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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..227ad34 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #52226 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52226) diff --git a/old/52226-0.txt b/old/52226-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 0ed0bb6..0000000 --- a/old/52226-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,10680 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Prisoner of the Khaleefa: Twelve Years -Captivity at Omdurman, by Charles Neufeld - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: A Prisoner of the Khaleefa: Twelve Years Captivity at Omdurman - -Author: Charles Neufeld - -Release Date: June 3, 2016 [EBook #52226] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA: *** - - - - -Produced by Roberta Staehlin, RichardW and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - A Prisoner of the Khaleefa; Twelve Years’ Captivity at Omdurman. - By Charles Neufeld. - - - - -A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA - -[Illustration: NEUFELD IN CAPTIVITY.] - - - - - A PRISONER OF · · - · · THE KHALEEFA - - Twelve Years’ Captivity at Omdurman - - BY - CHARLES NEUFELD - - _WITH NUMEROUS PORTRAITS AND PLANS_ - - LONDON: CHAPMAN & HALL, LD. - 1899 - - - - - PRINTED BY - WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED. - LONDON AND BECCLES. - - - - - Dedication - TO - PUBLIC OPINION - - CHARLES NEUFELD - - - - -CONTENTS - - -INTRODUCTION - -The calumnies of critics—My female slave—Real object of my -journey—Preliminary arrangements—General Stephenson’s letter . . . 1–7 - -CHAPTER I - -I START FOR KORDOFAN - -Engagement of guides—A neglected warning—Hasseena accompanies the -party—Dervishes reported on the road—Non-arrival of Hogal—Dervishes -sighted at Selima Wells . . . 8–14 - -CHAPTER II - -BETRAYED BY GUIDES - -Different routes over the desert—A quarrel amongst the guides—Scouts -sent out—Hassan convicted of error—Zigzagging in the desert—A council -of war—Surprised by the dervishes—The fight—Taken prisoners . . . 15–28 - -CHAPTER III - -IN THE HANDS OF THE DERVISHES - -Conference of the Emirs Farag and Hamza—Halt for the night—Baggage -looted by dervishes—The Emirs confiscate all treasure for the -Beit-el-Mal—Cross-questioned on my letters—Called a Government -spy—Tortured by dervish guards—Rescued by Hamza and reserved for Wad en -Nejoumi . . . 29–40 - -CHAPTER IV - -ARRIVAL IN DONGOLA - -Display of dervish horsemanship—Flogging among the Ansar—Hasseena is -searched—Insults of the rabble—I am brought before Nejoumi—I declare -myself a merchant—Evidence of a Christian girl-convert against -me—Execution of fourteen Arabs of the party—I am re-examined and sent -to the Khaleefa . . . 41–52 - -CHAPTER V - -THE REAL HISTORY OF THE CAPTURE - -Extracts from newspaper and official accounts—The antecedents of the -guide Gabou—Dissensions in the Kabbabish tribe—Gabou schemes for his -own section—Hassan’s part in the matter—Gabou reveals the plot to -Nejoumi and enlists Hogal on his side—The Emirs prepare to intercept -me—Capture of the caravan—Hogal’s deceit and its excuse . . . 53–63 - -CHAPTER VI - -DONGOLA TO OMDURMAN - -Preparations for the journey—Nejoumi’s friendly disposition to the -Government—His loss of faith in the Mahdist movement—Why the guide Amin -was executed—Horrible death of an old Arab woman—In the market-place -of Omdurman—First meeting with Slatin—I am chained and tortured—I -defy the Khaleefa—A mock execution—The Khaleefa is merciful—Slatin -intervenes—Letter to Mankarious Effendi—Imprisoned by Slatin’s -advice . . . 64–79 - -CHAPTER VII - -THROWN INTO PRISON - -Methods of shackling—My first night in prison—Hasseena sent to the -head-gaoler’s hareem—Mahmoud Wad Said—Ajjab Abou Jinn—The three sons -of Awad el Kerim—Sheikh Hamad El Nil—Ahmed Abdel Maajid and his -bride—Lessons in Mahdieh—I visit Khartoum in chains—Again before the -Khaleefa—My chains removed . . . 80–92 - -CHAPTER VIII - -PRISON LIFE - -Prayers—Night in the Abou Hagar—Possibilities of escape—News from -Egypt—Idris-es-Saier—His methods of extortion—A prison homily—Effectual -blackmail . . . 93–104 - -CHAPTER IX - -MY FIRST CHANCE OF ESCAPE - -Ahmed Nur ed Din—His relations with Gabou—We plan an escape—Death of -Nur ed Din—My sickness and recovery—Treatment of typhus—I decline -to be converted—Meal-time in the Saier—Father Ohrwalder’s charity—A -famine—The struggle for food—Ministrations of Hasseena—Mutual help -amongst the prisoners . . . 105–119 - -CHAPTER X - -PRISON JUSTICE - -Escapes from the Saier—The advantages of matrimony—Tactics of the -gaolers—I become doctor to the hareems—Discipline amongst women -prisoners—My first flogging—The gaoler dismissed—Method of flogging—I -am flogged again—My mental agony . . . 120–133 - -CHAPTER XI - -A SERIOUS DILEMMA - -Newspaper calumnies—Hasseena’s condition—A disputed -paternity—Mohammedan laws of marriage and divorce—I decide to claim -the child—Idris disputes the claim—A jury of matrons decides in my -favour—Birth of “Makkieh”—The Khaleefa’s congratulations—Joseppi, the -German baker . . . 134–144 - -CHAPTER XII - -IBRAHIM WAD ADLAN - -Friendship with Wad Adlan—His directorship of the Beit-el-Mal—The -Khaleefa grows jealous—Adlan thrown into prison—The advantages -of trading—Adlan reinstated—I design the Mahdi’s tomb—Letters to -Mankarious Effendi—The guide Moussa Daoud el Kanaga—Reports from -Egypt—Escape of Joseppi—Treachery of spies—Disgrace and death of -Adlan . . . 145–159 - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE TRUE HISTORY OF MY ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE - -Letters of the German Consul and my manager to Mankarious—Kanaga’s -visit to Cairo—He receives a letter to Slatin—He is captured at -Berber and turns back—The War Office letter to my wife—My answer to -calumnies . . . 160–169 - -CHAPTER XIV - -A PRISONER AT LARGE - -Belief in evil spirits—Shwybo as an alchemist—He is flogged for -his pains—I am told to make saltpetre—Released from my fetters—The -gunpowder factory at Halfeyeh—Death of Makkieh—I am transferred -to Khartoum—Our gunpowder a deliberate failure—Visits of Father -Ohrwalder—News of his escape . . . 170–184 - -CHAPTER XV - -DIVORCED AND MARRIED - -Hasseena’s thievish propensities—I am compelled to divorce her—The -Khaleefa finds me a wife—I forestall his good offices—Umm es -Shole—Mohammedan divorce and re-marriage—A further dilemma—The second -child dies—Hasseena proves irreclaimable . . . 185–194 - -CHAPTER XVI - -HOPE AND DESPAIR - -Mankarious’ first envoy returns—Arrival of second envoy—Rossignoli’s -guide Abdallah—Projected method of escape—Abdallah’s treatment -of Rossignoli—Slatin escapes—My chains redoubled—The Khaleefa’s -fury—Slatin’s reputation amongst the Mahdists—His letter read to -the Muslimanieh—Confiscation of his wives and property—My deliverer -returns—I am again in the Saier . . . 195–208 - -CHAPTER XVII - -A NEW OCCUPATION - -Nahoum Abbajee engages me—Emptiness of the treasury—Unsatisfactory -state of the currency—I am transferred to the arsenal—I design -blocks for the Mint—We do great damage—The Khaleefa’s buried -treasure . . . 209–215 - -CHAPTER XVIII - -MY SECOND IMPRISONMENT - -Idris a reformed character—He ensures my kind treatment—Fauzi’s first -night in prison—Kadi Ahmed’s captivity—His death by starvation—Death -of Wad Zarah—Letters from Europe—My replies—My reflections in -prison . . . 216–225 - -CHAPTER XIX - -RUMOURS OF RELIEF - -Khartoum again—Thoughts of Gordon—At work in the arsenal—Extracting -precious metals—Chemical experiments—The troops advancing—I invent -a powder-mill—Its manifold defects—I scheme to gain time—Wholesale -destruction of metal—Repairing a steamer—My letter to Onoor—In a fever -for news . . . 226–241 - -CHAPTER XX - -PREPARING TO RECEIVE THE GUNBOATS - -In the Saier as a visitor—I send intelligence to the English—Anxiety -amongst my circle—Embassy from Abyssinia—The Khaleefa’s reply—Mahmoud -disobeys orders—Defeat of Osman and Mahmoud at the Atbara—Manufacture -of torpedoes—I decline to assist—My chains redoubled—The torpedoes -explode—I become a centre for Government sympathizers—Frustrating the -mines . . . 242–256 - -CHAPTER XXI - -NEARING THE END - -Conflicting rumours—Appeals to prophecy—I suggest a night attack—I send -more information to the army—Mad struggle with a gaoler—Negotiations -with Idris—The Khaleefa sallies out—The gunboats open fire—I -go mad—Arrival of fugitives—The riderless horse—The Khaleefa’s -despair . . . 257–268 - -CHAPTER XXII - -AT LAST - -Threats of the prisoners—The routed army in flight—Macdonald’s -brigade—Illuminating the Ratib—Soudanese sang-froid—Sheikh ed Din -repulsed—Attack upon Macdonald—Destruction of Yacoub—Flight of the -Khaleefa—His narrow escape from the Sirdar—The Sirdar enters the -prison—We meet—The head-quarters’ mess—Mr. Bennet Burleigh—My German -tongue forsakes me . . . 269–280 - -CHAPTER XXIII - -THE SIRDAR AND SAVAGE WARFARE - -The looting of Omdurman—Soudanese troops to the rescue—Genial -horseplay—A war correspondent’s article—The Sirdar errs in giving -quarter—Lex talionis—The ferocity of wounded dervishes—No succour -desirable—A challenge to correspondents . . . 281–288 - -CHAPTER XXIV - -BACK TO CIVILIZATION - -High hopes—Disillusionment—Attitude of the War Office—I am forced to -defend myself—Newspaper calumnies—The News Agency representative—A good -Samaritan—Sir George Newnes . . . 289–299 - -CHAPTER XXV - -HOW GORDON DIED - -Conflicting accounts—A hero’s death—Hope deferred—Gordon’s last -night—Value of my testimony—Father Ohrwalder’s evidence—“Ten -Years’ Captivity” criticized—Justification of Gordon—The trader as -missionary—A tribute to Gordon . . . 300–324 - -APPENDICES - -I. Hassan Bey Hassanein . . . 325–331 - -II. Orphali . . . 332–337 - -III. Letter dictated by the Khaleefa to General Stephenson . . . 338–339 - -IV. Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi—Gordon’s favourite officer . . . 340–345 - -V. Ahmed Youssef Kandeel . . . 346–348 - -VI. The Soudan: its Past, Present, and Future . . . 349–359 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - -1. Neufeld as found by the Sirdar . . . _Frontispiece_ - -2. An Arab Guide . . . 8 - -3. The Khaleefa’s Eunuchs at Attention . . . 37 - -4. The Khaleefa’s Tender Mercies . . . 45 - -5. Sheikh ed Din’s Eunuch in his Master’s Marriage-Jibbeh . . . 64 - -6. Writing under Difficulties . . . 77 - -7. A Group of Prisoners . . . 84 - -8. Learning the Mahdi’s Ratib . . . 94 - -9. Idris-es-Saier . . . 103 - -10. Catarina . . . 114 - -11. A Flogging by Order of the Khaleefa . . . 129 - -12. Meal-time in the Saier . . . 143 - -13. Moussa Daoud el Kanaga . . . 154 - -14. Mankarious Effendi with Guides . . . 164 - -15. Umm es Shole and two Children . . . 189 - -16. Said Bey Gumaa . . . 203 - -17. Fauzi Pasha in Dervish Dress . . . 218 - -18. Neufeld’s Hut in the Saier, showing the Famous Anvil . . . 223 - -19. Onoor Issa . . . 226 - -20. Powder-machines . . . 236 - -21. A Group—from Photograph taken at the Feast of Beiram, 1899 . . . 242 - -22. Neufeld doubly fettered . . . 252 - -23. Shereef, the “False Fourth Khaleefa” . . . 263 - -24. The Flag of Khaleefa Shereef . . . 273 - -25. Trophies taken at Omdurman . . . 282 - -26. Khaleel Agha Orphali . . . 303 - -27. Hassan Bey Hassanein . . . 325 - -28. Fauzi Pasha in Uniform . . . 340 - -29. Ahmed Youssef Kandeel . . . 346 - -Map showing Proposed Route and Route actually taken by Caravan . . . 15 - -Sketch accompanying Author’s Account of Capture . . . 23 - -Plans of Palace at Khartoum illustrating the Death of Gordon . . . 334 - - - - -|1| - -A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA - -INTRODUCTION - - -Within seventy-two hours of my arrival in Cairo from the Soudan, -I commenced to dictate my experiences for the present volume, and -had dictated them from the time I left Egypt, in 1887, until I had -reached the incidents connected with my arrival at Omdurman as the -Khaleefa’s captive, when I became the recipient of a veritable sheaf of -press-cuttings, extracts, letters, private and official, new and old, -which collection was still further added to on the arrival of my wife -in Egypt, on October 13. - -My first feelings after reading the bulk of these, and when the -sensation of walking about free and unshackled had worn off a little, -was that I had but escaped the savage barbarism of the Soudan to -become the victim of the refined cruelty of civilization. Fortunately, -maybe, my rapid change from chains and starvation to freedom and -the luxuries I might allow myself to indulge in, brought about its -inevitable result—a reaction, and then collapse. While ill in bed I -could, when the delirium of fever had left |2| me, and I was no longer -struggling for breath and standing room in that Black Hole of Omdurman, -the Saier, find it in my heart to forgive my critics, and say, “I -might have said the same of them, had they been in my place and I in -theirs.” But the inaccuracies written and published in respect to my -nationality, biography, and, above all, the astounding inaccuracies -published in connection with my capture and the circumstances attending -it, necessitate my offering a few words to my readers by way of -introduction; but I shall be as brief and concise as possible. - -I have, both directly and indirectly, been blamed for, or accused -of, the loss of arms, ammunition, and monies sent by the Government -to the loyal Sheikh of the Kabbabish, Saleh Bey Wad Salem. Some have -gone so far as to accuse me of betraying the party I accompanied into -the hands of the dervishes; a betrayal which led eventually to the -virtual extermination of the tribe and the death of its brave chief. -The betrayal of the caravan I accompanied _did_ lead to this result; it -also led me into chains and slavery. - -According to one account, I arrived at Omdurman on the 1st or 7th of -March (both dates are given in the same book), 1887; yet, at this -time, to the best of my recollection, the General commanding the Army -of Occupation in Egypt, General Stephenson, was trying in Cairo to -persuade me to abandon my projected journey into Kordofan. In a very -recent publication, in the preface to which the authors ask their -readers to point out any inaccuracies, I am credited with arriving as -a captive at Omdurman in |3| 1885, when at this time I was attached -as interpreter to the Gordon Relief Expedition, and stood within a few -yards of General Earle at the battle of Kirbekan when he was killed. It -is probable I was the last man he ever spoke to. - -The guide and spy who reported my capture and death on the 13th or 14th -of April, 1887, only reported what he thought had actually happened, -as a possible result of arrangements he had made; while the refugee -Wakih Idris, who reported in August, 1890, that I was conducting a -large drapery establishment in Omdurman, must have been a Soudanese -humorist, and, doubtless, hugely amused at his tale being believed -in the face of the Mahdi’s and Khaleefa’s crusade against finery and -luxuries (although the tenets may have stopped short at the entrance -to their hareems), and when every one, from the highest to the lowest, -had to wear the roughest and commonest of woven material. A drapery -establishment is generally associated with fine clothing, silks, -ribbons, and laces; in Omdurman, such an establishment, if opened, -would have been consigned to the flames, or the Beit el Mal, and its -proprietor to the Saier (prison). - -Yet again, when I am more heavily weighted with chains, and my gaoler, -to evidence his detestation of the Kaffir (unbeliever) entrusted to -his charge, goes out of his way to invent an excuse for giving me the -lash, I am reported as being at liberty, my release having been granted -on the representations of some imaginary Emir, who claimed it on the -ground that I had arranged the betrayal of Sheikh Saleh’s caravan. |4| - -There is one subject I must touch upon, a subject which has made the -life of my wife as much of a hell upon earth during my captivity, as -that captivity was to me; and a subject which has caused the most -poignant grief and pain to my near relatives. I refer to my Abyssinian -female servant Hasseena. The mere fact of her accompanying the caravan -opened up a quarry for quidnuncs to delve in, and they delved for -twelve long years. It is needless to dilate upon the subject here; -suffice it to say that if, when my critics have read through my plain -narrative, they have conscience enough left to admit to themselves -that they have more injured a woman than the helpless, and in this -particular connection, ignorant captive, who has returned to life to -confront them, and if they try in future to be as charitable to their -own flesh and blood as some of the savage fanatics were to me in the -Soudan, I shall rest content. - -My narrative, and here I wish to say that it is presented as I first -dictated it, notwithstanding my being confronted with, as it was put to -me, “contradictions” based upon official and semi-official records and -reports, may be depended upon as being as correct a record as memory -can be expected to give of the events of my twelve years’ existence, -from All Fools’ Day, 1887, when, in spite of all warnings, I rode away -from life and civilization to barbarism and slavery. - -At the beginning of 1887, Hogal Dufa'allah, a brother of Elias Pasha, -a former Governor of Kordofan, came to me at Assouan and suggested -my accompanying him to Kordofan, where large quantities of gum |5| -were lying awaiting a favourable opportunity to be brought down, -he possessing a thousand cantars (cwts.). The owners of the gum -were afraid to bring it to the Egyptian frontier, believing that -the Government would confiscate it. Hogal was of opinion that if I -accompanied him, we should be able to induce the people to organize -a series of caravans for the transport of the gum, he and I signing -contracts to buy it on arrival at Wadi Halfa, and guaranteeing the -owners against confiscation by the Government. Letters and messages, -he said, would be of no avail; the people would believe they were -traps set for them by the Government, and it was out of the question -for us to attempt to take with us the large amount of money required -to purchase the gum on the spot. I being looked upon as an Englishman, -and an Englishman’s word being then considered as good as his bond, -Hogal was sure of a successful journey; so it was finally agreed that -Hogal and I should make up a small caravan, and get away as early as -possible. At this time, February, 1887, the loyal sheikh, Saleh Bey -Wad Salem, of the Kabbabish tribe, was holding his own against the -Mahdists, and had succeeded in keeping open the caravan routes of the -Western Soudan. - -Hogal and I came to Cairo to make various business arrangements, and -while here I called upon General Stephenson and Colonel Ardagh, and -asked permission to proceed. They tried to persuade me to abandon -what appeared to them a very risky expedition; but, telling them that -I was bent upon |6| undertaking it, permission or not, I was asked -if I would mind delivering some letters to Sheikh Saleh, as a visit -to him was necessary to procure guides for the later stages of the -journey. I was also to inform him verbally that his request for arms -and ammunition had been granted; that he should send men at once to -Wadi Halfa to receive them; and that a number of messages to this -effect had already been sent him. General Stephenson evidently gave the -matter further consideration, for, on calling for the letters, they -were not forthcoming. He said he would write to me to Assouan; but, he -continued, he would be glad if I would encourage Saleh, or any of the -loyal sheikhs I met, to continue to harass the dervishes, and let him -have what information I could on my return respecting the country and -the people. - -The precise circumstances under which I received his letter I have -forgotten, but my former business manager tells me that, one evening at -Assouan, he found lying on the desk an official envelope, unaddressed, -opened it, and was still reading the letter it contained when I walked -in, and exhibited great annoyance at his having seen it. This was -the letter from General Stephenson to me, referred to by Slatin and -Ohrwalder. I remember it but as a sort of private communication, not -in any way official; and I think it well at an early moment to state -so, as it has been borne in upon me that there is an impression in -certain quarters that I might, on the strength of references made to it -in Father Ohrwalder’s and Slatin |7| Pasha’s books, make some claim -against the British Government, and I consider it advisable to say at -once that no such idea ever occurred to me. - -Completing our arrangements in Cairo, Hogal and I started south, Hogal -going to Derawi to buy camels for the journey to Kordofan, and I going -to Assouan and Wadi Halfa to make final arrangements and prepare food -for the desert journey. - - - - -|8| - -CHAPTER I - -I START FOR KORDOFAN - - -Before leaving Assouan for Cairo, I had made an agreement with Hassib -el Gabou, of the Dar Hamad section of the Kabbabish tribe, and Ali el -Amin, from Wadi el Kab, to act as guides for us as far as Gebel Ain, -where we hoped to find Sheikh Saleh. Gabou was in the employ of the -military authorities as spy, receiving a monthly gratuity or pay. He -and Ali el Amin were each to receive three hundred dollars for the -journey, a hundred and fifty dollars each to be paid in advance, and -the remainder at the end of the journey. On arrival at Gebel Ain, they -were to arrange for guides for us from amongst Saleh’s men. The route -we had chosen is shown on the accompanying plan, taken from a map -published by Kauffmann, a copy of which I had with me, and another copy -of which I have been fortunate enough to find since my return. - -[Illustration: AN ARAB GUIDE.] - -On arriving at Derawi, Hogal set about at once buying camels. Our party -was to consist of Hogal, Hassib el Gabou, Ali el Amin, my Arabic clerk -Elias, my female servant Hasseena, myself, and four men whom Hogal was -to engage, to bring up our party to |9| ten people, so that we might -be prepared to deal with any small band of marauding dervishes. Hogal -was to purchase camels from the Ababdeh, who possessed, and probably -still do, the best camels for the description of journey we were -undertaking. He was to take them into the desert to test their powers -of endurance, as, from the route chosen, they might have to travel -fifteen days without water. He was also to purchase extra camels to -carry water, so that if the necessity arose, we could strike further -west into the desert than arranged for, and be able to keep away from -the wells for thirty days. We were to take with us only such articles -as were essential for the journey; food, arms and ammunition, three -hundred dollars in cash, and our presents of watches, silks, jewellery, -pipes, and ornaments for the sheikhs we met. - -Hogal was to leave Derawi on or about the 20th March, and bringing the -camels through the desert on the west of the Nile, was so to time his -last stage as to reach Wadi Halfa at sunset on the 26th or 27th. The -guides, my clerk, servant, and myself were to slip over by boat, and -our caravan was to strike off west at once. Our departure was to be -kept as secret as possible. - -On my reaching Shellal after leaving Hogal at Derawi, I was overtaken -by an old friend, Mohammad Abdel Gader Gemmareeyeh, who, having learned -in confidence from Hogal the reason for his purchasing the camels, -hurried after me to warn me against employing Gabou as guide, as he -knew the man was not to be trusted. He told me that Gabou was acting -|10| as spy for friend and foe, and was being paid by both, but this -I did not then credit. I laughed at the man’s expressed fears, and -telling him that as Hogal and I were to direct the caravan, and Gabou -was to accompany us as guide, I had no intention of abandoning a -journey, at the end of which a small fortune awaited me. I knew very -well that not a single person was to be trusted out of sight and -hearing, but as there was no reason why Gabou should not be kept within -both, there was equally no reason why I should have any fears. Besides -this, I was vain enough to believe that perhaps I might, as a result -of my journey, be able to hand to the military authorities a report of -some value, and the halo of romance, which still hung over everything -Soudanese, was in itself no little attraction. - -I reached Wadi Halfa about March 23, and set to work quietly with final -arrangements. Hasseena had elected to accompany us, and this on the -suggestion of Hogal, his reasons being first, that being accompanied -by a woman, the peaceful intentions of our little caravan would be -evidenced; secondly, that Hasseena, when the slave of her old master -of the Alighat Arabs, had on a number of occasions made the journey -between El Obeid, Dongola, and Derawi, and would be of great use to -us in hareems in very much the same way that a lady in civilized -countries, having an _entrée_ to a salon, is occasionally able to -further the interests of her male relatives or friends; and in the -East, _all_ women have the _entrée_ to hareems. - -The morning after my arrival at Wadi Halfa I |11| heard that forty -of Sheikh Saleh’s men, led by one of his slaves, Ismail, had already -arrived to take over the arms and ammunition. Gabou came to me the -same day, and suggested our abandoning the proposed expedition, as he -was afraid that the dervishes might hear of Saleh’s men coming in, and -send out bands to intercept the caravan on its return, and we might -fall into the hands of one of them. Believing that Gabou was simply -trying to induce me to add to his remuneration for the extra risks, -I told him I should hold him to his agreement. A day or two later, -seeing that I was determined to go on, he suggested that we should, for -safety, accompany Saleh’s men, but this I objected to. The Kabbabish -were fighting the dervishes, and lost no opportunity of pouncing down -upon any small bands, and I had no particular wish to look for more -adventures than my expedition itself was likely to provide. There was -also the question of time; Sheikh Saleh’s baggage camels would only -move at the rate of about a mile an hour, while ours would cover two -and a half to three miles easily. - -On March 24, I received a telegram from Hogal, then at Assouan, -announcing his arrival there with the camels, and his intention to -come on at once, so that he should have reached Wadi Halfa on the 28th -or 29th of the month. Gabou now exhibited particular anxiety that we -should join Saleh’s party, and took upon himself to make an arrangement -with them. On my remonstrating with him, he said that if the dervishes -were on the road, they would certainly be met with between Wadi Halfa -and the Selima Wells, |12| or, maybe, at the wells themselves, and -this was the only part of our route where there was any likelihood of -our coming in contact with them, our road, after Selima, being well -to the west. “Now,” said he, “if Saleh’s caravan goes off, and the -dervishes on the road are not strong enough to attack, they will allow -the caravan to pass, but wait about the roads either in the hope of -getting reinforcements in time to attack, or with the hope of attacking -any smaller parties.” He believed the dervishes might go on to the -wells, and encamp there, so that in either case we should fall into -their clutches. It was Gabou’s opinion that Sheikh Saleh’s caravan was -strong enough to annihilate the dervish bands, which he _now_ said he -had heard were actually on the road. This decided me. I asked him why -he had not told me of this before. He had forgotten to do so! - -The 28th, 29th, 30th, and 31st of the month passed, and still no -appearance of Hogal and the camels. Ismail was impatient to be off, and -Gabou suggested, that as my camels must be close at hand, Hasseena, -Elias, El Amin and I should start with Saleh’s caravan, he following us -as soon as our camels arrived. My camels being in good condition, and -unloaded, would, he said, overtake the caravan in a few hours, and he -was very anxious to test them for trotting speed while overtaking us. -We were joined at Wadi Halfa by about twenty Arabs of different tribes, -bringing our caravan up to sixty-four men and about a hundred and sixty -camels. Gabou gave us as guide for Selima, a man named Hassan, also of -the |13| Dar Hamads. Crossing to the western bank of the Nile early -on the morning of April 1, 1887, by ten o’clock we had loaded up and -started on that journey to the Soudan, which was to take me twelve long -years to complete. - -When we had been two days on the road, I began to feel a little uneasy -at the non-appearance of my camels; but thinking that maybe Gabou -had purposely delayed starting so as to give them a stiff test in -hard trotting, I comforted myself with this reflection, though as day -after day passed, my anxiety became very real. On the night of April -7, we judged we must be close to Selima Wells, and sent out scouts to -reconnoitre; they reached the wells, and returned saying that they -could not find traces of any one having been there for some time. Our -caravan reached the wells between nine and ten o’clock in the morning, -and about midday, while we were occupied in watering the camels and -preparing food, we heard a shot fired from the south-east, and shortly -afterwards one of our scouts came in saying that he had been sighted by -a party of about twenty men on camels; one of the men had fired at him -at long range, and the whole party had then hurried off to the south. - -A hurried conference was held; it was the general opinion that this -party must be scouts of a larger one, and that they had gone off for -the purpose of apprising their main body. Ismail decided upon pushing -on at once. There was little time for me to consider what to do; to -return to Wadi Halfa was out of the question, as Ismail could not spare -any of his men as a |14| bodyguard; to wait at the wells was not to -be thought of, and the only other alternative was to go on with the -caravan. I told Elias to write out short notes for Hogal and Gabou, -which I had intended to leave at the wells; but as Ismail pointed out, -I should have to leave them conspicuously marked in some way to attract -attention, and, if the dervishes got to the wells first, or if those -we had seen returned with others, they would be the first to get the -notes, which would endanger our caravan, and the little party I was so -anxiously expecting. There was nothing for it but to go on and hope for -the best. If the worst came to the worst, it meant only that my gum -expedition was temporarily delayed, and that I should, after reaching -Sheikh Saleh, take my first opportunity of getting north again. - -[Illustration] - - - - -|15| - -CHAPTER II - -BETRAYED BY GUIDES - - -There are five caravan routes running from Selima Wells—that furthest -west leading to El Kiyeh, the next to El Agia, and the one in the -centre leading to the Nile near Hannak, with a branch running to -Wadi el Kab. Our objective being to meet Sheikh Saleh at Gebel Ain, -we should have taken the route leading to El Agia, and this we had -selected, because, as it was well out in the desert, there was little -likelihood of our encountering any roving bands of dervish robbers. -When we had been on the road a few hours, I ventured the opinion that -we had taken the wrong route, and a halt was called while I examined -the map I had with me, after which examination I felt certain that we -were marching in the wrong direction. The guide Hassan was equally -certain that we were on the El Agia road. A discussion ensued, which -was ended by Hassan telling me, with what he intended to be withering -sarcasm, “I never walked on paper” (meaning the map); “I have always -walked on the desert. I am the guide, and I am responsible. The road -you want us to go by leads to El Etroun (Natron district), |16| sixty -marches distant; if we take your road and we all die of thirst in the -desert, I should be held responsible for the loss of the lives, and -your paper could not speak to defend me.” Hassan’s dramatic description -of the scene of his being blamed by the Prophet for losing these -valuable lives if he trusted to a “paper,” had more to do with his -gaining his point than pure conviction as to whether we were on the -right road or not. From El Agia, as Saleh’s men said, they knew every -stone on the desert, but in this part they had to trust to Hassan. - -During the whole of this first day we forced the baggage camels on at -their best pace, travelling by my compass in a south and south-easterly -direction. The arrangement I had made with Gabou for my own caravan, -which arrangement Ismail had agreed to when Gabou suggested our -travelling with them, was that we should travel a little to the west -of the El Agia camel tracks, but keep parallel to them. When we halted -that night I spoke to Ismail about this, and asked him to keep to this -part of the agreement—that is to say, to travel parallel to, and not -on, the track. Hassan objected, as it meant slower travelling. Still -pressing on after a short rest, Hassan zigzagged the caravan over stony -ground with the object of losing our trail, as our caravan, consisting -of about 160 camels, was an easy one to track up. - -We travelled fast until mid-day of the 10th, when we were obliged -to take a rest owing to the extreme heat. We were in an arid waste; -not the slightest sign of vegetation or anything living but |17| -ourselves to be seen anywhere. Off again at sunset, we travelled the -whole night through, my compass at midnight showing me that we were, -if anything, travelling towards the east, when our direction should -certainly have been south-west. At our next halt I spoke to Ismail -again, but Hassan convinced him of his infallibility in desert routes. -The following morning, the 11th, there was no disguising the fact about -our direction: the regular guides travel by the stars at night-time, -but they laugh at the little niceties between the cardinal points, -as Hassan laughed at me when I tried to get him to believe in the -sand diagram I showed him, with the object of proving to him that a -divergence increases the further you get away from the starting-point. -El Amin now joined me in saying that he thought we were on the wrong -road, but Hassan was prepared. He had, he said, during the night, -led us further into the desert to again break our trail, and that he -was now leading us to the regular road. El Amin replied that it was -his opinion that Hassan had lost the road in the night, and now was -trying to find it. This led to a lively discussion and an exchange of -compliments, which almost ended in a nasty scuffle, as some were siding -with Hassan and others with El Amin. - -Acting upon my advice, men were sent out east and west to pick up the -regular caravan route. Hassan declared that a branch of the regular -road would be found to the east, Amin and I declared for the west. -Hassan took two men east, and Amin, accompanied by two others, went -west. About an hour after sunset |18| both parties returned. El Amin -arrived first, and reported that they had failed to find any trace of -the road. Hassan came shortly afterwards, and, having heard before -reaching Ismail of the failure of the others, came up to us jubilant -and triumphant, as a road had been picked up where he said it would. -They had not only picked up the road, but had come to the resting-place -of a caravan of fifteen to twenty camels, which could only be a few -hours ahead of us, as the embers of the caravan’s fire places were -still hot. I judged it best to be silent on the subject of the route -now, though Amin, jibed and scoffed at by the victorious Hassan, was -loud in his declarations that we were on the wrong route, and that -Hassan had lost his way; this nearly led to trouble again between him -and the two men who had accompanied Hassan, as they considered their -word doubted. - -We travelled east during the night, and crossed the road which Hassan -had, during the day, picked up. But there was a feeling of uncertainty -and unrest in the caravan. One after another appealed to me, and I -could but say that I was still convinced my “paper” was right and -Hassan wrong. El Amin, pricked to the quick, spread through the caravan -his opinion that Hassan had not lost his way, but was deliberately -leading us in the wrong direction. When we halted on the 12th, Ismail, -noticing the gossiping going on, and the manner of his men, decided -upon sending out scouts to the east to see if they could pick up -anything at all in the way of landmarks. El Amin joined the scouts, -who were absent the whole day. They |19| returned at night with the -news that we were nearer the river than El Agia Wells, and on this, -our fourth day from Selima, we should have been close to El Agia. This -report, coming not from El Amin only, but from Saleh’s own people who -knew the district, created consternation. Again the “paper” was called -for, and on this occasion Hassan was told that the paper knew better -than he did. - -That night scene of betrayed men, desperate, with death from thirst -or dervish swords a certainty, can be better imagined than described. -There had been no husbanding of the drinking-water, and it was almost -out; many, in the hurry of departure from Selima, had not filled -their water-skins. There was no doubt now that we were, as I had said -from the beginning, on the road to Wadi el Kab, and travelling in the -enemy’s country. But Hassan, threatened as he was, had still one more -card to play. He acknowledged that he had lost his way, but said this -was not altogether his fault; we, he said, had been travelling hard, -and, feeling sure he was on the right track, he had been careless, -or had neglected to look out for the usual marks, and that this was -because Amin and I had annoyed him at the beginning of the march, as to -the road. He now said that we were well to the west of El Kab, and on -its extreme limits where the wady disappeared into desert water could -be found, and being so far west, it was most improbable that we should -find any dervishes there. Another council was held. Hassan was for -continuing in an easterly direction; I proposed west, |20| believing -now that the wady would be found to the west; while Ismail, advised by -Amin, elected for a southerly direction. At last it was agreed that -Ismail, Hassan, and some men should ride hard in a south-westerly -direction, in the hopes of picking up some branch caravan route leading -to El Agia. The remainder of the caravan, with myself and Amin, were to -travel easily in a southerly direction for five hours, and then halt -and await the return to us of Ismail. - -We halted between three and four in the afternoon, but no sooner had -we done so, when a heavy sandstorm burst upon us. There are varieties -of sandstorms as there are of most other things, but this was one of -the worst varieties. The air becomes thick with the finest particles, -which gives one more the idea of a yellow fog in the north than of -anything else I might liken it to. We were obliged to wrap our own and -the camels’ heads in cloths and blankets to protect ourselves, if not -from suffocation, from something very near it. The storm lasted until -after sunset, and as it must have obliterated all traces of our tracks, -scouts were sent out to sight Ismail. Up till midnight no signs of him -were forthcoming. Breaking up what camel saddles we could spare, we lit -fires to attract his attention to our position, and as these burned -low, shots were fired at intervals of five minutes. After ten or twelve -shots had been fired, I recommended that volleys of five should be -fired at the same intervals, and when I believe six had been fired, we -heard Ismail calling to us from the darkness. He had encountered the -sandstorm, but evidently had had |21| a worse time of it than we had. -He had heard our volleys, and had replied with single shots, but these -we had not heard. - -On reaching the caravan, Ismail ordered the fires to be put out, and -the camels to be at once loaded and their fastenings well looked to. -The rifles were cleared of the sand which had accumulated on them, -and Ismail went round inspecting everything for himself. I called him -aside and asked him what he had discovered. He whispered one word, -“Treachery,” and returned to his inspection of the animals. When he -had satisfied himself of the arms being in readiness, and the cases so -secured that if the camels bolted they would not be able to throw off -their load very easily, he gave the orders to march. Ignoring Hassan -completely, he led us west, sending out as scouts, on fast camels, Darb -es Safai and El Amin, my guide; but at sunrise they came back to us, -saying that not a trace of road could be found. - -I cannot weary my readers with a day-to-day record of our zigzagging -in the desert—one day Hassan in the ascendant as guide, another day El -Amin, and from this time I cannot pretend to remember the exact day on -which particular incidents happened. There were too many incidents to -attempt a complete record, even with a diary, had I kept one. - -El Amin had confided to me and Ismail his firm conviction that Hassan -was doing all this purposely, and that he knew precisely whereabouts -we were, as he had noticed him making some sort of calculations, and -drawing lines with his camel-stick in the sand. |22| - -Perhaps it was because I did not wish to, that I could not credit the -implied treachery. Gabou and Hassan belonged to the Kabbabish tribe, -and as the rifles and ammunition we were carrying were to assist -Sheikh Saleh to fight the common enemy, what object could there be in -betraying us? Saleh’s men would certainly fight to the death; betrayer -and betrayed would run equal risks of being killed—indeed, the betrayer -would almost certainly be killed instantly by those he was leading. I -therefore dismissed the idea from my head, took it for granted that the -man had actually lost his way, and declined to fall in with El Amin’s -suggestion to say “good-bye” to the caravan, make straight for the -Nile, and take our chances of passing clear as merchants, should we -meet any people on the road. - -[Illustration: Sketch accompanying author’s account of capture] - -On, I believe, our sixth day out from Selima, we crossed a caravan -route running east and west, and, referring to my map, I had no -hesitation in telling Ismail that this must be the caravan route -between El Kab and El Agia, but on which part of the road we were I -could not imagine. I wanted to attempt travelling along this road, -but Hassan declared it led to El Kiyeh. That we must now be close to -Wadi el Kab, every one knew. A “council of war” was held, at which it -was decided to risk going on, as we must be travelling towards the -wells on the extreme edge of the wady. We were to try and pick up the -wells, water the camels, fill our skins, and then strike direct west -and encamp at night-time, not to remain near the wells. While we were -discussing the situation, some |23| men had been sent along the -road to try and discover anything in the way of marks or tracks which -would give an idea as to our exact position, and they reported that -there could be little doubt of this being El Kiyeh road, and that El -Kiyeh must be six days distant. This news decided us. Our water-supply -was out. A six days’ march over that desert under such conditions -meant perishing of thirst, and there was, again, the uncertainty as to -whether we should be, after all, on the road to El Kiyeh or El Etroun. - -One of the camels was ailing, so it was decided to kill it, and let -the men have a good meal of meat. Early the next day, I believe our -eighth or ninth day from Selima, an Alighat Arab was sent scouting to -the west; he never returned. We halted and waited for his return as -arranged, and lost the night’s travel in consequence. On the following -day, unmistakable landmarks were picked up, which proved that we were -but a few hours distant from the Wadi el Kab, and it was believed we -could reach the wells by sunset. Unloading the camels, and leaving -four men in charge of the baggage, we started off for the wells, -expecting to return the same night. We travelled without incident -until about two o’clock in the afternoon, when we reached the broken -ground skirting the wady proper. My guide, El Amin, and two men, had -been sent on ahead to reconnoitre. The place is dotted with sand-dunes -and hillocks from fifty to a hundred feet high, and on nearing the -first hillock, and when approximately at “A,” we heard a shot fired. -El Amin and his companions had then reached the spot |24| marked “G” -on the accompanying plan; we believed the shot to be a signal that -they had found water, and pressed on until we reached “B,” when shot -after shot was fired, the bullets whistling over our heads. At this -moment we saw Amin and his companions hurrying back to us. Next came -some broken volleys, but all the shots were high. Up to now we had not -seen our assailants, but the smoke from the rifles now discovered their -whereabouts—the hillock marked “C.” - -I was slightly ahead of the main body, with Hassan, the guide, some -yards away on my right. Being mounted on a large white camel, well -caparisoned, and wearing a bright silk Kofeyeh on my head, I offered -an excellent mark, and shot after shot whistled over me. I was turning -my camel round to hurry back to the main body, when I saw Hassan fall -to the ground. Calling to my clerk Elias, who was nearest to him, to -help him back on the camel, or make the camel kneel to cover him, I -tried to get mine to kneel so that I could dismount, but the brute was -startled and restive. Elias called out that Hassan was “mayat khaalass” -(stone dead). Our men were now quickly dismounting and loading their -rifles. Bullet after bullet and volley after volley came, but no -one was struck as yet except Hassan. Making the camels kneel, as a -precaution against their bolting, we advanced in open order towards -the hillock from whence the shots came, I on the extreme left, Ismail -in the centre, and Darb es Safai on the right. Rounding the hillock -“C,” we caught the first glimpse of the enemy, about fifty strong, and -then rapidly retiring. |25| We fired a volley into them, on which they -turned and replied, and a pretty hot fusilade was kept up for some -minutes, but the firing was wild on both sides. I saw two of our men -fall, and about eight to ten of the dervishes. Picking up their dead -or wounded, they hurried off again, leaving two camels behind. Darb -es Safai, who was leading the right, and was now well in advance, was -the first to reach the camels, and discovered that they were loaded -with filled water-skins. Calling out, “Moyia lil atshan;[1] Allah -kereem!” (“Water for the thirsty; God is generous!”), he commenced to -unfasten the neck of one of the skins. A mad rush was made for the -water; arms were thrown down, and the men struggled around the camels -for a drink. I tried for a few seconds, when I reached them, to counsel -moderation, knowing the effect of a copious draught on the system under -the circumstances and condition they were in. Some of the men had been -three days without water, and the camel flesh they had eaten had not -improved matters. - - [1] _Moyia lil atshan._ - (Water for the thirsty.) - -While the struggle was still in progress, Hasseena, who with Elias had -followed us up, ran to me saying that the dervishes were returning, -and, looking in the direction of “E,” I saw about a hundred and fifty -men advancing at a rapid pace. I raised the alarm, and Ismail gave -the call to arms; but few heard his voice in the din. Those few fired -a few shots, but it was now too late; in a moment the dervishes were -upon us, friend and foe one struggling mass. Above the noise could be -heard the voice of the dervish leader reminding |26| his men of some -orders they had received, and to “secure their men alive.” Even in -that moment it flashed upon me that we had been led into an ambush, -else why the reference to “our master’s orders” given by their leader? -Elias, Hasseena, and I ran towards “F” to take cover; it was no use my -using my fowling-piece on that struggling mass, as I should have struck -friend and foe. Just as we reached the base of the hillock, Elias was -captured, and the five or six dervishes who had pursued us occupied -themselves with examining the contents of the bag he was carrying—my -three hundred dollars, jewellery, etc. They gave a mere glance towards -me, and then moved off. - -Pushing a few stones together, I laid out my cartridges, reloaded my -revolvers, and prepared to die fighting. Ismail, the leader of our -caravan, had by some means managed to get clear of the mass, and, -reaching my camel, mounted it and rode off, riding hard to the right of -“F.” Seeing Hasseena and me, he called to us to try and secure camels -and follow him up. Hasseena on this ran down the hillock; I had not -noticed her disappearance from the immediate vicinity of the hillock, -as I was too much occupied hurriedly making my diminutive zareeba -of stones. Glancing over the stones later, I was astonished to see -her walking at the head of the dervishes who had secured Elias, they -following in Indian file. Hasseena called out that I was given quarter, -and that I was to stand up unarmed. This I refused to do, and as they -kept advancing, I kept my gun pointed at them from between the stones. -Hasseena again called out, |27| saying that they had orders not to hurt -me, in evidence of which they fired their rifles into the air, and then -laid them on the sand. - -By this time I could see that our men were bound, and grouped together -on the plain; I left my cover, descended the hillock, and advanced to -the dervishes, when I was saluted with yells and cries of “El Kaffir, -El Kaffir” (“the unbeliever”). One, maybe more fanatical than the -rest, after vituperating me, made a motion as if to strike at my head -with his sword. Looking him in the eyes, I asked, “Is this the word of -honour (meaning quarter) of your Prophet and master; you liar, you son -of a dog? strike, unclean thing!” While, as is only to be expected, -I was at that moment trembling with fear and excitement, I had lived -too long in the East to forget that a bold front and fearless manner -command respect, if not fear. My words and manner had the desired -effect, for one, turning to my would-be assailant, asked, “What are you -doing? Have you forgotten our master’s orders?” This was the second -time something had been said about “orders.” I put a few questions to -my captors, but they declined to reply to them, saying that I could -speak to the Emirs Hamza and Farag, and they hurried me towards them. -The Emir, whom later I knew to be Farag, asked my name, and what I -wanted in his country; then, turning to his followers without waiting -for a reply, called out, “This is the Pasha our master Wad en Nejoumi -sent us to capture; thanks be to God we have taken him unhurt.” The -latter remark was |28| made as a reproof to the man who had threatened -to strike me, as the incident had been reported, and also as a warning -to the others. - -Taking me apart from the others, he continued, “I see you are thirsty;” -and, calling up one of his men, told him to pour some water over some -hard dry bread, and, handing it to me, said smilingly, “Eat—it is not -good for you to drink.” I divined his meaning. Had our men not made -that mad rush for the water, we might have had a very different tale to -tell, and who knows if, had we won the day and reached Sheikh Saleh, -the history of the Soudan for the past twelve years might not have read -differently? _Mine_ would have done so. - - - - -|29| - -CHAPTER III - -IN THE HANDS OF THE DERVISHES - - -I was handed over to two men, who were held responsible for my -well-being; Hasseena and Elias were placed together in the charge of -others, and we were ordered to seat ourselves a little distance away. -The dervishes had with them military tents which must have been taken -at Khartoum, and one was soon pitched. Here the Emirs and principal -men met to hold a conference and inquiry. Darb es Safai and others -were taken up one by one, and the question put to them direct, “Where -are the rifles and the cartridges?” for no case had, of course, been -brought on with us to the wells. They denied any knowledge of them; -then replied Farag, “We will find them for you, and show you how they -are used.” My turn came, and in reply to the usual question, I said -that I knew nothing at all about them; questioned still further, I -admitted that I had seen a number of boxes, but I could not pretend to -know what was inside of them. Asked then as to where they were, I said -I could not tell—in the desert somewhere; they had been thrown away, -as the camels, being tired and |30| thirsty, could not carry them any -longer. Still interrogated, I replied that the guide who had brought us -here was the first killed in the firing, and that I did not think any -one else of our caravan could find their way back to the place where -the boxes were left. - -At this, rapid glances were passed from one to the other. Asked if I -was sure he was killed, I could only reply that my clerk had told me -so, that I had seen him fall, and indicated the place. Farag sent off -a man in that direction after whispering some instructions to him, and -during the few minutes he was away perfect silence reigned in the tent, -with the exception of the click, click of the beads of the _Sibha_ -(rosary). When he returned, he whispered his reply to Farag. Two of -the Alighat Arabs who had joined us at Wadi Halfa were next brought -up and questioned; they did not give direct replies; they were taken -aside, but not far enough away to prevent my overhearing part of what -went on, when, as a result of promises and then threats, I gathered -that they undertook to lead the dervishes to the spot where the cases -had been left in the desert. It is quite certain, from the questions -put by the dervishes, that they were ignorant of the precise spot where -the baggage had been left, and it in a measure confirmed the death of -Hassan; but I have always had a suspicion that the man shammed death -and got away, to present himself later on to Nejoumi. He might easily -have mingled with the dervishes and not been seen by us. - -The sun had now set; the conference ended, and orders were given by -Farag for all to march back by |31| the route we had come, the Alighat -Arabs, with Amin between them, leading. We marched for only an hour -or so, for our camels, being tired and not having been watered, gave -trouble. A halt was called for the night, and what water the dervishes -had was partly distributed. By sunrise the next day we were on the -march again, twenty-five men, well mounted, having been sent on in -advance with the guides. All Saleh’s men, wounded and sound, were -compelled to walk, the dervishes and their wounded riding on camels. - -In the afternoon we reached the spot where we had left the four men in -charge of the baggage, to find them with their hands bound behind them. -The advance party had reached them about ten o’clock in the morning, -and had doubtless found them asleep, as no shots had been fired. The -men were not to be blamed in any way, and it really mattered but little -whether they were asleep or awake when taken, with the odds against -them. I had, on starting for the wells, left them the little water I -had saved; had they not had this, they could not have slept. - -In the same way that Saleh’s men had forgotten everything in that mad -rush for the water, so did the dervishes break loose, forget all about -their prisoners, and rush on the pile of cases. The ground was soon -littered with rifles, packets of ammunition, sugar, clothing, food, -and the hundred and one articles to be found in a trading caravan, -for the cases and bales of the Arabs who had joined us at Wadi Halfa -contained only merchandise. My mind was soon made up; running towards -the other prisoners with my |32| hunting-knife, I thought that at all -events the thongs of a few might be cut, and making for the camels and -scattering in different directions, a few might have got clear. It was -a mad idea, but it was something. Before any part of my half-formed -plan could be put into execution, the guards were down on us. I was -taken to the Emir, Said Wad Farag, but I excused myself, saying that, -being a medical man, I had gone to see if I could attend to any of the -wounded. Complimenting me on my thought for the others, he recommended -me to think of myself, appropriated the knife the guards had found in -my hand, and