He immediately set out for Aileach in order to obtain -compensation from the head of the clan, King Domhnall -O’Neill (d. 978). On his arrival, he was received with great -honour and brought into the king’s presence. In response -to Domhnall’s request for a story, Mac Coisse mentioned -the names of a large number of tales including one called -<i>The Plunder of the Castle of Maelmilscotach</i>. This was the -only one with which the king was unfamiliar, so he asked -the story-teller to relate it. In it Mac Coisse described, -under the form of an allegory, the plundering of his castle -by the king’s kinsmen. When he had finished he confessed -that he himself was Maelmilscotach<a name="FNanchor_241" id="FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>, and he begged the -king to grant him full restitution of his property. This -the king agreed to do, and the grateful poet then recited -a poem of eighteen stanzas which he had composed about -the king and his family.<a name="FNanchor_242" id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span></p> - -<h3>III.</h3> - -<p>The resemblance which we have noted between Icelandic -and Irish customs seem to justify us in suggesting that they -may be due in part to some influence exercised by the one -people upon the other. There is in fact a certain amount -of evidence which renders such influence probable. We -know that Irish poets and story-tellers were welcome guests -at the court of the Scandinavian kings in Ireland. In an -elegy on Mathgamain, Brian’s brother,<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> one of the Munster -bards, says he finds it difficult to reproach the foreigners -because of his friendship with Dubhcena, Ivarr’s son.<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> -And during the lifetime of Brian, Mac Liag, Brian’s chief -poet, and Mac Coisse, poet and story-teller to Maelsechnaill -II., visited the court of Sigtryggr and remained there for -a whole year. On their departure they gave expression -to their feelings of regret in a poetical dialogue:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse outdent"><i>Mac Liag</i>:</div> -<div class="verse">It is time for us to return to our homes,</div> -<div class="verse">We have been here a whole year;</div> -<div class="verse">Though short to you and me may seem</div> -<div class="verse">This our sojourn in Dublin,</div> -<div class="verse">Brian of Banba deems it too long</div> -<div class="verse">That he listens not to my eloquence.<a name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a></div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>Another poem of Mac Liag’s, in which he addresses the -Scandinavians of Dublin as “the descendants of the -warriors of Norway,” was also composed in Dublin, at the -court of ‘Olaf of the golden shields,’ soon after the battle -of Clontarf.<a name="FNanchor_246" id="FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span></p> - -<p>On the other hand Icelandic sources mention at least -three skálds who made their way to Ireland during the -tenth century: Thorgils Orraskáld, who was with Olaf -Cuaran in Dublin,<a name="FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> and Kormak (Ir. Cormac) who fought -with Harold Greycloak in Ireland (c. 961).<a name="FNanchor_248" id="FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> In <i>Gunnlaugs -Saga Ormstungu</i> (ch. 8) there is a charming account of the -poet’s reception in Dublin, shortly after Sigtryggr became -king (c. 994): Gunnlaug went before the king and said: -“I have composed a poem about you, and I would like to -get a hearing for it.”</p> - -<p>“The king answered: “No man has yet made a poem about -me, and I will certainly listen to yours.”</p> - -<p>“Then Gunnlaug recited his poem in praise of “Cuaran’s -son,” and the king thanked him for it.</p> - -<p>“Sigtryggr then called his treasurer and asked: “How -shall I reward him for this poem?”</p> - -<p>““As you will, lord,” replied the treasurer.</p> - -<p>““Shall I give him two merchant-ships?” asked the -king.</p> - -<p>““That is too much,” said the treasurer, “other kings -give, as rewards for songs, costly gifts, good swords or -gold rings.”</p> - -<p>“So the king gave Gunnlaug his own garments of new -scarlet cloth, a tunic ornamented with lace, a cloak lined -with choice furs, and a gold ring which weighed a mark. -Gunnlaug remained for a short time there and then went -to the Orkneys.”</p> - -<p>It is to be noted, too, that among the original settlers -in Iceland there were a not inconsiderable number who -came from Ireland and the islands off the west coast of -Scotland. These included some of the most important<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span> -families in the country. We may mention especially Authr, -widow of Olaf the White, king of Dublin, with her brothers -Ketill the Foolish, Björn, Helgi Bjóla and all their families -and dependants;<a name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> also Helgi the Lean who had been -brought up partly in the Hebrides, partly in Ireland, -Jörundr the Christian and Örlygr the Old.<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> Not a few of -these were partly of Irish stock such as Helgi the Lean, -Áskell Hnokkan and his brother Vilbaldr who were descendants -of Cearbhall, king of Ossory (d. 877).<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> Sometimes we -hear of settlers who were of pure Gaelic blood, like Kalman -(Ir. Colman) from the Hebrides,<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> and Erpr, son of a Scottish -earl Maeldúin,<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> and Myrgjol (Ir. Muirgheal), daughter of -Gliomall, an Irish king.<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a></p> - -<p>It has been urged<a name="FNanchor_255" id="FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> that the persons mentioned in the -<i>Landnámabók</i> as coming from Ireland and Scotland form a -very small percentage of the whole number of settlers. -But we have to remember that by no means all the colonists -are mentioned in the records and genealogies. There can be -no doubt that a number of slaves and freedmen accompanied -the more important settlers to Iceland, and of these probably -the great majority were of Celtic blood. Their numbers, too, -were being continually reinforced during the tenth century. -It is difficult, however, to estimate how many they were, -because in the case of thralls Icelandic names were not -infrequently substituted for Irish ones. Thus, of the Irish -thralls whom Hjörleifr brought to Iceland only one, -Dufthakr, had a Gaelic name.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span></p> - -<p>Such slaves were not always people of humble origin. -Gilli (Ir. Giolla), the slave who killed Thorsteinn, son of -Hallr<a name="FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> of Side, was a descendant of Cearbhall, king of Ossory. -Mention is made elsewhere of Nithbjörg, daughter of the -Irish king Biolan (Ir. Beollán) who was carried off from -Ireland in a Viking raid;<a name="FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> also of Melkorka, King -Myrkjartan’s daughter, who was bought from a slave -dealer in Norway.<a name="FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> Icelandic custom did not necessarily -prevent the children of slave women from becoming persons -of wealth and influence; indeed Ósvifr, son of Nithbjörg -and Olaf Pái, son of Melkorka, were among the leading -men in Iceland in their time. It is not unreasonable, then, -to suppose that by the end of the tenth century Irish blood -had found its way into a large number of Icelandic families.</p> - -<p>Lastly we may observe that the Irish and Icelandic -sagas bear certain resemblances to one another which are -at least worthy of attention. In both cases the narrative -prose is frequently interspersed with poetry, and in both -the use of dialogue is a prominent feature. Nor is the subject -matter dissimilar. Indeed it is possible to apply to the Irish -stories a classification roughly similar to that which is -adopted for the more important of the Icelandic sagas.<a name="FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> -As far as the “stories of the kings” are concerned, the -resemblance is most striking in the case of sagas relating -to early times such as <i>Ynglinga Saga</i>. There are Irish -stories, too, corresponding to a certain extent to the -<i>Íslendínga Sögur</i>, though they are comparatively few in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span> -number, while many of the <i>Fornaldar Sögur</i> may be said -to bear a certain resemblance to the Irish epic stories.</p> - -<p>The evidence discussed above seems to afford some ground -for suspecting that the saga literature of Iceland and -Ireland may not be wholly unconnected, and, as we have -seen, the conditions of the time, particularly the frequent -intercourse between the two countries, were such as to -favour the exercise of literary influence by one people upon -the other. If so, one can hardly doubt that in this case the -influence came to Iceland from Ireland.</p> - -<p>We have seen<a name="FNanchor_260" id="FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> that the prose saga appears to have -developed in Iceland in the course of the tenth century. -There are indeed narratives relating both to the settlement -of Iceland and to still earlier events in Norway. But these, -in so far as they can be regarded as trustworthy traditions—not -embellished by fiction in later times—are quite brief, -and not far removed from such local or family traditions -as one could find in other parts of the world. The detailed -and elaborate type of story which we dealt with in Section I., -and which is the distinctive feature of Icelandic literature, -can hardly be traced back beyond the end of the tenth -century.</p> - -<p>The prose stories of Ireland, on the other hand, are without -doubt much earlier. Although we have few MSS. of Irish -prose dating from a period before the twelfth century, -yet it is generally agreed that many of the forms preserved, -<i>e.g.</i>, in the <i>Yellow Book of Lecan</i> MS. of the Tain Bo Cualnge -must be derived from an earlier MS. of not later than the -seventh or early eighth century. The oral saga in Ireland -is therefore of great antiquity.