told me he would let me know when to use it, warning me at -the same time not to attempt to speak to any of the other prisoners. - -When the excitement over the loot had cooled down a little, a camel was -killed in honour of the occasion, and my servant Hasseena was ordered -to prepare some of the dishes. I was invited to eat with the Emirs. -Our first dish was the raw liver of the camel, covered with salt and -shetta—a sort of red pepper. I had seen this dish being eaten, but had -never partaken of it myself before. I had two reasons for eating it -now: first, I was hungry and thirsty; secondly, one of the first signs -of fear is a disinclination, I might say inability, to swallow food, -and fear of my captors was the last thing I intended to exhibit. After -the meal, my clothes were taken from me, as they looked upon them as -the dress of a kaffir, and I was turned out into the night-air with -my singlet, drawers, and socks as my complete wardrobe. My turban and -Baghdad |33| Kofiyeh were also taken, so that I was bareheaded into -the bargain. - -When the dervishes had finished their food, and before they lay down -for the night, the Emir Farag sent for all the loot to be collected -and brought before his tent, when it would later on be distributed -according to the rules of the Beit-el-Mal (Treasury). This institution -and its working will be described later. Only a part of the loot was -collected, for the men, knowing from experience the extraordinary -manner in which loot “shrank” in bulk and numbers when placed in the -hands of the Emirs to be distributed according to rule, concealed in -the sand or beneath their jibbehs, whatever could be hidden there. The -pipes and tobacco found in the baggage were burned, as their use was -prohibited by the Mahdi. Amongst my things was found my letter-wallet, -and this was handed to the Emirs, who afterwards sent for me and -demanded to know the contents of the letters. I replied that they were -only business documents, receipts for goods, and such like, but that -if the wallet was handed to me, I would translate each document. Being -satisfied with this answer, Farag kept the wallet. Complaining of my -clothing having been taken, he allowed me to have my flannel shirt, -and gave me a piece of rag as head-dress. In this guise, I lay down -in the sand to doze and wake the whole night through, conscious yet -unconscious, with the incidents of the last eighteen days chasing each -other through my brain. - -The camp was astir long before sunrise, and by sunrise we were on the -move east towards El Kab, |34| which we reached about three o’clock -in the afternoon. The “wells,” at the part we arrived at, are upon -ascending ground; but the name “well” in this instance is a misnomer. -They are shallow basins scooped out with the hands or any rough -implement, the water being found about three feet below the surface, -shrubs indicating where to scoop. The camels were watered and left to -graze on the scanty herbage. Another camel was killed to celebrate the -capture of the caravan, and again I was invited to take food with the -Emirs. I was asked only the most commonplace questions, but I could not -get any reply to those I put, except that Abdel Rahman Wad en Nejoumi -would tell me all I wished to know. While still with the Emirs, Farag -called up his followers again, and after congratulating them upon -the capture of the “English Pasha” and the caravan (though the Emir -knew very well who I was, from old days at Korti), he harangued them -on the advisability of obeying to the letter the orders of the Mahdi -transmitted to the Khaleefa, and by the Khaleefa to him, winding up -his oration with threats of punishment and imprisonment to any of the -faithful who robbed the Beit-el-Mal by concealing any of the loot, -after which he ordered every one to be searched again. I had many -opportunities later of seeing evidences of what the Emirs most relied -upon, in regard to the handing over of any loot—an exhortation to their -followers, and an appeal to their religious scruples—or threats of -punishment and imprisonment. Both went together, and were administered -in the order I have given them, and there was seldom an |35| occasion -when a search did not follow the appeal to their honesty, and when -punishment did not follow the search for concealed loot. - -Wad Farag dismissed me for the night, but I had hardly lain down when -two dervishes stole up, and asked me to describe all the baggage I -had with me. I said that a list would be found in my wallet, which, -if they would bring to me, would allow of me giving them the required -information. One left me, for the purpose, I imagine, of asking the -Emir for the wallet, but returned shortly saying that I should _have_ -to remember, and that the list I then gave would be compared with the -list in the wallet. There was no list in the wallet, but there were one -or two letters I wished to extract. I have thought since that, had I -exhibited less anxiety to get hold of the wallet itself, I might have -induced them to hand over these letters under one pretext or another. I -soon discovered from their questions that the dervishes were spying one -upon the other, for they asked me directly what were the contents of -the bag taken from Elias my clerk. I told them three hundred dollars, -gold and silver jewellery, and some jewellery which my servant Hasseena -had asked Elias to carry for her. Hasseena was sent for to describe her -jewellery. The information evidently gave these men huge satisfaction, -and taking Hasseena with them, they sent her back with cooking -utensils, food and firewood, and ordered her to prepare food for me. -Having had my food with the Emirs but a little time before, I was at -a loss to understand the meaning of this, but learned later on |36| -that it was to prevent any one else approaching her for information. -Whether these two men were, as they said, in charge of the Beit-el-Mal, -or whether, having seen any of the money or jewellery, they wanted to -get their share of it, I cannot say, but, in the light of subsequent -events, I should be inclined to believe the latter. - -When the food was ready, I invited my guards to eat it. I was hoping -that a full meal, especially as their fatigue was very evident, would -induce them to sleep, and feigning drowsiness myself, moved off a few -yards, and scooped out a sand bed. I was prepared to risk anything for -liberty; we were in the neighbourhood of the wells, and might travel -for days without being out of reach of water. Explaining my plans to -Hasseena, I told her, under the pretence of collecting firewood, to try -and get up to Amin and Elias, cut their thongs with the large knife we -had had to cut up the meat sent us for food, and tell them to creep -towards a small tree which I had noticed during daylight, and await -me there. Some camels with their feet fastened by ropes were grazing -there, and I believed that we might get away unobserved, and get some -hours’ start. But the guards of the prisoners were not asleep; they -were very much awake, searching the prisoners for any valuables, an -operation which was carried out by each relief of guards, so that the -sun rose with us still in the hands of the dervishes. - -[Illustration: THE KHALEEFA’S EUNUCHS AT ATTENTION.] - -It was just after sunrise that we moved off again; my guardian must -have been impressed with my importance, for he saddled the camel for me -himself, and |37| brought me a gourd of camel’s milk. During this -day’s journey, the Emir Mohammad Hamza, of the Jaalin tribe, who was -commanding a section of the dervishes, rode up to me and inquired about -my health—the usual form of salutation. He told me not to be afraid of -any harm coming to me, and then rode off again. That evening we arrived -at a small encampment of dervishes close to some wells, when I was -taken before another Emir whom I was told was Makin en Nur, and who, -from the deference paid him by the others, was doubtless the chief. -He, too, put a few questions to me of the same commonplace nature as -the others, and waved his hand for me to be removed. On being sent for -again, I was accused of being a Government spy, and asked what I had -to say for myself. I replied, “I have told you the truth; what do you -want me to do now? tell you a lie, and say I _am_ a spy? If I do so -you will kill me for saying I am one, and if I say again I am _not_, -you will not believe me, and kill me just the same. I am not afraid of -you; do as you please.” When he questioned me again, I said, “I refuse -to answer any more questions.” My manner of speaking to them caused -no little surprise, as it was doubtless different to what they had -expected, and to what they had formerly experienced from captives. - -A young dervish was called in, and told to conduct me to a spot -removed from the other prisoners. As we walked along, the youth said, -“God is just; God is bounteous; please God to-morrow our eyes shall -be gladdened by seeing a white Kaffir yoked with |38| a shayba to -a black one.” This shayba is the forked limb of a tree; the fork is -placed on the neck pressing against the larynx, the stem projecting -before the wearer; the right wrist is then tightly bound to the stem -with thongs of fresh hide, which soon dry and “bite” the flesh, and the -ends of the fork drawn as closely together as possible, and fastened -with a cross-piece. It is a cruel instrument of torture, for the arm -must be kept extended to its utmost; to attempt to relieve the tension -means pressure on the larynx; but when yoked to another man he throws -pressure on you, and you on him. A prod in the ribs under the arm of -either victim, with sword or rifle, affords endless amusement to their -tormentors in the victims’ gapes and grimaces as they gasp for breath; -but the captor’s cup of happiness is filled when an extra hard prod -knocks one man off his feet, and the poor wretches are only helped up -again when they are almost choking. - -Irritated beyond endurance by the youth’s jibes and jests, and hoping -to put an end to everything at once, I threw my weight and strength -into one blow—and I was a powerful man then—and felled him senseless. -Taking his rifle, I strode back to the tent, almost foaming with rage, -and entered; my eyes must have been blazing; I glared from one to the -other, wondering whether to fire the one shot and then start “clubbing” -until I was cut down. Hamza was the first to speak, and jumping up, -held up his hand, saying, “Istanna” (wait). I hurriedly related what -had occurred, and said what I intended to do. Hamza |39| came to me, -saying, “La, la, la (no, no, no), there must be a mistake. You are not -to be put in a shayba; our orders are to deliver you alive and well.” -Then turning to the others, he continued, “Hand this man over to me; -I shall deliver him alive and well to Wad en Nejoumi; I hold myself -responsible for him.” Some demur was made, when, lowering the rifle, -I placed the butt on the ground, rested my chin on the muzzle, and -addressing myself to all, said that unless I was left in Hamza’s charge -I should press the trigger—on which my great toe was then resting. -Hamza again pressed his point, and said, “If you do not agree, and -this man does any harm to himself, I declare myself free of blame and -responsibility. I have heard of him; he will do as he says.” The effect -of the words was magical. “Take him away—keep him; do what you wish -with him; never let him come near us again—never. Never let him look -upon us with his eyes.”[2] - - [2] The Soudanese, indeed all Easterns, have a great horror of - the “Evil Eye;” and the grey and grey-blue eyes of Europeans - in anger, or even in a fixed stare, as I learned later, strike - fear, if not terror, into the hearts of most. - -Hamza, turning to me, said, “You must know now that our master, Wad en -Nejoumi, knew of your coming, and sent us to conduct you to him. His -orders were that you should be treated well; he wishes to speak to you. -I will give you security until Dongola, where he is waiting for you. I -do not know what he will do with you; maybe he will kill you—I cannot -say; but, for myself, I promise you will arrive in Dongola alive. If -anything happens to you, the Emir Wad en Nejoumi will kill me. Will you -|40| promise that you will leave yourself in my hands, will not try -to kill yourself, or attempt to escape?” I gave my promise, upon which -Hamza said, “Leave this man to me.” - -The conversation which took place between us was of much longer -duration than the above would appear to indicate, but I cannot pretend -to remember _all_ that was said after the twelve years’ interval; the -above is the gist of it. I handed Hamza the rifle, and he, taking me -by the hand in the Bedawi manner, led me out of the tent, and towards -his section of the dervishes. On the way, in a few hurried whispers, -he gave me to understand that he was really still a friend of the -Government, and that I might trust implicitly in him. On reaching his -people, he called four men to attend to me, and sending for Hasseena, -told her to prepare such food as I was accustomed to. Hasseena came in -rags; her clothes, like mine, had been taken from her. He ordered one -of her dresses to be returned, and on my showing him how the skin had -been burned off my back and shoulders with the sun, he ordered that I, -too, should be supplied with more clothing. - - - - -|41| - -CHAPTER IV - -ARRIVAL IN DONGOLA - - -Instead of our starting off the next morning at sunrise, a sort of -“fantasia” was held. This consisted of men riding up and down the -camp with mimic combats between individuals—a sort of circus display. -Stricter watch was placed over me, and my guards warned against -allowing me to hold conversation with any one. At sunset we were off -again, and the following day halted in the desert, El Ordeh (Dongola) -being then, I was told, a few hours’ distant. We rested probably a -couple of hours, and marched until evening, but had not yet sighted -Dongola. A final search was made for concealed loot, and a piece of my -leather bag having been discovered on one of the men, he was flogged, -and, offering to confess, confessed that he had found the bag empty on -the ground. His clothing, and that of his section was searched, and -resulted in the discovery of seventeen of my Turkish dollars; a further -application of the courbag resulted in the discovery of the remainder -of the three hundred dollars, and a third one, of the greater part of -the jewellery. The flogging and searching delayed us, |42| and instead -of travelling that night, we only got away in the morning, arriving -within sight of Dongola at noon, when men were sent in to report our -arrival. - -While awaiting the return of the messengers, discipline—what there -was of it—was relaxed, and the camp given over to jubilations. The -attentions bestowed upon me were not pleasant; both by words and -actions I was given to understand what the men hoped and expected would -be my fate. A respite was granted, when the man who had received the -floggings was brought to me so that I might certify that all the things -discovered on him and his companions were extracted from my cash-bag, -and that all the articles had been recovered. He seemed none the worse -for his experiences, and the matter was explained to me. When the Ansar -are flogged, upon an expedition, for a theft which, as the Emirs know, -every one would commit, so many stripes are ordered to be given; these -are given with the courbag (rhinoceros-hide whip) on the fleshy part of -the back, and over the clothing. - -He forgave me, and blamed the sugar for his discovery. The -sugar-loaves, which were part of the goods of the Arabs who had joined -the caravan at Wadi Halfa, had been broken up and distributed. At the -wells some of the men had been noticed dipping pieces in the water and -munching them, and none of the sugar having been handed in when the -loot was collected, the first search was instituted, and this resulted -in the discovery of other hidden loot. I do not happen to know who -might be |43| the “father of sugar,” but I trust that the curses and -imprecations showered on his head by my dervish friend may not reach -him. - -Hasseena was brought to be searched, and stripped naked; she cleverly -dropped my seal in the sand, and pressed it in with her foot. I -had asked her to get this seal from Elias, as, with this in their -possession, the dervishes might have written, through my clerk, -whatever letters they chose, and sealing them with my seal, have made -them appear authentic. Hasseena was again questioned as to who I was, -and persisted in saying that I was a merchant and not a Government -official, and while she was being threatened with the courbag, which in -this instance would have been applied as the cat-o’-nine-tails is at -home, the Emir Hamza came forward as a witness in my favour. Hamza was -another who, friendly as he was to the “Government,” had been driven -into the ranks of the dervishes. After the final search, a move was -made towards Dongola, opposite which town we arrived between two and -three o’clock in the afternoon. Before the town we descried a grand -parade of troops taking place, and as we halted a band struck up; from -the sound which reached us, the band must have been composed of bugles -and trumpets of all shapes, sizes, and pitch, with just as varied an -assortment of drums. In the medley they played could be heard snatches -of the so-called Khedivial hymn. - -When the prisoners had been ranged up in such a manner as to make their -exhibit most effective, and when I, as the prisoner of the occasion, -had been |44| placed in the midst of the Emirs, a signal was given, -on which the horsemen of the paraded army charged down upon us in -their much-lauded and over-rated exhibition of horsemanship. This -exhibition consists of individual and collective charges right on to -the opposing line of onlookers, a sudden pulling up of the horse which -throws it on to its haunches, a meaningless shaking of swords and -spears over one’s head, a swerve to the left or right, the direction -being dominated by the half-broken jaw for which the sudden pulling -up with the brutal ring-bit with which the horses are ridden (?) is -responsible; another charge, and so on until the rider is tired or the -horse jibs. This is the usual programme, but it is occasionally varied -by accidents to horses and riders and onlookers, as, for example, the -affair of Khaleefa Ali Wad Helu, who, some few days before the battle -of Omdurman, gave an inspiriting exhibition to the faithful in front of -the Mahdi’s tomb, in order to instruct them how to charge the British -lines, and spoiled the whole thing by being thrown, breaking his wrist, -laming the horse, and nearly killing half a dozen of his most ardent -admirers who were in the front rank. This is not fiction. - -[Illustration: THE KHALEEFA’S TENDER MERCIES.] - -The parade and exhibition, called El Arrdah, given in celebration of -our capture, lasted more than an hour, when a move was made towards -Dongola, and on arrival at the town, Wad Hamza and Wad Farag led me -to the gateway of Nejoumi’s enclosure. We were kept waiting at the -entrance for some time, and it was as much as my guards could do to -protect me from the rabble; the people were in a most excited |45| -state, and my position was not rendered any the more comfortable by -my understanding the language. I was prodded with spears and swords, -and maybe for a quarter of an hour—it may have been more, it may -have been less—I was subjected to as severe an ordeal for patience -as ever man was put to. Many of those in the rabble knew me from -pre-abandonment days, but the cringing supplicants of former days were -now my bitterest foes and tormentors. Curses and imprecations are such -common accompaniments in ordinary disputes in the East—disputes over -the most trivial matters—that little new could assail my ears in a -country where a child just learning to babble may be heard, in childish -innocence, to lisp to its mother, “Il la'an abook,” or a much shorter -expression which, owing to the large number now understanding Arabic, -I cannot here use, but both of which expressions are in constant use. -It was the suggestive actions—some of beheading, some of mutilations, -others of a description which I may not even hint at, which nearly -drove me to exasperation; they did so actually, but I controlled -myself, and did not allow my exasperation to exhibit itself in any way, -either by word or deed. - -On entering the enclosure, I was shown to a small room, on the floor of -which three people were sitting; one rose, and, taking my hand, said, -“El Hamdu lillah,” “Bis-Salaamtuk” (thanks be to God for your safety). -I was told to sit down. The three scrutinized me, and I returned their -gaze. For some moments nothing was said, and I was determined not to -be the first to break the silence. Presently food was brought |46| -in, and I was told to partake of it. As with the first meal with the -Emirs, I set to with a will, and continued eating after the others had -finished, taking not the slightest notice of my hosts. I was acting a -part, I admit, for indifferent as I might have appeared to all taking -place around me, I was at the same time “all eyes and ears.” - -When I had finished, the one who had first spoken to me, and whom I -had guessed was Nejoumi, “introduced” himself to me. He prefaced the -series of questions he put to me by saying, “Do not be afraid; I hope -it will be my pleasure to receive you into the true religion, and we -shall be good friends.” Nejoumi assured me that I should soon get -accustomed to my new mode of life, and would in the end bless him for -having saved me. He then told me that he knew perfectly well who I -was, and, not being a “Government man,” my life was safe at his hands, -but my property, having been found in a caravan of enemies, must be -confiscated. I did not follow his reasoning, nor was I allowed to, for -he sent me off to the house of the Amin Beit-el-Mal (storekeeper or -director of the Beit-el-Mal), with instructions that I should be well -attended to. Hasseena was sent into the hareem of the same house. - -Early the next morning Nejoumi sent for me, and upon arriving at his -enclosure, I saw that he had a number of Sheikh Saleh’s men under -examination. I learned later that some had admitted that I was once -in Government employ, and had fought against the Mahdi, but that now -I was a merchant only. There were, of course, numbers in the town who -remembered |47| me in connection with the expedition, and in order -to curry favour, they were not averse to credit me with exploits -and prowess which, if related to and believed in by the British -authorities, would have placed me upon an unearned pedestal. In this -instance they were related in the hope that I should be placed on -the now well-known “angareeb,” which in a few seconds would be drawn -away, leaving me suspended by the neck. When my turn for interrogation -came, my letter-wallet was handed to Nejoumi; he had, no doubt, had -the contents examined the night before. His first question was, “Which -are the Government papers?” I declared that there were none, and that -all the papers were business ones. He then inquired, “Are there no -papers from the friends of the Government?”—to which I answered, “There -may be; I am a merchant; I buy gum, hides—anything from the Soudan, -and sell them again to any one else who will buy them from me. It is -‘khullo zai baadoo’ (all the same) to me who the people are—friends or -enemies of the Government—provided they pay me. I gave good money for -what I bought, and wanted good money for what I sold.” Nejoumi then -told me that he had had the letters translated by a girl educated in -the “Kanneesa” (church) of Khartoum. General Stephenson’s letter had -been translated as a “firman” appointing me the “Pasha” of the Western -Soudan, with orders to wage war on the dervishes, for which purpose I -had been provided with money, rifles, and ammunition, and about forty -or fifty men as my personal bodyguard. - -At first I was dumfounded; then, serious as my |48| position was, -I could not restrain myself from bursting out laughing. I protested -that the translation was false, and asked to be shown the document. -I was not shown it. To a man whom I surmised was the Kadi, I said, -“If the letter is a ‘firman,’ then it should be written in Arabic, -as the Soudanese did not read or understand English.” This remark -appealed to Nejoumi, who said that he did not believe the translation -himself, _as it was quite different from the news he had received from -Hassib-el-Gabou_. I made inquiries about this black female convert to -Christianity, and learned that she knew not a single word of English, -but few of Italian, and, like the remainder of such converts so-called, -went to the mission for what she could get out of it. I have forgotten -her name, but hope to discover it before completing my notes, when I -shall give it. It would be interesting to learn how much Christian -money had been wasted on the education of this supposed convert, -married then to a Danagli, and a shining light amongst the most -fanatical of the women, who, with their songs and dances, fanned the -flame of fanaticism amongst the men. - -More of Saleh’s men were brought in and questioned—I questioned with -them. In the end, I admitted that General Stephenson’s letter asked me, -if I was passing Sheikh Saleh’s district, to tell him that arms and -ammunition were awaiting him at Wadi Halfa; but that I had nothing to -do with the sale of them, was proved by my arriving after they had been -taken over, and my papers would show that I had not sold them to him, -and that I was not going to collect the money for them, |49| as they -believed. The remainder of that conference is only a haze to me now, -but I remember that later the same day I was told that Nejoumi, pressed -by the other Emirs, had, in order to elicit the truth by frightening -the others, ordered the execution of fourteen of the Arabs who had -joined us at Wadi Halfa. Emin, my guide, for some reason or another -which I never discovered, was ordered to be executed at the same time, -and was first to be beheaded. My surmises upon this incident had better -be left to my next chapter. - -On the following morning, the Amin Beit-el-Mal ordered me to get ready -to attend a “fantasia” which Wad en Nejoumi had arranged, and at which -he had ordered me to be present; but, being his prisoner, I must appear -as one, for which purpose a light ring and chain was placed on my neck, -and a light chain fastened to my ankles. On arrival at Nejoumi’s place, -I found the Kadi trying to persuade Darb es Safai and about twelve or -thirteen of Saleh’s men to become Mahdists. Darb es Safai was their -spokesman. They scorned the exhortations of the Kadi, and heaped on his -head whatever insults they could. Nejoumi was present, and to him Darb -es Safai said, “We have ridden behind our master, Sheikh Saleh, and we -refuse to follow you on foot as slaves; we have come here to die—let -us die.” Being told that if they persisted in their stubbornness they -would be killed, Darb es Safai repeated, “We have come to die—let us -die.” I was then removed to a small mud hut, told to sit down, and -here hundreds of the populace came to see me, flinging at me all the -abuse their rich language is |50| capable of, striving with each other -to excel in virulence. Darb es Safai and the others had been marched -off a short distance, and set to dig a shallow trench; when this was -finished, they were ordered to kneel at its edge, and their hands were -tied behind them; this action is practically the declaration of the -death sentence. Es Safai asked to be beheaded last, as he wished to see -how his men could die. Only one jumped to his feet when a few heads had -rolled into the trench, when Es Safai called out, “Kneel down. Do you -not see these cowards are looking at us?” This was the “fantasia” I was -to have assisted at, but, by some misunderstanding, I was spared the -horrible spectacle. - -When the executions were over, my chains were removed, and I was again -taken before Nejoumi, and questioned as to what property I had in the -caravan, and also if I had any slaves. I said I might not possess -slaves, but had two servants—Elias, my clerk, and Hasseena, who was a -freed slave, and now my female servant. Elias had been cross-examined, -but had evidently, in his fright, contradicted himself time after time. -First he said he was my clerk, then he was the servant of some Ali Abou -Gordi of the Alighat tribe, then trading in the Soudan. Nejoumi told me -that, if Elias’s last tale was true, he could not be returned to me, -as he must be an enemy. I did my best for Elias, telling Nejoumi that -he was a good clerk and good writer, and that he might be very useful -to him in writing letters. Hasseena was brought in and protested that -she was my slave, not my servant; |51| that I had bought her, but, -as slaves were not allowed by the Government, I had had to give her a -_shehaada_ (certificate) declaring her free. Nejoumi made a present of -her to one of the men present, and on this Hasseena squatted on the -ground and refused to budge. She screamed to Nejoumi that he might, if -he chose, marry her himself, but said that whoever her husband might -be, he would die the same night, since she knew how to poison people -secretly. She knew nothing whatever about poisons, but this remark -probably was the reason for her being sent to the Khaleefa, as she -might be useful. She was sent back as “property” to the Beit-el-Mal. - -My ordeal was not yet over; other chiefs came in, and the conference -opened soon developed into a heated, if not acrimonious, discussion -and dispute. I did not know Soudani sufficiently to follow all that -was said, besides which three or four were speaking rapidly at the -same time; but I gathered that Nejoumi wished to keep me by him, as he -believed that I might be made useful in signing letters which my clerk -would have to write. The others, believing the girl’s translation of -the letter, were for despatching me to the next world, and sending my -head as a gruesome present to the commandant at Wadi Halfa, accompanied -by the supposed “firman.” It is not a pleasant experience to sit down -and hear your fate being discussed, conscious that the sentence will -be carried out immediately. No criminal ever scanned the face of a -jury on its return to court as I did those of my savage captors, with -ears strained to catch every familiar |52| word; and, difficult as -it is after all these years to attempt to give a real analysis of -one’s feelings then, I can remember gloating over the thought that, -if death were the sentence, I would spring at the throat of the first -Emir I could reach, with my nails buried in and tearing at the flesh, -until a blow would finish all, and so rob the fanatical horde outside -of the pleasure of seeing a hated “Turk” publicly executed. That the -recollection is no imaginary one may be guessed from the fact that, -when I asked about Gabou’s “health” at Assouan after my release, one -part of that conjured scene sprang up, and doubtless would have been -acted, had Gabou been alive. - -Nejoumi only partly won his point—I was to be sent to the Khaleefa. -Seven men were sent for, and Hasseena and I placed in their charge. -Nejoumi gave me some clothing, and also a hundred dollars from the -three hundred taken from me, and we were ordered off that night. - - - - -|53| - -CHAPTER V - -THE REAL HISTORY OF THE CAPTURE - - -(Extracts.) - - “He (Nejoumi) captured in the Oasis of Selima a large part if not - the whole of the rifles. This was mainly owing to the imprudence - of an enterprising German merchant named Charles Neufeld, who had - accompanied the convoy, and, desirous of obtaining a supply of water, - had descended to the Oasis, where he was captured by the enemy.” - - “. . . Most of them were killed, and a few, including Neufeld, were - taken captive to Dongola; there they were beheaded, with the exception - of Neufeld, who was sent to Omdurman, where he arrived on March 1, - 1887.” - - March 21, 1887.—“Sixty Kabbabish have arrived, sent by their chief to - take over arms and money.” - - May 15, 1887.—“Mr. Neufeld is reported to have diverged from caravan - of Kabbabishes to Sheikh Saleh to Bakah Wells, and to have been taken - prisoner by the dervishes, as well as a few Kabbabish letters are said - to have been captured; none from this office were entrusted to him” - (Blue Book No. 2, 1888—Nos. 50 and 90). - - “Neufeld was now free. His release was owing to one of the Emirs - representing to Abdullah Khalifa the great service Neufeld had been in - enabling arms and ammunition to be taken from the Kabbabishes at the - time Neufeld was captured” (Letter to Mrs. Neufeld from War Office. - Cairo, 10.3.90). |54| - -It would be as well to give at once the real history of my capture -as regards the circumstances and the arrangements made to effect -it. I received the details first from Ahmed Nur Ed Din, who, some -months after my capture, came to Omdurman on his own initiative to -try and effect my escape. His version was confirmed and amplified by -my intended companion Hogal, who again fell into the hands of the -dervishes in 1897, and was imprisoned with me until we were finally -released a few months ago. - -The treachery of Gabou has also been confirmed by Moussa Daoud Kanaga, -who has just arrived from the Soudan to meet me, he having heard of my -release and arrival at Cairo. Moussa was one of the Soudan merchants -with whom I had had many dealings in former days, and believing he -could do something towards effecting my escape, he, after many attempts -to reach me, finally succeeded in doing so in September, 1889. - -Instead of wearying my readers with snatches from one narrative and -the other, I will try, combining all, to make one clear and connected -story, having for this purpose deleted from the last chapter remarks -and questions put to me by Nejoumi at Dongola in order to introduce -them here. - -The guide I had engaged for the journey, Hassib-el-Gabou, belonged to -the Dar Hamad section of the Kabbabish tribe which was settled in and -around Dongola. Gabou was employed as a spy by the military authorities -on the frontier, but there is not the slightest doubt that he was at -the same time in |55| the pay of Wad Nejoumi. He related to each side -just sufficient to keep himself in constant good grace and pay, and -failing authentic news of any description, he was able to fall back -upon his intimate local knowledge, his double dealings, his knowledge -of the people and language, and a fund of plausibility which at the -present day would not pass current for five minutes. - -Between the Dar Hamad section, and the section acknowledging Saleh -Bey Wad Salem as their head, there were a number of old outstanding -jealousies which had not been settled; what they were all about I -cannot pretend to say, but one of the principal was, whether Sheikh -Saleh or the head of the Dar Hamads should be considered the senior. -It may not have been forgotten by those who have taken an interest -in Soudan affairs, that the existence of these tribal jealousies and -disputes between divided tribes was taken full advantage of by the -Mahdi and Khaleefa, in very much the same way as a political agent -runs one section of a party against another, and gains _his_ point, at -the cost and discomfiture of the others who, for the time being, were -unconsciously playing his game for him. Sheikh Saleh’s party were the -real Bedawi (men of the desert), and, therefore, more reliable than the -Dar Hamads, who had the “belladi” (town) taint or stigma attached to -them. - -Gabou’s first plan was, according to his lights, to act loyal to his -section of the tribe, and so to arrange matters that the arms intended -for his rivals, Sheikh Saleh’s section, should fall into the hands -of his people; with those arms turned against the |56| dervishes, -he might see his section come to the front as _the_ support of the -Government, and maybe be in possession of the coveted title of Bey -and a Nishan (decoration), if his plans succeeded. I have no doubt -that, had his first plan succeeded, he would have been prepared with -a plausible tale, and gaining any slight advantage over the dervishes -would certainly have atoned for his defections. His plan as originally -conceived was as follows:—First, he wrote to his own sheikh giving -him full details of the arms and ammunition awaiting Saleh’s caravan, -and there is every reason to believe that the letters sent by General -Stephenson to Sheikh Saleh in the first instance, were delayed by Gabou -until his plans were complete. The guide Hassan, whom I believed had -been engaged at the last moment, had been engaged some time before, and -fully instructed in the part he had to play. Gabou had promised his -people that after Sheikh Saleh’s caravan left El Selima Wells, they -would be led towards the Wadi el Kab instead of El Agia Wells, so that -even had we filled our water-skins at leisure at Selima, we should only -have been provided with four, instead of eight days’ water, and two -days on the desert without water has its discomforts. When a Bedawi -will travel two or three days without water and not murmur, it can be -better imagined than described what Gabou’s promise to hand us over -“thirsty” meant; it meant precisely what actually did occur—the madness -of thirst approaching—the lips glued together, the tongue swollen and -sore in vain attempts to excite the salivary |57| glands—the muscles -of the throat contracted, and the palate feeling like a piece of -sandstone, the nostrils choked with fine sand, and the eyes reddened -and starting, with the eyelids seeming to crack at every movement. Only -those who have experienced what we did during those last days on our -journey to Wadi el Kab, can fill in the missing details in the history -of Esau selling his birthright for a mess of pottage. - -The Dar Hamads, on receiving Gabou’s news, made their preparations; -arms buried in the ground to conceal them from the dervishes were -unearthed, but the very evident activity of the people excited the -suspicions of Wad Nejoumi. Believing that a revolt was intended, he -prepared to meet it; but, having his spies about, bits of the real -truth leaked out. Gabou was put to the test; either written messages or -messengers were sent to him by Nejoumi, asking about Saleh’s caravan -and the purposes for which they had gone to Wadi Halfa. When Gabou saw -that his first scheme had miscarried, rather than the caravan should -fall into the hands of his rivals, he preferred to reveal to Nejoumi -the plot he had planned for the benefit of his own people. It was on -this account that he had, as related, tried at one time to get me to -abandon the projected journey; and, as can be understood, there were -many reasons for his sending word to Nejoumi saying I was to accompany -the caravan. His keeping back of Ismail, the leader, day after day, was -only to allow of his messages reaching Nejoumi in time for him to make -complete preparations for intercepting us. |58| - -Hogal arrived at Wadi Halfa the very evening of our departure, and sent -over his message. Gabou met him and gave him his confidence. He told -Hogal the means he had used to try and get me to abandon the journey, -but that he dared not give me the real reasons, as he knew I should -report the matter, and his head would then be in danger; he had done -the best he could by letting Nejoumi know who and what I was. Still -dexterously playing his cards, and to keep Hogal quiet, he said that he -knew that the English were going away; they certainly would not take -him with them, and as he and Hogal had their family ties in the Soudan, -unless he worked with Nejoumi, his “good word” would be of no avail -to his family and friends when the dervishes came down to occupy the -abandoned towns. - -I trust that my readers are now beginning to see the light through -this dark conspiracy, and that I am making the narrative sufficiently -intelligible and clear without constantly requesting you to turn back -to earlier pages. - -Gabou, playing a double part himself, and being naturally suspicious -of every one in consequence, thought that I might have divined his -treachery when the camels did not overtake us, and might change our -route in consequence; these suspicions he communicated to Nejoumi. Had -he not done this, I might have forgiven him—for it was every one for -himself in those days. There was not the least necessity for him to -warn Nejoumi that we might change our route on discovering that the -guide was leading |59| us in the wrong direction, for had Nejoumi’s -men _not_ found us, Gabou would not have been blamed. - -Nejoumi, on receiving the news, despatched a large number of dervishes -under Wad Bessir to Umbellila, opposite Abou Gussi, and another -under Osman Azrak to El Kab opposite to El Ordeh (Dongola), and Said -Mohammad Wad Farag, Mohammad Hamza, Makin en Nur and Wad Umar to the -various wells in the Wadi el Kab, the latter having orders to keep -the Dar Hamads in check. I am giving this list of now famous names -from recollections of what I was told at Dongola and Omdurman, not for -the purpose of thereby investing with a halo of barbaric romance an -incident which was nothing more nor less than a bit of highway robbery, -but more with the idea, that should any of those named be still living, -and eventually come into the hands of the Government, they might be -questioned as to this affair, and their account compared with the -series of contradictory passages which head the present chapter. - -Wad Farag sent a flying party to Selima Wells, led by a slave of Wad -Eysawee, named Hassib Allah. It was Hassib Allah who had fired the -shot we heard on the day of our arrival at Selima. When taken before -Wad Nejoumi at Dongola, one of the questions put me was, “Did you see -any one, or hear a shot fired the day you reached Selima,” to which I -answered “Yes,” as regards the latter part of the question, thereby -making an everlasting friend of Hassib Allah, as a reward had been -promised to whoever should first sight us and hurry back to the main -body with the news; |60| he had fired the shot, so that the question -might be put. Even in this you may gauge the amount of faith or -confidence the Ansar had in the word of their Emirs, and the amount of -credence a European might give to their tales when they lied to, and -deceived each other with such charming impartiality. - -After despatching Hassib, Wad Farag divided his party, sending one -to the district between Wadi el Kab and the Nile, and the second, -commanded by himself, he led to the desert to intercept us. The Alighat -Arab sent out as a scout, who did not return, must have either been -captured by Farag, or what is more likely, as he was sent out by -Hassan, was an emissary of Hassan’s to Wad Farag or any of the other -dervishes to give them the news, as Hassan must have been aware of our -position and the proximity of the dervishes. The tracks we had picked -up on the road, when the embers of the caravan’s fires were found still -hot, were the remains of the fires of Hassib’s men, who had kept within -touch of us the whole time, only losing touch on the day following the -disappearance of the Alighats. - -On reaching the broken ground leading to El Kab, my guide Amin and -the two others had been allowed to pass unchallenged intentionally, -as the dervish plan was to form themselves into three parties, which -were to rush us from three sides at the same moment. It was in direct -disobedience of orders that the first shots were fired at us, but it -was probably done by some one to gain the promised reward for sighting -us, and it ended, as already related, in a general fusilade. The |61| -camels loaded with filled water-skins were left behind purposely, but -their being left was a happy thought at the moment of Farag’s men. When -they retired, it was only to join the other section which was to have -rushed us from the left; the section to rush us in the rear being a -little further out in the desert than the plan shows. - -Our leader Ismail I never saw or heard of again; he may have -succeeded in escaping altogether, only to be killed when the virtual -extermination of the tribe took place and Sheikh Saleh, standing on his -sheepskin, fell fighting to the last. - -This account of the capture of the caravan, and the explanations given, -though not agreeing in essentials with the accounts given officially, -may be accepted as being as nearly correct in every detail as it is -possible for memory to give them, and the occasion was one of those -in life where even twelve years’ sufferings are not sufficient to -obliterate the incidents from the mind. - -I feel some little confidence in offering to the world my version of -the circumstances attending my departure from Wadi Halfa for Kordofan, -the date upon which I really did leave Egypt—as unfortunate a date for -me as it evidently has been to some of my biographers,—and the actual -circumstances attending my capture, as I happened to be present on -the various occasions spoken of, and I do not think it will be asking -too much if I request that the same amount of credence be given to -my own story as has been given to that of others referred to in my -introduction, and in the extracts which head the present chapter. |62| - -It now remains, before closing this chapter, to deal with Dufa'allah -Hogal and his part in the affair. In my first letter from Omdurman, -which letter was written for me by dictation of the Khaleefa, I am -made to say that I blamed Hogal for his deceit, but at the same time -thanked him for his deceit, as it had led me to grace. This was a -clever invention of the Emir’s at Dongola, or the Khaleefa himself, to -get Hogal into trouble with the Government, and draw away suspicion -from Hassan and Gabou. This letter was received by one of my clerks at -Assouan, who fortunately retained a copy before forwarding it on to -Cairo; a translation of it will be given later. - -Hogal is not to be blamed for keeping his own counsel after Gabou -had given him his confidence. He had nothing to gain by telling the -authorities the truth, and he had everything to lose if he did. The -Khaleefa’s spies were everywhere in the Government and out of it, just -as the Government spies were amongst the Mahdists, and there can be no -doubt but that they were paid by both sides—and who is to blame them? -Hogal’s family ties and relations were in the Soudan, and there was no -use in his raising a question over a dead man. I may have something -to say about guides and spies later on, but it will not be with the -idea of calling any of them to justice. The only justice they knew -of was that contained in “Possession is nine points of the law,” or -“Might conquers right,” and it suited their natures admirably to play -a double game, rendered so easy for them with a Khaleefa who, having -made up his mind to |63| do a certain thing, ever kept that object in -view, and worked for its accomplishment, whilst on the other hand was -a Government which in their opinion did not seem to know its own mind -from one day to another as to what should be done with the Soudan and -its subjects resident there. - - - - -|64| - -CHAPTER VI - -DONGOLA TO OMDURMAN - - -During the early part of the night of April 27, the Amin Beit-el-Mal -told me to prepare for my journey to Omdurman, as Wad Nejoumi had -sent for me. There was little preparation I could make, except to beg -some sesame oil to rub over my face, shoulders, back, and feet. The -woollen shirt and clothing I had been allowed had not been sufficient -to protect me against the burning rays of the sun, and the skin was -peeling away from my face, shoulders and back, while my feet were -blistered and cut. My stockings had been worn through in a day’s -tramping through the sand. Taken to Nejoumi’s enclosure, Nejoumi and I -sat together talking for a considerable time. He told me that he had -wished to keep me by him for the purposes of “akhbar” (information, or -news), but that the other Emirs had insisted upon my being killed at -once, or sent to the Khaleefa with the supposed “firman” appointing me -“The Pasha of the Western Soudan,” to be dealt with by the Khaleefa -at Omdurman. Nejoumi said he had written asking that I should be sent -back to him. He put to me many |65| questions about the Government, -the fortifications of Cairo and Alexandria, Assouan, Korosko and Wadi -Halfa, and in particular he was anxious to know all about the British -army and “Ingleterra.” The advance up the Nile for the relief of Gordon -had evidently given him a very poor opinion of our means of transport, -at least as regards rapidity of movement, for when I told him of the -distance between Alexandria and England, and assured him that steamers -could bring in a large army in a week’s time, he smiled and said, “I am -not a child, to tell me a tale like that.” He may or may not have gone -to his grave believing that I was romancing, when I described to him -what an ocean-going steamer was like, and did my best to give him some -idea of the proportions of a Nile Dahabieh compared with an ocean-going -steamer and a man-of-war. - -[Illustration: SHEIKH ED DIN’S EUNUCH IN HIS MASTER’S MARRIAGE-JIBBEH.] - -I left him firmly impressed with the idea, and this impression was only -intensified months later when a number of his chief men were ordered -back to Omdurman and thrown into prison with me, that had Nejoumi had -any one in whom he could repose his confidence and absolute trust in -such a delicate matter, he would have sent in his submission to the -Government, and laying hands upon the Emirs sent by the Khaleefa to spy -upon him—for he was then under suspicion—would have led his army as -“friendlies” to Wadi Halfa, and have asked assistance to enable him to -turn the tables on the Khaleefa. What further leads me to make such a -bold assertion or statement is that the Emirs, or chief men, referred -to already as having |66| been thrown into prison with me at Omdurman, -gave me, as their fellow-captive, first their sympathy, and then their -complete confidence. I learned from them the fate of those of Saleh’s -caravan whom I had left alive at Dongola. They had, they told me, been -executed in batches of varying numbers at intervals of some days, Elias -my clerk being the last to be executed, and he not being executed until -about two months after my departure from Dongola. Nejoumi, for reasons -which will be at once seen, kept him alive to the last, and then -doubtless only gave the order for his execution when, despairing of my -being sent back to him, he gave way to the importunities of the other -Emirs anxious to see the last of Saleh’s people executed. - -From what they confided to me, there could not be the slightest doubt -that a conviction of the imposture of the Mahdi’s successor was growing -and spreading amongst the Mahdists; but the system of espionage -instituted by the Khaleefa nipped in the bud any outward show of it. -There can be also no doubt that these confidants of Nejoumi had, in -some way, compromised themselves when speaking in the presence of some -of the Khaleefa’s agents, and that Nejoumi himself had only not been -ordered back with them because of his popularity and the Khaleefa’s -fear and jealousy of him. There was no one whom Nejoumi, or, for the -matter of that, any one—not even excepting the Khaleefa himself, might -implicitly trust in the Soudan. The man to whom you gave your innermost -confidences might be friend or foe, and as all changed face as rapidly -and constantly as |67| circumstances dictated, it would be safe to say -that no one in the Soudan for a single moment trusted any one else. - -Whatever Nejoumi’s convictions may have been in the earlier days of the -Mahdist movement, it is certain that they underwent a great change. -Indeed, his advance against the Egyptian Army at Toski, when he was -killed, was, as I was told by some of his people imprisoned with me -after their return, only undertaken when he was goaded to it by the -reproaches of the Khaleefa, accusing him of cowardice and treachery, -accompanied with threats of recalling him to Omdurman—and Nejoumi knew -well what this implied. - -In the last chapter I remarked that I would later offer some surmises -as to the reason why my guide Amin was the first to be executed at -Dongola, and it would be well to insert them here, while speaking of -my fellow-prisoners from Nejoumi’s army. Though they could not be -positive on the point, they were certain that Amin’s two or three -passages-at-arms with the guide Hassan had been related to the -assembled Emirs at Dongola immediately after our arrival, and Amin -was in consequence ordered to be at once executed. I expressed my -suspicions as to the actual death of Hassan at El Kab, and in face of -what I was told, I cannot help but believe that his falling from the -camel was an arranged affair, and that he came with the caravan to -Dongola, and gave evidence against Amin. Following up this suspicion or -supposition, it is very probable that he originated the “cock-and-bull” -story related to the military authorities, |68| detailing the supposed -incidents of the capture of Saleh’s caravan and myself. It will not -have been forgotten that the published official and semi-official -records report my capture at two different places a hundred and fifty -miles apart, or, in other words, a minimum of five days’ journey, and -at different dates,—in one instance announcing my arrival at Omdurman -as a captive one month before the caravan which I was supposed to have -betrayed—or been the cause of the capture of through “imprudence”—had -even started from Wadi Halfa. - -In the early morning of April 28, I and Hasseena were taken outside -the town to where the guards and camels were awaiting us, and setting -off on our journey, travelled through Hannak, Debbeh, Abou Gussi, and -Ambukol. The incidents connected with our appearance at these places -are not of sufficient interest to warrant my detaining my readers with -them. From Ambukol we struck into the desert, making for the Nile at -Gebel Roiyan, enduring the inevitable discomforts and privations of -such a journey. On arrival at the village near Gebel Roiyan, we took -possession of what we believed to be a deserted house, and, after -taking a little food, lay down to sleep. During the night a wretched -old woman crept into my room, and commenced that peculiar wailing -known to those who have been in the East. She was, she said, “El umm -Khashm-el-Mus” (the mother of Khashm-el-Mus—but the expression may be -taken to imply merely that she was one of Khashm-el-Mus’s family or -relatives), whom Gordon had sent with gunboats to Metemmeh to |69| -accompany Sir Charles Wilson on his voyage to Khartoum. Her sons, -the whole of her family (or tribe), had been killed by the Khaleefa’s -order, and, as far as she knew, she was the only one left. Taking no -notice of my guards, who had come in, attracted by the wailing and -talking, she cursed the Mahdi, and every thing and every one connected -with him. The wailings of the poor creature, her pinched, sunken -cheeks, her glistening eyes, her skinny, hooked fingers, her vehement -curses on the Mahdi and Khaleefa, and the faint glow from the charcoal -embers which only served to outline the form of the old woman as some -horrid spectre as she stood up and prophesied my death, completely -unnerved me. If there was one night in my life upon which I required a -few hours’ rest it was on this—the last, as I knew, before my entering -Omdurman. But no sleep came to my eyes that night. Soon after the woman -left, a sound of dull thuds, a shriek, a moan, and then silence told -its own tale. She had been battered to death with curses on the Mahdi -on her lips. - -The night was one long, horrible, wakening nightmare, but all was real -and not a fantasy of the brain. How I longed for the dawn! and how -impatiently I waited for it! For the first time I had fears for my -reason. The sensation I felt was as if a cord had been slipped round -my brain, and was gradually but surely tightening. But enough of this; -it is not necessary to interlard my experiences with painful mental -sensations, real as they were. - -It was with some little difficulty that I shuffled my |70| way to the -camels next morning, to mount and get away on our last stage of the -journey to Omdurman. We reached the town at noon, on Thursday, May -5, and passed in almost unnoticed until we reached the market-place, -when the news having spread like wildfire, we were soon surrounded -by thousands of people, and it was with the greatest difficulty we -fought our way to the open praying-ground adjoining the burial-place -of the Mahdi. (The tomb had not then been built.) Here I was placed in -the shade of the rukooba. (The rukooba is a light structure of poles -supporting a roof of matting and palm branches, in the shade of which -the people rest during the heat of the day.) Two of my guards went -off to deliver Wad Nejoumi’s despatches to the Khaleefa, and also to -announce my arrival. - -Shortly afterwards, Nur Angara, Slatin, Mohammad Taher, and the chief -Kadi, with others, came to question me. Slatin addressed a few words -to me in English, but not understanding him, I asked him to speak in -German, upon which he said in an undertone, “Be polite; tell them -you have come to join the Mahdieh in order to embrace the Mahdi’s -religion; do not address me.” Nur Angara, who put the majority of the -questions, asked, “Why have you come to Omdurman?” I hesitated a little -before replying, but did not hesitate long enough to allow my European -blood to cool sufficiently to reply “politely” to the imperious black -confronting me. I told him, “Because I could not help myself; when I -left Wadi Halfa it was to go and trade and not fight, |71| but your -people have taken me prisoner, and sent me here; why do you ask me that -question?” Slatin at this moved behind the other Emirs, and I believe -made some attempt to make me understand that I should speak differently -to them. My helplessness was galling to me; there was not a man there -whom, pulled down as I was, I could not with sheer strength have -crushed the life out of. - -I was questioned about the number of troops at Wadi Halfa and Cairo, -the fortifications, etc., but neither places would have recognized the -fortresses I invented for the occasion, and the numbers of troops with -which I invested them. When told that news had been received from Wad -Nejoumi that the British troops were leaving, I admitted the truth of -this, but said that they could all be brought back to Wadi Halfa in -four days. All the questions, or nearly all, were in connection with -the army and the movement of the troops, and this will be understood -when it is remembered that, by some, I was believed to be “Pasha,” and -all Pashas in the Soudan were military leaders. - -I have been shown a statement to the effect that my readiness to -talk “made a bad impression,” but this remark was not, at the time -of writing, sufficiently explanatory—and yet it may have been. Other -captives had grovelled at the feet of their captors; I did not, hence -probably the “bad impression” created; and while the world may blame -me for being so injudicious as to treat my powerful captors with such -scant courtesy, it can hardly be expected that I, even had I not passed -|72| six years in close connection with the British Army on the field -of battle, and in times of comparative peace, should in a moment -forget and lose my manhood, and cover with servile kisses the hands -of a savage black—and one of the murderers of Gordon to boot. I thank -God, now that I am restored to “life,” that my first appearance as the -Khaleefa’s captive “made a bad impression,” for even in this I choose -to accept an evidence that I was not what I have in some instances been -represented as being. - -On the Emirs and others leaving me, some dervishes advanced, stripped -me of the jibbeh and clothes given me by Nejoumi, replacing them with -a soldier’s old jersey and cotton drawers. My feet were next fettered, -and a ring, with a long heavy chain attached, was fastened round my -neck. During that evening—indeed, during the whole night, crowds came -to look at me, while the ombeyeh (war-trumpet made from a hollowed -tusk) was sounded the whole night through. A woman, a sort of Mahdist -amazon, walked and danced up and down in front of me, singing and -gesticulating, but I could not catch the full meaning of her words. -Noticing Hasseena sobbing violently a few yards away, I called to her, -and asked what was the matter with her. She told me that the ombeyeh -was calling up the followers of the prophet to come and witness my -execution, and that the woman, in her rude rhyme, was describing my -death agonies, and my subsequent tortures in hell as an unbeliever. One -of my guards told me that what Hasseena had related was true, and I had -curiosity enough to ask him the |73| details of an execution; these -having been described to me, I refused food and drink. I was determined -to deprive the fanatics of one looked-for element connected with my -execution—but I may not enter into details. - -At dawn the following morning, a dervish came to me, and crossing my -right hand over the left at the wrists, palms downward, proceeded to -bind them together with a rope made of palm fibre. When the ropes had, -with a bit of wood used as a tourniquet, been drawn well into the -flesh, water was poured over them. The agony as the ropes swelled was -excruciating; they “bit” into the flesh, and even now I cannot look at -the scars on my hands without a shudder, and almost experiencing again -the same sensations as those of twelve years ago. - -With the perspiration rolling off me with the pain I was enduring, -and no longer able to conceal that I was suffering, I was led forth -to be the sport of the rabble. Made to stand up in the open space, -bareheaded, with thousands around me, I believed the moment for my -decapitation had come, and muttering a short prayer, I knelt down and -bent my head, but was at once pulled to my feet again; the populace -wanted their sport out of me first. Dervishes rushed at me prodding -with spears and swords, and while this was going on, two men, one on -each side of me, with the mouths of their ombeyehs placed against my -ears, blew their loudest blasts. One powerful man in particular, with -a large spear, gave me the idea that it was he who had been told to -give the final |74| thrust, and when he had made a number of feints, -I tried in successive ones to meet the thrust. One of the men guarding -me, taking the chain attached to the ring round my neck, pulled me back -each time, much to the delight of the assembled people. - -The ropes with which I was bound had now done their work; the swollen -skin gave way, and the horrible tension was removed as the ropes -sank into the flesh. If I had exhibited any feeling of pain before, -I was now as indifferent to it as I was to the multitude around me. -A messenger of the Khaleefa, Ali Gulla, asked me, “Have you heard -the ombeyehs?”—a bit of the Khaleefa’s supposed pleasantry, when it -was by his orders that the mouths of the instruments had been placed -against my ears. On nodding my reply, Gulla continued, “The Khaleefa -has sent me to tell you that he has decided to behead you,” to which I -replied, “Go back to your Khaleefa, and tell him that neither he nor -fifty Khaleefas may so much as remove a hair from my head without God’s -permission. If God’s will it is, then my head shall be cut off, but it -will not be because the Khaleefa wills it.” He went to the Khaleefa -with this message, and returned saying, “The Khaleefa has changed his -mind; your head is not to be cut off; you are to be crucified as was -your prophet Aisse en Nebbi” (Jesus the Prophet); after saying which, -he told my guards to take me back to the rukooba while preparations -were made. - -By this time, what with the fatigue and privations on the journey, -my head almost splitting as the result of the ombeyeh’s blasts, the -agony caused by the |75| ropes binding my wrists, and the torture of -scores of small irritating and stinging flies attacking the raw flesh -of my hands, and the sun beating down on my bare head, I was about to -faint. An hour later, I was ordered off to the place of crucifixion; -being heavily chained, I was unable to walk, so had to be placed upon a -donkey, on which I was held up by two men. On coming to a halt, instead -of the crucifix I had expected, I found a set of gallows. I was lifted -from the donkey and placed close to the “angareeb,” with the noose -dangling just over my head. Pain and faintness at once left me. A few -minutes more would end all, and I had made up my mind that that horde -should respect me even in my death. I tried to mount the angareeb, but -my chains prevented me. A tall black (the chief Kadi of the Khaleefa), -placing his hand on my arm, said, “The Khaleefa is gratified at your -courage, and, to show this, offers you the choice of the manner of your -death.” I replied, “Go back to your Khaleefa, and tell him that he may -please himself as to what form my death comes in, only if he wishes to -do me a favour, be quick about it; the sun burns my brain.” To which -the Kadi replied, “You will be dead in a few minutes; what will you die -as, as a Muslim or a Kaffir?” I was growing desperate, and answered at -the top of my voice, “Ed Deen mush hiddm terrayer nahaarda ou Bookra” -(Religion is not a dress to be put on to-day and thrown off to-morrow). - -My reply, and the manner in which I gave it, I was gratified to see, -made him angry. While we were still talking, a man on horseback -made his way through |76| the crowd to us, and spoke to the Kadi, -who, turning to me, said, “Be happy, there is no death for you; the -Khaleefa, in his great mercy, has pardoned you.” To which I asked, -“Why? Have I asked for his pardon?” for I did not believe for a moment -that such was actually the case. I was at once bundled on to the -donkey, however, and taken back to the rukooba. Some one had reported -to the Khaleefa about the state of my hands, and a man was sent at -once with orders to have the ropes removed. Food in abundance was sent -me, but this I gave to the ombeyeh men who had escorted me back to the -rukooba, and I could even then smile at one of the men who complained -that he could not enjoy the food, as his lips—great thick black ones -they were, too—were as raw with blowing the ombeyeh all night as my -hands were with the ropes. - -[Illustration: WRITING UNDER DIFFICULTIES.] - -On the following day I was taken before the Kadis, with whom was the -Khaleefa and Slatin. I was asked, “Why have you come to Omdurman?” to -which I gave the same reply as I had given to Nur Angara. The letter -of General Stephenson was exhibited to me, and I was asked, “Is this -your firman?” to which I replied that it was no firman, but a letter -from a friend about business, and that it had nothing to do with the -Government. Slatin was told to translate it, but, fortunately, did not -translate it all. On his being asked his opinion of me, he told the -Khaleefa that from the papers found in my wallet, I appeared to be a -German and not an Englishman, but that I had the permission of the -English Government |77| to go to Kordofan on merchant’s business. -He also said that Sheikh Saleh’s name was mentioned, but only in -connection with business of no consequence. I was then asked if I -wished to send any message to my family. Naturally I did, and pen and -paper being given me, I commenced a letter in German to my manager at -Assouan; but, after a few lines had been written, the Khaleefa said the -letter had better be written in Arabic. The letter, when finished, was -handed to me to sign; but, not knowing the contents, I scrawled under -the signature, as a flourish, “All lies,” or something to this effect. - -The letter was sent down by one of the Khaleefa’s spies, and was -delivered to the Commandant at Assouan. The word “Railway” appearing -as part of the address, it was sent to Mankarious Effendi, the -stationmaster, who, after taking a copy of it for reference, returned -it to the commandant, with the address of my manager. Mankarious -Effendi, having heard of my recent arrival in Cairo, has come to me -with the original copy of the letter taken in June, 1887. The following -is a literal translation of it:― - - “In the name of the most merciful God, and prayers be unto our Lord - Mohammad and his submissive adherents. - - “From the servant of his lord Abdallah el Muslimani the Prussian whose - former name was Charles Neufeld, to my manager Möller the Prussian in - the Railway Assouan. - - “I inform you that after departing from you I have come to the Soudan - with the men of Saleh Fadlallah Salem el Kabbashi, who were carrying - with them the arms and ammunition and other articles sent to Saleh by - the Government. - - “On our march from Wadi Halfa, notwithstanding our |78| precautions - and care for the things in our charge, we arrived at the so-called - Selima Wells, where we took sufficient water, and proceeded on our - journey. Suddenly we were met by _six_ of the adherents in the - desert; they attacked us, and we fought against them. Our number was - fifty-five men. At the same time, a number of men from Abdel Rahman - Nejoumi came up; they reinforced the six men and fought us, and in the - space of half an hour we were subdued by them. Some were killed, and - the rest were captured with all the baggage we had. Myself, my servant - Elias and my maidservant Hasseena were among the captives. All of us - were taken to Abdel Rahman Nejoumi at Ordeh, and by him sent to the - Khalifat el Mahdi, peace be unto him, at Omdurman. On our arrival at - Omdurman, we were taken to his presence, where we were found guilty - and sentenced to immediate death; but the Khalifat el Mahdi, peace be - unto him, had mercy upon us, and proposed unto us to take the true - religion, and we accepted El Islam, and pronounced the two creeds in - his presence: ‘I testify (bear witness) that there is none but God, - and Mohammad is his prophet’; and then, ‘I believe in God and his - Prophet Mohammad, upon whom God has prayed and greeted; and in the - Mahdi, praise, peace be upon him and upon his Khaleefa.’ I further - requested the Mahdi to grant me the ‘bai'a’ (oath of allegiance) which - he was pleased to grant me, and thereupon shook hands with me. He then - named me Abdallah, after embracing the true religion. Therefore I was - pardoned by the Khalifat-el-Mahdi from the execution which I have - deserved. He pardoned me because he is gracious, and for the sake of - the religion of Mohammad which I now adhere to. So I thought it well - to inform you all about these events, and I inform you further that - Dufa'allah Hogal, although he deceived me, I cannot sufficiently thank - him, because his deceiving me has resulted in the great mercy and good - which has come to me. Saleh Fadlallah Salem is deserting and hiding in - the desert, for fear of his life. All that I have informed you is pure - truth. I am still living, thanks be to God for this and my health. - 17th Shaaban, 1304 (May 10, 1887).” - -It is only now, November 25, 1898, that Mankarious has placed me in -possession of the real details. My manager, who when he returned to -Egypt a few |79| weeks ago, on hearing of my release, denied ever -having received any communication from me, on August 6, 1887, addressed -a letter to my father, written on my own business paper, saying that he -had received the above letter, had had it translated, and communicated -to the _Egyptian Gazette_, which paper published the letter in its -issue of August. - -Slatin I saw but once again during my long captivity, and then it was -only in the distance on one occasion when he called at the prison to -give some orders to the head-gaoler. The Khaleefa I saw twice again, on -occasions to be referred to later. - -After signing the letter, I was taken back to the rukooba, where, about -sunset, a man carrying a long chain came to me and said he had orders -to remove my fetters. Passing the chain through one of the anklets and -round one of the posts, he took a short pole, and used this as a lever -to force the anklets open. Whilst still engaged in removing the chains, -the chief Kadi came in, and ordered the anklets to be hammered back -again, and the ends cold welded. - -I remained in the rukooba for the night, and the following morning was -placed upon a donkey and taken to the prison. I was told that, to save -my life, Slatin had suggested this course being taken, using as an -argument that I could there be converted to the Mohammedan religion, -and devote all my time to my instructors. - - - - -|80| - -CHAPTER VII - -THROWN INTO PRISON - - -On entering the prison I found myself in the company of about a hundred -poor wretches, Soudanese and Egyptians, and all chained. I was taken -at once to an anvil sunk in the ground until the striking surface was -almost level with it; first one foot and then the other had to be -placed on the anvil, while more anklets with chains connected, were -fitted to me. I had now three sets of shackles, and another ring and -chain was fastened to my neck. During my twelve years in chains, and -amongst the hundreds who came directly under my observation, I never -saw, as has been illustrated in some papers, any prisoner with chains -from the neck connected with the wrists or ankles. All prisoners were -shackled in the manner as shown in my photograph; the chain from the -neck was allowed to hang loose over the shoulder. - -The shackling completed, I was taken to a room measuring about thirty -feet each way, but having a pillar about four feet wide to support the -roof, thus reducing the actual space to about twenty-six feet between -each face of the pillar and the walls. I was |81| assigned a place at -the wall furthest from the door, and between two men—in chains—dying -of small-pox. There were about thirty other prisoners in the room, -some lying down ill, to whom not the slightest attention had been paid -for days, as sickening visible evidences proved. Near the roof were a -few small apertures presumably for ventilation, but the only air which -could come into the place was through the doorway when it was opened. -The stench in the room was sickening—overpowering. I had little hopes -of surviving more than a few days in such a hole, and must have swooned -off soon after entering, for I remember little or nothing until roused -after the sun had set, when in the dim light I could see what appeared -to be an endless stream of prisoners coming through the door, and no -sooner was the door closed when a terrific din and uproar ensued. -Mingled with the clanking of chains, the groans of the sick, the moans -of the dying, and their half-uttered prayers to Allah to relieve them -of their sufferings, were the most fearful imprecations and curses as -the prisoners fought and struggled for a place near the walls or the -pillar, against which they could rest their backs; no sleep was to be -had; this had to be snatched during the day, when allowed out into the -zareeba. It is out of the question to try to describe my first night; -it is a confused horrible dream to me. - -On the opening of the cell door next morning, I swooned again, and was -carried into the open air to come round, and I had no sooner partially -done so, when I was carried back, in order, as I was told, “to |82| -get accustomed to the place.” My first three days passed in fever -and delirium; my legs were swelling with the weight of the chains and -anklets; my earliest clear recollection was on what I knew later to be -the fourth day, when an Egyptian, Hassan Gammal, was sent to attend -to me. Later on, the same day, my servant Hasseena was sent to me to -prepare food and bathe my legs. Until now I had eaten nothing, and I -have no recollection of even taking a drink of water. Hasseena, on my -being sent into prison, had been sent into the Khaleefa’s hareem; but, -on her telling the women and eunuchs that she was with child, she was -promptly turned out. The money I had brought with me, and which had -been taken from me on my arrival, and sent to the Beit-el-Mal, was -given to Hasseena with which to purchase my food. On her entering the -prison enclosure, Idris-es-Saier, the head-gaoler, relieved her of the -money, saying he would take care of it, and shackling her with a light -chain, sent her into his hareem. - -I now received permission to sit outside during the day, and also to -converse with the other prisoners. On my first entering the prison I -had been warned, under threats of the lash, not to speak to any one, -and the other prisoners, under the same threat, had been warned not to -speak to me. They, as may be guessed, were most anxious to talk to me, -and get some news from the outer world, but they were most guarded in -their inquiries. There were many prisoners in the place, who, to curry -favour with the gaoler or the Khaleefa, would have reported anything -|83| in the way of a complaint against their treatment—a wish on the -part of any one to escape, or an expressed hope that the Government -would soon send troops to release us. Knowing that the Government had, -for the time being, abandoned all thoughts of re-conquering the Soudan, -I told my fellow-captives, when they spoke to me about a probable -advance of the combined armies, that they must have patience until -the hot weather passed. Had I told them what I knew, their despair -could not have been concealed, and the truth would soon have reached -the Khaleefa’s ears. A number of the prisoners were old soldiers of -the Egyptian army, who had been taken at the fall of Khartoum and -elsewhere, and they waited day after day, week after week, and year -after year, still hoping that the Government for whom they had fought -would send troops to release them; but, with the greater number, -their release came only with death—at the gallows, at the Khaleefa’s -shambles, or by disease and starvation. - -Imprisoned at one time with me was Mahmoud Wad Said, the Sheikh of the -Dabaanieh tribe, who for years had kept the Abyssinians in check on the -Egyptian frontier in the Eastern Soudan. At one time he was powerful, -rich in cattle, slaves, and lands, but had been taken prisoner early -in the Mahdist movement. When he had been imprisoned about three years -and four months, he became paralyzed, and his release was ordered by -the Khaleefa, who had so far relented as to allow of his dying with -his family, then at Omdurman, patiently waiting for |84| his promised -release. By their careful nursing and attention, the old man recovered, -only, when the Khaleefa heard of it, to be thrown into prison again, -where he passed another thirteen months, at the end of which time -he was once more released, on condition that he would collect the -remnants of his tribe, and attack his old enemies the Abyssinians, whom -the Khaleefa was then fighting with. A few months later I heard that -Mahmoud was dead, one report saying that he had died of a broken heart, -and the other that he had been “removed” by order of the Khaleefa, for -failing to bring together again a tribe, which the Khaleefa himself had -almost exterminated. - -Another of my companions in adversity was Ajjab Abou Jinn, of the -Hammadah tribe; he fought with the Government troops at Sennar, and, -when defeated by the dervishes, he retired to his country with his -men until, on the fall of Sennar, he was attacked and defeated, his -property confiscated, and he taken prisoner to Omdurman, his wife being -sent into the Khaleefa’s hareem. After spending four years in prison, -he was considered sufficiently “educated,” and released, and in a few -months was allowed to return to his own country, when he set about -making preparations to attack the dervishes, and tried all means to -get into communication with the Government. Many of his people came to -see me in prison, in the hopes of learning news from me of a forward -movement. - -[Illustration: Shereef. Zeigheir. Zeigheir’s father. - -A GROUP OF PRISONERS.] - -The three sons of Awad el Kerim, Pasha of the Shukrieh tribe, were also -in prison with me; their |85| father had died in prison shortly -before my arrival. After keeping the three brothers—Abdalla, Mohammad, -and Ali—for nineteen months, the Khaleefa promised to release them -on condition that their tribe came to Omdurman and tendered their -submission, which they did; but, coming unprovided with food, the -tribe in the four or five months they were kept waiting at Omdurman, -was decimated by disease and starvation, and then, and then only, the -Khaleefa kept his promise, and released their chiefs. - -A man whom I almost struck up a real friendship with, was Sheikh -Hamad-el-Nil, a well-known religious teacher from the Blue Nile. Having -great influence over a large number of people, the Khaleefa, fearing he -might obtain a following, ordered him to Omdurman. Here a difficulty -arose as to what charge could be brought against him in order to -condemn him to imprisonment. Sheikh Hamad had taken neither one side -nor the other—Government nor Mahdieh, and had devoted his whole time -to a strict preaching of the Quoran, as he had done for years. No Kadi -dare condemn him on any charge made, suborn “witnesses” as the Khaleefa -would. But the Khaleefa was determined to effect his condemnation -by some means, more especially as Sheikh Hamad was rich, and the -Beit-el-Mal was short of funds. Men were sent to the Sheikh’s house -with orders to conceal some tobacco in the ground—others were sent to -discover it, and tobacco being forbidden by the Mahdi, Sheikh Hamad, in -spite of all protestations, was sentenced by the Kadi to imprisonment -and the |86| confiscation of his property. His health broke down after -about eighteen months’ privations, and he was released; but recovering -as did Mahmoud, he was again imprisoned, and died a few weeks later. -Of all those in the prison, Sheikh Hamad was the only one who dared -say openly to those whom he trusted that both Mahdi and Khaleefa were -impostors. Two of my first four years were spent mainly with the -Sheikh learning to read and write Arabic, discussing the tenets of the -Christian and Mohammedan religions, and telling him of our social life -and customs in Europe. - -There was one arrival at the prison which I was rather pleased to -see—Ahmed Abd-el-Maajid, of Berber, a great supporter of the Mahdi and -Khaleefa, and one of the bitterest enemies of Christians and Europeans. -He was, for the Soudan, well educated, and he was also rich, and had -much influence, but his vanity got the better of him. He gave evidence -of his wealth in the richness of his dress and luxurious living, and -this had been reported to the Khaleefa, but as yet Maajid had not -accepted any of the Khaleefa’s pressing invitations to pay him a visit -to Omdurman. Maajid made up his mind to marry another wife—a young -and pretty one; preparations for the marriage ceremonies, and the -feastings which accompany it, were made on a large and lavish scale. -The Mahdi had fixed ten dollars as the sum to be paid to the parents of -the virgin upon her marriage; but Maajid paid one thousand, and this -scouting of the Mahdi’s orders coming to the ears of the Khaleefa, -he sent off a party to Berber with instructions to bring Maajid and -his bride back with |87| them. This party arrived at Berber while -the festivities were still going on, and Maajid could not refuse the -Khaleefa’s invitation this time. When he arrived at Omdurman, he was, -with his bride, who was reputed to be the most beautiful woman ever -seen in the Soudan, hurried before the Khaleefa and the Kadi. The -latter, having his brief ready, accused Maajid of having broken the -rules as laid down by the Mahdi, and also of having detained moneys -which should have been sent to the Beit-el-Mal, as was proved by his -having so much money when the coffers of the Beit-el-Mal were empty. -His property was confiscated and sent to the Beit-el-Mal; his bride was -taken possession of by the Khaleefa, and Maajid himself sent to prison, -where he spent six months, mainly occupied in cursing the face of his -bride, as it was this that had brought him to grief. At the end of the -six months, he was released and sent back to Berber “educated,” with a -strong recommendation from the Khaleefa not to be so ostentatious with -his wealth in future. The Khaleefa kept Maajid’s money—and also his -bride. It was this same Maajid, who, after Slatin’s escape, ferreted -out the people in Berber who had assisted Slatin’s guides, and had them -sent to the White Nile, where those who did not die on the journey -there died later. - -Those I have mentioned above were what I might call the better class -of prisoners, with whom I mainly associated during my first two years -in prison; the remainder were slaves, thieves, ordinary criminals, -debtors, murderers, etc. - -When I had recovered a little from my fever, I |88| was placed upon -a camel, and paraded past the huts, rukoobas, and zareebas, which at -that time constituted the town of Omdurman. A number of Hadendowas had -come in to tender their submission to the Khaleefa; and he had seized -the occasion to exhibit me to the “faithful” as the great Pasha sent -to conquer from him the Western Soudan, and to impress the Hadendowas. -A halt was made at the hut of the Emir Said Mohammad Taher, a relative -of the Mahdi, who, after relating his version of the death of Hicks -Pasha, and the destruction of his army, both of which events had, -according to him, been brought about through the agency of angels sent -by the Prophet for the purpose, gave me a long lecture on Mahdieh, -at the end of which he asked me my opinion of it. I told him that if -he wished for a few lessons himself on religion, and as to how the -God I prayed to dealt with His faithful, and the means His teachers -in Europe employed for converting people and making them religious, -I should be pleased to give him a few. The reply angered him, and -another batch of prisoners were, by his orders, told off to lecture -me the whole day long on Mahdieh. While quite ready to talk to them -about the Mohammedan religion as propounded in the Quoran, I would not -believe in the mission of the Mahdi or his new religion. When Taher -asked what progress I had made in my “education,” he was told that I -would make none in Mahdieh, but was ready to become a Mohammedan. I -knew perfectly well what an out-and-out acceptance of Mahdieh meant—my -release, but only to be put in charge of some troops, and, as I had -|89| fought with the British against the Mahdists, I had no wish to be -caught in the dervish ranks, fighting against them, or be found dead on -the field, after the fight, in the garb of a dervish, and pierced by a -British bullet. - -Taher was not pleased, and reported my insubordination to the -Khaleefa. It was probably on my fifteenth day that, accompanied by -the Hadendowas, who had come in to make their submission, I was taken -by steamer to Khartoum, in order that I might be “impressed” with the -power of the Khaleefa and the truth of Mahdieh. We were first taken to -Gordon’s old palace, where Khaleel Hassanein, acting as the Mahdist -governor of the town, and at the same time director of the arsenal, -received us, and gave us food. We were taken through the rooms, then -dismantled, and shown at the head of the stairs what we were told were -the bloodstains of Gordon. After this, we were placed on donkeys, and -taken round the fortifications, while our “instructors” in Mahdieh, -pointing to the skeletons and dried bodies lying about, gave us word -pictures in advance of how the fortifications of Wadi Halfa and Cairo -would look after the Khaleefa, assisted by the angels, had attacked -them. It was a melancholy journey for me; and I am not ashamed to say -that as my thoughts flew back to that day at Kirbekan, when, full of -hopes, we pictured to ourselves the rescue of Gordon, fortifications -and skeletons grew dimmed and blurred, and finally were lost to view, -as a hot tear fell upon the back of my hand. - -Taken back to prison, I became worse; the weight of the chains and -anklets dragging on me as I rode, |90| and the chafing of the skin, -set up an irritation, and the filth and dirt of the prison soon -contributed to the formation of large ulcers. It was while lying down -in the shade one morning, unable to move, at the time of the great -Bairam feast, that two camel men rode into the prison enclosure, and, -making one of the camels kneel down near me, ordered me at once to -mount, as the Khaleefa had sent for me. The other prisoners crowded -round and bade me good-bye, Mahmoud Wad Said telling me to pull myself -together, and to act as I did “when they tried to burst your head with -the ombeyehs.” There was a grand parade of the troops that day, and no -one but believed that I was to be executed in front of them. - -The two men could tell us nothing but that the Khaleefa had sent for -me, and, living or dead, they were bound to take me. I was lifted on -to the camel, and taken off to the parade-ground outside the town. -The long, swinging stride of the camel communicated its motions to my -chains, and by the time I reached the Khaleefa, I was in a fainting -condition, with the ulcers broken, and their contents streaming down -the flank of the camel. The Khaleefa, noticing this, asked one of the -Emirs what had happened; although close to him, he would not address -a word directly to me, though I could hear what he said, and he could -hear my reply. When he heard the reason, he gave orders that the chains -were to be removed that night, and a lighter set fitted. The Khaleefa -was surrounded by his Emirs and bodyguard, and ranged on the plain -in front of us was his |91| great army of horse and camel men, and -foot-soldiers. I should have been marched past the whole army, but -before reaching the horsemen, the Khaleefa said to the Emir Ali Wad -Saad, “Tell Abdalla (myself) that he has only seen a quarter of the -army, and let him be brought for the parade to-morrow.” - -The prisoners were astonished to see me return alive that evening, and -still more astonished at the orders given to Idris-es-Saier to remove -my chains at once, and put on a lighter set. For once, the Khaleefa’s -orders could not be carried out; the legs having swollen so much, -the anklets almost buried in flesh, could not be brought near enough -to the face of the anvil to allow of their being struck at, and the -following day I again attended parade in pretty much the same state -of collapse as the first. The Khaleefa was furious at this; he had no -wish to parade before his troops, as an evidence of his power, a man -who had to be held up on his camel. My gaoler was sent to, and asked -why he had disobeyed orders. He gave as reasons, first, that he had no -lighter chains, and secondly, that my legs were so swollen that he was -unable to get at the anklets. The Khaleefa replied that they were to -be removed that night, and they were, but it was a terrible ordeal for -me. Before leaving the parade-ground, he sent to me Said Gumaa’s donkey -and Slatin’s horse, telling me that I might ride either of them back -to town, as their motion would be better for me than the camel, but I -elected to remain on the camel. - -I had done my best to get near Slatin, to have a |92| few words with -him, but he was hardly for a moment near the Khaleefa’s side, galloping -from one part of the army to another with his orders. Ali Wad Saad, -on the part of the Khaleefa, asked me what I thought of the army; to -which I replied, “You have numbers, but not training”—a reply which -gave little satisfaction to the Khaleefa, who could overhear it without -having to wait for Saad to repeat it to him. This was the last time -upon which I saw the Khaleefa, but I live in hopes of seeing him once -again. - - - - -|93| - -CHAPTER VIII - -PRISON LIFE - - -My first spell in prison was one of four years. After nine months the -rings and chains were removed from my neck, but the fetters I wore -continuously—with the exception of thirteen days—during the whole of -my captivity. A day-to-day record of my experiences is out of the -question, besides being unnecessary, even were it possible to give -them. I must content myself with a general description of the life -passed there, and give an idea of the day’s routine. - -When I reached Omdurman, the prison proper consisted of the common -cell already mentioned (“Umm Hagar”—the house of stone), surrounded by -a large zareeba of thorn trees and branches, and standing about six -feet high. There were thirty guardians, each armed with a “courbag” -(rhinoceros-hide whip) with which to keep their charges in order. -There were no sanitary arrangements, not even of the most primitive -description. All prisoners had to be fed by their friends or relatives; -if they had neither they starved to death, as the prisoners, charitable -as they were to each other in the matter of food, had barely enough to -eat to keep body and soul together, for the |94| best, and greater -part of the food sent in, was eaten by the guardians. - -At sunrise each morning the door of the common cell was opened, and -the prisoners were allowed to shuffle down to the banks of the Nile, -a few yards distant, for their ablutions and for water for drinking. -After this, we assembled for the first prayer of the day, in which all -had to join. When not working, we had to read the Mahdi’s “ratib,” a -description of prayer-book, containing extracts from the Quoran with -interpolations of the Mahdi. All the faithful were ordered to learn -this “ratib” off by heart,[3] and for this purpose each one had either -to purchase a copy or write one out. At noon the second prayer was -held, followed by another mid-time between noon and sunset, and a -fourth at sunset. We should have repeated the night prayer when the -night had set in, but as we were driven into the “Umm Hagar” at sunset, -the time which should have been given to this prayer was fully taken -up with brawls, fights, and those comprehensive curses of the Arabs, -commencing with the second person’s father, going back for generations, -and including all the female ancestors. - - [3] The “Ratib” occupied about three-quarters of an hour in - recitation, and, by the Mahdi’s orders had to be repeated daily - by every one after the morning and afternoon prayer; it ranked - in importance with the five obligatory daily prayers ordained - by the Quoran. It was also looked upon as a sort of talisman, - and it was given out, after such fights as Toski, Ginniss, - and the Atbara, that those killed were those who had either - not learned the Ratib or had not a copy with them. The book - was carried in a small leather case suspended from the neck. - A number of copies were printed on the old Government press, - but it was considered more meritorious to write out a copy - rather than to purchase one, and the Mahdi had hoped that this - Ratib would eventually become a sort of Quoran accompanied by - its volumes of “traditions,” hence his anxiety that every one - should learn to write. - -[Illustration: LEARNING THE MAHDI’S RATIB.] - -It has been found impossible, even in the most guarded and disguised -language, to insert here a real word-picture of a night in the Saier. -The scenes |95| of bestiality and filthiness, the means employed -for bringing the most powerful man to his knees with a single blow, -the nameless crimes committed night after night, and year after year, -may not be recorded in print. At times, and sometimes for weeks in -succession, from 250 to 280 prisoners were driven into that small room; -we were packed in; there was scarcely room to move our arms; “jibbehs” -swarmed with insects and parasites which in themselves made sleep an -impossibility and life a misery. As the heat grew more oppressive, -and the atmosphere—always vile with the ever-present stench of the -place—grew closer with the perspiring bodies, and with other causes, -all semblance of human beings was lost. Filth was thrown from one -side of the room to the other by any one who could move his hand for -the purpose of doing so, and as soon as this disgusting element was -introduced, the mass, in its efforts to avoid being struck with it, -swayed from side to side, fought, bit, and struggled as far as their -packed-in condition would allow of, and kicked with their bars and -chains the shins of those next them, until the scene became one that -only a Dante might describe. Any prisoner who went down on such a -night never got up again alive; his cries would not be heard above the -pandemonium of clanking chains and bars, imprecations and cursings, and -for any one to attempt to bend down to assist, if he did hear, only -meant his going under also. In the morning, when we were allowed to -stream out, five and six bodies would be found on the ground with the -life crushed and trampled out of them. |96| - -Occasionally, when the uproar was greater than usual, the guards would -open the door, and, standing in the doorway, lash at the heads of -the prisoners with their hide whips. Always when this occurred death -claimed its five or six victims, crushed and trampled to death. I wish -I might say that I had drawn upon my imagination for what is given -above; I can but assure you that it gives but the very faintest idea of -what really occurred. - -Until we had been set to make bricks and build a wall round our -prison, our life, in comparison with what it was later, was I might -say endurable. By baksheeshing the guards, we were allowed to go -down to the river during the day almost as often as we pleased; -and these excursions, taken presumably for the purpose of ablution -and drinking, gave us many opportunities of conversing with the -townspeople. This life I enjoyed but for a few months. A large number -of prisoners succeeded in escaping. Consequently the digging of a well -for infiltration water to supply the prisoners, and the building of a -wall round the prison were ordered by the Khaleefa to be completed as -rapidly as possible. - -The prisoners who escaped were mainly slaves, and as most slaves were -chained to prevent their running away from their owners—hundreds going -about the town fettered—they had little difficulty in effecting their -escape from prison, and also from Omdurman. On being allowed to go -to the river to wash, they would wade down the bank until they came -opposite some large crowd of people, and |97| coming on the bank, -their chains would excite no suspicion, for, as I have already said, -hundreds similarly fettered were going about the town. Making their -way to the nearest blacksmith, he would remove their chains in a few -moments for the sake of obtaining the iron, which was valuable to him. - -We were not at that time altogether without news; papers published in -Egypt were constantly arriving, brought by the Khaleefa’s spies, who -passed regularly backwards and forwards between Omdurman and Cairo, -keeping up communications between the Khaleefa and some of the more -fanatical Mohammedans resident at the capital. Since my return I have -inquired as to an incident which happened on the frontier in connection -with the army some years ago. I shall only relate what we heard, and -as given out by the Khaleefa and his Emirs. All the English officers, -according to the report received, had been dismissed, and had left with -the Sirdar. The English soldiers had also been removed from Egypt; so -the Khaleefa was jubilant, and looked forward to the near future when -the Egyptian troops would attempt to attack him, and when not a man of -them was to be left alive. I was to have been a witness of the great -battles when the angels of Allah were to fight with the believers, and -assist the Ansar to utterly exterminate the Turks. While this was still -the topic of conversation, another messenger arrived to say that the -trouble had been arranged; the English officers and troops were not -leaving, and as the Khaleefa’s hopes fell, ours rose. |98| - -Of all the people whom the Mahdi himself appointed to posts, two, -and, I believe, two only, retained their positions up to the time -of the taking of Omdurman. One was Khaleel Hassanein, the director -of the arsenal, and the other Idris es Saier, the gaoler. Idris—for -he is still living—is a man of the Gawaamah tribe, a tribe that the -first missionary will have some little trouble with, unless he is -prepared to revise one of the Ten Commandments out of the Pentateuch -altogether, as the following story connected with my gaoler’s first -appearance in the world may indicate. Idris’s mother had a sister who, -tired of single blessedness, proposed to, and was accepted by, a swain -of the tribe who was a constant visitor to their hut. Idris’s mother -had also the intention of proposing to the same man, and having told -her sister this, the sister popped the question first, was accepted, -and then Idris’s mother upbraided her after the manner of her tribe, -which evidently consisted more of actions than of words. When the -happy swain put in his next appearance, Idris’s mother, with Idris in -her arms, asked him how he dare go against the custom of her section -of the tribe, and accept in marriage a girl who had had no children, -while she had already had two! “Saier” in the Gawaamah language means -“custom” and “customary,” and Idris was named Idris es Saier when, in -after years, a satisfactory explanation could not be found for his not -boasting a father. Idris’s mother afterwards married and ruled, with -her legitimate son, Saier’s family. When appointed as gaoler by the -Mahdi, his prison was |99| called “El-Beit-es-Saier” (the house of -Saier), which later was contracted to “Saier,” and the name eventually -replaced the proper word for prison, all prisons being called the -“Saier,” and the head-gaoler, “Saier.” - -Idris had been a famous robber and thief, and he was never tired -of relating his exploits, and then winding up by pointing out what -Mahdieh had done for him, for by his conversion he was now the honoured -guardian of all thieves, robbers, and murderers, and there is little -doubt but that he had a sneaking regard for all such, as a link between -himself and his earlier days. - -He was superstitious to a degree, and although the Mahdi and Khaleefa -had strictly forbidden fortune-telling and the writing of talismans, -Idris followed the example of the Khaleefa himself, and regularly -consulted the fortune-tellers, most of his ill-gotten gains going to -them in fees. He had had made twenty-five to thirty boards of hard -wood, about eighteen to twenty inches square, and on these he had -written daily, a Sourah from the Quoran. The ink with which the Sourahs -were written was a mixture of wood-soot—or lamp-black, when that could -be obtained—gum arabic, some perfume, and water. As soon as the writing -was finished, Idris would, after carefully washing his hands, take a -small vessel holding about two teacups of water, and carefully wash off -the writing, allowing the water to drip back into the vessel; not a -drop was to be spilled on the ground, otherwise the writing would have -to be done over again, for the name Allah, and many of His attributes, -|100| were then in the solution. Having washed the board clean, caught -every drop of water, and then drunk it, he would come to us, and -deliver himself of the following harangue, and as we heard it two or -three times a week for years, I have an almost verbatim recollection of -it. - -“I am a born thief and robber; my people killed many on the roads, -and robbed them of their property; I drank as no one else could, and -I did everything possible against rule and religion. The Mahdi then -came and taught me to pray and leave other people’s property alone.” -(This last always raised a bitter smile from his hearers, as he used -to torture us to deliver up for “the Khaleefa” any small coin or -article of value we might come into possession of.) “How I have to -thank the Mahdi for having made me a good, holy, and new man, and he -will at the Day of Judgment be my witness, and take me with his ansars -to heaven. Think what I have been, and see what I am now! I have been -worse than any of you. If you stole anything, you stole when you were -with the Government, and you only did what the Government and every -one else did, you had authority to do so. I was worse than you, I had -no authority. God has pardoned me, and will also pardon you if you -repent and give to the Beit-el-Mal what you have taken from the poor, -for there are many poor now in the town crying for food, and there is -no money in the Beit-el-Mal to purchase any. I have given all my money -in charity, and my wives and children are crying for food. I have no -boats to bring me |101| merchandise, and I have no land to cultivate -to grow dourra” (Sorghum, a grain in the Soudan, which takes the place -of our wheat). “I am a prisoner as you are, and the pay I get is not -sufficient to feed my family. Yesterday there was no dourra in my house -to feed my children, they had to lie down hungry, and I thank God for -His grace in supporting me through these trials for which I shall be -rewarded in the next world. I am going to see my starving children now, -and then I shall pray to God, and ask him to release you if you repent, -and turn the Khaleefa’s heart to you. The Khaleefa knows everything you -do, and sees you all the day, for ‘El Nebbi Khiddr’ is his eyes and -ears, and El Nebbi Khiddr not only sees and hears what you are doing -and saying, but sees what your thoughts are.” - -After this, all but myself used to rise and kiss his hands; I never did -so. At the end of the first harangue he gave in my presence, and at the -end of his harangues for weeks later, he would continue:—“And now you -man from the bad world, you understand Arabic well. The Khaleefa has -told me to instruct you in the true religion; your fellow-prisoners -will tell you how Hicks Pasha was, with all his army, killed by the -angels; not a single shot was fired, or a spear thrown, by the Ansar; -the spears flew from their hands, and, guided by the angels, pierced -the breasts of the unbelievers, and burned up their bodies. God is -great. You will soon learn that you are mistaken, and that all your -world is wrong; there is no religion but that of the Mahdi. How happy -you |102| should be to have lived in his time and entered into the -company of the Ansar. God now loves you; it is He who has brought you -to us, and with the Khaleefa’s blessing you will yet be numbered with -the Ansar, and you will fight against the unbelievers and Turks as -other converts have done. You have a strong mind, and the Khaleefa -therefore has not a bad opinion of you. Thank him for his mercy that -he did not kill you. Be converted, and I shall be pleased and proud of -you, and be as your father. You others, you have seen the Mahdi and the -Khaleefa and their dealings; tell him of them. You Hamad el Nil, you -are a learned man, and know more of religion than I do; make Abdalla -know who God is, and who is His prophet.” - -[Illustration: IDRIS-ES-SAIER.] - -At the end of my first lecture, Abou Jinn asked me how much money I -had. I inquired why. He replied, “Do you not understand? The Saier -wants some money from you.” I told him of the money Hasseena had, and -which the Saier was taking care of, on which he smiled and told me -that the Saier would not take the money himself, but he would compel -me to _give_ it to him for his “starving children.” A few days later I -was sent for to hear the Saier hold forth again, and on this occasion -he finished up by saying that some of us must have done something -wrong. The Nebbi Khiddr had reported it to the Khaleefa, who had in -consequence ordered him to add more chains to our feet, but that we -were to submit to this without bad feelings against the Khaleefa and -him. If we repented, the |103| Nebbi Khiddr would report it, and -the Khaleefa, as he was full of grace, would soon order the chains to -be removed again. All the principal prisoners, with the exception of -myself, were then marched to the anvil, and had their chains hammered -on. I was spared, as, after the first lecture, I had, on Abou Jinn’s -advice, sent word to the Saier to take fifteen of my dollars for his -“starving children.” We prisoners held a conference, and it was decided -to present more moneys. It took us two days to scrape together the -requisite sum—about fifty dollars—to which I added seventeen of mine. -This had the happy result of not only removing the extra chains of the -prisoners, but Hasseena’s also. The Saier called us together, gave us a -homily on repentance and good behaviour, and told us to continue in the -same path, as it was evidently looked upon with approval by the Nebbi -Khiddr.