</p> - -<p>It may, of course, be argued that if the prose saga arose -spontaneously in Ireland, there is no reason why it should<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span> -not also have arisen independently in Iceland. But the -existence of this form of literature in Ireland may be due -to special circumstances for which Iceland offers no parallel. -The oldest Irish sagas belong to that class of literature -known as the heroic epic, a class which among the Teutonic -peoples—as indeed among all other European peoples—makes -its first appearance in verse. The exceptional treatment -of this subject in Irish is all the more remarkable in -view of the fact that among the Celtic peoples the <i>file</i> or -professional minstrel occupied a distinguished position in -society. It would be strange if the professional minstrel were -not primarily concerned with heroic epic poetry in Ireland -as in other countries, since in the times to which our records -refer the recitation of the heroic prose epics was one of the -chief functions of the <i>file</i>.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, we know nothing of the ancient forms -of Irish poetry. The earliest poems that have come down to -us have a metrical form which is not native. Earlier than -these—in the fifth and sixth centuries—there is evidence -for the cultivation of “rhetorics,” or metrical prose, but -this too appears to be of foreign origin.<a name="FNanchor_261" id="FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> The unique feature -in Irish literature, namely, the fact that the early epic, as -it has come down to us, appears in prose instead of poetry -may be due, at least in part, to the disappearance of native -metrical forms before the fifth century. It may be that the -prose epics originated in paraphrases of early poems such -as we find, for instance, in the <i>Völsunga Saga</i>, which is a -paraphrase of older poems dealing with the story of Sigurthr. -Or the change may have been more automatic, the outcome -of a process of metrical dissolution similar to that of which -the beginnings may be seen in certain Anglo-Saxon and -German poems. Such metrical dissolution would be favoured,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span> -if not necessitated, by the extensive phonetic changes -which took place in Ireland in the fifth century. But into -this question it is not necessary to enter here. It is sufficient -to point out that Irish Saga literature, according to all -appearances, began in the heroic epic, a form which in all -other literatures, including Norse, originated in poetry.</p> - -<p>The preservation of poetry, narrative or other, by oral -tradition is a common enough phenomenon among many -peoples, but the traditional prose narrative, except in such -primitive forms as folk-tales, is very rare. Since we find -it both in Ireland and Iceland—and apparently in no other -European countries—and since we have found so many -other connections between these two countries, the theory -that the Icelandic Saga owes its origin, however indirectly, -to the Irish Saga, seems to deserve more serious consideration -from scholars than it has yet received.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h3>FOOTNOTES</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> It has been stated (cf. E. Mogk: <i>Geschichte der Norwegisch-Isländischen -Literatur</i>. Strassburg, 1904, p. 830) that many of -Saxo’s stories came from Norway, where they had been collected -by an Icelander in the twelfth century. There can be no doubt that -stories of some kind relating to families and localities—especially -stories which accounted, or professed to account for local names—were -current in Norway down to this time. Such stories form the -basis of many of the <i>Fornaldar Sögur</i>, but in all probability these had -been familiar to Icelanders from the first settlement of the island, -or at least during the tenth century. We have no evidence that they -ever gained literary form in Norway. (Cf. Finnur Jónsson: <i>Old -Norske Litteraturs Historie</i>, II., p. 791.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> <i>The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus.</i> -Translated by Oliver Elton (ed. by F. York Powell, p. 5). It is not -clear whether Saxo had Icelandic manuscripts before him, but his -words leave no doubt that he was aware of the fact that stories -had been carried on by oral tradition.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> This was probably something in the nature of a fairy-tale like the -<i>Huldre-eventyr</i> of modern Norway. We may refer to the story of the -witch Huldr given in <i>Ynglinga Saga</i> (ch. 16), and to the supernatural -being Holda or Holle in German folk-lore.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> “<i>hafa meth sér trollkonu-söguna.</i>” From these words Finnur -Jónsson (<i>op. cit.</i>, II., p. 792) concludes that Sturla possessed a written -copy of the saga.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> <i>Sturlunga Saga</i>, II., pp. 270-271.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> <i>Thorgil’s Saga ok Haflitha</i> (<i>Sturlunga Saga</i>, Vol. I., p. 19).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> <i>Fornaldar Sögur</i>, Vol. II., p. 323.