[4] - - [4] The Nebbi Khiddr is a mythical character in Islam. Sects - are divided as to whether he is a prophet or not. His name does - not appear in the Quoran. By some of the old writers he is made - the companion of Noah, Abraham, and Moses. Having drunk of the - waters of the Fountain of Life, he is believed by some to be - ever present at one of the holy places. His exact whereabouts - and his attributes have never been defined. The Mahdi killed - two birds with one stone by appropriating this unclaimed - prophet to himself; first, his supposed presence made Omdurman - a holy place, as the Nebbi only appeared at holy places, and - then, by investing him with the powers as related by Idris - es Saier, he was able to impress the more ignorant of his - followers of his—the Khaleefa’s—omniscience and omnipresence - through the Nebbi Khiddr’s agency. The Mahdi laying claim to - this prophet and attributing to him the powers he did, raised - in the minds of Hamad-el-Nil and others their first suspicions - as to the Mahdi and his mission. - -But this Nebbi Khiddr was never satisfied for long with our conduct. -Every month he had something to report to the “Khaleefa,” and just -as regularly we were given extra chains, until a few dollars, -entrusted to Idris for the poor, had sent him to the Khaleefa with a -favourable report. All these ill-gotten moneys, as I have said, went to -soothsayers, fortune-tellers, and talisman writers, in whose absolute -power the |104| Saier was, though part went in baksheesh to the -servants and counsellors of the Khaleefa, whom the Saier had to keep in -funds in order to retain his place. - -The Saier knew very well that not a single one of us believed in -this Nebbi Khiddr business, but as on the outside of the circle of -the principal prisoners—and they were the only ones from whom money -could be squeezed—were always gathered a number of the ignorant -and, therefore, more fanatical of the Khaleefa’s adherents, he had -invented this tale, which he gave year after year without the slightest -variation in words, in order to hoodwink them and prevent any tales -reaching the Khaleefa as to the sums “presented” by the prisoners. - - - - -|105| - -CHAPTER IX - -MY FIRST CHANCE OF ESCAPE - - -It was during my first months in prison that Ahmed Nur ed Din of the -Kabbabish succeeded in getting into prison, in the hope of effecting my -escape. I had for some years had dealings with Nur ed Din in connection -with the Intelligence Department, and also the caravan trade. When I -left Wadi Halfa with Saleh’s caravan, Nur ed Din was then at Saleh’s -camp with messages to him from the Government. On his return to Wadi -Halfa, he heard of what had happened, and coming at once to Omdurman, -he sent a message by my servant that he had come for me. All his -applications to get into the prison being refused by the guards, and -fearing to make an application to Idris es Saier or the Mehkemmeh, he -arranged with a friend to have a petty quarrel in the market-place; -his friend hurried him before the Kadi, and Nur ed Din was ordered -into prison. On seeing me walk towards him as he entered, as I did -not know then that he came as a prisoner, he gave me a “hooss,” the -Soudan equivalent for our “ssh” (silence), and walked off in another -direction. Later in the day, and when we were being |106| marshalled -to be driven into the common cell, he came next to me, and whispered, -“I have come for you; be careful; keep your eyes open; try and obtain -permission to sleep outside the Umm Hagar.” Two weeks elapsed before we -had another opportunity of exchanging a few words, but in the interval -Nur ed Din was ingratiating himself with the prisoners who associated -with me, and gradually allowing his curiosity to speak to the “white -kaffir” to be evident. It was necessary for him to act in this cautious -manner in order to avert suspicion, and another week passed after his -introduction to our little circle, before he dare seize an opportunity -to consult me about his health and numerous ailments—which was his -explanation when questioned about our long conversation together. - -It was a strange story he had to tell. On meeting Gabou, Gabou at once -commenced to talk to him about some double dealings which he proposed -with both dervishes and Government. Nur ed Din was suspicious, and -did not fall in with the proposals; this then left Gabou at the mercy -of Nur ed Din, and the former picked a quarrel, during which Nur ed -Din accused Gabou of the betrayal of the caravan to Saleh. Others of -the Kabbabish were already looking askance at Gabou, and wondering -whether, if the truth once came out, they too would not be punished as -conspirators. Gabou was, they believed, then engaged upon some plot -which would render them harmless as regards himself should they make -a report against him to the Government, and in self-preservation they -held a conference with Nur ed Din. It was proposed that |107| some -one, for the honour of the tribe, should try and effect my release or -escape from Omdurman, while, as will have been seen, there was also the -element of self-interest in the matter. There was now a feud between -Gabou and Nur ed Din, and the latter volunteered to undertake the risk -of the journey to Omdurman. - -His plan, when he saw that there was not the slightest hope of my being -released from prison, was a desperate one, and we ran every chance -of being killed in the attempt to escape, but this risk I was quite -willing to take. I knew Nur ed Din would make no mistakes. It was not -as if he was actuated by avarice in assisting me; but being engaged -in a death-feud, he sought every means to be the one left alive, and -he knew that if he could conduct me to Wadi Halfa, Gabou would soon -decorate a scaffold or be shot out of hand. - -Nur ed Din, through the services of one of his party, a boy whom he -had brought with him, and who came into the prison daily as Nur ed -Din’s food servant, first arranged for relays of camels, then for the -purchase of rifles and ammunition, which were buried in the desert a -short distance from Omdurman. These preparations being complete, six -of the ten men at his first relay station were sent for to cut a hole -through the wall of the prison nearest the Nile, and this they were -to do on the night we sent a message to them or gave a signal, one -of the men being always near the bank, close to the selected part of -the wall. Final instructions were given on hearing that the |108| -camels were ready and well provided with water. After creeping through -the aperture, we were to make our way to the river, dragging an old -fishing-net behind us; rags were to be bound round the chains to deaden -their rattling; this part of the scheme was to hide my chains, and -prevent their clanging being heard. On passing the last of the huts, we -were to leave the river, and, mounting the camels, we were to travel -as fast as the camels would go, for twelve hours direct west, where we -would pick up the first relay. We had sent the boy out with a message -to our people to procure three revolvers and ammunition. Nur ed Din and -I were to take one each for use in case necessity arose before we could -reach the buried rifles; the other one of the men was to take, and, if -our flight was at once discovered, he was to fire towards a boat which -had been taken to the opposite bank, and swear that we had escaped by -its means. This would put our pursuers on the wrong scent for some -time. One revolver and seventeen cartridges only could be found then, -and Nur ed Din decided on waiting a few days until others could be -obtained. - -Whilst these were being searched for, Nur ed Din became feverish, and -to my horror I saw all the symptoms of typhus fever developing. This -fever had been named Umm Sabbah (seven), as it invariably carried -off its victims in seven days. It may be guessed how anxiously and -carefully I nursed Nur ed Din, and how Hasseena was kept busy the -whole day brewing from tamarinds, dates, and roots, |109| cooling -draughts to allay his fever. He might have recovered, had he not kept -himself excited over the fear of losing his vengeance on Gabou, but he -gradually sank and died. - -I was locked up in the Umm Hagar on the night of his death, and the -fever was then taking hold of me; two days later I was senseless, -and of course helpless. Hasseena, with two boys, used to carry me -about from shade to shade as the sun travelled, but my neck-chain -dragged, and sometimes tripped one or the other up, and then it was -that orders were given to remove it. Hasseena had been told that the -best remedy for me was a description of vegetable marrow soaked in -salt water; the water was drunk and the marrow eaten as the patient -recovered. The purgative properties of this medicine might suit Soudan -constitutions, and it evidently suited mine at the time, but I should -warn any of my readers, should they be so unfortunate as to contract -this fever, against attempting the remedy. When the decoction has -acted sufficiently, the mouth is crammed with butter, which to the -throat, at this stage of the “cure,” feels like boiling oil, and you -experience all the sensations of internal scalding. The next operation -is to briskly rub the whole body, and then anoint it with butter or -oil—butter by preference. The patient has nothing to say about his -treatment—he is helpless; every bit of strength and will has left him, -and when he has been rolled up in old camel-cloths and “sweated,” -weakness hardly expresses the condition he has arrived at. It was on -the thirteenth day of my attack that I reached |110| the final stage -of my treatment, and then I fell asleep, waking some hours later with -a clear head and all my faculties about me, though I was then but a -living skeleton. - -The Khaleefa, hearing of my condition, thought it a favourable -opportunity for me to receive a few more lessons in Mahdieh, and my -period of convalescence was much prolonged owing to the worry and -annoyance which these teachers of Mahdieh were to me. Kadi Hanafi, one -of Slatin’s old Kadis, then imprisoned with me owing to his open avowal -that the justice and the sentences given by the Mehkemmeh (religious -courts) were against the teachings of the Quoran, told me that it was a -mistake on my part so openly to defy the Khaleefa, and that it would be -more “politique” to submit as had Slatin, who had now his house, wives, -slaves, horses and donkeys, and cultivated land outside the city. But -in my then condition, a little procession, for which my dead body would -be the reason, was much more to my liking, and I did not care in what -shape death came, provided that it did come. - -Hanafi used up all his arguments in trying to persuade me to become a -good Muslim. Dilating on the power of the Khaleefa and my impotence, he -pointed to my chains, then weighing about forty pounds, and said that -the Khaleefa would certainly torture me with them until I submitted to -become a good Muslim. To this last argument I replied that if I did say -I would be converted, the Khaleefa, as soon as he heard of it, would -make me proclaim my conversion publicly, |111| and just as certainly -behead me immediately afterwards, to prevent my slipping back into -Christianity. Hanafi believed that the Khaleefa would still let me live -after embracing the Mohammedan faith in the hope of my accepting the -Mahdieh; he failed though to convert me, and the Khaleefa, hearing of -the result, and not believing that Hanafi had done all that he might -have done with his arguments, for this and other reasons sent him later -as a convict to Gebel Ragaf, near Lado, the convict station of the -Soudan. - -By the time I had gained sufficient strength to attempt the flight, -the men engaged had lost heart, and there was no one to lead them. Nur -ed Din was dead, and as they only came into the thing for the money -they were to receive, and the dollars were not then forthcoming, they -decided not to run any risk, disbanded the camel-posts, and scattered -to their various homes. - -How many hundreds of times have I regretted since that I did not take -Nur ed Din’s advice and escape at the time, leaving him behind. As he -said, there was no reason to be afraid that he would lose his head, as -his being so ill and also his being left behind would prevent suspicion -being directed towards him. During my twelve years’ captivity, this, my -first chance of escape, risky and desperate as it was, was the only one -which had in it a real element of success, for my conductor in saving -me was to save himself. - -As is customary in all oriental prisons, the prisoners in the Saier had -either to purchase their own food, or their friends and relatives had -to send it into the |112| prison for them; failing money, friends and -relatives, the prisoners starved to death. I have already said that -the best and greater part of the food sent to the prison gates was -appropriated by the gaolers, that is to say, after Idris es Saier had -seen to the wants of his “starving children” and numerous household -first. Idris, even during the worst period of the famine, did not -lose flesh; he was always the same tall, stout, flat-nosed black, -both when I first saw him on May 10, 1887, and when I last saw him in -September, 1898. Nor was Idris quite so bad as he had been painted; he -would often—when the Nebbi Khiddr tale had had the desired effect in -repentance, or when he was in a good humour after a bout of marrissa -drinking—go out of his way to do his prisoners small kindnesses, such -as the removal of extra chains, and giving permission to sleep in the -open; but the Nebbi Khiddr institution left him so much at the mercy of -the Khaleefa’s immediate attendants, that his periods of good humour -were, in consequence, of very short duration. Some day, if I return to -the Soudan, or Idris pays a visit to civilization, I may learn from him -whom I have to thank for a few of the unnecessary hardships inflicted -upon me. - -It might be asked why we, knowing that the guards would purloin the -greater part of the food sent in, did not arrange for a larger quantity -to be sent. There are two reasons, and the first is the least of the -two: the guards knew very well what was the minimum amount of food to -keep us alive, and just that quantity of food |113| would be allowed -to pass the portals of the Saier. The second reason was, that the sight -of more or better food being brought to a prisoner proved one of two -things: either the prisoner himself had received some money, or his -friends had, and the following day the time-worn Nebbi Khiddr tale, -properly translated, meant chains until more dollars were forthcoming. -Under such circumstances, the unlucky offender against Saier politics -would be called upon by the other mulcted prisoners to make good the -money they had been bled of, for the Saier was most impartial in the -matter of chains, and, certain of always getting the proper victim in -the end, invariably loaded a dozen or so with extra chains, and ordered -all into the Umm Hagar. An attenuated and burned chicken, or pigeon, -cost a few dollars in repentance, and also the wearing of extra chains -and the horrors of the Umm Hagar for nights, for it was advisable to -keep Idris waiting some days for an evidence of repentance, so that he -should believe, and the Khaleefa’s attendants believe also, that some -little difficulty had been experienced in collecting the few dollars -you had to pay. - -Our usual food was “Asseeda,” the Soudan dourra (sorghum), roughly -pounded moist, and mixed into a thick paste, feeling and tasting to the -palate like sawdust. It was not a very nourishing dish, but it was a -heavy one, and stayed the pangs and gnawings of hunger. A flavour might -be imparted by allowing a quantity to stand for a day or two until -fermentation set in. Occasionally, but only occasionally, a sauce -|114| made from the pounded seed of the Baamia hybiscus, and called -“Mulakh,” could be obtained, and this, with the fermented asseeda, -made a veritable banquet. Friends in the town sent us, when they could -either afford or obtain it, a little wheaten bread, a bit of cheese or -butter, or a few pinches of coffee. - -[Illustration: CATARINA.] - -Amongst the many captives in Omdurman who did so much for me stands -out prominently Father Ohrwalder, the old Greek lady, Catarina—who was -a ministering angel alike to prisoners and captives—Mr. Tramba and -his wife Victoria, Nahoum Abbajee, and Youssef Jebaalee. Surely the -recording angel has placed to the right side of the account the little -deceptions practised by Father Ohrwalder to gain access to the prison, -when the few piastres of baksheesh he could afford were not sufficient -to satisfy the rapacity of the guards, in order to bring me some little -dainty, when, God knows, he was bringing me the lion’s share of what he -was in absolute need of himself. At one time he would present himself -at the gates as being “Iyyan Khaalas” (sick unto death), and, of -course, wished to see me once again before his dissolution. At another -time it would be that he had heard _I_ was dying, then, of course, he -wished to see _me_; and the changes would be rung by his coming in on -the pretext of wishing to see some other prisoner. With bowed head -and bent back, exaggerating the weak state he was then in, he would -crawl towards me, dragging one foot after the other, and, reaching me, -would sit down on the ground and sway his body to and fro—a little -pantomime which allowed of his |115| surreptitiously passing to -me the dainties he had brought in the old leather bag slung from his -left shoulder. Time after time he was turned away from the gates, and -this, too, after having paid the baksheesh; but his persistence secured -his seeing me every one or two months during my first three years in -prison, and the scraps of news he brought from the outside world—news -to both of us, though a year or two old—gave me something to think of -and turn over in my brain until his next visit. Death, as I told Father -Ohrwalder, I did not fear, but my great fear was insanity. - -Often and often, when allowed to sleep in the open air at night-time, -instead of experiencing all the horrors of a night in the common cell, -the cool night-air would send me off into a sound sleep, from which I -would start up from some confused dream of old days, and, looking up to -the sky, would wonder to myself, half awake and half asleep, which was -the dream and which the reality, the old loved scenes, or the prison of -es-Saier at Omdurman. I would for some moments be afraid to look round -at the men chained on each side of me, and when I mustered up courage -to do so, and felt the weight of my irons and the heavy chain across -my legs, which bound our gang of fifty or sixty together, I would -speculate on how long it would be before the slender thread holding me -between reason and insanity snapped under the strain. - -That my reason did not give way during my first period of imprisonment -I have but to thank Father |116| Ohrwalder and the friends mentioned. -Each one of them risked his or her comparative freedom, if not life, -to help me. Even during the worst nights in the Umm Hagar, when Hell -itself might be defied to match such a scene, when Madness and Death -stalked hand-in-hand amongst the struggling mass, and when, jammed -in tight with a number of the more fanatical prisoners, I fought and -struggled, bit and kicked, as did they for bare life, the thought of -having friends in adversity, suffering almost as much as I did, kept -that slender thread from snapping; but the mental strain caused me -most violent headaches and periods of forgetfulness or loss of memory, -which even now recur at times. But it was during the famine that the -Christian—more than Christian—charity of my friends was put to the -severest tests and never faltered. Food was at enormous prices, but, -day after day, Catarina brought her scrap of dourra or wheaten bread; -every day Youssef Jebaalee sent his loaves of bread, unmindful of how -much the guards stole, provided that I got a mouthful. - -All the food sent for the prisoners did not, of course, reach them; -what little passed the gates of the Saier was fought for; those having -longer chains, or bars, connecting their anklets stood the best chance -in the race for food, as they were able to take longer strides. Had it -been under other circumstances, the scenes enacted might have provided -endless amusement for the onlookers, for they had in them all the -elements but one of a sack-race and old country sports. Seeing thirty -or forty living skeletons shuffling, leaping as |117| far as their -weight of chains and strength would allow, you knew, when one fell, -that it was the weakness caused by starvation which had brought him -down. There he would lie where he fell, given over to despair, whilst -those who did reach any messenger with food, rather than resenting the -stripes given by the guards with the courbash, would almost appear glad -of the open wounds these caused, so that they might caress the wounds -with their hands and lick the blood from their fingers. This picture -is not _over-_ but _under_drawn; but I have been advised to leave out -minute details and other scenes, as unnecessarily harrowing. - -We heard that cannibalism was being practised in the town, but -none took place in the prison; in the Saier, when once the despair -engendered by starvation and cruelty took hold of a prisoner, he would -lie down and wait for death; food he would never refuse if offered, -but if water without food was offered, it was refused. Day after day, -for months, the bodies of eight or ten prisoners, who had died of -starvation, would be thrown into the Nile, and thousands must have died -in the Saier. The population of the prison was always kept up owing to -the hourly arrivals of starving wretches committed there for trying -to steal food in the market-place, and it was from such as these that -the fighting for food in the prison emanated chiefly. It can be well -imagined how the most civilized being might be driven to madness and -desperation, when, as the result of his trying to steal a bit of food, -maybe for himself, maybe for |118| a dying child, he is committed to -an oriental prison, and there, as he is taken to the anvil, the body -of the last victim to starvation is dragged up to have the shackles -knocked off only to be fitted on to him. Yet this happened not twice, -not scores, but hundreds of times in the prison of es-Saier during that -terrible famine. - -After my servant Hasseena had been knocked down a number of times -and the food she was bringing me had been devoured by the starving -prisoners, we hit upon an expedient. Buying a gazelle skin, she had -this hung from her waist, under her dress, and left dangling between -her knees; the food for me was placed in this, but Hasseena always -carried, as a blind or decoy, a little food in her hands. This would be -pounced upon, when Hasseena, who had a healthy pair of lungs, as Wad -Nejoumi discovered at his first interview with her, would raise the -echoes with her screams. These gave her a clear path to me, and she -waited for a favourable opportunity to drop the gazelle skin on the -ground beside me. - -It must not be thought from the foregoing that the prisoners had no -feelings for each other, and for those worse off in the matter of -food than themselves. There was more charity shown by those wild -fanatics, and almost savages, than is often shown in more civilized -places. Mahmoud Wad Said, so long as his little property held out, sold -portions of it day after day, and had sent into the prison for his -poorer fellow-prisoners, a large “geddahh” of asseeda and milk, night -and morning, and this gave thirty to forty |119| prisoners a meal each -day; others divided with their less fortunate friends the little food -they received. I have seen it stated that my charity to other prisoners -created a very good impression; but, then, how could I, the only white -and Christian in the prison—and, for the matter of that, the only -avowed Christian in the Soudan—not strive to show just a little more -self-denial and charity and kindness of heart than those “fanatics” -showed me?[5] - - [5] On reading over the foregoing to Father Ohrwalder, and - asking him if he knew of any others who had assisted me with - food while in prison, he first objected to my giving him any - credit for what he had done, saying he had done but part of - his duty towards me, and, in deference to his wishes, I have - curtailed the account of his kindnesses towards me. He then - expressed surprise that the name of Slatin did not figure - amongst those of my benefactors, and it is only now that I hear - from Father Ohrwalder of the risks Slatin ran in trying to - help me. As can be well understood, this is hardly a subject - on which, at the present time, I could approach Slatin, as it - would practically be asking him how many dollars’ worth of - thanks were due to him. - - On my arrival at Omdurman, it was believed by the Khaleefa, - and others, that I was a brother of Slatin, and had started - for Sheikh Saleh’s country with the idea of organizing an - expedition to attack the Khaleefa and effect Slatin’s release; - the latter, in consequence, was looked upon with more suspicion - than ever, and bad as my position or condition was, his, in a - measure, may have been worse. People in Omdurman—my servant and - the prison barber in particular—gauging Slatin’s position to - a nicety, had little fear or compunction in blackmailing him, - day after day, after his first contribution to my sustenance, - for more money and food, and in each instance it was asked for - in my name. Others doubtless did the same, and poor Slatin, - as he was then, must have been robbed right and left, his - robbers perfectly secure in the conviction that even, should - he discover their trick, he would be powerless to punish them, - for had he attempted to do so, he would have placed his head in - a noose for disobeying the Khaleefa’s orders, which were that - he was never to speak to, or have any dealings with me. It is - the least that I can do here to place the matter on record in - connection with my experience, and leave Slatin to await the - appearance of this in print to learn that my heartfelt thanks - go out to him, while, at the same time, the world will better - understand from the foregoing the difficulties of Slatin’s - position with the Khaleefa. - - - - -|120| - -CHAPTER X - -PRISON JUSTICE - - -What I have written previously concerning the Nebbi Khiddr history -will, in the following notes of prison life, assist the reader in -better understanding how such mutual and transparent deceptions might -be practised by the Khaleefa and the gaolers as are related here. -It will be remembered that the Khaleefa, following the example of -the Mahdi, laid claim to the Nebbi Khiddr as his prophet or constant -messenger—a sort of modern Mercury amongst the Soudanese; hence the -mutual, but unacknowledged deceptions which might be practised by the -Khaleefa and his followers one against the other, but with always this -proviso: as the Khaleefa had the power of life and death, and his -spoken word was absolute, no one dare, even by suggestion, imply that -he had in any way deceived or hoodwinked Abdullahi, else the Nebbi -Khiddr would not have rested content until his detractor had been -shortened by a head. - -When the many escapes from the Saier zareeba became of too common -gossip to be any longer concealed, Abdullahi ordered a wall to be -built in place |121| of the thorn zareeba, and later, to obviate the -necessity of the prisoners going to the Nile banks for drinking water -and ablutions, a well was sunk to provide infiltration water for the -purposes mentioned.[6] Until these works were ordered to be made, the -prisoners were mainly employed in building mud-brick houses for the -gaolers; and when these were finished we had to attend to certain of -the household duties—the tending of children, sheep, goats, and the -carrying of water from the Nile. Of all the tasks set the prisoners, -the household duties were the most pleasant, or, at all events, the -least distasteful. Most of the gaolers were able to keep up a large -establishment on the proceeds of their baksheesh and ill-gotten gains, -but with a multiplicity of wives or concubines a very natural result -followed—household bickerings and squabbles, in which one wife or -concubine was bound to come off worst; and this gave the wide-awake -prisoner engaged upon household duties his chance. He would soon detect -which concubine was being “put upon,” or whom the women-folk were most -jealous of, and in a few days’ time, as a result of his attentions in -carrying her pots and pans, and bringing her water as many times in the -day as she wished, he would be bemoaning in her sympathetic ears the -hard |122| fate of both of them, and trying to persuade her that what -she was enduring was far worse than his imprisonment and chains. The -old truism that “pity is akin to love” obtains equally as well under -the dusky hide of a Soudanese damsel as under the white skin of her -European sister, and very soon the pair would be maturing plans for -an escape and elopement. The main difficulty was the removal of the -man’s chains and a rapid flight to some distant village; but the Soudan -ladies are not a whit behind in woman’s resourcefulness face to face -with apparent impossibilities. Failing to arrange for a regular flight, -the woman would secure some place of hiding in Omdurman itself. She -would undertake all the arrangements, and I never knew of a failure in -their plans. - - [6] This well was named “Beer-el-Ummarra” (the well of the - Emirs). When ordering its construction the Khaleefa instructed - Idris es Saier to put all the important prisoners on the - work, as the exercise would do them good. My gang consisted - of Ibrahim Wad Adlan, Ajjab Abou Jinn, Mohammad Wad Bessir, - Mohammad Abou Sinn, Abdalla Abou Sinn, Ali Wad-el-Hadd, Ahmed - Abd-el-Maajid, Mahmoud Wad Said, Hassan Um Barak, and the - Shereef Khaleel—the aristocracy, I might say, of the Soudan. We - did little or no work ourselves, we paid the imprisoned slaves - for doing it; but whenever Idris es Saier made his appearance - he would find us all busy. When telling us of the Khaleefa’s - orders, Idris hinted that it might be advisable for us to - subscribe amongst ourselves for paid labour, and he would take - charge of the money. At Wad Adlan’s advice, we said we rather - liked the idea of having some work to do to keep us occupied, - Adlan knowing that Idris would keep the money and make us work - just the same, or else pay over again for another batch of - slaves. - -Each month a list of the prisoners in the Saier, and an account of -their progress in “education” would be submitted to Abdullahi, with -recommendations for the release of certain prisoners, and each month, -coincident with the preparation of this list, some prisoner would be -missing from his usual place that night and next morning—and for ever -afterwards; and this is how Soudan romances were managed. Sheep and -goats would stray unaccountably. As these accidents always happened -about sunset, the concubine would set off with the chained prisoner -to bring in the strayed animals at the precise moment when her lord -and master was engaged upon his official duties and locking up the -prisoners in the Umm Hagar. On his calling at his house, the temporary -absence would excite little or no suspicion, but as the hours sped -on |123| suspicions were aroused, and if on the following morning or -the same night the sheep and goats found their way back unaided, the -gaoler’s only way out of the difficulty was to present a favourable -report of the conduct of the escaped prisoner, in the hope that his -release would be ordered by the Khaleefa. To acknowledge that he had -escaped while employed in tending his sheep and goats would be to place -the gaoler’s head or liberty in danger, and the eloping couple well -knew this. No sooner was the release ordered, than the happy couple -would present themselves before the Kadi, to be married right off—the -Soudanese damsel in the possession of a husband, with no other wives -or concubines to worry her in the house, and her husband free of his -chains. True, he might divorce his wife the same day if he so chose, -but then his and her object had been gained—they were both clear of the -gaoler, whom they knew dare not trump up any case against them in the -hope of one or the other being again committed to prison, for, once -released by the Khaleefa’s orders, a prisoner might only be recommitted -on them. Moreover, if one of the two should relate what had actually -occurred, the gaoler himself, having deceived the Khaleefa with his -report of good conduct and “education,” would certainly be sent to -prison or to the gallows. - -I was too important a prisoner to make my escape at all possible by -such happy means as those above described. My only hope lay in trusty -natives and swift camels which would outstrip my pursuers. I often -envied my fellow-prisoners who exchanged the |124| bonds of slavery -for those of matrimony, for numbers of them came to see me after their -“release,” but I shudder to think what might have happened had I been -released by the Khaleefa’s orders, for, following the old adage that -a drowning man clutches at a straw, I must have promised marriage to -dozens of Soudan beauties (?) in the event of their doing anything -towards wheedling their masters or the Khaleefa into releasing me, -and it is quite certain that, on my release, I should have met at the -prison-gates a clamouring crowd all claiming the honour. - -But I should explain how it was that I came into direct contact with -the hareems of the gaolers. Having studied physiology and medicine at -Königsberg and Leipzig, I was often called upon by the natives in Upper -Egypt, before the place was so well known to the travelling public -as it is now, and in the absence of doctors, to attend them in cases -of sickness or accident. My practice, being gratuitous, was a large -one, and I soon became the “Hakeem Pasha” (principal medical officer). -My reputation, if it did not precede me, at least accompanied me to -Omdurman when I was captured, so that I was in constant requisition at -the gaolers’ hareems, paying “professional” visits ranging from cases -in which the Khaleefa was soon to be presented with another subject, -to the most trivial and sometimes imaginary complaints. So long as -the women kept ailing, my life was rendered endurable, for I was able -to sit down and chat with them for hours, waiting to see the result -of concoctions made from, to me, unknown |125| herbs and roots, of -the properties of which I was ignorant; but the results were always -satisfactory. The only medicine or chemical I came across of any value -in the stores of the Beit-el-Mal was permanganate of potash, and I soon -discovered that a Soudan constitution necessitated the application -of this in crystals and not in liquid form. The effects, as may be -imagined, were rapid, and, though my medical readers might be inclined -to doubt the statement, the results were eminently satisfactory both to -the patients and myself. - -Occasionally I would be sent for to attend some one in the women’s -prison, which was situated a short distance from the Saier of Idris. -The women’s prison consisted of the common cell and a light zareeba, -through which the curious might gaze on the women as they lay stretched -on the ground during the day in the sun, undergoing their first period -of imprisonment. The majority of the women prisoners were slaves locked -up on some pretence or other to prevent their escaping. It might be -that their master was arranging for some trading trip which would -occupy him for weeks and, maybe, months. The simplest way of preventing -his property from running away during his absence was to trump up -some charge against her, and have her locked up, knowing that her -release might not be obtained until he returned and requested it. As -in the mean time she would have to be fed at his expense, and gave her -services free to the household of one of the gaolers, he was equally -sure that the gaoler would not be too anxious to secure her release. -|126| - -Married women were sent to prison on all sorts of charges, ranging from -suspected conjugal infidelity to the delivery of a curtain lecture. The -women prisoners wore light chains connecting their anklets, but their -lot was little better than that of the men. A charge of infidelity “not -proven,” as the Scotch have it, was followed by imprisonment and the -application of three hundred stripes with the courbag, and when the -woman had recovered from these, she would be sent into the house of -one of the gaolers to be the maid-of-all-work for every one there; she -would have to grind corn, attend to the children, carry water, and be -driven as a slave night and day for weeks. A Mrs. Caudle or a termagant -received from fifty to eighty lashes, and she too on recovery would be -sent into one of the gaolers’ hareems to work as hard as her possibly -innocent and more severely punished companion in misery. A few weeks of -such treatment sent the women back home completely cured of the faults -for which they were sent to prison to be corrected, besides which -the relation of their experiences acted as an effective deterrent on -budding Mrs. Caudles and others. - -The unloading of boats was the hardest work we were set to, and we were -kept up to the mark by the ever-present lash; we might only be tired -and ill when we could afford the luxury of paying for the complaint, -for this labour was the most lucrative task our gaolers could set us -to; we had either to work, or pay many times the equivalent of our -labour. It was in connection with the unloading of boats, and this, -|127| too, when I was slowly recovering from my attack of typhus fever -after the death of Ahmed Nur ed Din, that I received my first flogging. -A young gaoler had pestered me for money, and as I had none to give -him, he ordered me to slave at the unloading of the boats. The only way -of exhibiting a real refusal was to sit down upon the ground, which I -did, upon which the gaoler commenced to drag me towards the gateway of -the Saier. On this I got upon my feet and knocked the gaoler off his. -He ran to Idris es Saier, told his own tale, and Idris, approaching -me, ordered me to get up—for I had again sat down—and assist in the -unloading of the boats. I refused, and accused the gaoler of trying to -extort monies from me. Upon this Idris struck me with his “safarog” (an -instrument almost the exact counterpart of the Australian boomerang, -and used by the Soudan tribes for precisely similar purposes); the -blow he gave smashed the safarog and stunned me, and while only partly -conscious I was turned over and condemned to receive there and then -five hundred lashes. - -Only sixty or seventy, I was told, were inflicted; the remainder were -not given, as Idris, seeing that I was unconscious, believed that I -was dead, and in consequence received a terrible fright. I was carried -to my place in the cell, while Idris set about clearing himself with -the other prisoners, and explaining that it was all the work of the -young gaoler. Idris knew what it meant to him had I been flogged to -death, and, believing that I would not recover, he, when I did recover, -evidently made up his mind to pay out the gaoler who was |128| -responsible for his fright in the first place, and for his servility -to the other prisoners at the moment when he thought there were good -grounds for it. - -[Illustration: A FLOGGING BY ORDER OF THE KHALEEFA.] - -His opportunity came some little time later on, when the same gaoler -invented another excuse for flogging me. I had bought from one of the -gaolers a small mud hut, a few feet square, in the prison enclosure, -and received permission from Idris es Saier to sleep in this at night -instead of in the Umm Hagar. This young gaoler—and other gaolers as -well—accepted baksheesh from prisoners to allow them to sleep in the -open; and Idris, finding the contributions to his “starving children” -falling off, suspected the reason, and lay in wait. Upon a night when -a larger number than usual had been allowed to sleep outside the Umm -Hagar, he suddenly made his appearance in the prison enclosure. There -was nothing for our guardians to do but to pretend that the prisoners -had been insubordinate, had refused to enter the Umm Hagar, and to -lay about them with their whips. The young gaoler, not aware that -I had paid the regulation baksheesh to Idris, made straight for my -hut, dragged me out, and flogged me to the door of the common cell, a -distance, maybe, of forty or fifty yards, but my thick jibbeh prevented -the blows from telling with much effect as far as regards abrasion of -the skin; nevertheless, their weight told on my diminished strength, -and I again fell ill. The circumstance came to the ears of the Khaleefa -through Idris, or the Nebbi Khiddr, and I had the huge satisfaction -of seeing my tormentor dismissed from his lucrative post, |129| -subjected to the two hundred lashes he was sentenced to receive, and -then sent as a prisoner in chains to work at the very same boats, which -he had had me flogged for refusing to assist in unloading. This, at the -present moment, is the only bit of real justice I can remember during -my twelve years’ captivity. - -I have in a former chapter given a slight description of flogging as I -saw it practised when first captured by the dervishes; but the flogging -in the Saier was a very different matter. The maximum number of stripes -ever ordered was a thousand, and this number was often actually given, -but in every case the stripes were given over the clothing. The rules -of flogging were generally as follows: the first two hundred on the -back below the region of the lumbar vertebræ, the third and fourth -hundred on the shoulders, and the fifth hundred on the breast. When the -maximum number of one thousand lashes was ordered, they were always -given on the same parts as those of the first two hundred, and this -punishment was resorted to for the purpose of extorting confessions. -After eighty or one hundred blows, the jibbeh was cut into shreds, -and soon became saturated with the blood of the victim; and while the -effect of the individual blows may not have been as great as those -from the cat-o’-nine-tails, the number given made up in quantity for -what might have been lacking in quality, as is evidenced by the large -numbers who died under the castigation or as a result of it later. - -On one occasion an old black soldier of the Egyptian |130| Army, named -Mohammad Ajjami, who was employed as a runner (a foot-galloper—if I may -invent the expression—of the Khaleefa on field days), was sent to me -while in the prison to be cured of the effects of a flogging. He had by -some means incurred the displeasure of Sheikh ed Din, the son of the -Khaleefa, and by him had been sentenced to receive a public flogging, -after which he was to be sent to the Saier to be “educated.” He was -carried into the prison to me after his flogging. The fleshy part of -his back was cut into ribbons, and the hip-bones were exposed. For six -or eight weeks I was constantly employed bathing this man’s wounds with -a dilute solution of carbolic acid, the carbolic crystals being sent -to me by Sheikh ed Din himself for the purpose, for his father, the -Khaleefa, jealous of his authority, had censured his son, telling him, -as he constantly told others, that “In Usbaiee shareeknee fee mulkee, -anna ikktahoo.”[7] Ajjami recovered, and often came to see me in prison -to express his gratitude. Sheikh ed Din himself was so pleased at the -man’s recovery that he begged his father to release me, so that I might -practise the healing art amongst his Ansar, and teach it to others; -but the Khaleefa was obdurate, and refused, his reasons for refusing -to release me being better left to be related later by some of my -fellow-captives. - - [7] This expression was always used by the Khaleefa in any - discussion. Holding up his forefinger, he said (translation of - phrase): “Rather than this finger should be a partner in the - governing of my realm, I should cut it off.” - -My third flogging was received under the following circumstances. -Having from Idris es Saier received permission to remain in my mud -hovel, instead of |131| spending the nights in the Umm Hagar, and -feeling secure in my comparative freedom and safe from the exactions of -the other gaolers, as I had baksheeshed Idris well, I firmly refused to -be bled any further. My particular guardian, not daring, after what had -occurred to my former guardian, to order me into the Umm Hagar, went a -step further, and refused to allow me to leave my mud hut at all for -any purpose whatever. I insisted upon being allowed to go to the place -of ablution—about one hundred yards distant—and being refused, set off, -receiving at every step a blow from the courbag. Being heavily chained, -I was helpless, and could not reach my tormentor, as he could skip away -from my reach, which was limited to the length of the bars connecting -my feet, which bars were fifteen inches in length. It was on this -occasion, night-time too, that Idris es Saier paid another surprise -visit to the prison enclosure to see what number of “unauthorized” -prisoners were sleeping outside the Umm Hagar, and, furious at the -number he discovered, he ordered all outside, without exception, to be -flogged. - -I and fifteen to twenty others received a hundred and fifty lashes -each—at least, I received this number; others repented by crying out -after twenty or thirty blows. I alternately clenched my teeth and bit -my lips to prevent a sound of pain escaping, often as I was asked, -“Will you not cry out? Is your head and heart still like black iron?” -and the more they reminded me of the courage I was exhibiting, the more -reason I had for not giving way or breaking down. But the mental ordeal -was far, far more terrible than |132| the corporal punishment. There -was I, a European, a Prussian, a man who had fought with the British -troops in what transpired to be the “too late” expedition for the -rescue of Gordon, now in the clutches of the tyrant and his myrmidons, -whom we had hoped to rescue Gordon from; a white and a Christian—and -the only professing Christian—chained and helpless, being flogged by a -black, as much a captive and a slave as I was, and yet my superior and -master. It is impossible for any one not having undergone a similar -experience to appreciate the mental agonies I endured. - -I may have been self-willed and strong-headed; I may, if you wish, -have acted like a fool in my constant defiance of the Khaleefa and the -tenets of the Mahdi; but now, looking back on those terrible times, I -feel convinced that had poor Gordon lived, my actions would at least -have met with his approbation, for the outward ceremony or observance -of adherence to the Mohammedan faith was carried out on me under force, -after the escape of Rossignoli. Death, in whatever form it came, -would have come as a welcome visitor to me; but while doing all in my -power to exasperate my captors to kill me, something—hope, courage, a -clinging to life, pride in my race, or personal vanity in defying them -to the end—restrained me from taking my own life, though Heaven knows -that, if ever man had a good excuse for doing so, I had. But my conduct -so impressed the Khaleefa that he told Wad Nejoumi, who asked for my -release so that I might accompany him to Dongola to “open up trade,” -and told many others later, “Neufeld I will |133| not release, but I -will not kill him.” Invariably, in speaking of me to others, as I was -still unconverted, the Khaleefa omitted the name “Abdalla” which I had -been given, and spoke of me as “Nofal”—the Arabic pronunciation of -Neufeld. - - - - -|134| - -CHAPTER XI - -A SERIOUS DILEMMA - - -As I write, there lie before me three successive paragraphs culled from -a recent edition of a London paper. These paragraphs were intended to -be, and doubtless were, amusing to their readers, but they contain -inaccuracies. I have ascertained that one misstatement owes its origin -to a report drawn up in connection with the guide’s account of the -successful escape of Father Rossignoli. The facts connected with that -flight, and my reported refusal to escape when the opportunity (?) -offered, find their place later in my narrative. For the moment I shall -content myself with but one of the paragraphs, and fill in the details -which, while not detracting from the humorous element introduced, will -show that the episode referred to had somewhat of a pathetic, if not -tragic, vein in it. This may have been lost sight of owing to the tale -being recorded in an office about two thousand miles away from the -scene of action, and the inaccuracies may be accounted for by the fact -that the tale was told by one of that large class in the East whose -greatest glory it is, when one of them has by constant |135| practice -attained a certain standard of inventive faculty and plausibility, to -prove to the world that the race of Haroun-el-Rashid’s story-tellers -is not yet extinct. There can be little doubt that the guide and Wakih -Idris, and maybe others, would be much entertained, if not a little -surprised, if told that the whole of their tales had apparently been -believed in. - -On my servant Hasseena being sent into the Khaleefa’s hareem in May, -1887, she obtained her release, or dismissal, by declaring that she was -with child; she was not. In November, 1888, she certainly was, and the -fact could not be concealed. Hasseena, having been a slave, could not -well be legally married, so that when dismissed from the Khaleefa’s -hareem, she was sent as my property to the hareem of Idris es Saier, -where she had, in addition to buying and preparing my food, to perform -the housework and run messages for the women of Idris’s household. - -Idris I knew had long coveted Hasseena, and her being with child -appeared to him a favourable opportunity of securing her for himself, -for under ordinary circumstances, the woman being a slave and the child -being born in his hareem, he could lay claim to the paternity, when -mother and child would become free, the mother ranking now as a wife. -He talked the matter over with Hasseena, and then sent her to interview -me. I submitted the case to my friends in prison, and they showed that -Idris had misread, or misunderstood, Surah IV. of the Quoran, which -only justified his position towards Hasseena in the event |136| of my -being a prisoner of war, and he having captured Hasseena on the field. -Things became still more complicated by Hasseena admitting to me that -there were doubts in her own mind as to the child’s paternity. Hasseena -was of a light copper colour; Idris was as black as the ace of spades. -It would only be reasonable to expect that the child when born would -exhibit in the colour of its skin an evidence of its paternity, and -it was precisely on this account that Hasseena wished to defer making -any declaration until the event came off. If she elected to declare -Idris the father, and the child at birth gave the lie to her statement, -her life would be in danger; but before continuing the narrative, -and detailing the complications which Hasseena’s condition and her -uncertainty on a vital point gave rise to—it might be well to refer -briefly to one of the moral code of laws instituted by the Mahdi, as -this will help the reader to a better understanding of the quandary we -were placed in. - -While a man, having already the regulation quota of four legal wives, -might crowd his hareem with as many female slaves and concubines as -he could support or keep in order, a woman was restricted to the one -husband or master. All breakings of our seventh commandment were, if -proved, followed by flogging in the case of unmarried women and slaves, -and by the stoning to death of married women; but, in the latter case, -_the sentence could not be given, nor the punishment inflicted, unless -the woman confessed_. Very few stonings to death took place, and these -were in the earlier days of Mahdieh, when religious fanaticism held -sway. |137| - -The flogging has already been described. When a stoning to death was to -take place, a hole was dug in the ground, and the woman buried to her -neck in it. The crowd stood facing the victim, about fifteen to twenty -yards distant, and on a given signal the stoning commenced; but it is -only right to say that the Soudanese themselves hated and feared taking -part in such an execution. None of the stones thrown had, singly, the -force or weight to cause stunning or death, and the horrid spectacle -was presented of what appeared to be a trunkless head, slightly jerking -backwards and forwards and from side to side to avoid the stones being -hurled at it, and this ordeal continued for an hour or more. Sometimes -a relative or friend, under pretence of losing his temper in upbraiding -or cursing the woman, smashed in her head with one of the small axes -usually carried by the Soudanese, thus putting her at once out of her -torture and misery. Shortly before sunset, the relatives and friends -would come out to take away the body and give it decent burial, for the -soul had fled, purified with the woman’s blood, to the next world. - -Knowing what would be the result of a confession, it will be wondered -that any woman ever did confess; the number who did so is, admittedly, -small. In one of the three cases of stoning to death I know of, the -confession was extorted by torture, and the poor woman preferred the -horrible but certain death by the time the sun set, to the lingering -death she was enduring from day to day. Thousands of women were charged -with the breaking of this particular rule |138| or commandment of the -Mahdi, but almost all the charges were made by other women—and this, -too, out of sheer jealousy, not from any feeling of outraged morality. - -I may now proceed with the narration of the quandary Hasseena had -placed us in, herself included. I had been kept chained and closely -confined for nineteen months, and was under Idris es Saier’s particular -supervision; Hasseena, during the same period, had been a servant in -his hareem, and also in his entire charge. If I claimed the paternity -of the child, the probabilities were that Idris would get into trouble -with the Khaleefa; if Idris claimed it, his head might be in danger, -for decapitation or hanging was the punishment ordered for the male -offender, and in all cases Hasseena was liable to flogging or stoning -to death. Again, if I claimed the paternity of the child, and there -were reasonable grounds after its birth to believe that the paternity -should be looked for in some other direction, and I knew that it should -be; then, while Idris would clear himself to the Khaleefa, I should -have been punished for lying to him, and Hasseena would be in the same -predicament as before. - -I had inquiries made outside as to Hasseena’s movements when marketing, -and as to those whom she associated with, or went to see; being -satisfied, as a result of the inquiries, that the expected arrival -would be a shade lighter in colour than its mother, I, acting on the -advice of my prison friends, claimed the child as mine, thus leaving -Idris to get out of the thing as best he could. There was, as above -indicated, |139| a risk in my claiming the paternity, but it was -worth while running it. The Khaleefa, so my friends told me, would -now certainly release me from prison, as my wife and child would be -a guarantee for my good behaviour if released, and also guarantee me -against any escape, for to try and escape with a woman and baby made -success very problematical, while the woman would certainly hinder me -in any attempt to escape, when it could only result in the death of -herself and child. It was for this reason—to hinder escape—that the -Khaleefa kept his captives well supplied with wives, and showed his -displeasure very plainly if the expected results did not follow. But my -claiming the paternity did not please Idris, as it deprived him of all -chance of securing Hasseena for himself, and also left him at the mercy -of the Khaleefa for his neglect of duty in allowing Hasseena to come -near me, so he empanelled a jury of Soudanese matrons to inquire into -the affair. - -At the time when Hasseena startled our little world with her -interesting condition, Omdurman was, and had been for some months, -almost depleted of its male population; the rumours of an expedition -(Stanley’s, to rescue Emin) had resulted in a considerable force being -sent to Equatoria. The army to attack Abyssinia had been in the field -for months, so also had the army which Wad Nejoumi was to lead a few -months later to its destruction at Toski. - -A number of the ladies empanelled for the jury ought not, unless they -belonged to the Gawaamah tribe, to have been eligible for election, and -others, |140| under the circumstances, should have avoided publicity; -but here was an opportunity for them, and they were not going to miss -it. They came together to save themselves—not Hasseena or Idris—hence -the extraordinary verdict they gave: to the effect that it was not -only possible for a woman to be with child nineteen months—as Hasseena -presumably was, but for twenty-four months, while some hotly contested -for an extension of the time to years! - -Idris had still another card to play; he averred that it was impossible -for the child to be mine, and he now swore it was not his. Then -Hasseena ought to be flogged and sent to prison; but as Idris would be -entrusted with the flogging himself, it was to be understood that he -was not going to damage his prospective property. It was now the turn -of those whom I remarked ought not to have been eligible for election -to the jury; the tales they told to account for their own interesting -condition are worthy of the best traditions of the “Thousand and One -Nights;” but, even if written, they would be less fit for translation -and publication than the originals of the famous tales. Idris now -appealed to the Kadi, who, after interviewing the jury, supported -their contentions, and related the whole story to the Khaleefa, much -to his amusement and the discomfiture of Idris; for, while graciously -sending me his congratulations on the coming event, he ordered the -unconditional release of Hasseena, who went to live in what might be -called the “Christian” quarter of the town. - -In January the girl-child was born, and named |141| “Makkieh” -(shackles), a name which appealed to the humorous side of the Khaleefa, -who, being tickled at the idea of the name, in a fit of good-humour, -sent word to me to ask if I would undertake the manufacture of -gunpowder if he released me. I unfortunately replied that I did not -understand the manufacturing of it, and this aroused his suspicions, -which did not abate one jot when, shortly afterwards, a Bohemian -baker, who had strayed from Halfa, was taken prisoner, and sent on -to Omdurman as a captured spy. This man, whom I knew only by the -name of Joseppi—though he had a string of other names, which I have -forgotten—was a Bohemian by birth and a baker by trade. He was not of -strong intellect, and what intellect he had, had maybe been impaired by -a “music madness.” From the rambling statements he made to me during -his year’s imprisonment, I gather that he had tramped Europe as a -wandering musician, landing finally in Egypt, where he tramped from -the Mediterranean to the frontier. It is quite evident that instead -of coppers he received drinks in exchange for his strains, and this -further added to his mental troubles, though the drunkenness he has -been charged with was, in my opinion, more the result of circumstances -and misfortune than a natural craving for ardent liquors. - -On leaving Wadi Halfa, he had expected to find, as he had found in -Europe and the part of Egypt he had tramped through, villages or towns -within the day’s tramp. He had not the slightest idea of what the -desert was until he found himself in it. After some days of wandering, -during which he eat pieces of his |142| worn-out boots in lieu of -other food, he struck the Nile, and, wandering along, ignorant of -the direction he was taking, he came upon a party of dervishes, whom -he tried to communicate with, and after, by gesticulations, showing -them that he wanted bread or food, he commenced to “soothe the savage -breast” with strains from his violin. They took him prisoner, destroyed -his instrument, and sent him on to Omdurman as a spy. On arrival there, -he was ushered into the presence of the Khaleefa, who was undecided as -to whether he had a madman or an actor to deal with, for on dates being -brought for Joseppi to eat, he threw them about, and then lay flat on -his face. He was sent to prison and heavily chained; in the process of -having his chains and bars fitted, he fainted away. - -[Illustration: Gaoler. Neufeld. Gaoler. Son of Fauzi Pasha. Fauzi Pasha. - -MEAL-TIME IN THE SAIER.] - -Joseppi was in my charge for about one year, and while being as -harmless as a child, he caused me endless trouble. During the day he -would remain perfectly quiet, but at night-time he would insist upon -singing or humming. As his tunes had neither beginning nor end, and -were composed of notes snatched from here and there, we soon tired -of it, and Joseppi received a light flogging on one occasion for not -“shutting his mouth” when requested to do so. I remonstrated with him -after he had been flogged, and told him that he should not continue to -hum after other prisoners had asked him to keep quiet. He ruminated -over this, and thinking, maybe, at the moment that I was taking the -part of the others against him, he went off to the Saier, and told -him |143| confidentially that I was a great and well-known general -in Europe, and a few other things. Joseppi had an enormous appetite, -and was always hungry; he caused me a great deal of trouble during the -worst days of the famine, when food was so scarce, for after sharing -my scanty meal, he would wander off and pester every group for a scrap -of food. Eventually, we had to provide three bowls for him; just when -our food came in, we handed him his bowls, and thus were allowed a few -moments’ peace. We had finished our meal before he had finished his -food, so that our group, at least, was free of his importunities. He -came to grief through eating pieces of camel-skin, which the gaolers -used to sell to the poorer prisoners during the famine. - -Fearing that he would die in the prison, I sent word to the “Christian” -quarter, asking that the Khaleefa should be prayed to release Joseppi, -which was done, and he found congenial employment for a time in the -bakery of Youssef Sawar. Soon afterwards, he borrowed a few dollars -here and there for the purpose of buying grain at El Fun; he started -off dressed in a new jibbeh, carrying his dollars, and a well-stocked -basket of provisions for his two days’ journey. At the very moment when -Wad Adlan was pleading with the Khaleefa to release me from prison, so -that I could assist him in the work of the Beit-el-Mal, a deputation -of the captives arrived at the door of the house to tell the Khaleefa -that Joseppi must have escaped, as he should have been back in Omdurman -some days ago. Turning to Wad Adlan, |144| the Khaleefa said, “El -boomi mahhgaad—Abdulla Neufeld ogud? Khallee ossbur.” (“The fool did -not stop—when he had the chance to escape. Will Neufeld? Let him wait a -bit.”) This was the second time the poor fellow had cost me my liberty. -There is no doubt that the man was murdered for the sake of his food or -money, for his remains were found later, on the road between Khartoum -and El Fun. - - - - -|145| - -CHAPTER XII - -IBRAHIM WAD ADLAN - - -A favourable opportunity here presents itself for referring to that -little-written-about, and, therefore, little-known strange character in -Mahdieh—Ibrahim Wad Adlan, the Amin Beit-el-Mal. Maybe in no one else -did he confide as he confided in me while we were fellow-prisoners, -and maybe he did so only because he knew that I was an avowed enemy -of Mahdieh, that I was at the time defying the Khaleefa to do his -worst against me, and that my interests lay elsewhere than in the -Soudan. There was also a lurking suspicion that I had been sent up as -a Government emissary, and that the letter of General Stephenson was -purposely couched in the language it was, so that, if it fell into the -hands of the Khaleefa, he would be led to believe that I had started -upon a trading expedition pure and simple. The friendship formed during -the two or three months, which Adlan and I spent as fellow-prisoners, -was to end in the not least interesting of my experiences, but it also -ended in a tragedy. - -Wad Adlan, prior to the Mahdist revolt, had been |146| one of the -principal and richest merchants in Kordofan. His business connections -had taken him a number of times to Cairo and other parts of Egypt. -For intelligence, and as a man of the world, he was far and away -superior to all the “great” people who from time to time became my -fellow-prisoners; I should be inclined to place him on a higher level -than the best of the old Government officials; he read and wrote well, -and, as will be seen later, he was not deficient in certain qualities -which go far towards making a successful Oriental diplomatist. To -the end he was loyal to the core to the old Government, but he was -compelled to act a part—and well he acted it. Had there been one more -Adlan in the Soudan—and many had the opportunity of being such—the -rule of Abdullahi would have ended with the insurrection of Khaleefa -Shereef. That insurrection just missed being successful, but it was -through no fault of Adlan. Carefully and secretly he had paved the way -to it, but his task ended when he had paved the way; it was for others -to take the goal. - -Adlan was the one man in the Soudan who had the courage of his -opinions, and expressed them to Abdullahi; he was a man himself, -acted as one, and despised heartily those who, in his opinion, were -carrying their obedience to the confines of servility. Failing to -induce Abdullahi to rule with some little semblance of justice and -equity, as laid down in the Quoran, he set about to undermine his -influence and power, but he had to carry out his work by subterfuge, -and single-handed. There were, he told me, a number |147| of people he -would have wished to take into his confidence, but some he was afraid -might betray him, and the others he could not trust with the little -discretion they could boast of. He feared they might unwittingly let -slip a few words prematurely, and then his and their tongues would be -silenced for ever. - -As the director of the Beit-el-Mal, his first care was to keep the -treasury and granaries full to repletion. During the famine this was -an impossibility, but some grain and money had to be procured from -somewhere. The poor, and those who had come by their little stores -honestly, Adlan never made a call upon; indeed, he was the protector -of the poor and the Muslimanieh (captive Christians). It was Adlan’s -policy to create enemies of Abdullahi, so that was another reason for -his protecting the poor, who were already bitter enemies of their -savage ruler. On reporting to Abdullahi the depleted condition of the -treasury and granaries—and Abdullahi was aware that the doors of the -Beit-el-Mal and Adlan’s house were besieged night and day by thousands -of starving wretches—Adlan would be given a verbal order to search -for grain and bring it into the Beit-el-Mal. This order he would put -into immediate execution against Abdullahi’s particular friends and -adherents, for the whole of their stores were the proceeds of robbery, -and the plundering and murdering of weaker tribes and people. To all -remonstrances Adlan would reply that he was carrying out Abdullahi’s -orders, and every one knew that disobedience to these, or any attempt -to evade them, meant summary execution. Occasionally some |148| -“strong” man would enter a mild protest to the Khaleefa himself, who -would feign ignorance of having given any general orders to Adlan. -Adlan would be summoned, but, questioned as to his actions in the -presence of the complainant, he dare not reply that he had but obeyed -the general orders given him; he would be obliged to answer in such a -way that the “strong” man would believe that he had acted upon his own -initiative. After the audience, the “strong” man would follow Adlan to -the Beit-el-Mal, and demand the return of his grain and dollars; but -Adlan had distributed all on the Khaleefa’s orders—which the registers -proved, as nothing might leave the Beit-el-Mal without his sanction. -The “strong” man now was undecided as to whether Abdullahi was playing -with him or not, but his safest plan was to intrigue against Adlan. In -this he would be helped might and main by Yacoub, Abdullahi’s brother, -and the bitterest enemy of Adlan, for Yacoub, as the Emir of Emirs -(prince of princes), was insane with jealousy at the hold which Adlan -had on the masses. The respect and veneration paid to Adlan Yacoub -considered himself entitled to by virtue of his position and rank. - -It may, or may not, be the case that Abdullahi himself was growing -jealous of Adlan. As Khaleefa, his power was so absolute that he could -remove any dangerous person by a suggestive motion of the hand, so -that when he sent Adlan into prison for a time, it was, in Adlan’s -opinion, only to appease his enemies, to prevent any wavering in -their allegiance, and to |149| stem the rapidly approaching tide of -discontent. But Adlan’s committal to the Saier left a clear field for -his enemies to intrigue against him, and being kept informed of every -charge made, and the Khaleefa’s varying moods towards him, Adlan saw -serious danger ahead. - -Reports reached us that the Beit-el-Mal was in sore straits, and that -the Khaleefa had already expressed his intention of reinstating Adlan -if matters did not improve. Then it was that Adlan unbosomed himself -to me practically unreservedly. Gradually, but surely, he gave me to -understand that if ever he was reinstated he would do all in his power -to secure my release, and he so often told me _not_ to attempt flight, -if I was released, that I saw clearly he meant to assist me in doing -so. As the Beit-el-Mal went from bad to worse, Adlan’s spirits rose, -and he appealed to me to advise him what to do in the event of his -being reinstated. He saw that for a time, at least, he should have to -abandon his old policy, and he did not know in what direction he might -turn to revive the fallen fortunes of the treasury and granary. - -Trading had been permitted to a certain extent, so I suggested its -extension, but Adlan at first would not hear of this. Abdullahi’s -purpose was to keep the Soudan as much a _terra incognita_ as possible, -and the further opening up of trade routes would defeat this object. My -next suggestion was that the Beit-el-Mal should hand over to merchants -gum, ivory, feathers, etc., at a fixed rate, to be bartered against -specified articles required at Omdurman, which, being received |150| -into the Beit-el-Mal to be distributed from there, would allow of it -making double profits on the transactions. At first he scouted the -idea, for there was not a single man he could trust, and if he gave -merchants any goods and they did not return with the proceeds of their -barter, Adlan would be held responsible. It was then I suggested that -he should only advance goods to people who had families in Omdurman, -which would ensure their returning; but he foresaw that the Khaleefa -would raise objections, as these people might give information to the -Government. As a matter of fact, they did do so eventually, returning -to Omdurman and giving to Abdullahi as incorrect information of the -Government as they had given the Government concerning him and affairs -in the Soudan. - -In the end, I drove home my point by falling into figurative language, -a means of argument as general and effective in the East now as it was -in ancient days. “Adlan,” I said, “you have been feeding Abdullahi on -his own flesh; he is sick, but he is hungry; you have cut all the flesh -from his bones; if you try to feed him on his bones, he will kill you, -for he wants flesh to eat; you must cut flesh from some one else to -feed him, and cover his bones again.” Adlan then jumped at the idea of -trading, and said that as soon as his release came—for he felt sure -he would be released—he would ask the Khaleefa to release me so that -I might assist him in the work. The first essential, though, he told -me, was to abandon my present attitude towards Mahdieh, and offer to -become a Muslim. |151| I agreed to do so, and Adlan reported to the -Saier, who in turn reported to the Kadi, that I was willing to embrace -the faith. “What,” said the Kadi, “Abdalla Nufell a Muslim? No, his -heart is the old black one; he is not with us; he is deceiving; his -brain (head) is still strong; he is a deceiver; tell him so from me.” -The Kadi had not forgotten my old discussions with him in the presence -of others, where he perhaps had the worst of it, and would not forgive -me. Failing my “conversion,” he knew that I should have to suffer the -tortures of the Saier, and he intended that I should suffer them. Soon -after this, Adlan was released and reinstated in his old post; but he -sent word that I must be patient, as he could not speak to the Khaleefa -about me until he had got back fully into favour. - -I should have mentioned before, that on the Khaleefa asking for designs -for the proposed tomb of the Mahdi, Kadi Hanafi and others suggested -that I should prepare designs in the hope they would be accepted, when -I should have to be released to see to their execution. Remembering the -old tombs of the Khaliffs at Cairo, I had little difficulty in drawing -a rough sketch of one, which I had submitted to Abdullah, as being an -entirely original design. I was told by the Saier to make a clay model, -and spent some three weeks in making one about two feet high. Hundreds -came to see it, until it was knocked to pieces by a presumed fanatic, -who objected to a dog of an unbeliever designing the tomb of the holy -man; but from what I learned later, it was only kicked to |152| pieces -after it had been copied. Adlan, knowing of this incident, sent me -word to prepare designs for the mural decorations of the interior, -and I spent some weeks over these; when they were finished, I sent -them direct to the Khaleefa, who sent for Adlan, and told him to make -inquiries as to how long the transfer of the designs to the walls would -take, and how much the work would cost. I gave an estimate of sixty -days for the completion of the work. Adlan said the cost would be nil, -as he had the paint. - -While these designs were being sketched out, I made preparations for -flight as soon after my expected release as possible, and having paper -and ink in comparative abundance, I was enabled to write letters -surreptitiously. On October 12, 1888, I sent my servant to a Greek -captive, asking him to write me a letter in Greek to my old friend, -Mankarious Effendi, station-master at Assouan. The original letter is -before me, and the following is a literal translation:― - - “Mr. Neufeld has asked me to write this letter because he could not - write it himself; you cannot know what a difficult position he is in; - since he came here he was taken twice to the gallows, but was not - hanged, and is still in chains, and subject to their mercy. He wants - you to take over his business, and to act forthwith as his agent. He - borrowed from the bearer a hundred medjedie (dollars), which refund - to him, and give him something for his trouble, and try and send him - back with two hundred pounds which he might buy his liberty for. This - letter is to be kept secret, as there are people who carry all news - here, so if the authorities got to know anything about it Mr. Neufeld - will grow from bad to worse. - - (Signed) “NIROGHOPOLO.” - -On November 10, 1888, hearing that another old |153| acquaintance -was in Omdurman, I got another Greek captive to write another letter -to Mankarious Effendi. This letter also was delivered, and Mankarious -Effendi hands it to me along with a number of other documents which he -has carefully preserved. I again translate literally― - - “MR. MANKARIOUS BEY,― - - “I wish you will be kind, and have all my things made over to you by - Mr. Möller (my manager), and I pray you to act as my wakeel (agent); - also please try and send me some money which I may help myself with, - say two hundred or three hundred pounds; this money will be for my own - use. As I was in need, I have taken from the bearer a sum of a hundred - medjedie, which you will refund him and something as well, because he - has done me a favour, and his name is Akkar (the real name—Karrar, - was doubtless purposely changed). The money you can give the bearer - of this, please take a receipt for and keep it with you; write me a - letter, and send it to Ahmad Abou Idris, or his brother Kabbassi, and - mention the sum you have sent me; also give bearer any assistance he - may want. - - (Signed) “PROTHOMOS” (I am ready). - -I had heard from people who had come to Omdurman of strange doings -in connection with my business, and in order that my manager should -understand that the letter was authentic, I also signed the letter, and -used our cypher for payment of £200—“u.r.r.” - -While in a fever of excitement and anxiety over the despatch of these -messengers, Adlan sent me a secret messenger to say that Sulieman -Haroun, of the Ababdeh tribe, then living at Omdurman, was sending his -son Mohammad Ali to Cairo. Divining that Adlan wished me to communicate -with Sulieman, I sent out word that I wished to see him. In a few -|154| days’ time he gained admittance to the prison to see me, and -I at once set to business, and asked him if he would undertake the -arrangements for my escape. This he agreed to do, but only on condition -that I succeeded in getting outside the prison walls. So that he should -have some confidence that I would assist also, I asked him to call -and see Adlan, and I believe it was Adlan who advanced to Sulieman -the two hundred dollars he brought me, and for which I gave a receipt -for £100. I gave him a letter for his son to deliver to my manager at -Assouan, enclosing a receipt for £100, and an order for payment of a -further £200. On receiving the money, he was to buy goods, arrange for -relays of camels on his return journey, and bring the goods to the -Beit-el-Mal, where Adlan assured him he would find me. Mohammad Ali was -to leave immediately, and return to Omdurman at the earliest possible -moment. - -[Illustration: MOUSSA DAOUD EL KANAGA.] - -Within a few days of the despatch of this messenger, Moussa -Daoud-el-Kanaga, also of the Ababdeh tribe, and an old acquaintance -of mine, came to see me, and I enlisted his services. I told him of -the other arrangements I had made, and asked if he would go partners -with Mohammad Ali in effecting my escape. To Kanaga I gave a letter -telling my manager that I had drawn against him a draft for £200, and -instructing him to honour it; but, in case of accidents, I instructed -Kanaga to see Mankarious Effendi at Assouan, and, failing to find him, -to make his way to Cairo, and hand the letter to the German Consul. -Kanaga left Omdurman about December 30, 1888. |155| - -After my remarks anent the _reliable unreliability_ of every one in -the Soudan, the deceptions practised one against the other, and the -absolute necessity for secrecy, it will naturally be wondered that I -entrusted my secret to so many, if secret it could be called when so -many knew of it. The explanation is simple. I _knew_ the people I had -to deal with, and have you noticed the seemingly insignificant fact -that I _borrowed money from each of the people I employed_? Later in my -narrative I will explain these peculiar transactions. - -While these different messengers are on their journeys, being “held -up” at one place or the other, and at others pretending that they were -gradually working their way to Berber or Dongola for trade, I relate -what is happening in Omdurman. - -News filtered through that the “faithful” had won a great victory over -the English at Suakin; but as the Saier filled with prisoners who -were present at the fight, and who gave different versions to that -ordained by Abdullahi—hence their imprisonment—we learned the truth. -The “faithful” had received a severe defeat. Soon after this, the army -sent against Abyssinia won its great victory over the forces led by -King John, and the fortunes of the Beit-el-Mal took a turn for the -better from the proceeds of the sale of slaves and the loot brought -in. Adlan was coming into favour again, but Abdullahi was too much -occupied in goading on Nejoumi to attack Egypt to give any attention -to the decoration of the Mahdi’s tomb or the extension of trade. He -was still less inclined to give |156| any attention to such matters, -when the news arrived—and it arrived very soon,—that Nejoumi’s army had -been almost annihilated at Toski. My evil star was certainly in the -ascendant, and was mounting higher and higher, for it was at this time -that Joseppi received a flogging for his vocal exercises, and having -a severe fit of mental aberration in consequence, he went off to the -Saier, and told him that he knew I was a great military general, and -that I was maturing plans for the overthrow of Abdullahi. I do not for -a moment believe the poor fellow knew what he was saying, for he came -back to share my scanty meal as usual. - -Kanaga and Mohammad Ali we had calculated would reach Omdurman some -time in December or the early days of January, and as the time for -their return approached, Adlan evidently became more earnest in his -entreaties for the work of decorating the Mahdi’s tomb to be put in -hand. My flight would have to take place as soon as possible after the -return of my messengers, otherwise the desert relays would disperse, -believing that the scheme had fallen through; so it was necessary that -I should have been at work for some time before their arrival, that is -to say, long enough for my guards to grow lax in watching my movements. - -Day after day Adlan sent in to inquire, “Have you any news from the -Khaleefa?” and each day the messenger took back my reply, “No; have -you?” but my inquiry referred to news of the messengers. At last the -joyful news came; the work was to be done, and two guards came to the -Saier, |157| and conducted me to the Mahdi’s tomb. There I discovered -that my clay model had been faithfully copied, with the exception that -the builders had shaped the dome conically. Adlan came to me there, -and congratulated me on this being my last day in makkiehs (chains). -Telling me to remain at the tomb until his return, he went off to the -Khaleefa to receive his order for my transfer to the Beit-el-Mal, -and at the very moment he was receiving it, the deputation of the -Muslimanieh put in its appearance to report the disappearance of -Joseppi. I was hurried back to prison, and an extra makkieh fitted to -me. How I cursed Joseppi, but I did not know then that the poor fellow -had been murdered. It was not long after this when I saw Adlan brought -into the prison, heavily weighted with chains, and taken to a hut some -distance from all the others, the prisoners being forbidden to approach -or speak to him. - -During the night, on pretence of going to the place of ablution, I -shuffled towards his hut, and when a few yards distant, lay on the -ground and wriggled close up, stretching my chains to prevent their -rattling and attracting the notice of the guards. Asking in a whisper, -“What has happened?” he replied in a startled voice, “Imshee, imshee -(go away, go away), do not speak to me; a big dog has me by the leg -this time; go away, or he will get your leg.” I tried again to learn -what was the matter, but Adlan’s entreaties for me to go away were -so earnest that I wriggled off, and gained my hut without being -discovered. Soon afterwards Adlan’s slave boy, when |158| walking past -my hut, said, “Do not speak to my master; if you do, you will hear -the ombeyeh.” The whole night through the boy passed backwards and -forwards between Adlan’s hut and his house outside. Asked as to what he -was doing, he gave the same reply each time I put a question to him, -“Burning papers; do not speak to my master.” I had learned from Adlan -that he had been in communication with “friends,” and understanding -from him that, in the event of my ever returning to Egypt, I was to -be his “friend at court” with the Government, I suspected that he -was destroying all evidences which might be used against himself -and others. That the Khaleefa himself had received word of some -correspondence is evident from the rage he exhibited when Adlan’s house -was searched, and no incriminating documents found. Idris es Saier -nearly lost his head over the matter, for the Khaleefa accused him of -having assisted Adlan in disposing of the papers in some way. - -On the morning of the third or fourth day of Adlan’s imprisonment, we -saw him led out of his hut bound, and taken to the anvil to have his -chains struck off. We all knew what this meant—an execution, but most -of us believed that the Khaleefa was only doing this to frighten Adlan, -and impress him with this evidence of his power. We were not allowed to -approach him, but Adlan called out, “This is my day; have no fear, any -of you. I am a man. I shall say and do nothing a man need be ashamed -of. Farewell.” While extra chains were being fitted to |159| my -ankles, the ombeyehs were announcing the death of Adlan. The mourning -for his death was general, but few if any knew the reasons which -actuated the Khaleefa in ordering his execution. Maybe the fugitive -Khaleefa himself only knows, but it is possible I can throw a little -light on the matter. To coin a word, Adlan had been “Gordonized;” about -the time of the anniversary of Gordon’s death, Adlan met with his, and -while waiting for that help which, as will be seen, started “too late.” - - - - -|160| - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE TRUE HISTORY OF MY ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE - - -If I am wearying my readers with this long-drawn-out episode, which -never seems to draw to a close, I may ask their forgiveness on the -ground that weeks have been spent in collecting the links which were -scattered between Europe and Omdurman, and without the links complete -the tale might, and very reasonably so, have been disbelieved. - -The messengers I despatched with the first letters quoted, arrived -in Assouan some time in January or February, 1889, and delivered the -letters to Mankarious Effendi, who at once wrote to my manager, as he -had sold up my business, and left for Alexandria. Receiving no reply, -Mankarious Effendi wrote to the German Consulate at Alexandria, who, on -March 4, replied as follows:― - - “Alexandria, March 4, 1889. - - “MANKARIOUS EFFENDI RIZK, Assouan,― - - “In reply to your letter of February 18 last, I am very sorry to - inform you that the agent of Mr. Charles Neufeld, the Mahdi’s captive - in the Soudan, Mr. Möller has shown that he cannot help Mr. Neufeld - in any way. It is rumoured here that the house established by Mr. - Möller for Mr. Neufeld has refused payments for |161| some months - back, therefore Mr. Möller finds it quite impossible to send to Mr. - Neufeld any sum unless he refuses many payments to numerous creditors - who claim any amounts from Mr. Neufeld’s house. Mr. Möller was called - to this Consulate, and directed to give a full statement as to his - proceedings in the said house, and how the latter stands, and on doing - so, it was found that Mr. Möller has done nothing wrong, and we have - therefore nothing to say against Mr. Möller. - - “But as regards the £500 deposited in the Credit Lyonnais by Mr. - Neufeld before his departure to the Soudan, Mr. Möller has shown - receipts for over £400 paid to creditors, and the rest was spent - as travelling expenses between here and Assouan, and for the - establishment of the new house in Alexandria. Still Mr. Möller has - asked Abd-el-Kader Bey, who came recently back from the Soudan, to - advise him as to the way in which he could send him a sum of money. - Abd-el-Kader Bey’s advice, however, was that no money should be sent - to Mr. Neufeld, because the latter cannot make use of money there. - Abd-el-Kader Bey stated, further, that Mr. Neufeld was then in chains, - and was only induced by his guards to ask for money. He was then very - much threatened and ill-treated by them. This is all about the case - now which I lay before your notice. - - “(Signed) The German Consul, - - “HELWIG.” - -At the same time, my manager, on my own letter-paper, sent the -following:― - - “Alexandria (undated). - - “After salaams, etc., yours to hand and details notified. In reply, I - inform you that I presented myself at the German Consulate, and found - a letter from you addressed to the Consulate, stating therein that Mr. - Neufeld had written to you to the effect that he claims £500 from me, - although I had paid this sum to creditors who claimed sums from Mr. - Neufeld. I have sent goods to Halfa and Assouan, the value of which I - have not yet received. I inform you further that Nicola Lutfalla has - sold the dahabieh, the horse, and the donkeys, and did not send me the - price of same, |162| though he sold these without any permission from - me. Consequently I wrote to him to send me the account or the money, - yet nothing of the kind was received from him. - - “Will you kindly arrange to sell all the goods in charge of Nicola, - because he wrote me saying that he was ill, and can neither buy nor - sell; so kindly sell the things and forward the money in order to - cover the claims (_i.e._ the sums advanced to me by my guides, and the - money I had asked for). - - “Please also have a complete list made by Nicola, showing all the - things he sold, and let me have this list, making thereby the thing - clear, otherwise I shall have to take measures through the Government. - - “Regarding our two houses in Assouan, will you kindly let them for any - rent, from which you will pay the taxes. Should they be vacant now, - please look after them, and send people each week to keep them clean. - They should always be kept locked. Should anything remain what cannot - be sold, keep it for Mr. Neufeld, and any letter you write me, please - address to Mr. Möller, Mr. Neufeld’s agent in Alexandria, and oblige. - - (Signed) “MÖLLER. - - “N.B.—Ask Nicola for account as well.” - -While this correspondence was being conducted, another of my messengers -arrived, and again Mankarious Effendi wrote to the Consulate, receiving -the following in reply:― - - “Alexandria, March 12, 1889. - - “A previous letter, dated March 4, was sent you. On the same date a - letter was received from you. You may be sure that what Mr. Wilhelm - Möller says is quite true, that is that Mr. Neufeld is no longer a - German subject nor _protégé_, because during his stay in Egypt Mr. - Neufeld has never claimed the protection of Germany, where he was - born. Thus he has lost his nationality. This is according to what - we learn from the parties interested in Germany. Upon this, this - Consulate can in no way look into the affairs of Mr. Neufeld nor - protect his rights, except to punish Mr. Möller should he have done - anything to be punished for, as we |163| stated to you in our letter - of March 4th. But the investigations made in our Consulate show - clearly that Mr. Möller has done nothing wrong for which he ought to - be punished. - - “Should you, however, think it necessary, with reference to Mr. - Neufeld’s two letters, which are returned herewith, to have his - business made over to you, this step should be taken before the Mixed - Tribunals, if Mr. Möller refuses to make over to you Mr. Neufeld’s - business willingly. - - “As regarding the testament made by Mr. Neufeld, which you sent to - this consulate on October 23, 1887, this was first kept in this - consulate, and then, when Mr. Neufeld’s wife came here in September, - 1888, she asked for it, as it had been reported that Mr. Neufeld was - dead. This testament was then sent to the Governor of Alexandria as - the one concerned, to which Mrs. Neufeld had to refer as a local - subject. So the Governor opened the testament, and handed it to Mrs. - Neufeld, who is still in possession of it. Mr. Möller has now removed - his business to Cairo, where he intends to get married. Salaams. - - (Signed) “The German Consul, - - “HELWIG.” - -Mankarious would have entered an action to secure my property, but -the argument had been used that the letters were not written by -me, and that perhaps I did not know their real contents. He did -not know, nor did the Consulate in a later incident know, that the -small Latin characters written by me on these letters proved their -genuineness, as they were the “cash code” I had used with my manager -in business telegrams. Mankarious sent Mohammad Ali back to Omdurman -with my discredited bill, and with verbal messages that he would do -all in his power to raise monies for my escape. While he was making -arrangements, Moussa Daoud-el-Kanaga, who had spent some time on the -road ingratiating himself with |164| the people whose assistance we -should require in our flight, put in his appearance, and learning how -matters stood, without confiding in Mankarious or Mohammad Ali, came -on to Cairo, in the hope that he would be able to get the money on the -strength of the letter that I had given him, for, as he admits, he -wanted all the glory and all the profit for himself. - -I continue the history from the sworn statement of Kanaga, taken -before a lawyer and in the presence of witnesses who could vouch for -the greater part of it. I admit I was myself a little incredulous, but -Kanaga has since backed up his statement by producing two documents, -the authenticity of which cannot for a moment be called into question, -while two are actually recorded _in extenso_ in the registers of the -German Consulate. Kanaga, according to his statement, on arrival at -Cairo, presented the letter addressed to my manager, at the German -Consulate, delivering at the same time my verbal messages. By the -German Consulate he was taken to the Austrian Consulate-General, who, -after hearing his news, sent a consular official with him to the War -Office, where he related his story. - -[Illustration: MANKARIOUS EFFENDI WITH GUIDES.] - -It is quite evident that Count Wass, the Austrian Consul-General, -believed that Kanaga would be assisted to start back immediately on -the proposed expedition, for he entrusted him with an autograph letter -dated Sunday, October 27, 1889, addressed to Slatin, asking Slatin to -request the Khaleefa to reply to the message sent him by the Emperor of -Austria concerning the Austrian Mission captives. Kanaga |165| was -put off time after time on the grounds that no reply had been received -to the letter he had delivered. Losing patience, he returned to Assouan -and made up a caravan on his own account, and, when all was ready, -returned to Cairo to report that all arrangements were complete. He was -again passed from one to the other, and on April 26, 1890, he presented -himself for the last time at the German Consulate, and being told that -there was “no reply,” he demanded a certificate to the effect that he -had delivered my letter, but had not received any monies in connection -with it, when a signed and sealed certificate was given him.[8] - - [8] “Attestation. At the special request of Moussa - Daoud-el-Abadi (Ababdeh), this is to certify that the above on - October 22, 1889, brought to the Imperial Consulate a letter - addressed to William Möller Assouan, and said to be from - Charles Neufeld. This is to certify also that the said letter - to Mr. Möller was sent to Mr. Neufeld’s father, but up to the - present no monies have been received in respect of it. Signed, - Becker.” - - The letter itself was copied into the Consular registers G. 48, - p. 385, and the following is a translation of the contents:― - - “William Möller Assouan. Three days ago I sent to you - Mohammad Ali with a letter and receipt for £100. Do not make - any difficulties about payment, and give him as much money as - possible according to the letter I have sent you. He is a sure - man, and I hope he will be the go-between between me and you - after this, and there shall be reward for it. I have agreed - with him that he shall receive 25 per cent. of the amount you - give him for his services. With the other man mentioned in - his letter and mentioned here, you might act as you like, but - do not make any difficulties to him. I hope I shall be able - to buy my liberty after his return, and then all expenses - shall be rewarded. I have sent to you up to now.” . . . The - Consulate omitted to register the names of the guides sent, - and left the space blank. The certified copy of this letter - also states that the letter contained certain Latin characters - which were undecipherable; these, again, were my ‘cash code’ - to my manager, proving the authenticity of the letters and - guaranteeing the contents. On the back of the letter was - written, ‘Pay to Moussa Daoud-el-Kanaga the sum of £30 - received. Dated December 5, 1888.’” - -Kanaga concealed the Consular certificate and the letter for Slatin -in his jibbeh, and set off for Omdurman. On nearing Berber he was met -by a dervish patrol, taken prisoner, and hurried before the Mahdist -Governor of the town. There he was confronted by two men who swore to -having seen him conversing with myself and Wad Adlan. This Kanaga did -not deny, but said that he had only spoken about trade, and that he -had permission to trade. The Governor told him it would be better to -tell the truth, for he had |166| received the news from Omdurman of Wad -Adlan having assisted him in arranging my escape, and had also received -news from Cairo of his visits to the War Office and the Consulates, and -knew that the goods he had with him were a blind to his real object in -going to Omdurman. But, continued the Governor, Adlan has been killed, -and Neufeld has more chains on him. No confession could be dragged -out of Kanaga, so he was flogged and thrown into prison, the Governor -confiscating his camels and property. After a short spell in prison, -Kanaga was set free and told to return to his own people. To have sent -him as a prisoner to Omdurman would have necessitated the Governor -sending at the same time the confiscated camels and goods, and as the -Governor wished to keep these for himself, the only way he could keep -them was by “forgiving” Kanaga, and releasing him. Kanaga lost no time -in making his way back to his people, but after this narrow escape, he -made no further efforts to penetrate into the Soudan, and the relation -of his experiences deterred every one else from attempting my escape. - -In giving my narrative to the world—owing to the very evident attempts -made in certain quarters to discredit me—I have felt it incumbent upon -me not for my own sake, but for the sake of my mother, wife and child, -and relatives, to produce as far as lies in my power reliable evidence -that the slanders persistently circulated in the Press before and since -my release are only what I have characterized them to be. Therefore -none may cavil at the means I adopt for |167| the attainment of this -object provided those means are honest, however disagreeable the -process may eventually turn out to be for others. - -In reply to the charges of refusing to escape from the Soudan, I -have, I venture to believe, brought together the links of the chain -of evidence in my favour up to the present period of my narrative. -Other evidences will be forthcoming in connection with incidents to -be treated of later. The letters I have quoted are ample proof that -from October, 1888, until April, 1890, my guides and myself were doing -all in our power to effect my escape. Meanwhile, the Intelligence -Department on March 10, 1890, are writing to my wife as follows:― - - “Mohammad Effendi Rafai, late Sub-Lieutenant, 4th Battalion, 5th - Regiment, who left Khartoum three months ago, states he knew Neufeld - very well, and saw him at Omdurman only a few days before he left. - Neufeld had been under surveillance until about five months prior to - this, but was now free. His release was owing to one of the Emirs - representing to Abdullah Khalifa the great service Neufeld had been - in enabling arms and ammunition to be taken from the Kabbabish at the - time Neufeld was captured. He now was employed as one of the Khalifa’s - mulazimeen, and received a small salary; the Khalifa gave him two - wives, and treats him well. Neufeld has very little to complain of - except want of funds, which renders living difficult, good food being - very dear. He is frequently staying with Ibrahim Bey Fauzi, who - has opened a small coffee-shop. It is untrue that the Khalifa ever - threatened Neufeld’s life; he was only threatened with imprisonment - unless he turned Mussulman. Does not think it possible that Neufeld - can receive any letters, etc., from outside. Neufeld does not occupy - himself in business in any way. Has never heard Neufeld express any - wish to go away, but does not think he would be able to do so even if - he wished it, as every one knows him.” |168| - -In September, 1888, it had been reported to my wife that, having -made an attempt to escape, I had been recaptured, and taken back to -Omdurman and executed. It was therefore very kind and considerate of -the Intelligence Department to see the error rectified, but I venture -to think that the sweets of the good news need not have been converted -into gall and wormwood by telling her that I owed my release to my -“assistance” in betraying the caravan of the loyal Sheikh Saleh into -the hands of the dervishes. Even had there been any truth in such a -statement, I think that an English lady might have been spared this -unnecessary heart-pang. I thank God nightly—ay, hourly, that He has -brought me alive from the hell I lived in, to rescue my wife from the -hell she was thrown into with such reports as these. - -It must not be imagined, from the foregoing, that there is the -slightest intention on my part to cast aspersions on the War Office -or the Consulates. I place plain simple facts before you, and these -because at the time when I was anxiously awaiting the return of my -messengers, picturing to myself the efforts my friends were making to -ensure success—though, as has been seen, they were very differently -occupied—reports were being circulated that I refused to escape, and -my wife in consequence was the recipient of numberless letters of -sympathy, in which some were “praying to the Almighty to turn the heart -of your erring husband,” while others were expressing the hope that -the ties which bound her to me would soon be severed by my meeting my -deserts at the hands of the Khaleefa’s |169| executioner! Those who -prayed for me I thank; One who knew the truth, heard those prayers: -those who condemned me I do not blame, and feel no resentment against; -they merely believed what was communicated to the Press. - - - - -|170| - -CHAPTER XIV - -A PRISONER AT LARGE - - -The disappearance of Joseppi, followed by the death of Adlan, threw me -into a state of almost abject despair; there appeared to be no hopes -of my ever being released from the Saier, and after the replies given -by Abdullahi to Wad Adlan and the Muslimanieh when they interceded for -me, my friends outside evidently abandoned all hope also. But I was -to have an interesting fellow-prisoner whose deceptions on Abdullahi -and others were indirectly to lead to my release. It will take many -generations of Gordon College teachers to uproot the firm belief of -the Soudanese in “jinns” (spirits, sprites, and fairies) and in the -supernatural powers claimed to be possessed by certain communities -and individuals. Centuries of most transparent deceptions have not -shaken their belief, so that it was no wonder the Mahdi found many -imitators in the miracle-working line, and that these people found -thousands of believers. The more these charlatans failed in their -endeavours to produce powder from sand, lead from dust, and precious -metals from the baser ones, the more credence was given to the next -professing alchemist who came |171| along. A man named Shwybo of the -Fellati country (near Lake Chad), had driven a good trade in Omdurman -by inducing people to give him large copper coins to be converted into -silver dollars; he had offered his services to Wad Adlan, but as the -Beit-el-Mal had been mulcted in some thousands of dollars already by -people like him, Adlan refused to entertain any of his propositions. - -On the death of Adlan, Shwybo offered his services to the Khaleefa, -and the Beit-el-Mal. The Kadi was instructed to inquire into his -pretensions; Shwybo professed to have power over the jinns who -converted copper into silver; a number of his dupes presented -themselves to the Kadi, and complained that Shwybo’s jinns had not only -not converted the coins given them to work upon, but had stolen the -coins into the bargain. Shwybo pleaded that the action of the jinns was -in consequence of the want of faith of the complainants, and to their -curiosity in trying to see the jinns at work; the jinns would never -work in the presence of strangers; no one but himself might be in the -place where the converting of the metals was in progress. Shwybo was -given about a hundred dollars’ worth of copper coins, and incense, -drugs, spices, etc., to a further value of nearly two hundred dollars, -which were taken from the Beit-el-Mal, and charged to the account of -the Kadi. The incense, drugs, and spices were to propitiate the angry -jinns; but to ensure their not being disturbed at work, the Kadi said -Shwybo had better carry out his experiments in the Saier where Idris -would see he was not interfered with. |172| - -He was given a hut apart from the rest, where he set to at once -with his incantations and incense burning. Idris and a number of -the prisoners were invited to go and see the coins buried in the -ground—the jinns having been propitiated. A quarter of an hour’s -incantation was given, Shwybo speaking a language which must have been -as unintelligible to himself and his jinns as it was to us. A similar -incantation had to be given each day until noon on the following -Friday, as it was at this hour each week that the jinns finished off -any work they had in hand. On the Friday, at noon, we were asked to -go to Shwybo’s hut, and on the earth being removed, sure enough the -copper coins had disappeared, and silver dollars had replaced them! -The next Friday only part of the coins had been converted, when Shwybo -remembered that the jinns had not been fed, and must be hungry. They -had delicate tastes; asseeda they would not eat, so they were liberally -supplied with roast chickens, pigeons, white bread, milk, eggs, etc. -We were not permitted to see them eat, but we were allowed to see the -clean-picked bones and empty egg-shells! Something went wrong again, -for on the following Friday it was discovered that none of the coins -had been converted; evidently Shwybo had run through his stock of -dollars. - -Idris, at the request of the Kadi, asked me my opinion of the whole -thing, as Shwybo wished to have another try. I replied that little -children in my country would not be deceived by such trickery, and -that if the Kadi wanted to spend his money on food, he had better buy -food for the starving women and children, and not |173| waste it on -supposed jinns. Whether my reply, or the conviction that he had been -duped angered him, I cannot say, but Shwybo received a severe flogging. -Not a cry escaped his lips; he laughed at the Saier, telling him to -strike harder. The flogging over, he told Idris that although his -silver-working jinns had flown off, and through no fault of his, his -gold-working jinns had come to his succour, and had interposed their -bodies between his and the lash. Idris, as I have already pointed -out, was the incarnation of superstition and credulity, and it was -only necessary for Shwybo to tell him that his faithful gold jinns -could convert lead into gold, to set Idris collecting dollars from the -prisoners on the Nebbi Khiddr account. With these he set up a special -laboratory for Shwybo in the house of Wad Farag, one of the gaolers—and -a reputed son of Idris. Shwybo was provided with a number of small -crucibles, two sets of Soudanese bellows, with a couple of slave boys -to work them, a quantity of lead and a number of packets of drugs and -powders from the Beit-el-Mal pharmacy. Farag was told to keep an eye on -him, and see that he did not purloin any of the gold when it appeared. - -When the first lot of lead was melted, Shwybo drew Farag’s attention -to its reddish colour, proving that the conversion was taking place; -then Farag retired while Shwybo uttered another incantation; on being -called in again, and the cover being removed from the crucible, a -bright yellow mass was seen, from which strong fumes arose. Farag was -told to cover up the crucible quickly, which he did, and left the room -with |174| Shwybo to allow of the jinns completing their work and -cooling the metal. Farag went off to Idris and the Kadi, telling them -that the conversion of the lead to gold had actually taken place; that -he had seen the gold for himself. The Kadi was dubious, but as Idris -only was employing Shwybo on this work, he declined to come into the -prison to see the gold turned out. When it was believed that the work -was complete, Idris, Farag, and Shwybo proceeded to the laboratory, and -lo! the crucibles were found empty. Shwybo thereupon accused Farag of -having stolen the block of gold, and a pretty row ensued; the prison -and the prisoners were searched, and the gold not being found, Farag -was flogged to make him disclose its hiding-place. Shwybo essayed a -second attempt, but as Idris insisted upon remaining in the laboratory -from beginning to end, the jinns refused to work, and then Shwybo was -flogged. One would have thought that, after this, people would see -that Shwybo was duping them, but he continued to collect money for -conversion from the prisoners, and now and again was able to give to -an earlier dupe one or two dollars he had received from a later one. -Complaints were made against him though, and he received repeated -floggings to make him discontinue his frauds, dying in the prison as a -result. - -It was while Shwybo was working away at his alchemistic frauds that -Hassan Zecki, an old Egyptian doctor, and then in charge of the medical -stores of the Beit-el-Mal, came into the Saier in connection with -the drugs being purchased on Shwybo’s account; Zecki had known me -by name for some time, for I had |175| in my practice as “medicine -man” frequently sent him notes for the medicines I required, and not -knowing the Arabic terms, I used the Latin names for such drugs as I -was acquainted with. From this, Zecki must have come to the conclusion -that I was a qualified chemist, and as at that time his assistant, -Said Abdel Wohatt was, and had been for some time, trying to extract -saltpetre in Khartoum and the neighbourhood, Zecki questioned me as to -its production in Europe, but I had to admit that I had only seen the -crystals obtained in the laboratory when at the University, and had no -experience of their production on a commercial scale. I told Zecki what -little I knew of testing the crystals, and you may imagine my surprise -when three days later I was summoned before Yacoub to explain the -manufacture of saltpetre. - -The new Amin Beit-el-Mal—El Nur El Garfawi—came to the Saier after -sunset, and conducted me to Yacoub’s house. One thinks rapidly under -such circumstances, and by the time we reached Yacoub’s house I had -my tale thought out. I saw that if I declared that I could not do the -work I should not be believed, and would be flogged and have extra -irons placed on me for contumacy. To lead them on to believe that I -could manufacture saltpetre meant my release from prison. After a -long discussion with Yacoub, it was arranged that I was to construct -three large tanks, about six feet long and four feet high, in which -impregnated earth was to be mixed with water, and the solution drawn -off and allowed to |176| evaporate. Believing that I should be set to -make these tanks or reservoirs, I suggested them, as their construction -would necessitate the removal of my chains. The following morning I was -called to the anvil, the rings holding the heavy iron bar were cut and -forced open, and the heavy ankle-chain I was wearing was replaced by a -piece of light awning chain taken from one of Gordon’s steamers. I was -thankful even for this relief, as it removed a dead weight of fifteen -to twenty pounds of iron from my feet. Under an armed escort I was -taken to the Nile, where I found awaiting me the Emirs Yacoub, Ahmed -Fedeel—who is now causing trouble on the Blue Nile—Mohammad Hamad'na -Allah—Zobheir Pasha’s old Wakeel—and a party of thirty to forty workmen -with materials for the tanks. Whenever Abdullahi gave an order, -immediate execution of it followed. - -I had existed in the vile-smelling Saier for nearly four years, and you -can imagine how I enjoyed the two hours on the river reaching Halfeyeh. -On arrival at this place, we were met by El Fiki Amin, a Fellati then -in charge of the works. He did not disguise his displeasure at my being -taken there, as he evidently considered it a slight upon himself. -He was extracting the saltpetre from mounds, mixing the earth and -water in pierced jars lined with fine matting, allowing the solution -to filter through, and then boiling it down to obtain the crystals; -his appliances were very primitive, but he was producing a very good -quality of saltpetre in “needles.” Yacoub ordered me to search the -ground for any deposits, and, coming |177| to a dark damp patch, I -tasted the earth, and, believing saltpetre to be present, I mixed -some of the earth with water, pouring off the solution into a small -coffeepot, and setting it to boil. More solution was added as the water -boiled away, and at the end of two hours I had a small deposit of a -thin syrupy consistence; pouring this upon a burnt brick, the moisture -was absorbed, leaving the crystals behind, and these on being placed -on hot charcoal burned away. I next took some of the earth, dried it, -and rubbing it fine, allowed it to fall in a thin stream on to the -fire; the “sissing” and occasional coloured sparks convinced them that -a valuable deposit had been discovered, and Hamad'na Allah was sent to -Omdurman to inform the Khaleefa. - -During his absence, the Fellati told Yacoub that the burning of the -crystals was no proof that they were saltpetre; I was therefore told to -produce a quantity to be submitted to Zecki and the Greek Perdikaki, -the Khaleefa’s gunpowder manufacturer. Hassan Zecki came to Halfeyeh -to examine the crystals and declared them good; Perdikaki sent a Greek -employed with him, but he not being able to give an opinion, took the -crystals to Perdikaki, who sent me a message to the effect that they -were useless, but that rather than I should be sent back to prison -he would say they were good on condition I tried to produce further -quantities in “needles,” and not in grains. On Hassan Zecki presenting -his report to the Khaleefa, and telling him that I should have some -large pans sent out to me, he sent off |178| a number of large copper -boilers, and an officer’s camp bath. The latter must have been taken -from Khartoum or Hicks Pasha’s army. The Fellati grew very sullen, -and Yacoub, knowing that the Khaleefa was entirely dependent upon the -Fellatis—the only people who seemed to understand the extraction of the -saltpetre—rather than offend the man, asked me if I thought I could -not find deposits elsewhere. I suggested looking further north, but -this would not do. He wanted a place close to Omdurman—where I could -be watched. I then suggested Khartoum, but the Khaleefa would not at -first hear of my transfer there. What probably decided him was, that -when I had been two weeks at Halfeyeh, Hasseena came to tell me Makkieh -was dead, and the Khaleefa, hearing of the loss, and believing that -there was now nothing to hold me in the Soudan, agreed to the transfer -to Khartoum, as there a better watch could be kept upon me. I was not -sorry to leave Halfeyeh, for although the place offered every facility -for my escape, I saw that I had a jealous and bitter enemy in the -Fellati, who was then spying on my every movement. It was certain that -he would frustrate any plans I might make for flight, and suspicion -would have been aroused immediately if any of the guides came to me -there. - -Hamad'na Allah was made director of the Khartoum saltpetre works! -Abdel Wohatt was his second, and I was to work under the orders of -Wohatt. On arrival at Khartoum, January, 1891, I was also placed in -charge of Khaleel Hassanein, the director of the arsenal, and all -three had to answer for me with |179| their lives. Wohatt was given -the chapel of the Mission as a house to live in; I was given one of -the priest’s rooms opposite the arches. Windows, doors, every scrap of -wood, metal, and ornaments had been taken from the place; it was almost -a complete ruin, but the garden had been kept in excellent condition, -its produce—dates, figs, oranges, limes, and vegetables—being sold -on account of the Beit-el-Mal. Wohatt, when arranging his sleeping -quarters, found the altar in his way, and made two or three ineffectual -attempts to pull it down; failing, he utilized it as a resting-place -for household rubbish, and here cocks crowed and hens hatched out their -broods. - -When we came to construct saturation tanks, it was proposed to take the -material from the walls of the Mission, but I told