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> <i>Harald’s Hardrada Saga</i>, ch. 99 (<i>Fornmanna Sögur</i>, VI., pp. -354-356).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> <i>Fóstbroethra Saga</i>, ch. 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> <i>Njáls Saga</i> (by G. W. Dasent), chs. 153, 154.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> <i>Droplaugarsona Saga</i> (Ljosvetninga Saga), p. 175 (<i>Austfirthinga -Sögur</i>, ed. Jakobsen).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> See pp. 60, 61, ante.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> Cf. the references to <i>Hrómundar Saga</i>, pp. 69, 70, ante.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> The poem is preserved in the <i>Book of the Dun Cow</i> (twelfth -century), but the form of the language in which it is written is -considerably earlier than this date; indeed, the meaning of the -verses would be quite obscure if we did not possess explanatory -glosses. -</p> -<p> -Cf. D’Arbois de Jubainville: <i>The Irish Mythological Cycle</i>, p. 96 -(Best’s translation): also D. Hyde: <i>A Literary History of Ireland</i>, -p. 285. -</p> -<p> -There is a possible reference to an Irish story-teller in an inscription -on a stone cross at Bridgend (Glamorganshire). The inscription, -which is thought to date from the seventh century, runs:—<i>(Co)nbellini -possuit hanc crucem pro anima eius Scitliuissi</i> … Rhys takes -<i>scitlivissi</i> to be an Irish word, a compound of <i>viss</i> (Ir. <i>fis</i>, ‘knowledge’) -and <i>scitl</i> (<i>scetlon</i>, <i>scél</i>, a ‘story,’ ‘news’) and surmises that -<i>scitliviss</i> might mean a ‘messenger,’ a ‘bringer of news,’ a ‘scout.’ -(Cf. <i>Celtic Britain</i>, pp. 313-315.) But <i>scitliviss</i> can also be explained -as ‘one who knows stories.’ In that case we might infer that story-telling -was a profession in Ireland as early as the seventh century; -but the reading appears to be too uncertain to justify us in attaching -any great importance to the inscription.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> O’Curry: <i>Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish</i>, II., p. 543.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> O’Curry: <i>Lectures on the MS. Materials of Irish History</i>, pp. 243, -583.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> Printed in <i>Silva Gadelica</i> (ed. Standish O’Grady), Vol. I., pp. -296-305. -</p> -<p> -Stories of Brian and his sons are still current in the Gaelic-speaking -districts of Ireland. (See <i>Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie</i>, Band I., -pp. 477-492.) They are, however, more likely to be folk tales, in -which the deeds of mythical heroes have been transferred to historical -people, than sagas transmitted by oral tradition from generation to -generation.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> <i>i.e.</i>, “son of the honeyed words,” a poet.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> O’Curry: <i>Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish</i>, II., pp. -130-135.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Mathgamain was murdered at the instigation of King Ivarr of -Limerick in 976.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> <i>War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>, pp. 98-99.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> <i>O’Curry</i>, <i>op. cit.</i>, II., p. 128.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, II., p. 125.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i>, I., ch. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> <i>Kormak’s Saga</i>, ch. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> Cf. <i>Landnámabók</i>, II., ch. 16, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i>, V., ch. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, IV., ch. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, II., ch. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, II., ch. 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, II., ch. 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Finnur Jónsson, <i>op. cit.</i>, II., pp. 187-188 (n); W. A. Craigie: -<i>Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie</i>, Band I., p. 441.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> “This Gilli was the son of Jathguth, who was the son of Gilli, -son of Bjathach (Ir. Blathach), son of King Kjarval of Ireland.” -(<i>Thorsten’s Saga Síthu-Hallssonar</i>, appendix. <i>Draumr Thorsteins -Síduhalssonar</i>, Ásmundarson’s Ed., pp. 26, 27.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> <i>Landnámabók</i>, II., ch. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Cf. p. ante.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Cf. p. 66, ante.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Cf. p. 63 ante.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> See Kuno Meyer: <i>Learning in Ireland in the Fifth Century</i> -(Dublin, 1913).</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="BIBLIOGRAPHY">BIBLIOGRAPHY.</h2> - -<h3>I.</h3> - -<div class="bibliography"> - -<p><i>Annals of Clonmacnois</i>, ed. by Rev. D. J. Murphy. Dublin, 1896.</p> - -<p><i>Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters</i> (Vols. I. and -II.), ed. by J. O’Donovan, Dublin, 1856.