Hamad'na Allah and -Wohatt that as we had to live in the place, it would be far better to -repair than further demolish; so the necessary materials were brought -from outside by the fifty to sixty slaves sent over to assist us in -making the tanks and carrying the earth from the mounds. While the -construction of the tanks proceeded, we had to extract saltpetre in -the boilers, etc., sent to us at Halfeyeh, and which had been brought -with us; we produced maybe four to five pounds per diem on an average -during a period of six months—the time we were occupied in building -the tanks. Perdikaki made some gunpowder with our first consignment; -it was a failure. The good fellow, though, mixed it with some powder -from the old Government stock, and sent us another warning. My chief, -Abdel Wohatt, was the |180| son-in-law of Ali Khaater, the director -of the Omdurman arsenal, to whom our saltpetre went in the first -instance; Perdikaki telling him of the bad quality, Khaater, fearing -for his son-in-law, mixed our next consignment with an equal quantity -of saltpetre from the old Government stock in his stores, and thus it -passed muster, although Perdikaki complained again that it was only -half purified. However, the powder made with it would explode, though -it did leave about 25 per cent. of ash. The Fellati, hearing of the -success, came to Khartoum to examine our product, for the secret of -producing pure crystals was believed to be in the hands of the Fellati -only, and, as a matter of fact, in the Soudan, it is. Again he declared -the crystals were useless for the purposes they were intended for; but -as Abdel Wohatt had been a dispenser in the Egyptian Army, and as such -was supposed to be a chemist, and I, as a medicine man, being similarly -credited, we won the day. Fellati appealed to Perdikaki, but got no -satisfaction in that quarter. But Perdikaki was not long to be troubled -with the rival saltpetre makers; on the sixth anniversary of Gordon’s -death, some tins of powder in his factory exploded, killing him and -those working with him. - -Some time about June or July, 1891, our tanks were finished; in about -two months’ time we produced between five or six cwts. of crystals, and -then stopped work on account of the rains. These crystals were mixed -with an equal quantity of good crystals from the stores, and were sent -to the powder factory. It must not be imagined that at this time the -Khaleefa |181| was actually short of powder or ingredients for its -manufacture; there were, unknown to others in the town, very large -stocks indeed, which Abdullah was keeping as a reserve, but he wished -to add to that reserve as much as possible, and to expend only such -powder and ammunition as was then and there produced. - -On the death of Perdikaki, Hassan Hosna—a Circassian, and, I believe, -formerly an officer in the old army—and Abdes Semmeer, formerly in the -ordnance section of the old army at Kassala, were placed in charge of -the powder factory. When our mixed product was used for the manufacture -of gunpowder, strange things happened. After a few cartridges made from -such powder had been fired, the barrel of the rifle was found coated -with a thick white fouling; then an inquiry was held. The rifles were -brought to us at Khartoum, and, pointing to the cleaning rods, I asked -what these were intended for; on being told for cleaning the barrel, -I asked whether it was not better to have a powder which left a white -ash which might be seen to a powder which left a black ash which could -not be seen. But, for once, my argument was of no use. Wohatt replied -that perhaps we were working on bad beds, and suggested our being -transferred somewhere else. Nothing was done at the time, and we worked -on for some more months; but as large quantities of saltpetre came in -from Darfur, and later, considerable quantities of good powder came -from Upper Egypt and by the Suakin route, Khaater was able to store -away our saltpetre, and supply |182| the factory with powder and -saltpetre from these sources. - -The Upper Egypt and Suakin supplies were supposed to have been put -to the reserve, so that when cartridges exploded in the breeches of -the rifles, and destroyed the eyesight of a number of soldiers, our -saltpetre came in for the blame again. Another inquiry was held, when -we were told that the bullet did not leave the rifle, and that the -breech-blocks blew open. This, we argued, could not be the fault of -the powder, but of the rifle. Whatever the Khaleefa’s opinion might -have been, he sent off Wohatt to Alti on the Blue Nile, where, with a -number of Fellatis working under him, he was able to send considerable -quantities of “needle” saltpetre to Omdurman, while I continued at -the Khartoum works to turn out as poor a quality of saltpetre as -before. Abdel Wohatt is in Cairo now, and tells me that our precious -production—about two tons of saltpetre—is still lying unused in the -stores at Omdurman. Khaleel Hassanein and Ali Khaater are still alive, -and would doubtless smile at the legend that I “manufactured powder -for the Khaleefa to shoot English soldiers with,” particularly when I -forbade the use of wood ash in the saturation tanks, and this addition, -they knew later, was the Fellati secret for the purification of the -saltpetre. - -While employed at the Mission-house in Khartoum, Father Ohrwalder -came on three or four occasions to see me, the last occasion being, I -believe, about a month before his escape. We would sit together talking -of old times, commiserate each other on our |183| hard lot, and -guardedly, very guardedly, breathe a hope that, in some way and by some -means, our release would come, but I have no recollection that we ever -confided to each other any plans for escape. Father Ohrwalder knew that -I had had letters written by some Greeks, but I do not think he knew of -any of my plans. That we did not openly discuss such plans now appears -to me strange—and yet it is not strange. Where all led for years a life -of falsehood, in which deception of self had a no less part than that -of others, suspicious of every one around us, trusting no one, what -wonder that deceit became a second nature, and that truth, honour, and -morality—that is to say, morality as preached in Europe—should have -retired to vanishing point! - -When I heard of Father Ohrwalder’s escape, the conclusion I at once -jumped to was that my guides, seeing the impossibility of effecting -my escape from Khartoum, had come to some arrangement with him. How -fervently I cursed them all, but I did not pray for their recapture. -Even had I done so, it would have been useless. There was nothing, -provided you had money with which to purchase camels and arrange a -couple of relays in the desert, to prevent every one who wished to, -escaping from Omdurman. Your guides had only to lead you away from any -settlements; no pursuers could overtake you once you reached your first -relay, fast as their camels might go, and you would travel at twice the -speed the news of your flight could, besides having some hours’ start -of it. In the event of your coming |184| across any straggler on the -desert, a few dollars would silence his tongue, for the dollar is not -more “almighty” in America than it was in the Soudan. Supposing the -dollars did not appeal to him, and your bullet missed its mark, the -chances were a thousand to one against his picking up your pursuers on -the route you had come, for they would make to the settlements near -the river, and waste their time in useless inquiries, while you were -lengthening the distance between you. - - - - -|185| - -CHAPTER XV - -DIVORCED AND MARRIED - - -As if my troubles were not all-sufficient in themselves, Hasseena, -in addition to the begging and other undesirable proclivities she -had developed since the death of Makkieh, added that of thieving. -She naturally devoted her talents in this direction to my friends, -knowing that they would not, on my account, prosecute her. Numberless -complaints came to me, and many a recommendation was made to get rid of -her; but as she had been sent to me by the Khaleefa, I could not send -her off without his sanction. The question also arose as to what excuse -I might offer for divorcing her; to give the real reasons might end in -her being stoned, mutilated, or imprisoned, and this I shrank from. I -must admit, too, that, bad as she was then, I did not like the idea of -throwing her over. Being in receipt of ten dollars a month, I sent word -to my friends that I would save what I could to repay their losses, -and do my best to break Hasseena of her bad habits. My friends warned -me that if I was not careful I should find myself before the Kadi as -Hasseena’s partner in crime; and the Kadi, being |186| no friend of -mine, would certainly order me into prison again, which would put an -end to all chances of escape. - -In the end Hasseena had to go. Nahoum Abbajee, my greatest friend, -gave a feast at his house to celebrate the marriage of his son Yousef. -Hasseena was one of the invited guests. She stole all the spoons and -cutlery before the feast commenced, and also a number of articles -of dress belonging to other guests, all of which she sold in the -bazaar. Nahoum could overlook her stealing his property, but to steal -the property of guests under his roof was carrying matters too far. -He sent word to me that I must get rid of her, and at once. Calling -Hasseena to Khartoum, I was compelled to quarrel with her in such a -way as to attract the attention of Hamad'na Allah, and on his asking -me the reason for our constant squabbles, I told him that Hasseena -was not acting as she should by me, and begged his intervention in -obtaining through the Emir Yacoub the Khaleefa’s permission to divorce -her. Abdullahi was “gracious,” permitted the divorce, and sent word -that he would select another wife for me. This was just what I did not -want. Always expecting the return of my guides, my not having a woman -in the place lent probability to my having a whole night’s start upon -my pursuers, for my absence might not be discovered until sunrise the -following morning, at which time we went to work, and some hours more -would be lost—and gained—by Hamad'na Allah and others making a thorough -search for me before daring to tell the Khaleefa that I was missing. -|187| - -Returning my thanks to Abdullahi, I asked to be left in single -blessedness for a time; but to this he replied that “his heart was -heavy at the loss of my child; that no man might be happy without -children, and he wished me to be happy; he also wished me to have all -the comforts of life, which did not exist where woman was not; that if -I did not take another wife, he would believe I was not content with my -life in the Soudan under his protection.” It was a long rigmarole of a -message he sent, and it wound up by saying that as I had been ill for -two months, he must send a wife to attend to me, and had selected for -the purpose a daughter of Abd-el-Latif Terran. - -This was making matters worse than ever, for this girl, although -brought up in the Soudan, and speaking only Arabic, was a French -subject, being the granddaughter of Dr. Terran, an old employé of -the Government. She was only nominally Mohammedan, and lived in the -“Christian quarter.” When marriages took place in this quarter, the -Mohammedan form of marriage was gone through, and then Father Ohrwalder -performed the Christian religious ceremony surreptitiously later in the -day. I spoke to him about the Khaleefa’s intention, and as he knew I -was already married, he advised me to try and get out of the proposed -marriage by some means or another, as it would be considered binding. -After casting about for excuses which I thought might appeal to the -Khaleefa, I asked Hamad'na Allah to inform him that I thanked him for -his selection of a wife, but as she was of European descent, had been -brought up in a rich family where |188| the ladies are waited upon and -never do any work, she would be no use to me, as I required some one -to nurse me, do the cooking and house work, and go to the bazaar to -buy food, all of which she had had servants to do for her; I therefore -begged to be allowed to select a wife of the country. - -The latter part of my message evidently pleased the Khaleefa; it -appeared to him as an earnest that I was “content,” but again he -undertook the selection of the woman. When Abdullahi told any woman -she was to be the wife of any one, she dare no more refuse to accept -than the one she was sent to dare refuse to receive her. Fearing that -he might send me some one from his hareem, I asked Nahoum and other -friends to find me a wife—sharp. My object was to get her into the -place before Abdullahi sent his “present,” whom, on arrival, I might -send back on the plea that I was already married, and could not support -two wives. Nahoum found me a wife, and sent me the following history of -her. - -[Illustration: UMM ES SHOLE AND TWO CHILDREN.] - -Umm es Shole (the mother of Shole—Shole being the name she had given -her first child) was an Abyssinian brought up from childhood in a Greek -family settled in Khartoum. On reaching womanhood, she was married to -one of the sons of the family. On the fall of Khartoum, her husband, -with seven male relatives, was butchered in the house in which they -had taken refuge; Umm es Shole, with her three children, was taken as -“property” to the Beit-el-Mal, where she was handed over as a concubine -to the Emir of the Gawaamah tribe. Refusing this |189| man’s -embraces, he in revenge tortured her children to death, upon which -Umm es Shole escaped to Omdurman. Through Abd-el-Kader, the uncle of -the Mahdi, she had her case brought before Mohammad Ahmed, who, after -listening to the details, gave her a written document declaring that, -as she had been married to and borne children to a free man, she was a -free woman, but to make certain that she might never be claimed as a -slave, the document also declared that she was “ateekh” (freed) by him. - -When Abdullahi succeeded the Mahdi, he ordered every woman without a -husband, and every girl of a marriageable age, to be married at once. -He was most particular that every one in the “Christian quarter” should -be married. Umm es Shole married an old and decrepit Jew, whom she -nursed until he died two years later. Returning to a woman relative -of her husband’s, she supported the old woman and herself by cooking, -preparing food for feasts, sewing, and general housework. - -This was the wife my friends had selected for me, and I accepted her -thankfully; but when she was approached on the subject, she positively -declined to be married again, and it was only upon her being told -that I was ill, and might die, that she consented to the marriage. I -had to appoint a “wakeel” (proxy, in this instance) to represent me -at the marriage and the festivities; Nahoum prepared the feast at his -house, the bride preparing the food and attending to the guests. At the -conclusion of the few days’ ceremonies and feastings, Umm es Shole was -escorted |190| to Khartoum—a married woman, and introduced for the -first time to her husband. She set to at once with her household duties -and attendance upon me, and during a long and weary five months nursed -me back to life. - -As can well be believed, Hasseena resented no less bitterly my -projected marriage with Umm es Shole, or any one else, than she -resented her divorce, and this she resented very bitterly indeed, for -passing as the wife of a European and a presumed “General” to boot, -gave her a certain social status in Omdurman, which she took advantage -of when visiting in the various ways pointed out. On my saying to her, -“You are divorced,” which is the only formula necessary in Mohammedan -countries in such a momentous domestic affair, she promptly replied -that she was again pregnant. A few words on the subject of divorce in -the Soudan—and the rules are practically identical with those laid down -in the Quoranic law—will assist towards an appreciation of the fix this -declaration of Hasseena placed me in. - -If a woman, on being told “you are divorced,” declared herself with -child, the husband was compelled to keep her until its birth; if it was -a son, the divorce was null and void; if a daughter, the husband had to -support the wife during two years of nursing, and provide for the child -until her seventh year, when he might, if he chose to do so, claim her -as his daughter. - -When a woman was divorced for the first time, she was not allowed to -marry again without the consent of the husband; this was giving him -a “first call” if he wanted her back, for divorce might be declared -for |191| less trivial things than incompatibility of temper. If the -husband took her back, and divorced her a second time, the woman was -free to marry, but if the husband again wanted her, he had to pay her a -marriage dowry as at her first marriage. Should he divorce her a third -time, and again want her back, he would have to arrange for her to be -married to—and divorced from—some one else first, when she was free to -return to him. All this may sound very immoral to people in Europe, -but one cannot help but admire the simplicity of the proceedings; -and consider the amount of domestic infelicity it prevented. There -is no public examination of the parties concerned; no publication of -interesting details in newspapers; some little thought is given to -the woman who may have been the mother of your children, and should -she have slipped in the path of virtue, you do not shout it from the -housetops; the marriage was a private arrangement between you, so is -the divorce, and the reasons for the latter are your affair and no one -else’s. - -I have touched upon divorce in some detail, as many re-marriages under -all the conditions given above occurred, and some family records became -a hopeless tangle to all but those immediately concerned. When the new -Soudan Government comes to settle up claims to properties, they will -be confronted with a collection of “succession” puzzles to solve, for -one woman might be the proud mother of the legitimate heirs of three -or four different people, and being, as the widow and mother of the -heritor, entitled to a fixed proportion of the properties, you |192| -may be quite sure that she will fight to the death for her sons’ -interests. - -Hasseena ought not to have been in the interesting state she declared -she was, for we had been separated for a much longer period than that -ordained by law. I was obliged to tell her that if she empanelled a -jury, after the example of Idris es Saier, all the explanations they -might offer would not convince me that I held any more relationship -to the child than I did to Makkieh, and there was nothing now to -induce me to claim the paternity,—indeed just the reverse. However, if -Hasseena was with child, I should be bound to keep her for at least -two years, and if the Khaleefa sent on his present, I should have two -households to support on ten dollars a month. When making my plans -for escape, Hasseena was included; she was to have got away on the -same dromedary as myself. When my guides returned, they would find me -with two wives, and having made arrangements for one only, they might -demur at taking the two. The probabilities were they would abandon the -thing altogether, fearing that one or the other might betray them, -which meant instant execution for them and imprisonment for me. If -I kept Hasseena, she might steal from some stranger, as the houses -of my friends were now closed to her, and then I should be sent back -to the Saier; if I sent her away, she, knowing my guides and all my -arrangements, would be the first to meet them on arrival in Omdurman, -and would insist upon coming away with me under threats of disclosing -the plot. It was a most awkward fix for me |193| to be placed in; -but after considering the whole matter most carefully, I decided upon -sending Hasseena off, and trusting to luck for the rest. I had hoped -she might get married to some one in Omdurman, and then I should not -have been afraid of her. But Hasseena returned in February, 1892, some -months after my marriage with Umm es Shole, carrying a little bundle -of male humanity, who had only been three or four months less tardy in -arrival than Makkieh. - -Hasseena, doubtless, had for me the Soudan equivalent for what we -understand as affection; she had saved my life when we were first -captured; she had nursed me, as only a woman can nurse one, through -my first attack of typhus fever, and had kept me from starvation -during the famine. But while I could not forget all this, I could not -forget also that she had become a source of great danger to me, and -although my treatment of her in sending her away when I did, might to -some appear harsh in the face of what she had done for me, it must -not be forgotten that self-preservation is no less a law of nature in -the Soudan than it is elsewhere. I supported Hasseena for nearly two -years, when her child died. She then left Khartoum, where I was still a -chained prisoner at large, and went utterly to the bad. I heard of her -from time to time, and, on my release in September last, hearing that -she was at Berber, I delayed there until I had hunted her out of the -den of vice in which she was living, and provided for her elsewhere, -only to receive a telegram a few weeks later to say that, |194| -hankering for the life which she had led for a few years back, she had -run off to return to it. - -It was this action of mine, which probably gave rise to the legend that -I had brought her to Cairo with me, where my wife arrived, “only to -be confronted with a black wife after all her years of mental anxiety -and sufferings.” Why facts should be so persistently misconstrued, I -cannot understand. In making that last—and I do not say final—effort, -to do something for the woman to whom, at one time, I owed so much, I -feel I have nothing to be ashamed of. Those who think differently must -remember that it takes one some little time to fall again into European -ideas and thoughts after twelve years of chains and slavery amongst the -people whom I was compelled to associate with; and no one in the Soudan -was more out of the world than I was. - - - - -|195| - -CHAPTER XVI - -HOPE AND DESPAIR - - -While still a prisoner in the Saier, Mankarious Effendi, with Mohammad -Fargoun and Selim Aly, engaged a man of the Ababdeh, Mohammad Ajjab, -to make his way to Omdurman with a threefold object: he was to inquire -if I was still alive; if so, to pay me a hundred dollars, and then to -try and make arrangements for my escape. On arrival in Omdurman, Ajjab -met two of his own people—Mohammad and Karrar Beshir—who recommended -him, when he inquired about me, never to mention my name if he wished -to keep his head on his shoulders. They could only tell him that I -was still in prison, chained, and under sentence of death. Similar -information and the same recommendation were given to him by people -in the Muslimanieh quarter; but a Greek whom Ajjab knew only by his -Mahdieh name of Abdallah, said that he would arrange for a meeting -between him and my servant. Through Hasseena, Ajjab sent me word of -the object of his coming to Omdurman. As the Greek offered to become -my trustee, Ajjab handed him the hundred dollars, taking from him a -receipt, and sending |196| the receipt to me concealed in a piece of -bread, to be countersigned. Ajjab was to return to Assouan, let my -friends know how matters stood, and tell them that I would try and -communicate with them, if I ever got released from prison, as escape -from the prison was an impossibility. Ajjab returned to Assouan, and -handed over the receipt; but the tale he had to tell put an end, for -the time being, to any attempts to assist me further. - -When Father Ohrwalder escaped, bringing with him the two sisters -and negress, Mankarious set about immediately to find some reliable -messenger willing to undertake the journey to Omdurman with a view -of ascertaining if my escape was at all possible. He argued that if -Father Ohrwalder could escape with three women as an encumbrance to -his flight, there was nothing, provided I was at liberty, to prevent -my escaping; but those who knew the Soudan—and it was only such he -might employ—argued that if the remainder of the captives were not -already killed, they would be found chained in the prison awaiting -their execution. Months slipped away before he could find any one to -undertake the journey, and then an old but wiry desert Arab, El Haj -Ahmad Abou Hawanein, came to terms with him. Hawanein was given two -camels, some money, and a quantity of goods to sell and barter on his -way up. - -Some time in June or July, 1894, Abou Kees, a man employed in the -Mission gardens, came to me while I was working at the mounds of -Khartoum, and whispered that a man who had news for me was |197| -hiding in the gardens, and that I was to try and effect a meeting -with him. The man was Hawanein. Always suspicious of traps laid for me -by the Khaleefa, I asked the man what he wanted. He replied that he -had come from friends to help me. He had brought no letters, but by -questioning him my suspicions disappeared, and I was soon deep in the -discussion of plans for my escape. The camels he had brought with him -were, he said, not up to the work of a rapid flight, and he suggested -that he should return to Assouan, procure two good trotting camels, and -also the couple of revolvers I asked for, as it was more than likely I -should have to use them in getting clear of Khartoum. - -Soon after Hawanein’s departure, the guide Abdallah, who brought away -Rossignoli, put in his appearance. Ahmed Wad-el-Feki, employed in -Marquet’s old garden, asked that I might be allowed to call and see -a sick man at his house. On reaching the place, Feki introduced me -to a young man, Abdallah, who, after a few words, asked me to meet -him the following day, when he would bring me a letter. I met my -“patient” again, when he handed me a bit of paper on which faint marks -were discernible; these, he said, would come out clear upon heating -the paper, and, as cauterization is one of the favourite remedies -in the Soudan, some live charcoal was procured without exciting any -suspicion. The words, which appeared, proved that the man was no spy, -but had really come from the Egyptian War Office; however, before we -had time to drop into a discussion of plans, some men employed in the -place |198| came near, and we had to adjourn to the following day, -when I was again to meet my “patient.” On this occasion we were left -undisturbed, and fully discussed and settled upon our plans. - -To escape along the western bank of the Nile was not to be thought -of; this would necessitate our passing Omdurman, and to pass the town -unobserved was very improbable. Abdallah, having left his camels and -rifle at Berber, was to return there for them, and come up the eastern -bank of the Nile, along which we were to travel when I escaped. During -his absence I was to send Umm es Shole on weekly visits to her friends -at Halfeyeh; as she was to escape with us, this arrangement was made -for a twofold purpose. First, her visits would not excite suspicion at -the critical moment, as the people both at Halfeyeh and Khartoum would -have become accustomed to them; she was also to bring me the promised -revolver concealed in her clothes, and then return to Halfeyeh for -another visit. She and Abdallah would keep a watch on the banks of the -Blue Nile for me and assist me in landing. My escape would have to be -effected in my chains, and these, of course, would prevent my using my -legs in swimming. I was to trust for support to the pieces of light -wood on the banks, used by children and men when disporting themselves -in the Nile, and to the current and whatever help I might get with my -hands for landing on the opposite shore. - -Abdallah went off, but never came back. I kept to our agreement for -months, for the plan formed with |199| Abdallah was similar to that -arranged with Hawanein. Besides this, Abdallah, in the event of not -being able to find revolvers at Berber, was to continue his journey to -the first military post, obtain them there, and exchange his camels for -fast-trotting ones, as those he had left at Berber were of a poor race. -In order to prove to any officer he met that he was really employed to -effect my escape, I gave him two letters couched in such words that, -should they fall into the hands of the Khaleefa or any of the Emirs, -their contents would be a sort of puzzle to them. Each day during those -months I looked forward eagerly to a sign from any one of the people -entrusted with my escape. - -For various reasons I considered it advisable to interview Abdallah -after my release, and did so; but to make certain of his explanations, -I also arranged that others should question him on the subject of -Rossignoli’s flight and his reasons for not keeping his engagement with -me, and this is what he says. - -On leaving Cairo, he was given a sort of double mission; he was -promised three hundred pounds if he brought me away safely, and a -hundred pounds if he brought away any of the other captives. Seeing the -difficulties to be encountered in effecting my escape, and appreciating -the risks, unless we had revolvers and swift camels, he decided upon -“working out the other plan,” as he expresses it, viz. the escape of -Rossignoli, as “he was at liberty and could go anywhere he pleased,” -whilst I was shackled and constantly under the eyes of my guards. -Instead of returning |200| for the camels, Abdallah arranged for -Rossignoli to escape on a donkey as far as Berber. When some distance -from Omdurman, Rossignoli got off his donkey, squatted on the ground, -and refused to budge, saying he was tired. Abdallah tried to persuade -him to continue the journey, but Rossignoli refused, said Abdallah -was only leading him to his death, and demanded to be taken back to -Omdurman. For a few moments Abdallah admits that he was startled and -frightened. To go back to Omdurman was madness and suicide for him; to -leave Rossignoli squatting in the desert made Cairo almost as dangerous -for him as Omdurman, for who would believe his tale there? He felt sure -he would be accused of having deserted the man, and there was also the -chance of Rossignoli being discovered by pursuers, when a hue and cry -would be set up for Abdallah. - -One cannot help but admire Abdallah’s solution of the difficulty. -There was a tree growing close by; he selected from it a good thick -branch, and with this flogged Rossignoli either into his right senses -or into obedience to orders; then placing him on the camel behind him, -he made his way to Berber. Here Rossignoli, instead of keeping in -hiding, wandered into the town, was recognized by some people, and, -when spoken to, told them that Abdallah was leading him to Egypt, but -that he preferred to return to Omdurman. Fortunately native cupidity -saved Abdallah; he baksheeshed the people into a few hours of silence, -with great difficulty got his charge clear of the town, and with -still greater difficulty |201| hammered and “bullydamned” him into -Egypt and safety. This is Abdallah’s own tale. He assures me, and I -believe him, that it was his intention, as soon as he had handed over -Rossignoli safe, to have asked for the revolvers and started back to -try and effect my escape, risky as he knew it to be; but as Rossignoli -had betrayed his name in Berber, he knew well that the Khaleefa would -have men waiting for him from Omdurman to the frontier, and he showed -no better sense in flogging Rossignoli, than he showed in settling down -with his well-earned hundred pounds rather than attempting to make it -into four hundred by passing the frontier. - -Rossignoli’s absence was not noticed for a little time, and -fortunately, for a donkey leaves better tracks to follow than a camel. -The Khaleefa was not particularly angry about the affair, although he -imprisoned for a day Mr. Cocorombo, the husband of Sister Grigolini, -the former superioress of Father Ohrwalder’s Mission, and Rossignoli’s -lay companion, Beppo; but the latter, after Slatin’s escape, became my -fellow-prisoner in the Saier. - -One would be inclined to believe that either myself or some dramatist -had purposely invented the series of accidents, which cropped up to -frustrate every one of my plans for escape. On February 28, 1895, -without a word of warning, I was so heavily loaded with chains that -I was unable to move, and I was placed under a double guard in the -house of Shereef Hamadan, the Mahdist Governor of Khartoum. At first I -surmised that either Abdallah or Hawanein |202| had been suspected and -imprisoned, or had confessed, or that our plots had been divulged in -some way, so that it was with no little surprise I heard the questions -put to me concerning the escape of Slatin. I denied all knowledge of -the escape, or any arrangement connected with it. I pointed out that I -had not seen, spoken to, or heard of Slatin directly for eight years, -as my gaolers and guards could prove. It was from no sense of justice -to me, but to prove that he had not neglected his duty in keeping a -strict watch upon me, that Hamadan took my part in the inquiry. I might -have been again released, had Hawanein not put in his appearance a few -days after the escape of Slatin was discovered. - -Slatin’s absence from his usual post had not been reported to the -Khaleefa until three days after his escape; he was supposed to be ill. -On the third day, Hajji Zobheir, the head of the Khaleefa’s bodyguard, -sent to his house to inquire about him. Not being satisfied with the -reply he received, he informed the Khaleefa, who ordered an immediate -search. A letter from Slatin to the Khaleefa was found sticking in the -muzzle of a rifle, and was taken to Abdullahi. After the usual string -of compliments and blessings, the letter continues― - - “For ten years I have sat at your gate; your goodness and grace has - been great to me, but all men have a love of family and country; I - have gone to see them; but in going I still hold to the true religion. - I shall never betray your bread and salt, even should I die; I was - wrong to leave without your permission; every one, myself included, - acknowledges your great power and influence; forgive me; your desires - are mine; I shall never betray you, |203| whether I reach my - destination or die upon the road; forgive me; I am your kinsman and of - your religion; extend to me your clemency.[9] - -[Illustration: SAID BEY GUMAA.] - - [9] This letter was found on the fall of Omdurman, and came - into the hands of people who, probably on the ground of its - contents differing from those given by Slatin after his escape, - published it in such a manner as to lead people to believe - that the protestations of loyalty it contained were sincere. - In my opinion the letter should be looked upon as a clever - composition to humbug Abdullahi, so that, in the event of - Slatin being retaken, the protestation of loyalty would at - least save him from the hands of the Khaleefa’s mutilator or - executioner. - -Abdullahi, on first realizing that Slatin had actually escaped, and had -had about three days’ start of any pursuers he might send after him, -was furious; losing his temper, he anathematized him in the presence -of the assembled Emirs, Kadis, and bodyguard. He reminded them that -when Slatin first tendered his submission, he had been received with -honours because he had openly professed the Mohammedan faith and had -been circumcised while still the “Turk” Governor-General of Darfur; -he reminded them also how Slatin had been allowed to bring into the -camp his household, bodyguard, and servants, and had been attached to -the Mahdi’s personal suite, of which he, Abdullahi, was chief; how, -with Zoghal, his former subordinate, he had been entrusted with the -subjugation of Said Gumaa, who had refused to surrender El Fasher -when ordered by him to do so; how he himself had treated him as his -son and his confidant, never taking any step without his advice and -guidance; but, suddenly pulling himself up, seeing the mistake he had -made in showing how much he had been dependent on him, he broke off -short to say what he would do to Slatin if he ever laid hands on him, -and promised a similar punishment to any one else who returned him -ingratitude for his favours. Reading |204| out aloud Slatin’s letter -to him, he calmed down on reaching the protestations of loyalty, and -ordered the letter to be read in the mosque and the different quarters -of Omdurman. Abdullahi has been considered as an ignorant brutal -savage, devoid of all mental acumen, and but little removed from the -brute creation. As I may be able to show later, such an expression of -opinion either carries a denial with it, or it is paying a very poor -compliment to those who, once governors of towns and provinces, or high -officials, should have bowed down, kissed hands, and so far prostrated -themselves as to kiss the feet of the representatives of this “ignorant -brute,” by whom for years they had been dominated. Since Abdullahi -respected me, as a man, by keeping me constantly in chains, I respect -him for the intellectual powers he displayed, and which apparently -paralyzed those of others who submitted to him. - -Slatin, having given a good account of himself in his many fights, -was, after his submission, looked up to as the military genius of the -Mahdist army; he could not, as I did, play any pranks with the work -he was entrusted with; the map he had drawn of Egypt, showing the -principal towns and routes, and upon which the former telegraph-clerk, -Mohammad Sirri, had been instructed to write the Arabic names, had -given some the idea that no expedition might be planned without -the aid of Slatin and this map. Abdullahi’s object in having the -letter publicly read will be divined; first, it would assure the -dervishes themselves that there was no fear of |205| Slatin, after -his protestations of loyalty, returning at the head of the Government -troops to overthrow the rule of the Mahdi, and without help from the -exterior the wavering Mahdists could not hope to throw off the yoke -of Abdullahi. Moreover, the reading of the letter to the Christian -captives would confirm the opinion formed by many, that Slatin was at -heart with the present Soudan dynasty, and that they could not expect -any help as a result of his escape. - -There is another incident, which must be here mentioned, to show -how acute Abdullahi really was. Slatin had publicly proclaimed his -conversion to Mahommedanism before his submission to the Mahdi, so -that, when he did submit, he was accepted as one of the faithful, and -treated as one of themselves. The remainder of the captives—those -taken before and after the fall of Khartoum—had not, up to the time -of the escape of Rossignoli, been actually accepted as Muslims. At -the suggestion of Youssef Mansour, on January 25, 1895, the Khaleefa -was gracious enough to take all into his fold as real converts to the -faith, and, on the anniversary of Gordon’s death, all the Muslimanieh -(Christians) were ordered to be circumcised, the only two people not -being operated upon being, I believe, Beppo, who was overlooked while -in prison, and an old Italian mason, who pleaded old age as an excuse -for not undergoing the operation. The Christian quarter was, therefore, -at the time of Slatin’s escape, considered as a Muslim community, -and the practical immunity they had |206| enjoyed from a rigorous -application of the Mahdieh laws was thereby put an end to. - -Consequently, when Slatin escaped, leaving behind him such -protestations of loyalty, the safest card the Khaleefa could play -was to read to them his letter. The reading of it caused some little -consternation and comment, no doubt, but I have already expressed my -opinion as to the light in which this letter should be considered. -It was a clever move of Abdullahi; the public reading of the letter -blasted all hopes on the part of the discontented Soudanese of any -assistance from Slatin in crumbling to dust the kingdom of the -Khaleefa, and put an end to all hopes on the part of the former -Muslimanieh captives of release, for the small proportion of old -Government employés who had, up to then, firmly believed that Slatin -was acting, as they express it, “politeeka” in all his dealings, now -joined the ranks of those who believed differently. But in this they -were, of course, mistaken. - -After the public reading of the letter, the Khaleefa sent for the -officials of the Beit-el-Mal and ordered them to take possession of -Slatin’s house, wives, servants, slaves, land, and cattle, at the same -time giving them strict instructions, in the presence of all, that -the household were to be treated gently, as being the property of a -true Muslim. His Darfurian wife, Hassanieh, whom he had married when -Governor-General of Darfur, was claimed from the Beit-el-Mal by Dood -(Sultan) Benga as of a royal family, and was by him married to another -of the Darfurian royal |207| family. Desta, his Abyssinian wife, was -within a few days of her confinement, and either, as a result of fright -at the ransacking of the house and her reduction to the position of -a common slave, or as a result of what would be to her, in her then -delicate condition, rough handling, gave birth to a baby boy, who -survived but a few weeks. - -It was while the Khaleefa was awaiting the return of the scouts -sent out to recapture Slatin that Hawanein put in his appearance at -Omdurman. He was at once seized, accused of assisting in the escape of -Slatin, and also of having returned to effect mine. Pleading ignorance -of myself and Slatin, he was not believed; he was first sent into -the Saier, and then, as he refused to confess, he was taken out and -publicly flogged. Even this did not extort a confession; the Khaleefa, -not being satisfied, ordered another flogging, but the Bisharas -interceded for Hawanein, and succeeded in obtaining his release. As my -would-be deliverer passed through the portals of the Saier, I passed in -(March 26, 1895). Hawanein lost no time in returning to Assouan, where -the relation of his experiences, with his torn back and unhealed wounds -to bear him out, put an end finally to all attempts in that quarter to -assist me in any way whatever. - -It might be as well that I should not attempt to describe my mental -condition on finding myself again in the Saier. I have a faint idea -of what my state must have been; despair cannot describe it; insanity -at blasted hopes might. Yes, I must have been insane; but I was -mentally sound, if such a contradiction |208| of terms is permissible. -I remember that for days I shuffled about, refusing to look at or -speak to any one. Perhaps what brought me round was that, in my -perambulations, I came near the Saier anvil and heard a man crying. -It was Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi, Gordon’s old favourite, who was being -shackled. My expostulations on his acting as a child and bullying him -into a sense of manhood, again prevented that slender thread between -reason and insanity snapping. It must, in some way, have calmed and -comforted me to be brought to the knowledge that others were suffering -as much as I was; and just as a child, which requires care and -attention itself, gives all its affection and sympathy to a limbless -doll, so must I have given my sympathy to Fauzi, and in so doing -taken a step back from the abyss of insanity, which I was certainly -approaching. - - - - -|209| - -CHAPTER XVII - -A NEW OCCUPATION - - -When Said Abdel Wohatt was transferred from the Khartoum to the Alti -saltpetre works, his father-in-law, Ali Khaater, the storekeeper of the -Omdurman arsenal, considered that he was no longer under the obligation -of risking his neck by mixing the Khartoum product with the Fellati’s, -or substituting it with good saltpetre in stock. A consignment of mine -was consequently sent direct to the powder factory, and was used in -making what Abd es Semmieh and Hosny, the directors, believed would -be a good explosive. The result, while being eminently satisfactory -to myself, was just the reverse for the people responsible for making -the powder. Not being certain where the fault actually lay, they -mixed this powder with a quantity of really good powder made from the -Fellati’s product, only to succeed in spoiling the whole bulk. When -my next consignment was sent in they carried out some experiments, -and, discovering where the fault lay, sent me an intimation that if -our works did not turn out saltpetre equal in quality to that formerly -supplied by us, I should be reported to the Khaleefa. Nahoum Abbajee, -hearing of the affair, came to me in |210| a state of excitement, and -pointed out the danger I was running into, and as he was then trying to -think out an invention for coining money, he suggested that he should -apply to the Khaleefa for my services in assisting him. This request -Abdullahi was only too glad at the time to accede to; saltpetre was -coming in in large quantities, and he was in great trouble about his -monetary system. - -As Khaleefa, he was entitled to one-fifth of all loot, property, taxes, -and goods coming to the Beit-el-Mal; and as all property of whatever -description was considered to belong primarily to this administration, -it followed that Abdullahi was entitled to one-fifth of the property in -the Soudan; but as he had not much use for hides, skins, gum, ivory, -and such-like, he took his proportion in coin—after putting his own -valuation upon his share. As the money he took from the Beit-el-Mal was -hoarded and never came into circulation again, a sort of specie famine -set in. Attempts had been made in the early days of Abdullahi’s rule -to produce a dollar with a fair modicum of silver; but Nur-el-Garfawi, -Adlan’s successor at the Beit-el-Mal, came to the conclusion, -evidently, that a coin was but a token, and that it was immaterial -what it was made of, provided it carried some impression upon it. The -quantity of silver in his dollars grew less and less, and then was only -represented by a light plating which wore off in a few weeks’ time. -When people grumbled, he unblushingly issued copper dollars pure and -simple. All the dollars were issued from the Beit-el-Mal as being of -equivalent value to |211| the silver dollar, and when these coins -were refused, the Khaleefa decreed that all future offenders should be -punished by the confiscation of their property and the loss of a hand -and foot. The merchants, though, were equal to the occasion; when an -intending purchaser inquired about the price of an article, the vendor -asked him in what coinage he intended to pay; the merchant then knew -what price to ask. - -As the silver dollars gradually disappeared, the few remaining went -up enormously in value, until in the end they were valued at fifty -to sixty of the Beit-el-Mal coins, so that an article which could -be bought for a silver dollar could not be purchased under fifty to -sixty copper dollars. Although a rate of exchange was forbidden, -the Beit-el-Mal took advantage of the state of affairs by buying in -the copper dollars, melting them up, recasting, and striking from -a different die. These coins would be again issued at the value of -a silver dollar, and the remaining copper dollars in the town were -put out of circulation by the Beit-el-Mal’s refusal to receive them. -To make matters worse, the die cutters cut dies for themselves and -their friends, and it was worth the while of the false (?) coiners to -make a dollar of better metal than the Beit-el-Mal did, and these we -re-accepted at a premium. The false coinage business flourished until -Elias el Kurdi, one of the best of the die cutters, was permanently -incapacitated by losing his right hand and left foot; and this -punishment, for a time at least, acted as a deterrent upon others, -leaving the Beit-el-Mal the entire monopoly of coinage. |212| - -Sovereigns might at any time be bought for a dollar, for their -possessors were glad to get rid of them. Being in possession of a gold -coin denoted wealth, and many people who attempted to change a gold -coin returned only to find their hut in the hands of the Beit-el-Mal -officials, searching for the remainder of the presumed gold hoard. -Failing to find it, they confiscated the goods and chattels. The trade -with the Egyptian frontier, Suakin and Abyssinia, was carried on -through the medium of barter and the Austrian (Maria Theresa) trade -dollar. - -It was while the currency question was at its height that Abbajee -came forward with his scheme for a coining press; and, in order that -I might assist him, I was transferred to the Khartoum arsenal. I was -obliged to give up my quarters in the Mission buildings, and live -with the bodyguard of thirty Baggaras in the house of Hamadan, the -Mahdist governor of Khartoum. The arsenal was presided over by Khaleel -Hassanein, at one time a clerk under Roversi, in the department for -the repression of the slave trade. Although ten years had elapsed -since the fall of Khartoum, the arsenal must have been in as perfect -working order as when Gordon made it into a model Woolwich workshop. -Power was obtained from a traction-engine, which drove lathes, a -rolling-mill, drills, etc., while punches, iron scissors, and smaller -machinery were worked by hand. In the shops proper were three engines -and boilers complete, ready to be fitted into Nile steamers, and -duplicates and triplicates of all parts of the machinery then in use -were ready |213| in case of accidents. Smelting, casting, moulding, -and modelling were all carried on in the place. The storeroom was -filled with every imaginable tool and article required for the smithy, -carpenters’ shops, and the boats. All the metal of the Soudan had -been collected here. There were parts of cotton presses; sugar-mills; -bars of steel and iron; ingots of brass and copper; iron, copper, and -brass plates; the heavier class of tools and implements; and I was -assured by Osta Abdallah, a rivetter in the shops in Gordon’s time, -that there was material in the place to build three more boats and keep -the whole fleet going for many years. He did not exaggerate either. -All other administrations were supplied by the Khartoum arsenal with -whatever they required in the way of tools, furniture, iron and other -metal work, cartridge presses and steel blocks for coinage; and very -efficiently indeed was the work turned out. - -The little time I spent in the arsenal was of course fully occupied -with the coinage question. Two men were kept constantly engaged casting -square steel blocks for the Omdurman mint; these blocks were polished -and cut in Omdurman, and twenty-five sets were generally in use at the -same time. Possibly two hundred men were employed in the melting of -the copper and casting it into moulds the size and thickness of the -dollars. The discs were next passed on to the people who gave them the -impression; this was obtained by placing the disc on the lower block, -and then hammering the upper block upon it. The impressions produced -were in the main very poor; the |214| coins spread and split, and the -dies were constantly splitting and breaking. After we had studied the -process, and Abbajee had explained his ideas of a press, I suggested -that we should commence operations with the punching-machine. We -experimented until we had succeeded in smashing dies, spoiling sheets -of copper, and in the end smashing the machine itself; then Abbajee, as -the chief of the operations, was roundly abused. Being of an excitable -temperament, he wanted me to take part of the blame, but I only laughed -at him. Then it was I learned that he had just reason to be angry; -he had gone surety for me with the Khaleefa, and, as I was expecting -Hawanein and Abdallah every day, I kept the quarrel going until Abbajee -left the work in disgust, for I wished him to be out of the way when I -escaped. His return to Omdurman, leaving me in complete charge of the -invention, put an end to his surety for me. I might have saved myself -this trouble, and the temporary misunderstanding with my old friend, -for, before I had time to settle upon an idea for a coining press, -Slatin escaped, and I was taken back to the Saier. - -I have been frequently asked what estimate should be put upon the -Khaleefa’s buried treasure. It is next to impossible to say; one thing -only is certain: all good gold and silver jewellery and coins have -disappeared during the last fifteen years. Thousands of individuals -may have their hoards here and there. Some idea of what the Khaleefa’s -treasure may amount to might be gleaned from an examination of the -Beit-el-Mal books, for these were well kept. The real |215| question -is, Where is it? But this is a matter people need not trouble -themselves about. It was generally believed in Omdurman that those who -actually buried the money were soon afterwards buried themselves. “Dead -men tell no tales.” I doubt myself if the Khaleefa’s hoards will ever -be found—officially. The fortunate discoverers are hardly likely to -exhibit any particular anxiety to ask their friends or the Government -to share in their good fortune. Perhaps a small amount might be found, -but it will be a very small one. The few millions he has buried in -various places will, no doubt, be discovered some day, and we shall -hear about it—a long time after the fact. - - - - -|216| - -CHAPTER XVIII - -MY SECOND IMPRISONMENT - - -It was some days after my return to the Saier before I learned that I -had been incarcerated against the wish of the Khaleefa and Yacoub; but -Hamadan and Khaleel-Hassanein, fearing that I might escape, declined -to be responsible for me any longer, arguing that Slatin’s escape had -been effected through Government agents, and that mine would certainly -follow. In deference to the wishes of Hassanein more than those of -Hamadan, the Khaleefa ordered my return to the Saier, but it is very -probable that he sent Idris es Saier instructions how to treat me; so -that, taking it all in all, my life was not rendered so unendurable as -it had been on my first entry into the prison. Added to Abdullahi’s -kindly interest (?) in me, Idris himself had become a sort of reformed -character; he had tasted the sweets of imprisonment and the lash which -he had been so generous with, and had also experienced himself what -it was to be robbed on the Nebbi Khiddr account. The tables had been -completely turned on him, and he had learned a lesson. - -When Adlan was executed and his house searched |217| for incriminating -papers without result, Idris es Saier was accused by the Khaleefa of -having assisted Adlan in disposing of the documents which he was in -search of. Idris was imprisoned in his own house and flogged into the -bargain; he was in disfavour for some time, and this gave released -Baggara prisoners an opportunity of getting even with him. They -explained the Nebbi Khiddr affair to Abdullahi, who ordered Idris to -repay all the moneys he had collected on this account; he was deprived -of all he had, but right up to the end, any former Baggara prisoner in -want of a dollar knew where to find one. He presented himself to Idris, -and asked for a further contribution towards a settlement of his claim. - -These importunities drove Idris into begging from the prisoners, -since the Nebbi Khiddr tale would only work with prisoners coming -in from outlying districts, and they were few. As Idris never knew -when the next call would be made upon him, he found it politic to be -as kind and considerate to the prisoners as possible, and to relax -discipline to the utmost. This state of affairs, added to the presumed -instructions of the Khaleefa regarding myself, must have accounted for -Idris’ assembling the gaolers, and telling them in my presence that I -was only brought into the Saier to prevent any Government people from -carrying me off to Egypt; that if any one of them begged money from -me or ill-treated me in any way, he would be imprisoned, flogged, and -deprived of his post; Umm es Shole and her child were to be allowed -to come into the prison at any hour they chose—but, |218| and this -spoiled all, I was never to be allowed to sleep out in the open, and -must pass my nights in the Umm Hagar. - -[Illustration: FAUZI PASHA IN DERVISH DRESS.] - -I have already described a night in this “Black Hole of Calcutta,” -but it might not be out of place to try and give a slight description -of the first night Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi—one of Gordon’s favourite -officers—spent in that inferno, especially as he wishes me to do so. -When taken to the anvil, as I have already remarked, Fauzi broke down -completely, was carried off in a swoon to the Umm Hagar, placed sitting -with his back in the angle of the wall furthest from the door, and -there left—as I was, to “come round.” When the first batch of prisoners -was driven in at sunset, there was room for all to lie down on the foul -and saturated ground. When the second batch was driven in about an hour -and a half later, those lying down had to sit up with the new-comers, -and Fauzi’s outstretched legs gave a dry and comfortable seat to four -big Soudanese. I was driven in with the third batch after the night -prayers, and then all in the Umm Hagar had to stand up or be trampled -on. Fauzi, still suffering from the effects of the shell wound he -received in one of the sorties from Khartoum, with four people sitting -or standing on him, and being heavily chained as well, was unable to -rise to his feet. I could hear him from my place near the door feebly -expostulating with the people who were standing upon him; I thought -that maybe he was being trampled to death, and in my then frenzied -state commenced to fight my way towards him, striking friend and foe -|219| indiscriminately, and striking harder as I received blows -in return. A general fight was soon in progress over the few yards I -had to travel, as none were certain in the darkness who struck the -blow they had received, and struck out at random in retaliation. My -friends told me afterwards that I was a “shaitan” (devil), a mad fool, -and showered other dubious compliments upon me; but I reached Fauzi. -The warders, hearing the uproar, had opened the doors, and, as usual, -commenced to belabour the heads of all they could reach with their -sticks and whips. While the uproar was at its height, and the prisoners -swaying from side to side, I recognized the voices of one or two near -Fauzi who were under obligations to me for occasional little kindnesses -in the way of food; and, enlisting their services on most extravagant -promises, we tackled the people standing on Fauzi’s legs, pushed -them away, and made a sort of barricade round him with our bodies. -In clearing the space, we must have struck each other as often as we -struck those whom we wished to get out of the way, and Fauzi could not -tell whether an attempt was being made to murder or to rescue him. When -we did at last get him clear, we had to use a bit of old rag as a sort -of punka in order to bring him round; then he babbled. - -At midnight, the doors of the cell were thrown open again, and about -twenty men, each wearing a shayba, were thrust into the place; -practically there was no room for them, but they had to be driven in -by some means. To make space for them, the gaolers resorted to their -favourite device of throwing into the cell handfuls of |220| blazing -straw and grass, and at the same time laying about the bare heads -and shoulders of the prisoners with their whips. The scene must be -imagined. Fauzi, seeing the fire falling on the heads of the prisoners, -believed that he had really been sent to hell—but communed with himself -in a dazed sort of way as to whether he was in hell or not. He appeared -to call to memory all that he had ever read of the place of torment, -and tried to compare the picture his brain had formed of it from the -descriptions, with what he was experiencing, coming to the conclusion -that he could not be in hell, as hell could not be so bad. At this -stage I was able to get him to take notice of me, and we discussed -hell and its torments until sunrise; but nothing could even now shake -Fauzi’s opinion that hell could not be as bad as such a night in the -Umm Hagar, and the worst he can wish any one is to pass such a night. -To Youssef Mansour he wishes an eternity of them.[10] - - [10] This Mansour was formerly an officer in the Egyptian - Army, who had surrendered with the garrison at El Obeid. - After this surrender, the governor of the town—Mohammad Said - Pasha—arranged with his old officers and black regiments to - seize their arms, on a given signal, and to turn against the - Mahdists. Mansour, who, as one of Said’s former subordinates, - was in the plot, is thought to have betrayed it to the Mahdi. - Said and his principal adherents were sent out of camp by - Mohammad Ahmed, and quietly done away with; but Mansour became - the favourite of the Mahdi, and commanded his artillery at the - battle of Omdurman. It is also said that the Christian captives - were circumcised on his representations, and that he suggested - the imprisonment of Fauzi, lest, when the Government troops - advanced, Fauzi should seize an opportunity of joining them. - Yet Mansour is reputed to be coming to Cairo to claim his back - pay and pension from the Egyptian Government. - -Among others who spent that memorable night in the Saier, were Ahmed -and Bakheit Egail, Sadik Osman, Abou-el-Besher and others from Berber, -arrested for assisting in the escape of Slatin; they were later -transported to the convict station at Gebel Ragaf on the evidence of -the guide Zecki, who |221| conducted Slatin from Omdurman to Berber. -Zecki had been arrested with them on suspicion of complicity in the -escape, and confessed that he had been engaged by Egail and others to -bring away from Omdurman a man with “cat’s eyes,” but that he did not -know who the man was. - -Close to the common cell was an offshoot of it—a smaller one named -“Bint Umm Hagar” (the daughter of Umm Hagar), which took the place of -the condemned cell in Europe. On my return to prison, I learned that -my old enemy, Kadi Ahmed, had been confined there for a year. The -ostensible reason for his imprisonment was that he had been in league -with the false coiners, and had made large amounts of money; but the -real reason was that the Khaleefa was angry with him on account of the -death of Zecki Tummal, who had conducted the Abyssinian campaign when -King John was killed. Kadi Ahmed had been induced by Yacoub to sentence -Zecki to imprisonment and starvation; so when Ahmed’s turn came, the -Khaleefa said, “Let him receive the same punishment as Zecki.” He was -placed in the Bint Umm Hagar, and after about ten months the doorway -was built up; there Ahmed was left, with his ablution bottle of water -only, for forty-three days according to one tale, and fifty days -according to another. When, for days, no sounds had been heard from -his living tomb, he was presumed to be dead; but on the doorway being -opened up, to the astonishment, not to say superstitious fear, of all, -he was still alive, but unconscious, though the once big fat Kadi had -wasted to a skeleton. |222| Abdullahi must have received a fright -too, for he ordered Ahmed to be tenderly nursed and given small doses -of nourishing food every twenty-four hours, until the stomach was able -to retain food given oftener; but in spite of all care and attention, -the Kadi died on or about May 3, 1895. He was regretted by no one but -the Khaleefa, in whose hands he had been a willing tool, dispensing -justice(?) as his master dictated it, only to die the lingering death -in the end to which he had condemned so many at his master’s nod. - -Kadi Ahmed’s place in the “Bint” was soon taken by his successor—Kadi -Hussein Wad Zarah. His offence was that of refusing to sentence people -unjustly, when ordered by the Khaleefa and Yacoub to do so. When first -walled up in his tomb, he was given, through a small aperture left -for the purpose, a little food and water every four or five days, but -towards the end of July, 1895, the doorway was built up entirely, -and Zarah, not being a big stout man like Ahmed, starved, or rather -parched, to death in about twenty-two or twenty-three days. It is hot -in the Soudan in July. - -[Illustration: NEUFELD’S HUT IN THE SAIER, SHOWING THE FAMOUS ANVIL.] - -During the first weeks of my imprisonment, Umm es Shole had little -difficulty in begging a small quantity of grain, and borrowing an -occasional dollar to keep us in food. But soon people became afraid of -assisting us any further, and we were bordering upon semi-starvation, -when, in the month of September, an Abyssinian woman came into the -prison to see me under pretence of requiring medical treatment. She -handed me a small packet, which she said contained letters from my -friends, and which had been given to |223| her by a man outside, who -had said he also had money for me, and wished to know who he should pay -it to. Three days elapsed before I found an opportunity of opening the -packet unobserved, for with all letters received and written then, I -had to wait until I found myself alone in the pestilential atmosphere -of an annexe to the place of ablution. The packet contained a letter -from my sister posted in 1891, another from Father Ohrwalder, and a -note from Major Wingate. They were all to the same import—to keep up -hope, as attempts were to be made to assist me. - -Nearly two months must have slipped away before I succeeded in getting -my replies written. I sent these to the guide, Onoor Issa, who promised -that he would return for me in a few months’ time. Father Ohrwalder -has handed me the letter I sent to him. The following is in brief its -contents:― - - “I have received your letter enclosing that of my sister written - four years ago, and the note from Wingate. Before everything else, - let me thank you for the endeavours you are to make to assist me. - Your letter was delayed in reaching me owing to the imprisonment of - the guide, followed by the watch kept upon us after Slatin’s escape, - and my transfer to the Saier, from which I hope to be released soon. - There is great need of coins here; up to the present, no one has been - able to produce a silver-resembling dollar. If I could produce such a - coin, it would lead to my release from prison, and lend probability to - my chances of escape. Could you send me instructions for the simple - mixing of any soft metals to produce a silvery appearance, and send - me some ingredients? I should like also an instrument to imitate - the milling of coins; the dies can be cut here. I should be glad of - any tools or instruments which you think cannot be had here. If I - am not released by the time these arrive, I feel sure that I shall - be released through their agency. Please send the enclosed notes to - their respective destinations, and when the answers arrive, send them - |224| on with the things I ask for. Can you give me any news as to - how my business is progressing at Assouan, and the transactions of - my manager? Our common friends here are in a sad way. Slatin will - have told you all about the forced circumcisions; and now all the - Christians have been ordered to marry three or four wives, and are - engaged with marriage ceremonies. Beppo and I are in prison together - in chains; other prisoners are Ibrahim Fauzi, Ibrahim Hamza, of - Berber, who was arrested after Slatin’s escape; Ahmed and Bekheit - Egail; Sadik and Besher have been transported to Equatoria, with two - of their relations. Your messenger brought with him seventy dollars, - which have been given to Beppo, and I enclose his receipt for them. - Kindly translate the letter I enclose for Wingate; I have written it - in German, as no one here but me understands the language. Please keep - these letters secret. For God’s sake, do not let the newspaper people - get hold of them, as you know, if they did, it would cost me my head. - Perhaps, if you could get them to give as news something like this, - it would help me: ‘We hear that, after the escape of Slatin, Neufeld - was secured against escape; he has rendered great services to Mahdieh - with the saltpetre; he would be able to replace Osta Abdallah, who is - now old and feeble; Neufeld is in the greatest distress, and in prison - with his certain death close at hand; the people in the Soudan believe - he is a relation of Slatin.’” - -Onoor Issa went off with my replies, undertaking to return in a few -months, after having made arrangements between Berber and Cairo for -my escape; and during his absence I was to scheme for any excuse to -get out of prison; escape from there was impossible. Onoor—or the -translators of his accounts—are mistaken in saying that he actually -met me in prison; all negotiations were carried on through the -Abyssinian woman whom he employed to come into the prison for “medical -attendance,” or Umm es Shole, and days and days elapsed between the -visits sometimes, in all amounting to maybe two months. There were -times |225| of mental tension in the Saier of Omdurman. To me ill luck -and good luck appeared to be ever striving for the ascendency during my -long captivity. Good luck gained in the end—the same good luck which -had accompanied the Sirdar throughout his daring campaign to conquer, -not only Abdullah, but the Soudan, and which, God grant, may ever -accompany him in future campaigns; but the cup-and-ball-catch-and-miss -strain was to me terrible. My one prayer was that an end might come. -Liberty, of course, I hoped for to the end; but I often discovered -myself speculating as to whether it was true or not that those suddenly -decapitated by a single blow experienced some seconds of really -intellectual consciousness, and wondering to myself whether, when my -head was rolled into the dust by the Khaleefa’s executioner, there -would be time to give one last look of defiance. - -Yet when I come to think of it, there was nothing very strange in such -contemplations. What soldier or sailor has not often in his quiet -moments tried to picture his own death, defiant to the last as he -goes down before a more powerful enemy? And, after all, thousands and -thousands of men and women in civilized countries are enduring a worse -captivity and imprisonment than many did in the Soudan; but they are -unfortunate in this—that no one has thrown a halo of romance over their -sufferings. My lot was a hard, very hard one, I must admit; but the lot -of some other captives was such that thousands in Europe would have -been pleased to exchange theirs for it, and would have gained in the -exchange. - - - - -|226| - -CHAPTER XIX - -RUMOURS OF RELIEF - - -[Illustration: ONOOR ISSA.] - -Soon after the departure of Onoor Issa I was saved any further -trouble in the way of scheming for excuses to get out of the Saier. -Awwad-el-Mardi, the successor of Nur-el-Gerafawi as the Amin -Beit-el-Mal on the appointment of the latter as director of the -Khaleefa’s ordnance stores, had been approached by Nahoum Abbajee and -others on the subject of the extraction of gold and silver from certain -stones which had been discovered in the neighbourhood. Awwad sent -Nahoum to see me about the erection of a crushing-mill or furnaces. My -interview with Nahoum was a stormy one. It commenced by his upbraiding -me for the pranks I had played in smashing the arsenal punching-machine -when we were associated in the establishment of a mint. The more I -laughed the angrier Nahoum became; he is deaf, and like most deaf -people, invariably speaks in an undertone, which is as distressing to -the hearer as is the necessity he is under of bawling back his replies. -It is next to impossible to hold a conversation with a deaf person -without the natural result of raising the voice exhibiting itself in -the features; the annoyance is there plain |227| enough, but when -the face flushes with the unwonted exertion, your deaf friend thinks -you are getting angry, and follows suit. This is precisely what Abbajee -did. He showed me his specimens, and I bawled into his ear, “Mica—not -gold, not silver—mica;” and he yelled back, “Gold, silver, gold.” The -noisy discussion, accompanied as it was with gesticulations, attracted -other prisoners around us, and Nahoum went off in high dudgeon. - -When he had gone, a few of my friends asked why I did not offer to -assist him, and even if the thing was a failure, they thought I -was clever enough to find something else to do; but, as they said, -“promise anything provided it gets you out of the Saier.” There were -excellent reasons, but which I might not confide to them, why any work -I undertook to do should occupy months, and, if necessary, years in -completion. To offer to assist Nahoum in extracting gold and silver -from such stones meant that two or three weeks at the outside would -evidence our failure to do so, and then it was Saier again for me. -Whether any work I undertook to do for the Khaleefa was to end in -success or failure was immaterial to me; but it was very material -that the result, whatever it was to be, should not be attained for -months, as by the time my guides returned, the conditions surrounding -my escape might have so changed as to necessitate an entire change in -plans and programme. They might even entail the guides’ return to Cairo -or the frontier, and this occupied months. But the advice to accept -Nahoum’s proposals and trust |228| to luck for discovering some other -excuse for remaining out of the Saier when failure could no longer be -concealed, appealed to me, and, in reply to my offer of assistance, a -messenger came from the Khaleefa ordering the Saier to hand me over to -the director of the Beit-el-Mal. His other instructions were that the -bars and heavy chains were to be taken off my feet and legs, and that -I was to be secured by a single pair of anklets connected with a light -chain. While this change was being made I received the congratulations -of the gaolers and prisoners, and (February, 1896) was escorted out -of the prison by two guards to enter upon a new industry which had in -it as much of the elements of success as would accompany an attempt -to squeeze blood out of a cobbler’s lap-stone. I had not forgotten -Shwybo’s fate. - -When I reached Khartoum, Awwad-el-Mardi had not yet arrived. It was the -month of Ramadan, and as all transactions were in abeyance until after -sunset, I was not allowed to land until Awwad arrived to hand me over -officially. I was left alone on one of Gordon’s old steamers, moored -at the spot where Gordon fell, and where the victorious Sirdar and his -troops landed to conduct the burial service. During the hours I had -to wait gazing at the ruined town and the dismantled palace which saw -the martyrdom of as good a man and soldier as ever trod this earth, I -ruminated over his blasted hopes and my own. I shall not pretend to -call to mind all the thoughts which surged through my brain as I paced -alone over the shell-and bullet-splintered deck; but you can imagine -what they |229| were when I reflected that I was the only European -in the Soudan who had fired a shot for Gordon, and that I was now a -captive in the hands of the successor of the Mahdi, gazing at the -ruined town from which, just eleven years ago, we had hoped to rescue -its noble defender. I should be ashamed to say that when Awwad did at -last come I was not in tears. - -I felt more acutely than I did when first taken to Khartoum to be -“impressed,” and still more acutely than when I was hurriedly bundled -into the old Mission to start the saltpetre works. For the first time -since my captivity I had been left absolutely alone. I was sitting -on one of that fleet of “penny steamers” which, had Gordon not sent -down the Nile to bring up his rescuers, might have saved him and the -Soudan in spite of the wicked delay resulting from the attempt to make -a theatrically impressive show of an expedition intended to be one of -flying succour to the beleaguered garrison and its brave commander, -praying for months for the sight of one single red coat. Gordon, I had -been told, towards the end, called the Europeans together in Khartoum, -and telling them that, in his opinion, the Government intended to -sacrifice him, recommended them to make their escape. A deliberate -attempt to sacrifice him could not have succeeded better. What wonder, -when such thoughts as these and many others had been affecting me for -hours, that when Awwad came, as darkness was setting in, the darkness -of night had settled too upon my mind. He, believing that my chains -were the real cause of |230| my depression, ordered that they should -be exchanged immediately for lighter and smoother ones, for the anklets -and chains given me by Idris were rough in the extreme. - -After being officially handed over to the Governor of Khartoum, the -question arose as to my quarters. I was offered quarters in his house, -but I had already experienced life amongst his Baggara bodyguard, -and begged hard to be allowed to live in the same place with Nahoum -Abbajee and Sirri—the former telegraph-clerk at Berber, with whom I was -to work. We were given the house of Ghattas, an old slave-dealer, to -live in. It was one of the best houses left standing in Khartoum, and -boasted an upper floor, which was taken possession of by Nahoum Abbajee -as head of what I might call the gold syndicate, while Sirri and I -shared the ground floor. In the East the West is reversed; you climb to -the garret with your rising fortunes, and descend with them, as they -fall, to the lower floors. Instead of having Saier or Baggara guards to -watch me, Awwad gave me some slaves from the Beit-el-Mal as guardians, -and they had, in addition to watching me, to perform the household -duties; in fact, they were my servants. - -After the evening prayers, Awwad called together the employés of the -arsenal and my guards, and explained to them that I was no longer -a Saier prisoner; that my chains were left on only to prevent the -Government people taking me; that I was “beloved” of the Khaleefa, -and was to be treated as his friend, and that if any one treated me -differently, he would be sent to |231| take my place in the Saier. -Awwad then taking me aside under the pretence of giving me instructions -from the Khaleefa, said, “I am your friend; do not be afraid; if you -cannot find gold and silver, tell me of anything else you can do, -and I will see that the work is given to you, so that you may not be -sent back to the Saier.” As Awwad was then a perfect stranger to me, -I at first had suspicions in my mind as to the genuineness of his -friendship; but he was a Jaalin, and I trusted him. - -We were told to get to work at once with the extraction of the -precious metals. As the engineer, I had to design and superintend -the construction of the furnaces to be made by Hassan Fahraani (the -potter), who also supplied the crucibles. Our first furnace crumbled to -pieces after being started, and a stronger one had to be made. Then the -crucibles gave out. We did all we could to coax gold and silver out of -those stones, and obtained some extraordinary results. We added earth, -common salt, saltpetre, oxide of lead—anything and everything to the -split stones in the crucibles. Sometimes we found the crucible and its -contents fused together. The only thing we actually found which gave an -idea that we were working for metals was a small shiny black ball, very -much resembling a black pearl, and this Hamadan at once took possession -of and carried off to Abdullahi, telling him that it only required time -for us to succeed. Hamadan, being our chief, was much interested in the -work, and he was doubtless looking forward to the day when part of the -contents of the crucibles would find its way to him. |232| - -But our experiments were destined never to be finished. About April, -1896, rumours first, and then precise news, reached Omdurman that the -Government troops were again advancing. Then came the startling news -that Dongola had been taken, only to be followed by the news of the -capture of Abou Hamad. The fulminate factory presided over by Hassan -Zecki had run short of ingredients, and as the stock of chlorate of -potash ordered from Egypt had not arrived, it was believed that now the -troops held all the country between Dongola and Abou Hamad, it would -have no chance of getting through. Abdalla Rouchdi, the chemist of the -Beit-el-Mal, had, with Hassan Zecki, failed to produce chlorine, as had -also others, therefore we were ordered to experiment at once. Nahoum -was sent over to the Beit-el-Mal to collect all appliances, chemicals, -and anything else he chose to lay his hands upon. Our establishment was -growing, and Hamadan was delighted at having under his charge people -who were to do so much for Mahdieh. But the chlorine required for the -production of the chlorate of potash refused to appear. Our laboratory -was a dangerous place to visit, for we had jar upon jar containing -mixed acids, and explosions were the order of the day. Nahoum had a -lively time, deaf as he was. Once, and once only, Hamadan made pretence -of understanding our experiments; he took a good inhalation from a -vessel which had in it a mixture of various acids with permanganate of -potash. He was almost suffocated, but he was much impressed, and told -the Khaleefa what devoted |233| adherents he had when we would work in -such a poison-laden atmosphere. - -There was good reason why I should do all in my power to keep Hamadan -interested and hopeful of grand results. Onoor Issa had sent me word by -a messenger from Berber that he was at that town with letters and money -for me, but that he had been detained by the Emir; he hoped, however, -to be able to get away very soon and arrange my escape. Then the -consignment of chlorate of potash put in its appearance—about twelve -hundredweight, I was told—and Sirri getting hold of a small sample of -it, we showed it to Hamadan to prove that we were just succeeding with -our experiments. He was satisfied, as was also Abdullahi, and we were -told to continue our work. - -However, the tales which were coming in every few days were causing no -little anxiety to the Khaleefa. None of us believed that the troops -were coming across the desert in “iron devils,” and it was some -time before we understood that a railway was being built. Indeed we -could hardly believe it. Whatever the “iron devil” was, it behoved -the Khaleefa to look well to his arms and ammunition. Sheikh ed Din -was sent on a round of inspection of stores and arsenals,[11] and -discovered that a large quantity of the |234| powder had caked with -the absorption of moisture, that other large quantities were of very -poor quality, and that the powder-stores in general were not as he -thought they were. The Khaleefa threatened to cut a hand and foot off -both Abd es Semmieh and Hassan Hosny, the directors of the factory, if -they did not work the powder up again into a good explosive. Awwad, -as the head of the Beit-el-Mal, came and asked if it was not possible -to make some sort of machine for pulverizing the ingredients for the -powder; the work was then being done by hand. I tried to interest -Nahoum Abbajee in the work, as it was about time we got clear of -our alchemists’ establishment on some excuse or another, otherwise -I foresaw trouble if Sheikh ed Din should inquire too closely into -our work. But Abbajee thought that he had had quite enough of me in -connection with experiments and machinery, and decided to be out of -the affair altogether; he thought his life had been in enough jeopardy -already. Sirri elected to remain. - - [11] A few errors have crept into the report submitted to the - Earl of Kimberley in April, 1895, after the escape of Slatin. - - On page 4 it is stated that the church of the Austrian Mission - in Khartoum was utilized as the repairing shops of the arsenal. - The church was never put to such a purpose. The account I have - given of the purpose to which it was put is the correct one. - - On page 7 it is stated “Neufeld started the first saltpetre - refinery in Khartoum.” This may or may not be correct, but - it is very misleading. The refining of saltpetre for the - Khaleefa was a big industry in Darfour and the environs of - Omdurman and Khartoum long before I had anything to do with - it. The account I have given as to how I came to be connected - with this industry may be relied upon as being correct, while - there are many living witnesses, irrespective of the stock - of my saltpetre still existing, to prove that I deliberately - prevented “the refining of saltpetre” so far as it lay in my - power to do so. - - In the following paragraph to that quoted, it is stated that - the powder-factory was at Halfeyeh. It never was. It was first - in Omdurman, and, after the explosion, was gradually removed to - Tuti Island. The transfer was not complete when I left Khartoum - for the Saier in November, 1897. - - On page 10, when speaking of the coins in circulation, it is - said, “This decrease in the intrinsic value of money is an - interesting indication of the decline of dervish power and - government.” The inference to be drawn from my account of its - depreciation is just the reverse, but is the correct inference - to be drawn. - -I invented a powder machine on the principle of the old German “dolly” -toy. We spent a few weeks, assisted by Hamaida, the head of the -carpenters, in making a model, which worked beautifully; and when it -was shown to the Khaleefa, he was so delighted that he ordered my -chains to be removed. The mortars were put in hand at once, also the -beam which |235| was to lift and let fall the pulverizers, and then -it was discovered that the machine could not be made to my dimensions. -I knew this when I designed it, but I had hoped that some one would -have been sent south to try and find trees large enough to provide -the beams, and so delay would be assured. Osta Abdallah and Khaleel -Hassanein, jealous maybe of me, and fearing that their positions were -in danger of being taken by myself, went to the Khaleefa, and told -him that, in their opinion, I was only “fooling” with him. They also -suggested that Awwad-el-Mardi was a friend of the Government, and was -helping me on this account; but Yacoub, who was present, supported me. -In the course of the interview, the Khaleefa said he had heard that in -my country women and children made cartridges with machines, and as -I must know all about it, I was to make him such a machine while the -powder-mill was being constructed. - -For ten years I had been so chained and weighted with iron that it -was only with effort I was able to raise my feet from the ground in -order to shuffle from place to place; the bars of iron connected with -the anklets had limited the stride or shuffle to about ten or twelve -inches. When freed from all this, I ran and jumped about the whole -day long like one possessed; but the sudden call upon muscles so long -unused resulted in a swelling of the legs from hips to ankles, and -this was accompanied with most excruciating pains. I had just got the -drawings ready for the cartridge-machine when I was compelled to lie -up. This gave Osta Abdallah and Hassanein another |236| chance to -approach the Khaleefa, and again they suggested that I was “fooling.” - -Awwad was sent for, and in reply to the Khaleefa, said that he believed -I was doing my best, and would certainly succeed; that had he not -believed in me himself, he would never have recommended him to employ -me on such important works. Yacoub again took my part, and said that -whoever did not assist me, or whoever hindered me, would be considered -an enemy of Mahdieh. Although, as he admitted, he did not understand -the machines, yet in his opinion “there must be something in the head -of the man who invented them, and he was better employed in the arsenal -than idling his time in the Saier.” Awwad also said that if Osta -Abdallah and Hassanein had not and could not find the materials for the -construction of the machines, he believed that I could make another one -with such materials as they had. This decided the matter—both machines -were to be proceeded with; but the Khaleefa agreed to my being put -into chains to prevent my escaping, and on the thirteenth day of my -freedom the chains were replaced. Being unable to move from my house, -the joiners, with a lathe, their tools and material, were sent to -me, as the Khaleefa wished the machine to be completed as rapidly as -possible. Abdallah Sulieman, the chief of the cartridge-factory, was -then employing upwards of fifteen hundred men, and the Khaleefa wished -to release them for fighting purposes. - -[Illustration: POWDER-MACHINES.] - -My efforts to obtain either the original models or photographs of -them not having so far been successful, |237| I have had models of -the machines made here. Those interested in mechanics will discover -for themselves the mechanical defects and unnecessary complications -introduced into them. I was working under the supervision of fairly -good mechanical engineers, so that defects might not be made too -glaring. Some were detected and rectified, but the main defects were -not seen, being beyond the powers of calculation of Abdallah; and -Hamaida, who could and did see them, was enjoying the pranks which -were played. The various ideas I had picked up while associated with -Gordon’s old corps were now standing me in good stead. When the model -of the cartridge-machine was taken over to Abdullahi, instead of being -pleased with it he was furious: Berber had been taken! He said, “I want -cartridges, not models;” and gave orders that I should be taken from my -house, kept at work all day in the arsenal, and locked up at night in -the arsenal prison with the convicts employed there as labourers. - -To gain more time, I insisted upon a full-sized wooden model of the -cartridge-machine being first made for the metal workers to work from. -Yacoub had given orders that all the material and labour of the arsenal -was to be put at my disposition. While the wooden model was being made, -I occupied myself in selecting the metal required, and in doing this -I laid hands upon everything Osta Abdallah required for the ordinary -works in hand. I appropriated the paddle axle of one of the steamers, -as I said I required this to be cut with eccentric |238| discs, and -did my best to smash the best lathe with it, to give me still more -time; but the lathe stood the strain, and four or five discs were -actually cut in the axle. - -It would have taken them another year to cut the remainder at the -rate the work was progressing, and probably four years to make the -machine; then when it was finished there would have been an accident, -and some people would have been killed or maimed, for that paddle axle -would have come tearing through the machine with the first revolution. -I was taking a fiendish delight in destroying every good piece of -metal I could lay my hands on under pretence of its being required -for the machine; the copper and brass which I appropriated interfered -considerably with the production of the cartridges, and the skilled -workmen whom I kept employed delayed for months the finishing touches -to the new powder-factory on Tuti Island. But there could be no going -back now. Abdallah was my sworn enemy; but I knew that the more I -destroyed under his own eyes, the less risk there was of his going to -the Khaleefa again to induce him to believe that the whole of my work -was, as he called it, “shoogal khabbass”—all lies, for Abdallah himself -would get into trouble for not having discovered it before all the -damage had been done. - -While still engaged on collecting material for the machine (for no -sooner was one lot cut up when it was discovered that some mistake had -been made in either length or thickness, so that another raid had to -be made on the stores), the steamer _Safia_ |239| was brought up and -beached opposite Mokran fort for repairs. Instead of being allowed -to settle on a cradle running the whole length of her keel, she was -supported only amidships, and her bow and stern tore away. All the -boats were at this time in the charge of the Beit-el-Mal, and when -Osta Abdallah condemned the _Safia_, and said it was impossible to -repair her, Awwad-el-Mardi, fearing the Khaleefa’s displeasure at such -a time, asked me if it was not possible to repair her. Taking with us -a number of men discontented with Osta Abdallah, we examined the boat, -and declared that she could be repaired. Awwad was pleased, and I was -appointed superintendent of this work too. My superintendence consisted -in hiding below and smoking surreptitiously. - -Sometime in August, 1897, Onoor returned to Omdurman, and sent messages -to me through Umm es Shole. The import of them will be seen from the -following letter, which I was able to write and smuggle over to him; -the letter was to be delivered to the first officer he came across:― - - “In accordance with my arrangement with the bearer Onoor, I succeeded - in getting liberated from the Saier, and moved over to Khartoum, - where I have spent two years in the arsenal under surveillance. - Onoor has been unable to meet me personally to consult over plans - for escape, which offers little difficulty provided I had funds. In - May, 1896, Onoor sent me, through his agent, your letter, and gave - me to understand that the money mentioned in this letter was in his - possession, and that he was awaiting an opportunity to bring it to - Khartoum. Now (July-August, 1897) he has come to Omdurman only to find - me in a difficult position, owing to the progress of the war. He tells - me he was ordered to Suakin, where he was put in prison, and the money - he had for me taken from him, |240| as he had no reply from me to the - letter sent, or any evidence to show that the letter had been sent. - He has borrowed some money here, for which I have gone bail for fifty - pounds, and Onoor promises to be back in three months’ time with news - from you and the money required for my support and escape. The course - of the war will soon deliver us alive or dead from the hands of this - savage rabble. - - “The greater part of the arsenal has been moved over to the - Beit-el-Mal at Omdurman owing to the war, and the remaining material - will follow very shortly, and I will go over with it, when I may - have an opportunity of meeting Onoor if nothing occurs to disturb - the extremely good relations existing between myself and my present - masters. Please give Onoor (here follows a list of medicines); - practising medicine facilitates my communication with the outer world. - I hope Onoor will find with you a letter from my family; I am in good - health, as is also my daughter Bakhita, and her mother Umm es Shole. - We send you greetings.” - -News was coming each day of the most alarming description for the -Khaleefa; tales of big gunboats coming to reconnoitre Khartoum, and the -“iron devil” (the railway) creeping forward, decided him on collecting -everything under his eyes. All stores were hurried over to Omdurman; -a hundred and fifty to two hundred men were sent over to destroy -the mission house, mosque, and other buildings in Khartoum, as the -Khaleefa was determined to leave no place of shelter for any troops -who succeeded in landing there. I was looked upon with the greatest -suspicion, as there was no concealing, try as I might, my anxiety to -glean every bit of news possible about the expedition, and I was also -in a fever of excitement expecting the return of Onoor. Each day was -bristling with opportunities for escape, provided there was a man with -a camel ready for me on the opposite |241| shore. With the dozens -of boats and hundreds of men employed in transferring the arsenal to -the other side of the river, a successful escape was assured; but -Onoor never came. Towards the end of November, 1897, I was taken over -with the last of the arsenal material to Omdurman, and put into the -Saier prison, only until, as I was told, a house could be got ready -for me in the Beit-el-Mal, where we were to complete the powder-and -cartridge-machines. - - - - -|242| - -CHAPTER XX - -PREPARING TO RECEIVE THE GUNBOATS - - -When I returned to the Saier in November, 1897, it was as a visitor—a -distinguished one at that. I was told that I was only to remain there -until my quarters in the Beit-el-Mal were ready for occupation, -when I was to leave the prison and continue the construction of the -powder-and cartridge-machines, to the completion of which the Khaleefa -and Yacoub were looking forward with no little interest and anxiety. -But once inside the gates of the Saier, Osta Abdallah and Khaleel -Hassanein determined to keep me there, and succeeded in doing so. When -Awwad-el-Mardi again interested himself on my behalf, these worthies -succeeded in persuading Yacoub that Awwad’s interest in me was sure -evidence of his sympathies with the Government, and their schemes ended -by Awwad also being sent into the prison with threats of what would -happen to him if he attempted to hold any intercourse with me. - -[Illustration: A GROUP—FROM PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN AT THE FEAST OF BEIRAM, -1899. - -1. Mohammed Sirri, formerly telegraph clerk at Berber. He, with Hassan -Bey Hassanein, cut the Khaleefa’s communications. - -2. Morgan Torjin. Imprisoned for two years for telling the Khaleefa -that he insisted on being allowed to smoke tobacco and drink Marissa. - -3. Khaleel Agha Orphali. - -4. Said Bey Gumaa. - -5. Osman Bey Daali, commandant of Irregular troops in Sennaar. - -6. Hassan Bey Hassanein. - -7. Sheikh Ali Toulba, formerly of the Khartoum Medrassa (college). - -8. Ahmed Riad, formerly head clerk of Slatin at Dara. He it was who -wrote the letters calling upon Said Gumaa to submit to the Mahdi, and -who accompanied Slatin to Zoghal when Dara was surrendered. - -9. Mohammad Farag, former officer of Dara troops. - -10. Rhubrian Baalbal, clerk to Lupton. - -11. Sheikh Taher Farrag, Kassala Medrassa (college). - -12. Ahmed Yusef Kandeel, clerk to Wad Nejoumi. - -13. Hassan Bey Abdel Minain, president of the Court of Appeal at -Khartoum.] - -It was possibly a week after entering the prison that Umm es Shole -came in to say that she had seen and spoken to Onoor Issa, who had not -left |243| Omdurman—the same Onoor whose return I had looked for so -anxiously during the time of the transfer of the arsenal from Khartoum, -when each day bristled with opportunities for successful flight! -Fearing that he might play me false, and hand the notes I had given -him to the Khaleefa as an earnest of his loyalty to him, I sent off -Umm es Shole, and told her to say that I had a few notes to add to the -letters which I had given him. Onoor at once suspected my reasons for -sending for them, and replied that he was not pleased with my want of -confidence in him, that he had a permit to proceed to Suakin for trade, -but, having fallen under suspicion, he had so far been prevented from -leaving, though he hoped to be able to leave any day. Upon this I again -trusted him, and added the following to my notes, sending them out to -him as soon as it was written:― - - “News from here (the Saier); Slatin knows Omdurman prison. From the - Beit-el-Mal to Morrada along the river are six semicircular forts with - flanks; each fort has three guns, but the flanks are loopholed for - musketry only. The parapets are of Nile mud, and appear to be three - metres thick. Most of the forts are situated close under the high - wall. There is a similar fort at the north end of Tuti Island, two - more at Halfeyeh, and the same number at Hugra, north of Omdurman. - Two batteries near Mukran sweep the White Nile and the arm which - skirts Tuti Island, and I have just heard that some one has offered - to lay torpedoes in the Nile to blow up the steamers. Slatin knows - more about the army than I do; Wad Bessir has come in from Ghizera - with about two thousand men. Osman Digna, with a force I have not - learned the strength of, is at Halfeyeh. Onoor will tell you all - about these troops. Ahmed Fedeel is at Sabalooka (Shabluka), and his - strength is better known to you than me. The whole population left - here is in the greatest dread of this savage rabble and their rulers, - and pray God to deliver them out of their |244| hands, and that you - may save them from the fate of the Jaalin. I pray you to keep this - letter an absolute secret. There are traitors among your spies” (this - remark was confirmed a few weeks later); “if the least inkling of my - communications with you reach the Khaleefa’s ears, it will be all over - with me. Answer me in German, as no one else here understands the - language. It is a mistake to trust any Arab—civilized or uncivilized. - Onoor is the only one who has brought me any news. He is the best - man to go between us. In expectation of an early reply from you, I - subscribe myself yours devotedly, and pray God he may enable me to - join you soon. I have been moved from Khartoum to the Omdurman prison - only until my house is ready in the Beit-el-Mal. - - The Khaleefa has received news that steamers are coming to reconnoitre - Khartoum.” - -It was not until the end of December that Onoor succeeded in obtaining -permission to leave Omdurman; and then hurrying to Suakin, he handed -in my notes to the commandant there, returning six months later with -his thanks for the information given and money to keep me going. It is -passing strange that my trouble in collecting information about the -forts, writing to the advancing army, and giving what details I could, -should have given those on the way to Omdurman the impression that it -was “Neufeld’s forts” which were being knocked to pieces. Even my good -friend—that King of War Correspondents—Mr. Bennet Burleigh, was good -enough to tell me that he believed I had designed and constructed them. -They were all the work, from beginning to end, of Youssef Mansour. - -At the time I am speaking of, the prison was filled with suspected -sympathizers with the Government; the presence of Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi -and |245| Awwad-el-Mardi has already been alluded to. Hogal, who -should have accompanied me on the expedition to Kordofan, was also -a prisoner; but it was three months before I was able to steal an -interview with him—about the time of the anniversary of my capture—and -then I learned, at almost the hour of my release, the real history of -my capture. Our circle of “Government people” was added to daily; one -of the most interesting additions being a party of sixteen or seventeen -spies, amongst whom was Worrak from Dongola, Abdalla Mahassi from -Derawi, Ajjail from Kassala, and others from Suakin. They had been -betrayed by other spies; I have forgotten the names of the traitors, -but it is of little moment now, as doubtless the betrayed settled up -their accounts on the taking of Omdurman. The betrayer or betrayers -were Dongolawi—perhaps the only coterie of thieves on earth who have no -honour among themselves. - -Whatever may have been the excitement and anxiety in other parts of -the world concerning the Sirdar’s advance, we had our share of both in -Omdurman. Strange tales had reached us of offers of assistance sent to -the Khaleefa to resist the advance of the troops. Shortly before I left -Khartoum, a field-gun had arrived from the south as a present for the -Khaleefa; it was accompanied by a limited supply of ammunition—brass -cartridges carrying a shell in the same way as the rifle carries its -bullet. One of the cartridges was sent to the Khartoum arsenal, to see -if others could be made like it. Various tales were told concerning its -origin; but as the gun must have been taken at the |246| capture of -Omdurman, its real history has no doubt been traced. - -It was only when I met in prison Ibrahim Wad Hamza of Berber, and -Hamed Wad-el-Malek, that I learned from them what had transpired -when the King of Abyssinia sent an envoy to the Khaleefa asking his -assistance against the Italians. The envoy had been brought to the -Khartoum arsenal to inspect it, but I was not allowed to speak to him. -An arrangement had been come to by which the Abyssinians were to open -up trade routes from Gallabat, and send in so much coffee and other -articles of food monthly, in return for the promised assistance of the -Khaleefa in attacking the Italians; but the contributions or tribute -was paid for a few months only, as another envoy came with offers of -assistance against the advancing armies. He was the bearer of a flag -which he asked the Khaleefa to fly, as the troops might not fire at -it; the conferences, like all conferences between the Khaleefa and -strangers, were held privately, but at the end of the last conference, -the Khaleefa gave his reply in the presence of the Emirs and others. -Handing back the flag, he said, “My mission is a holy and religious -one; I trust to God for help and success; I do not want the help of -Christians. If ever I required the help of man, the Mohammedan boy -Abbas is nearer and better to me,” and with this he waved the envoy -and his companions off. The only construction we could place on -the concluding sentence, was that the Khaleefa wished every one to -understand that, sooner than accept the help of a Christian power, he -would |247| surrender to the Khedive, and this meant never, for he was -looking forward to the day when he would erect his scaffolds in the -Cairo citadel, and haul up the Khedive and “Burrin” (Lord Cromer) as -his first victims. To the Soudanese, Lord Cromer, or “Burrin,” as they -mispronounced Baring, held the same relation to the Khedive as Yacoub -did to the Khaleefa. - -From the day Mahmoud started until the arrival of the victorious army -in Omdurman, I was pestered with questions day and night; the Mahdists -wished to know whether the advancing troops belonged to the sheikh who -sent the troops for Gordon in 1884; those against Mahdieh wished to -know if they belonged to the other sheikh. From the Arabic papers which -found their way to Omdurman, the Soudanese had learned that there were -two tribes in England, each led by powerful sheikhs; one, the sheikh of -1884, and the other the sheikh who had said that when he started there -would be no coming back until he had “broken up” (smashed) Mahdieh. To -the Mahdists, it was the troops who “ran away” who were coming again; -to the “Government” people it was immaterial which sheikh was in power; -British troops were advancing, and that was enough. At night our circle -would sift and discuss all the tales we had heard during the day, and -although we were filled with hope, anxiety and fear got the better of -us on most occasions. - -When Mahmoud was sent off, his instructions were to wait at Metemmeh, -and do all in his power to harass the troops as they crossed the river; -if strong enough |248| to attack them, he was to do so, but if they -were stronger, he was to retire gradually to Kerreri, where an old -prophecy had foretold that the great battle was to take place. Mahmoud -disobeyed these instructions, and crossed to the east bank, upon which -the Khaleefa sent him orders not to remain in a zareeba or trenches, -but to attack the infidels in the open. Hardly had the excitement -caused by Mahmoud’s defiance of the Khaleefa’s orders died down, when -the news came that he had attacked and annihilated the English army. -But other news than this followed on its heels; we learned the truth -from a band of about thirty-eight blacks wearing the Egyptian uniform. -They were dervishes taken at Dongola and Abou Hamad, and drafted into -the army. At the Atbara they deserted to the dervishes, but suspected -of being spies, they were sent to the Saier. The whole truth came out -when Osman Digna came back to Omdurman to report to the Khaleefa. - -“What news have you brought me, and how fare the faithful?” inquired -Abdullahi. “Master,” replied Osman, “I led them to Paradise.” Now, -Osman had been doing this at every battle for years, and the Khaleefa’s -patience was exhausted; he wanted victories, and not pilgrimages of his -best troops to the next world. “Then why did you not go with them?” -retorted Abdullahi. “God,” replied Osman, “had not ordained it so; -He must have more work for me to do; when that work is finished, He -will call me.” It was well known to the Khaleefa, and every one else -in the Soudan, that Osman had an excellent eye for a |249| field of -battle, and knew an hour before any one else did, when to make a bolt -for it on a losing day. Osman’s appearance was quite sufficient to let -people understand that all the tales of victory on the side of the -dervishes were false, and it was useless for the Khaleefa to try any -longer to conceal the truth, but some explanation had to be given for -the terrible rout of his army. It was all the doing of an outraged -Deity. Mahmoud had disobeyed the orders transmitted through Abdullahi -by the Prophet, and this was the result! As other stragglers came -in, extraordinary tales were told of enormous steamers with enormous -guns which fired “devils” and “lightning”; this description probably -referred to the rockets, which, I gathered, had ricochetted all over -Mahmoud’s camp, playing terrible havoc. - -On the fall of Dongola, a Mograbin (from Tunis, or Algiers), named -Nowraani, had offered his services to Yacoub, as a maker of torpedoes, -and with these he said he could blow up every boat on the Nile. His -offer at the time was refused, as the Khaleefa said that it was his -intention to capture all these boats for himself; he did not wish -them to be destroyed. But the tales which came in about them after -the Atbara fight, showed that something must be done to secure them. -Abdallah and Hassanein undertook to make a “boom” of chains across the -Sabalooka (Shabluka) pass, and for this purpose almost every scrap -of chain in Omdurman was collected. Their plan, as described to me, -was as follows: the chains were to be laid across the stream, their -ends made fast to posts on the opposite |250| banks of the Nile. To -prevent them from sinking to the bed of the stream, a series of large -wooden buoys had been made, and these were to be fixed at intervals -along the boom. It had been calculated that the buoys would, with the -weight of the chains, be sunk just below the surface of the water, and -also keep the chains in a series of loops; these loops were intended -to entangle the paddles and propellers of the gunboats, and, while so -entangled, Mansour’s picked men were to shoot every one on board, and -then, releasing the boats, bring them on to Omdurman. That was the -arrangement. - -Employed in the arsenal at the time was a man named Mohammad Burrai—a -Government sympathizer, and a bitter enemy of Mansour and the others; -he was entrusted with the attaching of the buoys at the fixed points -in the boom. A few days after the boom was sent down the river, and, -while I was “practising” the healing art at the gates of the prison, -I received an interesting patient; it was Burrai, his head so wrapped -up in cloths as to make him unrecognizable. He told me first of the -arrangements made for the boom, and how he had succeeded in destroying -it. The chains had been laid over the sterns of boats anchored in the -Nile from bank to bank, and Burrai had fixed the buoys to them, but -instead of making the buoys _fast_ at these points, he merely slipped -the rings round the boom so that the buoys could run from one end to -the other. The word was given to slip the boom off the boats. The -buoys with the force of the current were carried to the centre |251| -of the boom, and, with the resistance offered by them to the stream, -the cables snapped and were lost. Burrai’s object in coming to me will -be divined; having been employed on the construction of the boom, he -might, when the English arrived, be shot as a Mahdist, and he wished to -tell me, as a “Government man,” what he had done, so that I could speak -up for him. This I promised to do. - -There were no more chains left with which to make another boom, but -those terrible boats must be stopped from coming to Omdurman, and -Nowraani was sent for to explain his project again. He proposed to -take two large tubular boilers, then lying at Khartoum, cut them in -two, fill them with powder, seal up the open ends, and fire them -by electricity as the boats passed over them. Sirri, the former -telegraph-clerk at Berber, was asked to design the electrical -apparatus, but he pleaded ignorance of such things. I was next sent -to, to give my opinion as to the feasibility of Nowraani’s plan. It -was explained to me that each half of the boilers would contain thirty -cantars (a ton and a half) of gunpowder; then it was mines, and not -torpedoes, the man wished to make; however, the name “torpedo” was -always used. I replied that I had heard, as Nowraani said, of torpedoes -being used in the sea for the destruction of great ships, but had never -heard of them being used in rivers, and I doubted his ability to make -them. The Khaleefa was not satisfied with my answer, and sent word -that he believed I could assist in the making of them, but would not. -To this, again, I said I should be only too |252| pleased to help -Nowraani in his work, but what he proposed to do was very dangerous and -risky. I said I felt sure that the only result would be an explosion -while the torpedoes were being made, and that, while I did not mind -being killed myself, I would not like to meet Allah