</p> - -<p><i>Three Fragments of Irish Annals</i>, ed. by J. O’Donovan. Dublin, -1860.</p> - -<p><i>Annals of Tigernach</i>, ed. by Whitley Stokes (Revue Celtique, XVI.; -XVII.). Paris, 1895.</p> - -<p><i>Annals of Ulster</i> (Vol. I.), ed. by W. M. Hennessy. Dublin, 1887.</p> - -<p><i>Black Book of Limerick</i>, ed. by J. MacCaffrey. Dublin, 1907.</p> - -<p><i>Book of Rights</i> (Leabhar na gceart), ed. by J. O’Donovan. Dublin, -1847.</p> - -<p><i>Brennu-Njálssaga</i>, ed. by Finnur Jónsson. Halle a S., 1908.</p> - -<p><i>The Story of Burnt Njal</i>, translated by Sir G. W. Dasent. London, -1861. (Several subsequent editions.)</p> - -<p><i>Caithriém Cellachain Caisil: The Victorious Career of Cellachan of -Cashel</i>, ed. by A. Bugge. Christiania, 1905.</p> - -<p><i>Chronicon Scotorum</i>, ed. by W. M. Hennessy. London, 1866.</p> - -<p><i>Cogadh Gaedheal re Gallaibh</i> (<i>The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill</i>) -ed. by J. H. Todd. London, 1867.</p> - -<p><i>Eyrbyggja Saga</i>, ed. by H. Gering. Halle a S., 1897. (English translation by E. Magnússon and William Morris, -London, 1892).</p> - -<p><i>Fornaldar Sögur</i>, ed. by C. C. Rafn. Copenhagen, 1829-30.</p> - -<p><i>Fornmanna Sögur.</i> Copenhagen, 1825-1837.</p> - -<p><i>Fóstbroethra Saga</i>, ed. by V. Ásmundarson, Reykjavík, 1899.</p> - -<p><i>Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu</i>, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, -1911.</p> - -<p><i>Heimskringla</i>, ed. by C. R. Unger. Christiania, 1868.</p> - -<p><i>Kormaks Saga</i>, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1893.</p> - -<p><i>Landnámabók</i>, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. Reykjavík, 1909. (English translation by Rev. T. Ellwood. Kendal, 1898.)</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span></p> - -<p><i>On the Fomorians and the Norsemen</i> (Duald Mac Firbis), ed. by -A. Bugge. Christiania, 1905.</p> - -<p><i>Origines Islandicae</i>, ed. by G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell. -Oxford, 1905.</p> - -<p><i>Orkneyinga Saga</i>, ed. and tr. by J. Anderson. Edinburgh, 1873. -Also tr. by Sir G. W. Dasent for the Rolls Series. London, 1894.</p> - -<p><i>Sturlunga Saga</i>, ed. by G. Vigfusson. Oxford, 1878.</p> - -<p><i>Thorsteins Saga Sithu-Hallssonar</i>, ed. by V. Ásmundarson. -Reykjavík, 1902.</p> - -<p><i>Two of the Saxon Chronicles (Parallel)</i>, 2 Vols., ed. by Earle and -Plummer. Oxford, 1892 and 1899.</p> - -</div> - -<h3>II.</h3> - -<table summary="Books"> - <tr> - <td>Bugge, A.</td><td><i>Contributions to the History of the Norsemen in Ireland.</i> Christiania, 1900.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>——</td><td><i>Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes i Vikingetiden.</i> Christiania, 1905.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Collingwood, W. G.</td><td><i>Scandinavian Britain.</i> London, 1908.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Craigie, W. A.</td><td><i>The Icelandic Sagas.</i> Cambridge, 1913.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Du Chaillu, P. B.</td><td><i>The Viking Age</i>, 2 Vols. London, 1889.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Henderson, G.</td><td><i>The Norse Influence on Celtic Scotland.</i> Glasgow, 1910.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Jónsson, F.</td><td><i>Old Norske Litieraturs Historie</i>, also (abridged). Copenhagen, 1907.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Joyce, P. W.</td><td><i>A Social History of Ancient Ireland</i>, 2 Vols. Dublin, 1913.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Keary, C. F.</td><td><i>The Vikings in Western Christendom.</i> London, 1891.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Kermode, P. M. C.</td><td><i>Manx Crosses.</i> London, 1907.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Marstrander, C.</td><td><i>Bidrag til det Norske Sprogs Historie i Irland.</i> Christiania, 1912.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mawer, A.</td><td><i>The Vikings.</i> Cambridge, 1913.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mogk, E.</td><td><i>Geschichte der Norwegisch-Isländischen Literatur.</i> Strassburg, 1904.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>O’Curry, E.</td><td><i>On the Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish</i> (ed. by W. K. Sullivan). London, 1873.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>——</td><td><i>Lectures on the Manuscript Materials of Ancient Irish History.</i> Dublin, 1861.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>Steenstrup, J. C. H. R.</td><td><i>Normannerne</i> (Vols. II. and III.). Copenhagen, 1876-82.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Stokes, G. T.</td><td><i>Ireland and the Celtic Church</i> (revised by H. J. Lawlor). London, 1907.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Vogt, L. J.</td><td><i>Dublin som Norsk By.</i> Christiania, 1896.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2"><i>The Whole Works of Sir James Ware concerning Ireland</i>, 2 Vols. (translated and continued by W. Harris). Dublin, 1764.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Worsaae, J. J. A.</td><td><i>Minder om de Danske og Nordmaendene i England, Skotland og Irland.</i> Copenhagen, 1851. (English translation: <i>An Account of the Danes -and Norwegians in England, Scotland and Ireland</i>. London, 1852.)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Zimmer, H.</td><td><i>The Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland</i>, (translated by A. Meyer). London, 1902.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p>Reference has also been made to the following articles:—</p> - -<table summary="Articles"> - <tr> - <td>Bugge, A.</td><td><i>Nordisk Sprog og Nordisk Nationalitet i Irland</i> (Aarboger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, 1900, pp. 279-332).</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>——</td><td><i>Bidrag Bidet Sidste Afsnit af Nordboernes Historie i Irland</i> <i>ibid.</i>, 1904, pp. 248-315.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Craigie, W. A.</td><td><i>Oldnordiske Ord i de Gaeliske Sprog</i> (Archiv for Nordisk Filologi. 1894.)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Curtis, E.</td><td><i>The English and the Ostmen in Ireland</i> (English Historical Review, XXIII., p. 209 ff.)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hull, E.</td><td><i>Irish Episodes in Icelandic Literature</i> (Saga Book of the Viking Club. January, 1903.)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>——</td><td><i>The Gael and the Gall: Notes on the Social Condition of Ireland during the Norse Period.</i> (<i>Ibid.</i> April, 1908.)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mawer, A.</td><td><i>The Scandinavian Kingdom of Northumbria.</i> <i>Ibid.</i> January, 1911.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Stokes, W.</td><td><i>A few Parallels between the Old Norse and the Irish Literatures and Traditions</i> (Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi. 1885.)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Zimmer, H.</td><td><i>Ueber die frühesien Berührungen der Iren mit den Nordgermanen.</i> (Sitzungsberichte der Kgl. Preussichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Bd. I., pp. 279-317. Berlin, 1891.)</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span></p> - -<h2>INDEX.</h2> - -<ul> -<li class="ifrst">Aedh Finnliath, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Albann, brother of Ivarr the Boneless, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Albdann, son of Gothfrith, <a href="#Page_22">22</a> <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Altar-ring, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>aonach</i>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Armagh, <a href="#Page_21">21-22</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Art, Scandinavian influence on Irish, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Authr, wife of Olaf the White, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wife of Turgéis, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Brian Borumha, <a href="#Page_7">7-8</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37-38</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brunanburh, battle of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Burial mounds, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Canterbury, <a href="#Page_55">55-56</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Carlingford Lough, battle of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50-51</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cearbhall, king of Ossory, <a href="#Page_13">13-15</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cellachan, king of Cashel, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36-37</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chester, siege of, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clontarf, battle of, <a href="#Page_8">8-9</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Colla, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cork, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Danes, <a href="#Page_2">2-4</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24-27</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50-1</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>dóm-hringr</i>, <a href="#Page_53">53-4</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dublin, fortress built at, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">seat of Scandinavian kings, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Vikings driven from, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">coins minted in, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">early history, <a href="#Page_21">21-3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">as a trade centre, <a href="#Page_30">30-1</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70-1</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst"><i>epscop</i>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eric Blood-axe, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Fingal, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>Finn Gaill, <a href="#Page_3">3</a> <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Gaill-Gaedhil, <a href="#Page_10">10-11</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>gelt</i>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gleann Máma, battle of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gluniarainn, <a href="#Page_17">17-8</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gnimcinnsiolla, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gormflaith, wife of Brian Borumha, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wife of Niall Glundubh, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gothfrith, king of Dublin, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Heathenism, <a href="#Page_47">47-8</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50-4</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hebrides, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_48">48-9</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Iceland, <a href="#Page_13">13</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57-8</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ivarr the boneless, <a href="#Page_3">3-4</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">king of Limerick, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a> <i>n.</i>,</li> -<li class="isub1">king of Waterford, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Ketill Flatnose, <a href="#Page_48">48-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Ketill “the foolish,” <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kilmashogue, battle of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst"><i>lagmainn</i>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lambey, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Limerick, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23-5</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30-1</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>longphort</i>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Mac Liag, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Maelsechnaill I (Malachy), <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Maelsechnaill II, <a href="#Page_7">7-8</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Melkorka, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morann, son of the king of Lewis, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Muirchertach of the Leather Cloaks, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Niall Glundubh, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Norsemen, <i>passim</i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Northumbria, <a href="#Page_5">5-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Norway, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Olaf Cuaran (Sihtricsson), <a href="#Page_6">6-7</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Godfreyson, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Olaf the White, <a href="#Page_3">3-4</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11-2</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Trygvasson, <a href="#Page_13">13-4</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Ostmen</i>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>Ota, wife of Turgéis, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Place-names, Scandinavian influence on Irish, <a href="#Page_27">27-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Irish influence on Icelandic, <a href="#Page_45">45-6</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>prime-signing</i>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Raghnall, grandson of Ivarr, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Runic inscriptions, <a href="#Page_27">27</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_51">51-2</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Settlers in Iceland, <a href="#Page_13">13</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sihtric Silken Beard, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54-5</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sigurd, earl of Orkney, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a> <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Slave traffic, <a href="#Page_32">32-3</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72-3</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Story-telling in Iceland, <a href="#Page_58">58-64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Ireland, <a href="#Page_67">67-9</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sulcoit, battle of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst"><i>Tengmouth</i>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a> <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>thing</i>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Turgeis, <a href="#Page_1">1-2</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Waterford, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25-6</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wexford, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst"><i>völva</i>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">York, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li> -</ul> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Scandinavian Relations with Ireland -during the Viking Period, by A. 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