responsible for the -lives of others. Perhaps I made a mistake in putting forward religious -scruples, for the Khaleefa never believed in my conversion; he took it -for granted that I refused to help, and told the Saier to load me with -an extra chain and bar. - -Nowraani insisted that his plans were feasible, and a small -experimental “torpedo” was ordered to be made; Mansour, Hassanein, -and Abdallah superintended the work, which was carried out in almost -absolute secrecy. When finished, the mine was taken over to the Blue -Nile, made fast under a boat, and exploded. The result was most -satisfactory—the boat being blown to matchwood, and a large column -of mud and water thrown into the air, which was more impressive, -evidently, than the destruction of the boat. - -[Illustration: NEUFELD DOUBLY FETTERED.] - -The “torpedoes” were ordered immediately, and men were kept working -night and day for their completion; the boilers were cut in two, plates -fitted to the open ends, wires and “strings,” as it was described to -me, fitted to mechanism in the interior, and in maybe a fortnight’s -time I learned that four big and one small torpedo were fastened to -gyassas ready to be lowered into the stream, while others were being -made. Again I received a visit from Burrai; he had |253| to assist -in the laying of the mines, and wanted to know from me how they might -be rendered useless. From his description of the wires and lines -running in pairs, I came to the conclusion that electricity was to be -the medium for their explosion, especially as Burrai’s instructions -were to take charge of these lines, pay them out as the torpedoes sank, -and make the free ends of the line fast to posts, which had been fixed -on the land just south of Khor Shamba. I told him that if either wire -or string of the pairs of lines was broken, the torpedoes could not be -fired, and suggested his giving a hard tug to one of the lines as soon -as the “barrel” as he called the mines, was lowered to the bed of the -stream. - -What happened we know; how it happened we never shall. Burrai was -seen on the _Ismailia_, which towed down the stone-laden gyassas with -the torpedoes; the gyassas were to have a hole knocked in them, and -the boat and torpedoes allowed to sink gradually. One torpedo had -been lowered, and an explosion immediately followed. The boats with -Nowraani and between thirty and forty men were blown to atoms; the -_Ismailia_ was blown in two—the stern floating a few yards down stream -and sinking. Burrai was picked out of the water with the whole of the -flesh of the calf of his left leg blown clear away, and also the flesh -from his ribs on the left side. He lingered for seven days, asking -repeatedly for me; but all that I was allowed to do was to send him -carbolic acid for his wounds—I was not allowed to go and see him. To -all inquiries as to how the accident |254| happened he could, or -would, only say that all he did was to pull in the slack of the lines, -to prevent their becoming entangled. - -Sorry as I am for poor Burrai’s death, I cannot consider that I am in -any way to blame for it; I can only think that some system of fuse, or -detonator, had been fixed to the “torpedoes,” and that the very action -which I had suggested to render them useless had exploded them. About -the time that the mines exploded, Onoor returned, or, at least, I -received the news of his return, by receiving the letter and money he -had brought from Suakin. Every one with leanings towards the Government -was now coming to me in prison under one pretext or another, to give -me information as to all that was going on; it was to their interest -to do so, as to the end I was looked upon as an official. Owing to -this, I was able to send out to Onoor slips of paper giving as nearly -correct details as possible of the number of various arms possessed -by the dervishes, the stock of ammunition, and the Khaleefa’s plans -as far as they were known. In one of my notes I informed the army -of the explosion of the “torpedoes,” and the existence of two other -mines ready to be sent off, with details concerning the forts. I asked -Onoor to get away with these as quickly as possible, and he promised -to do so. I do not know who he handed these notes to, or whether he -handed them over himself; he replies to my inquiries by writing me -from Omdurman saying that he was arrested on the Nile by Osman Digna, -but whether coming or going from the army it is impossible to say. -My own opinion is that Onoor, |255| not knowing how the day would -go, remained in Omdurman the whole time. If the English won, his life -was safe as a well-known spy; if the dervishes won, he was among his -own people, and could take credit for having contributed towards the -victory. He was not the only one in the Soudan who debated chances and -probabilities as did Hassib Gabou, and Hogal when Gabou talked him over -on April 1, 1887. - -No sooner had my “latest intelligence” been sent off by Onoor, than an -arsenal carpenter, Mohammad Ragheb, came to me on the subject of the -remaining torpedoes. He had been ordered to assist in the laying of -them, and was particularly anxious to learn from me how he might render -them useless, and no less anxious that I should make a mental note -of the fact so that I could say a “good word” for him if ever he was -accused of trying to impede the advance of the “Government.” Associated -with him was a no particular friend of mine—Ali Baati, and others; -but there was no mistaking their earnest desire and real anxiety to -circumvent all the schemes of Mansour, Hassanein, and Abdallah in -favour of the Government troops. - -Ragheb could give me no more information as to the firing medium of the -mines than could Burrai; all he could tell me was that the “barrels” -had the wires wrapped two or three times round them to prevent their -being pulled or dragged in removal. I suggested first that he should -chip away any cement which he thought filled any hole or crevice; -this would allow of the water penetrating. Next I suggested that he -should, as the boats carrying the mines went down |256| the river, -try and “snip” any or all of the wires running round the “barrel,” but -cutting the wires in different places, so that the trick would not -be discovered. Ragheb must have succeeded, for neither of the mines -exploded, although Mansour had appointed people to fire them as the -gunboats passed. - -It is impossible for me, away from the spot where association would -bring to memory the incidents of those stirring times, to remember the -names of all who came to me asking what they might do to evidence, -before the arrival of the troops, their loyalty to the Government, -and it must not be forgotten that they were running risks in fighting -Mahdieh. It is but right that I should record the one or two striking -examples which occur to me, especially in the face of my oft-expressed -opinion that there are one or two released captives, who should not -even be allowed the formality of a drum-head court-martial. - - - - -|257| - -CHAPTER XXI - -NEARING THE END - - -Events were now following each other in rapid succession. In the -universal excitement prevailing, sleep was almost unknown, drums were -beaten and ombeyehs blown continuously day and night, days and dates -were lost count of; even Friday, that one day in the week in Mahdieh, -was lost sight of by most, and the prayers were left unsaid. - -Councils of war were the order of the day—and night; and what tales we -heard! The Emir Abd-el-Baagi had been entrusted by the Khaleefa and -Yacoub with keeping in touch with the advancing armies, and sending -to Omdurman information of every movement. Never was a general better -served with “intelligence” than was Abdullahi by Abd-el-Baagi; his -messengers were arriving every few hours in the early days, and hourly -towards the end. It was with no little astonishment that we heard -Sabalooka was to be abandoned. The boom of chains which was to entangle -the paddles of the gunboats had snapped, therefore it was the will of -Allah that the boats were to come on. Then the mines exploded. Again it -was Allah, who in this showed that |258| he would not have His designs -interfered with. The real truth of the matter was, that the troops at -Sabalooka, hearing that the gunboats had guns which could send one of -the “devils” (shells) half a day’s journey, and over hills too, took -upon themselves to retire out of range. - -There was an old prophecy to the effect that the great fight would -take place on the plains of Kerreri. Here the infidels were to be -exterminated, and all the waverers on the side of the faithful were -to be killed, the remnant collecting afterwards and then starting -off, a purified army, on the conquest of the whole world. Again, it -was decided that the faithful were to collect in Omdurman, and allow -the infidels to come on. While attacks were being made against them -on the western flank and rear, a great sortie was to be made from -the town, when the infidels, pressed back to Kerreri plains, would -be caught between three fires, and exterminated. The gunboats, with -their “devils,” would be afraid to shoot, as they would kill their own -people. But no sooner had this been decided upon when objections were -raised. Those gunboats could anchor half a day’s journey off, knock -Omdurman to pieces, and bury the faithful under the ruins. - -Again the prophecy was alluded to, and a move out to meet the armies -finally decided upon. Every man was to be taken out of Omdurman, so -that, if the infidels should succeed in reaching the town, they would -find only women and children, and instead of their being the besiegers, -they would become the besieged. |259| - -Omdurman was overrun by Abdullahi’s spies, who, professing to be -friendly towards the “Government,” tried to wheedle out of known -friends of the Government expressions of opinion as to the chances of -success to the Mahdists’ arms, and at the same time to ascertain the -general feeling of the populace. Their favourite hunting-ground was of -course the Saier, where the more influential people were incarcerated. -From the persistence with which these spies pressed their inquiries as -to the chances of success which might attend large bodies deserting -to the Ingleezee under cover of darkness—their anxiety to learn how -they might approach the camp without being fired upon before they had -been given an opportunity of evidencing their peaceable intentions—we -came to the conclusion that Abdullahi had been advised to make a -night attack. Few knew better than we did what might be the result of -such a tactic. At close quarters the dervish horde was more than a -match for the best-drilled army in Europe. Swift and silent in their -movements, covering the ground at four or five times the speed of -trained troops, every man, when the moment of attack came, accustomed -to fight independently of orders, lithe and supple, nimble as cats and -as bloodthirsty as starving man-eating tigers, utterly regardless of -their own lives, and capable of continuing stabbing and jabbing with -spear and sword while carrying half a dozen wounds, any one of which -would have put a European _hors de combat_—such were the 75,000 to -80,000 warriors which the Khaleefa had ready to attack the Sirdar’s -little army. Artillery, |260| rifles, and bayonets would have been but -of little avail against a horde like this rushing a camp by night. - -We had heard from the prisoner deserters how, at the Atbara, the -armies had advanced by night and delivered their attack at dawn, first -shelling the zareeba with their “devils,” which “came from such a great -distance.” With Fauzi, Hamza the Jaalin, and others, I came to the -conclusion that the same tactics would be employed for the attack at -Kerreri; therefore, to the spies we swore that the English never did -things twice in the same way; that they would on this occasion march -during the day and attack at night, since the Sirdar would be afraid -to let his soldiers see the Khaleefa’s great army, as they would all -run away if they did. Our advice was that the faithful should remain in -their camp, and await the attack. It would have been very awkward for -me had the Sirdar planned a night attack, for he would have found the -dervishes on the _qui vive_ awaiting him, and then I might have been -blamed for the advice I had given. However, I believed that a night -attack would be the very last thing he would resort to, and any tale -from our side was good enough, provided doubts were raised in the minds -of the Khaleefa and his advisers as to the chances of success which -would attend his attacking by night. - -The population at this period may be said to have divided itself into -three camps; the one praying—and sincerely, for the victory to Mahdieh; -the second praying openly to the same end, but breathing prayers to -Heaven for just the reverse; the third camp—and |261| this the bigger -of the three, consisting of those waiting to see which side would -probably win in order to throw in its lot with it. Dozens of people, -who really were friends of the Government, came to me in prison asking -advice as to what they might do before the troops actually arrived to -evidence their loyalty, and it must not be forgotten that they were -risking death at the hour of deliverance. To most I was still the -“brother of Stephenson el Ingleezee,” and there were “brothers” of mine -coming up with the Government troops. - -I was able, through these people, to collect the information I was -sending off daily by spies. Abdallah-el-Mahassi, who had received some -message from Major Fitton, asking about me, and also asking for all -information procurable concerning the arms and ammunition possessed by -the dervishes, sent to me the spy Worrak, who had been released from -prison, for any information I could give. Worrak, doubtless looking -forward to a reward, decided upon delivering my messages himself. He -was to be accompanied by two others; so, besides giving him notes -with the numbers of rifles, etc., issued to the troops, and a last -warning about the mines near Halfeyeh, I gave the information verbally -to the three, so that, in the event of it being found necessary to -destroy the papers, the verbal messages would get through. Worrak and -his companions left, but were intercepted by Abd-el-Baagi’s scouts. -Inflating their water-skins, they took to the river under a shower of -bullets. Worrak must have been killed or drowned, |262| as he was not -seen again; but the two others reached the British lines, delivered the -messages, and said that they would be confirmed by Worrak, who they -then thought must have been carried by the current to the east bank of -the Nile. These were the last messengers I actually sent off. - -One of the Saier gaolers had worked himself into a state of frenzied -excitement in describing, for the edification of the prisoners—and mine -in particular, the coming destruction of the infidels. He gloated over -the time when the principal officers—their eyes gouged out to prevent -their looking upon the benign face of his master, would be brought into -the Saier, and there baited for the amusement of the populace. How -little the Sirdar thought, on that September evening, that one of the -gaolers grovelling at his feet had, but a few days previously, looked -forward to the time when he, blinded and shackled, would be lashed -round the place, and, with the rest of my “brothers,” spend the nights -in the “Umm Hagar.” This gaoler, in his mad enthusiasm, rushed at me, -and nearly succeeded in gouging out my left eye. There was a struggle, -and getting up almost breathless, and certainly driven to desperation, -I turned stupidly round, and prophesied, for his edification this -time, that the destruction he had predicted for my “brothers” was the -destruction which was to fall upon Mahdieh. - -[Illustration: SHEREEF, THE “FALSE FOURTH KHALEEFA.”] - -It was fortunate for me that, for a few days previous, Idris es Saier -had been sending for me, under one pretext and another, and asking what -action he should |263| take in case the English won the battle. -I promised that if he treated me well, I would say “good words” for -him; but perhaps Fauzi’s tale made the greatest impression upon him. -Fauzi related that when the English took Egypt there was one gaoler -at Alexandria and another at Cairo. The gaoler at Cairo treated -his prisoners well, and so the English promoted him; the gaoler at -Alexandria killed his prisoners, and ran away to another country across -the seas, but the English brought him back, and hanged him in his old -prison. Knowing that the troops were close, Idris took me under his -especial care, for he knew I had sent messages to my “brothers” telling -them I was alive, and he feared that if they came and found me dead, -they would hang him on the same scaffold with my corpse. Although he -warned the gaolers and spies to say that I was mad, and did not know -what I had been saying, my little speech by some means got to Yacoub’s -ears. I was carefully watched, and no one from outside was allowed to -speak to me. I should have been taken out of prison to see the great -fight, but I believe that I was the only Christian not called out to -the field of battle. I had asked Idris not to remove my chains if I was -sent for. I had no wish to be found alive or dead on the field as a -practically free man, and, dressed as a dervish, any attempt on my part -to escape to the British lines during the fight could only end in my -being shot down. - -The Khaleefa had been sitting for eight days in the mosque in communion -with the Prophet and the Mahdi, and it was either on the Tuesday night -or |264| Wednesday morning immediately preceding the battle that -the decision to move out of town was arrived at. On the Wednesday -afternoon a grand parade of all the troops was held on the new parade -ground, and, while it was being held, alarming news was brought -by Abd-el-Baagi’s messengers. Instead of returning to the town as -intended, the Khaleefa set off with the whole army in a north-westerly -direction. It was this hurried movement which accounted for the -greater part of the arms and ammunition he required being left in the -Beit-el-Amana, for Abdullahi had intended distributing the remainder of -the rifles only at the last moment, when his troops would have to use -them against the infidels in self-defence; he could trust none but his -Baggara and Taaishi. Sheikh ed Din, with Yunis, Osman Digna, Khaleefa -Shereef, and Ali Wad Helu, moved off first in command of the attacking -army of 35,000 rifles and horsemen. Yacoub followed in command of a -similar number of spear and swordsmen; in all, the army assembled -must have numbered between 75,000 and 80,000 men. As every male had -been taken from Omdurman, the Khaleefa issued a hundred rifles to the -gaolers with which to shoot down the prisoners in case of trouble. - -That night the rain came down in torrents, and the following day the -army arose uncomfortable, and maybe a little dispirited, but Abdullahi -restored their good spirits by the relation of a vision. During the -night the Prophet and the Mahdi had come to him, and let him see -beforehand the result of the battle; the souls of the faithful killed -were all rising |265| to Paradise, while the legions of hell were seen -tearing into shreds the spirits of the infidels. While this tale was -going its rounds, the gunboats were creeping up, and a further move to -the north was ordered, for it had been reported that the English were -landing the big guns on Tuti Island, to shell the camp. - -We, too, in prison heard that the gunboats were approaching, and then -we heard the distant boom, boom of the guns gradually nearing and -growing louder. Before we had time to speculate as to whether the great -fight had commenced or not, a boy whom I had stationed on the roof of a -gaoler’s house, came running down to say that the “devils” were passing -Halfeyeh. At the same moment we were smothered in dust and stones; -a shell had struck the top of the prison wall, ricochetted to the -opposite wall, and fallen without exploding in the prison of the women. -All we prisoners hurried off and squatted at the base of the north -wall, believing this to be the safest place. The air was now filled -with what to us chained wretches appeared to be the yells and screeches -of legions of the damned let loose. We shuddered and looked helplessly -from one to the other. Then I noticed that the shells were all flying -high over us. Getting to my feet, I rushed—as far as my shackles -allowed—stumbling to the middle of the open space, tried to dance and -jump, called on all to come and join me. I shouted that my “brothers” -had got my messages; that only one place in Omdurman would be left—the -Saier; my brothers would spare all their lives for me. Yes, I had gone -mad; reason had left |266| me, and I was raving, laughing, crying, -singing, kissing my hands in welcome to those terrible messengers of -death screeching and yelling overhead; throwing open my arms, and -leaping up to embrace the shell which a second later was to gather in -death seventy-two then praying in the mosque.[12] - - [12] The flight of the shells overhead had a most extraordinary - effect; they appeared to compress the atmosphere and press it - down to the earth; we could actually feel the pressure on our - bodies, and with some it brought on nausea. - -I was only saved from death at the hands of the infuriated Baggara -prisoners by Idris es Saier locking them all up in the Umm Hagar, and -leaving myself, Fauzi, the Jaalin, and other Government sympathizers in -the open. Then the tales of the fight came to us; two of the gunboats -had been sunk, and the remainder had run away again! Fauzi and I sat -there distracted, heartbroken. The attack on Khartoum, in 1885, had -been enacted over again. I sat in a daze; the reaction from the madness -of joy to that of despair was more than the strongest man could stand, -after nearly twelve years’ captivity, but fortunately I broke down and -sobbed like a child. - -During the night we could hear the pat, pat, pat of at first a few -dozen feet, until eventually we could tell that thousands were running -into the town. It is no use relating the tales then told us, I will -relate what actually occurred. After the bombardment of the forts, -the Khaleefa sent messengers to bring in all news from Omdurman. When -told that all the forts had been destroyed, he ordered a salute to be -fired in token of his having gained a victory, and called out, “Ed -deen mansour”—the Faith is Triumphant! But |267| other messengers were -hurrying in, and as they came with grave faces and asked to see Yacoub -before delivering their news to the Khaleefa, it was soon noised abroad -that the volley from the rifles was only to try and hide something -serious which had occurred. First, it was learned that, instead of -the gunboats having been destroyed, it was the forts which had been -battered to pieces. Then the more superstitious lost heart when it was -related that one of the “devils” had entered the sacred tomb of the -Mahdi, and numbers deserted desertwards, afterwards striking back to -town. Later on, it became known that not only had one of the shells -destroyed the Mimbar (pulpit), but had also destroyed the Mihrab—that -sacred niche in the wall of the mosque giving the direction of Mecca. -What rallying-place was there now for Mahdieh? And so more deserted. - -Between ten and eleven at night a riderless horse from the British or -Egyptian cavalry came slowly moving, head down, towards the dervish -lines. The Khaleefa had related how, in one of his visions, he had seen -the Prophet mounted on his mare riding at the head of the avenging -angels destroying the infidels. This apparition of the riderless horse -was too much; at least one-third of the Khaleefa’s huge army deserted -terrified. When Yacoub told him of the desertions, Abdullahi merely -raised his head to say, “The prophecy will be fulfilled, if only five -people stay near me,” His Baggara and Taaishi stood by him, but they -too were losing heart, for the Khaleefa, on his knees, with head bowed -to the ground, was groaning, |268| instead of, as customary, repeating -the name of the Deity. However, he pulled round a little as the night -progressed, and invented visions enough to put spirits into the -remaining but slightly despondent troops. - - - - -|269| - -CHAPTER XXII - -AT LAST - - -It will, I believe, surprise but few when I admit that it is next to -impossible for me to remember and relate the incidents which occurred -during my last night and day in the Saier. Added to the general -excitement shared by every one, I had also to contend against the -mental excitement which, earlier in the day, had almost deprived me of -reason. From where I lay chained to a gang of about forty prisoners, I -could hear the infuriated Baggara in the Umm Hagar heaping their curses -on the head of that “son of a dog—Abdallah Nufell,” and promising what -would happen when they laid hands upon me. These were no idle promises -that they made. Apart from the threats which may not be spoken of, -those of “drinking my blood” at the moment my brothers reached Omdurman -almost froze that blood in my veins. - -The whole night through we could hear the soft pat, pat, pat of naked -feet, and sometimes the hard breathing of men running a race. Not -having heard any firing, we made all sorts of conjectures. At one -moment it was thought that the troops had rushed one of the zareebas -|270| under cover of darkness, and that these were the fugitives -coming into town; at another moment it was believed that the Khaleefa -had altered his plans, and had decided to stand a siege in Omdurman. -Next it was thought that the dervishes had rushed the camp of the -troops; but this idea was soon discarded, for the people running back -to town would have still had breath to yell out the news of victory. I -have already given the reasons for these people returning, but I only -learned them later; to us prisoners, the night passed in anxiety, and -amidst alternate hopes and fears. - -Daylight was only creeping through the skies when we heard a low boom, -followed by an ever-increasing volume of yells and screechings as of -Pandemonium let loose, and then a terrific explosion which positively -shook Omdurman. The town could not stand this sort of thing for ten -minutes; we gave ourselves up for lost, but the bombardment ceased as -suddenly as it began. I asked one of the gaoler’s boys to climb to the -roof of the Umm Hagar to see what the gunboats were doing, as it was -believed that the shells had been fired by them. He called back that -they were “standing still” near Halfeyeh, and not firing at all. As we -could hear the distant booming still going on, we knew then that the -English were holding their own if nothing more, and hope returned. - -It did not need the boy to call out when the gunboats moved down -stream that they, too, were opening fire on the dervish camps; we -could almost follow the tide of battle in that furious artillery duel -from the |271| alternate roars and silence as of waves breaking on a -rock-bound coast. There was no doubt in our minds now that the tactics -of the Atbara had been repeated, and that the zareebas were being -shelled preparatory to being stormed; the conjecture was wrong, as we -learned later. Then the rattle of musketry was borne down on the wind; -it was not the rattle of dervish rifles either; we knew the sound of -these when fired. Then followed a long silence, only to be succeeded by -another terrific fusillade; to us prisoners, it was the reserve zareeba -which was now being carried. But the tale of the battle is old, and -who has not heard of that second fight on the day of Omdurman, when -MacDonald’s brigade withstood the combined attack of the armies of -Sheikh ed Din and Yacoub? - -One must go amongst the survivors of that attack to learn the details -of the fight. Those having glasses in the British lines must have -noticed Yacoub prancing about on horseback in front of his lines; this -was in imitation of the man he could see on horseback in front of the -brigade which was mowing down his men by hundreds at each volley. They -have learned since who the man was, and “MacDonald” with “Es-Sirdar” -is now a name to conjure with in the Soudan. It was not the first time -MacDonald had so terribly punished the dervishes, while commanding -troops which they had expected would throw down their arms and bolt, as -in olden days. - -While all this was occurring on the field of battle, I in prison, -to hide my excitement—and really to calm my overstrung nerves,—took -the Ratib of Ibrahim |272| Wad-el-Fahel, and occupied myself with -“illuminating” its pages with red-and black-ink designs; this was an -occupation I had often earned a few dollars at, but Fahel still owes -me for my last exploit in “illumination.” I left the work unfinished -about noon to attend to two young men attached to the prison, who had -come in from the fight, one with a bullet over the left temple, and the -other with a bullet in the muscle of the left arm. Provided only with -a penknife, I made a cross cut over the spot where I could in one case -see, and the other feel the bullet imbedded, and pressed them out; both -bullets had kept their shape, and must have been encountered at extreme -range, or rather beyond it. - -Maybe, with a European, chloroform might have been necessary for the -extraction of the bullet in the arm, but with a Soudanese—have I not -already said that a dervish can continue leaping and stabbing with half -a dozen severe wounds in his body? A dervish can and will kill at the -moment when the ventricles of his heart make their last contraction. -Bodily pain, as we understand it, is unknown to them. Many a time -have I applied, and seen applied, red-hot charcoal to sores, with the -patients calmly looking on. With my present patients, after dabbing -a little carbolic acid over the wounds, I asked what news they had -brought. Yacoub, they said, was killed; almost all the faithful were -killed or wounded; the Khaleefa himself was running back to town, -but they had outstripped him. While still questioning them, Idris es -Saier told me that the Muslimanieh who had been |273| taken out to -fight had made their way back to town, and were rummaging for European -clothes in which to array themselves to receive the troops when they -arrived. - -[Illustration: THE FLAG OF KHALEEFA SHEREEF. - -Line 1. “In the Name of God, the most Compassionate and Merciful.” Line -2. “Thou Living, Thou Existing and most Glorious Source of generosity.” -Line 3. “There is no God but God. Mohammad is the messenger of God.” -Line 4. “Mohammad El Mahdi is the Khaleefa of the messenger of God.”] - -I should here take up the tales of those who were fighting in the -dervish lines in order to present a complete narrative. At sunrise on -September 2, Sheikh ed Din determined on attacking with his army of -riflemen and cavalry, leaving Yacoub, with whom was his father, the -Khaleefa, as a reserve. The shells which fell amongst his men did not -knock them over or mow them down in lanes, they “blew a hundred men and -horses high into the air”; then, when the rifle fire struck them, it -“rolled them about like little stones.” The carnage was so frightful -that Sheikh ed Din himself led the way to the shelter in a khor to the -west of Surgham hill. - -And now, to understand clearly what followed next, and in a measure -to explain the post of honour being given to Sheikh ed Din, I must -refer to an incident occurring at the last moment before the army left -Omdurman. Khaleefa Shereef, since his insurrection against Abdullahi, -had not been allowed to exhibit the white flag made specially for -the family of the Mahdi. It was believed that Abdullahi intended to -nominate his son to succeed him, but this was against the expressed -order of the Mahdi that Wad Helu and then Shereef should do so. While -Sheikh ed Din was given the principal command, Shereef was not allowed -any command at all, nor was the white flag of Mahdieh brought out of -the Beit-el-Amana. Discontent was |274| openly expressed at this, and -some of the more religious or fanatic of the Mahdists demanded to know -whether it was Abdullahi or Mahdieh they were to fight for. Abdullahi -was advised to bring out the white flag, and it was carried at the -extreme left of his army, but Sheikh ed Din Abdullahi had hoped would -return as the victor of Kerreri, and thus his succession could be -assured with the aid of a vision. - -Seeing the repulse of Sheikh ed Din, the Khaleefa ordered the advance -of Yacoub’s army, and, as they were advancing, Sheikh ed Din collected -his men and joined it. Then it was that the determined attack was made -on MacDonald’s brigade. The Khaleefa had dismounted, and, sitting -on his prayer-skin, surrounded by his Mulazameen six deep, he held -communion again with the Prophet and the Mahdi, while his army was -being thinned by the thousands. Yacoub, with his Emirs and bodyguard of -horsemen, rode in front of the troops and did his best to incite them -to a final rush on the brigade. The white flag of Mahdieh was pushed -close to where the 2nd Egyptian battalion, under Colonel Pink, was -posted, and five standard-bearers in succession were shot down; others -ran to raise it only to be shot down in turn, until the flag was buried -under the slain. - -Almost at this moment a well-aimed shell blew Yacoub and his bodyguard -“high in the air,” and before the Khaleefa’s eyes; the black flag was -planted, but the dervishes had had a lesson. Yunis, breaking through -Abdullahi’s bodyguard, ran to him, saying, “Why do you sit here? -Escape; every one is |275| being killed;” but Abdullahi sat still, -dazed and stupefied with what he had seen. With the help of others, -Yunis raised him to his feet, and actually pushed and bundled him -along. Then Abdullahi started running on foot. He refused to mount -a horse or camel; after stumbling and falling three times, Yunis -persuaded him to mount a donkey. His army was now in full retreat, and -“Where, oh, Abdullahi—where is the victory you promised?” assailed his -ears. Calling his camel syce, Abou Gekka, he told him to hurry on a -fast camel to Omdurman, collect his wives, children, and treasures, -and conduct them to the Zareeba-el-Arrda (parade-ground) to the west -of Omdurman, where he would meet them, and then all were to fly -together. On reaching the zareeba, his household were not visible, and -hearing that there were still thousands of his troops in Omdurman, -he was persuaded to enter the town, and make a last stand at the -praying-ground. When nearing the mosque, Abdullahi saw Yacoub’s eunuch -waiting there. Telling him to collect Yacoub’s wives, children, etc., -and take them to the zareeba, the eunuch asked, “Where is my master?” -Abdullahi then probably for the last time exercised his power of life -and death. Turning to one of those near him, he said, “Who is this -slave, to question my orders?” and the eunuch fell dead at Abdullahi’s -feet with a bullet through his head. - -Reaching the large praying enclosure, Abdullahi ordered the drums and -ombeyehs to be sounded, but few or none obeyed the summons; some came, -looked |276| at him sitting there mute, and slunk off; some, I have -heard, jibed at him by asking if he was “sitting on his farwah.” The -farwah, or prayer-skin, is what the leaders formerly stood upon when -the day was lost, and awaited their death. Finding himself deserted by -all, he called for his secretary, Abou-el-Gassim, and asked what could -be done. Gassim, whether in a sarcastic vein or not, recommended that -he should continue praying where he was, and, maybe, his prayers would -still bring victory; but there being none to join in the prayers, he -asked Gassim to collect his household, and bring them to him. Gassim -went off, and did not return. - -At this time the Taaishi, Baggara, Berti Habbanieh, Rhizaghat, Digheem -and other tribes, whom he formerly depended upon for support, were -streaming off to the number of probably fifteen thousand, from the -south of the town. Calling two men, he asked them to go outside -the town, and see how far the Government troops were distant. The -messengers, on reaching the Tombs of the Martyrs, about twelve hundred -yards from where Abdullahi was sitting, suddenly came across the Sirdar -and his staff standing at the angle of the great wall; they watched the -staff move off towards the Beit-el-Mal, and returned and reported this -to Abdullahi. Slipping through the door communicating with his house, -he changed his clothes, collected the remainder of his household, and -quietly slipped off while the Sirdar was making the complete circuit -of Omdurman with the exception of those twelve hundred yards. It is a -thousand pities, as things |277| actually were, that the staff did not -continue in the direction they were then taking, for a few minutes’ -trot along the deserted street leading to the prayer-ground would have -allowed the Sirdar to lay his hands upon Abdullahi, as he sat there -absolutely alone, on the spot where he had hoped that his faithful -would make their last stand. - -The sun was falling, and still we in prison did not know exactly how -the day had gone. We had heard the drums and ombeyehs, which told -us that Abdullahi was calling upon the faithful to assemble at the -prayer-ground; a cloud of dust on the desert and the gunboats slowly -steaming up, meant that the troops were advancing on the town. Idris -es Saier came and asked me what he was to do—to go to his master or -wait for the English. I advised him to close the gates of the prison, -use his rifles upon any of the Baggara trying to force an entrance, -and wait and see who would ask for the keys—the expected Sirdar or the -Khaleefa. In all cases, I told him, it was his duty to protect the -prisoners in his charge, and reminded him of Fauzi’s tale of the two -gaolers. When we heard the shrill cries of the women, we knew that some -one was being welcomed, and guessed correctly that it was the English -at last. Idris, in his anxiety to secure his prisoners, had us all -chained in gangs earlier than usual, and this linking of my gang to the -common chain had only just been completed when Idris came, frightened -out of his life, as one could tell by his voice, to tell me that the -“place was filled with my English brothers,” that a big, tall man, who, -he was told, was |278| the dreaded Sirdar, had asked for me, and that -I was to come at once. - -It seemed an age while the chain was being slipped from my shackles, -and then, led by Idris, I made my way to the gate of the Saier. I was -crying dry eyed; I could see a blurred group, and then I was startled -out of my senses by hearing English spoken—the only words of a European -language I had heard for seven long years. From that blurred group, -and through the gloom, came a voice, “Are you Neufeld? are you well?” -And then a tall figure stepped towards me, and gave my hand a hearty -shake. It was the Sirdar. I believe I babbled something as I received a -handshake from one, and a slap on the shoulder from another, but I do -not know what I said. Looking down at my shackles, the Sirdar asked, -“Can these be taken off now?—I am going on.” I believe a second’s -discussion went on with Idris, and then I heard the last order I was -to receive and obey in the Saier, “Neufeld, _out you go_!” It was the -Sirdar’s order, and, half carried by the friendly and strong arms -supporting me, I obeyed. The next thing I remembered was a British -officer slipping off his horse, lifting me into the saddle, and -trudging along at my side after the terribly trying and arduous day he -must have had. - -I was taken to the “head-quarters’ mess” at the camp; the Sirdar -had, I believe, allowed himself the luxury of a broken angareeb on -which to rest; the staff were lying in all positions on the sand, -fagged out, but hard at work with despatches and orders by the light -of |279| guttering candles. It was a hungry, thirsty, and deadbeat -head-quarters’ mess I had been invited to on the night of the memorable -2nd of September. While the comfort of the troops had been looked to, -the Sirdar and his staff had evidently neglected themselves. Their -canteen and mess were miles away on slow-travelling camels; one of the -most brilliant victories of the nineteenth century was being celebrated -by a supper of a few biscuits, poor water, some of my prison bread, -which I shared with others around me, and Cairo cigarettes, with the -sand of the desert for seats, and the canopy of heaven as the roof over -our heads. - -Soon after reaching the “mess,” I heard a voice calling, “Where’s -Neufeld?” and the inquirer introduced himself to me; it was Mr. Bennet -Burleigh, of the _Daily Telegraph_. I had heard, and yet had not heard, -much English spoken to me, but the flood of language he poured out -when he found me still in chains came as a revelation to me; it was as -picturesque as his description of the battle which I have since read. -Rushing off, he was back in a few moments with some farriers with -their shoeing implements to try and remove my chains; off again, he -came with some engineers, and amidst a running torrent of abuse, anent -cold chisels and other implements which he required and which were not -forthcoming, he questioned me. Every one had a try at those chains; -some one I heard use language concerning the Khaleefa when he found his -thumb between the hammer and the links, but with a great deal of strong -language, and equally as strong blows, the links connecting with the -anklets |280| were cut through, but the anklets themselves were only -removed, owing to want of appliances, on board Colonel Gordon’s steamer -a few minutes before he led the way to the troops who were to take part -in the funeral-service at the spot where his hero uncle fell. - -While Slatin’s countryman, Joseppi, was imprisoned with me, I was able -to exercise my mother tongue, and correct his broken German, which -gave me, at all events, some little amusement; but after his murder, -and the escape of Father Ohrwalder, I never had another opportunity of -speaking a European language except in my dreams, and when I discovered -myself talking to myself. For seven long years, with the exception of -the word “torpedo,” by which name the Algerian called his mines, I had -not heard a syllable of a European tongue. The last Europeans I had -spoken to before leaving Egypt were English; the first language I was -to hear on my release was English, and then a strange thing happened. -As far as language was concerned, my brain became a blank from the -moment I left Wadi Halfa, to the moment when the Sirdar called out, -“Are you Neufeld?” so that when the German Military Attaché spoke to -me in German, while hearing, and in the main understanding what he -said, I could not, much to his very evident annoyance, find words in my -mother tongue to reply. It was weeks after my return to Egypt before I -was able to express myself properly in the German language. While to -myself this was not to be greatly wondered at, yet the fact might be -of interest to some scientist, who has made cerebral affections his -particular study. - - - - -|281| - -CHAPTER XXIII - -THE SIRDAR AND SAVAGE WARFARE - - -On the morning following the battle of Omdurman, a number of the -townspeople came out to the camp, complaining of the rough usage which -they had been subjected to at the hands of the Soudanese troops left in -charge of the town, and of the looting of their houses. The majority, -not knowing that the Sirdar and his staff were fluent Arabic scholars, -brought their complaints to me, and asked me to interpret for them. -In my then excited and half-dazed state, I rushed off to report the -matters. Colonel Maxwell at once called up a hundred men, and with an -officer and sergeant, instructed me to proceed to the town and see the -men posted to the houses of the complainants. The real truth of the -matter, of course, only came out later, and as I do not know of any one -else who is in as good a position as I am to relate it, I submit the -following. - -Long before the troops reached the town, the inhabitants were busily -engaged in looting the Mahdieh institutions and the deserted houses -of the fleeing Baggara and others. Their local knowledge obviated the -necessity of _searching_ for loot; they knew where |282| there was -anything at all worth taking and took it, anticipating the troops by -half a day. Into every occupied house loot was being carried, if not -by the head of the household, then by the servants and others attached -to the establishment, while the head mounted guard. True, the soldiers -did loot towards midnight; but what? angareebs (the native seats and -bedsteads combined), on which to rest themselves instead of lying -down on the filth-sodden ground of Omdurman. Heaven knows they richly -deserved the temporary loan of these angareebs. Wherever residents -were looted, it was their own fault. The victorious and therefore -happy and grinning Blacks kept an eye on their hereditary enemies—the -lighter coloured population, as they passed backwards and forwards, -always entering their huts loaded and emerging empty-handed. In their -eagerness to collect all they could, they threw down their loot, and -hurried off for more, and during their absence the Black “Tommy” -annexed whatever he thought might be useful to him. - -[Illustration: TROPHIES TAKEN AT OMDURMAN.] - -The Sirdar himself could not have made a better arrangement than that -which came of itself. The troops were enabled to keep at their posts -with an eye open for any lurking Baggara; the looting was being done -for them by the residents, who knew exactly where to lay their hands -upon anything worth taking, instead of time being wasted by searching -empty houses, while the soldiers were kept in good spirits by having -the fun of the looting without running the risk of being suddenly |283| -confronted with half a dozen Baggara concealed in some hut or room. -When some one came staggering along under a particularly heavy load, a -Black would assist him with his burden; some of his comrades would join -in, and when the looter protested that he did not require any help, -a little Soudan horseplay was indulged in, and later on these little -pleasantries came up as grave charges of assault. - -The only people in Omdurman who had anything worth looting were the -real Mahdists themselves—and they deserved to be looted of their -ill-gotten gains. In dealing with any claims for compensation for -having been looted, three things should be kept in mind—the complainant -should prove that he was not a real Mahdist; that what he was looted of -on the evening of the 2nd of September was not the proceeds of his own -looting during the day; and, having got so far, should reconcile the -fact of his having been looted of property and valuables with his tales -of abject misery, poverty, and semi-starvation. - -It did not take me long to grasp the situation, for after seeing the -soldiers posted to the houses of the “Government” people, I started -on a voyage of discovery after the houses of the principal Baggara -and others, and having had them pointed out to me, I recommended the -soldiers to take their cleaning rods and bayonets, and probe the walls -of the hareem rooms for hidden valuables. I am pleased to say that the -suggested operations were not entirely without some gratifying results; -but a very small find indeed gratifies the native troops. Whoever -possessed property |284| in Omdurman was either a thief or murderer. -Most had bolted with the Khaleefa, and it was through no fault of -theirs that they left a few dollars behind for people who could make -good use of them. I regret now that I did not organize a looting party, -and place myself at the head of it. - -I have heard of, but I have not read, the article or articles written -by one of the correspondents who accompanied the Khartoum Expedition, -consisting of a series of wholesale charges brought against the Sirdar -and the troops in connection with “Khartoum Day.” I gauge what the -articles must have been from some of the letters written in reply. As -every one appears to have criticized and shown how much better than the -Sirdar they could have carried out the reconquest of the Soudan, as the -“oldest resident” I think I am entitled to express an opinion, and to -criticize also. - -The Sirdar, in my opinion, made one grave error—he gave quarter; and I -have no doubt that, in doing so, he knew that he was doing a positive -injustice to his Black troops in order to pander to an ignorant public -opinion which he knew existed elsewhere. I know that some people, -profoundly ignorant of the Soudan and its tribes, and their history, -religion, laws, customs, and legal rights, will hold up their hands -in holy horror, and jump to the conclusion that my long captivity has -engendered a spirit of vindictiveness against my captors which has -deadened in me every sense of humanity—and in this they will be wrong. -Lord Kitchener of Khartoum made a grave error in |285| extending to -a horde of murderers the advantages of civilized warfare, _and the -clemency he felt called upon to extend to them will cost England the -loss of many a gallant life yet_. - -There was not a man in the Black Battalions who had not, by the old -Law of Moses, the laws of his country in which he was then fighting, -the law of the Prophet, and the religious law, irrespective of the law -handed down from the remotest ages, more right to take a life on that -day than any judge in a civilized country has to sentence to death a -man who has personally done him no wrong. Every man there was entitled -to a life in retaliation for the murder of a father, the rape of a -mother, wife, daughter, or sister, the mutilation of a brother or son, -and his own bondage. To prevent, as the Sirdar did prevent, these -soldiers from exercising their rights, was doing them an injustice, -and running a risk as well, when it is remembered how they had slaved -for this “Day of Retaliation.” There may have been, doubtless were, -many cases of the killing outright of wounded dervishes; this was no -more murder than a judicial hanging; and looking at the matter from -a humanitarian point of view, would it not have been better to send -those Blacks over the field to put the wounded out of their misery, -and thus kill two birds with one stone? For let it be remembered, that -when a dervish sits and lies wounded, he is wounded to death, and only -by force of will keeps himself alive until he dies happy at the moment -when he sends his spear through the heart of his would-be saviour. I -repeat, the Sirdar |286| committed a grave error in extending to the -dervishes the advantages of civilized warfare. I who have lived amongst -the people, who have discussed with their greatest exponents of the -religious law, and made comparisons between the administration of their -and our laws, consider that I am well qualified to express an opinion, -and better qualified than those who, with a command of language, can -so present their views to the public that the cant, ignorance, and -humbug—not to say hankering for notoriety which underlies it all—is -hidden. - -You who have held up your hands in holy horror at the foregoing, -prepare to hold them up again. - -The day after the battle of Kirbekan an outpost was being sent forward. -Moving to its position, it espied a wounded dervish making signs for -water. One of the soldiers slipped off his camel to give him some, and -his comrades moved on. As time went on, and their chum did not catch -them up, they came back to see what had happened. There he was, still -attending to the wounded dervish, his hand resting on his shoulder, -but there was no movement from either. Approaching—this was the tale -plainly written. The lines on the ground showed that “Tommy” had taken -the wounded man in his arms, and half supporting and half dragging -him, had placed him in a sitting posture in the shade, with his back -against a rock; then, taking his water-bottle, he began to pour the -life-giving drops down the throat of the dervish, for he still grasped -the empty water-bottle. With returning life came, of course, returning -strength—sufficient |287| strength for the dervish to slip off his -knife, poise his hand for a second of time behind “Tommy’s” back, -while he was occupied with his mission of mercy, and then, plunging -it in with sufficient force to divide the spinal column, the dervish -died happy as “Tommy” fell dead across his shoulder. That dervish was -glorified in the Soudan, and thousands of others were awaiting the -opportunity of dying as gloriously. Do you like the picture now? These -are the sort of people you howl for the protection of. If you wish the -wounded dervishes to be attended to against their will, then institute -some special decoration for those who return alive from their mission -of mercy, and when you have discovered that for each decoration given, -a few hundred valuable lives have been sacrificed, perhaps you will -agree to the issue of orders which I, knowing what I do know, should -issue now. - -If I had my say in the matter, when next the Government troops come -face to face with the tribes, whom Lord Kitchener in his clemency -spared to gather again around the Khaleefa, I should make it a -drum-head court-martialling business for any doctor who risked the -lives of his wounded in hospital by attempting to throw away his own -in attending to a wounded dervish who does not want to live. He is -wounded to death or would not be lying or sitting there, and he wants -to die—but to die killing; he wants your life’s blood, not your aid -and succour. As he wants to die—as he _must_ die—then shoot him at -once and put him out of his misery. In doing this, you are but acting -humanely to a dying but still ferocious |288| animal in the guise of -a man. You are not taking a life needlessly, but in all probability -saving a better one; and as the troops pick their way over the field -of battle, another bullet should be put into the “dead” and “wounded” -from a distance a yard beyond the point to which a dervish can throw -a spear, to prevent any more accidents. The number of soldiers killed -by “dead” and “wounded” dervishes is great enough already, and it -would be criminal to add to it. Have you no thought for some English -mother mourning the loss of her brave lad, who threw away his life in -attending to a wounded dervish, when she had been looking forward to -his return as the hero of the village? How many cottages in England -have been made desolate by the hands of “dead” and “wounded” dervishes? - -If none of the foregoing suggestions are acceptable, then let each -correspondent accompanying an expedition into the heart of Africa -declare whether he votes for first aid to the wounded dervishes or not. -If he does not, then let him hold his peace if he sees things which -he would not expect to come across, were he witnessing the sequel to -a fight between civilized peoples. If he declares for first aid, then -give him a packet of bandages and a water-bottle, and let him put his -principles into practice, while his more enlightened brother knights of -the pen tag on to their despatches his obituary notice. - - - - -|289| - -CHAPTER XXIV - -BACK TO CIVILIZATION - - -I must leave it to my readers to try and imagine what my sensations -were as I sailed away from Omdurman on the first stage of my journey to -civilization and liberty. Remembering the reason which I gave my wife, -manager, and friends, when I was begged to abandon my projected journey -into Kordofan, knowing that others knew how I had comported myself -before my captors and Abdullahi, I was conscious that I had nothing -to be ashamed of in the production of a worse than useless saltpetre, -which I could easily have refined—but the real refinement of which I -prevented. Nor was I ashamed of having designed impossible machines for -the manufacture of powder and cartridges, in order to keep out of that -terrible Saier; nor of the wilful destruction of so much good material -for their construction, especially as there were living witnesses to -bear me out. Thinking, therefore, that the small, very small, risk I -ran in the collecting of information to send to the advancing armies -might have been appreciated, I built up on my journey what proved to -be a house of cards to be blown down by |290| a breath as soon as I -reached Cairo. I was much disappointed in the reception awaiting me; so -also was every other released captive, and not a few Mahdists. Perhaps -I am to blame for delaying at Berber for the purpose I have “admitted” -in my chapter “Divorced and Married,” when my arrival had been -announced by a certain train; but I have been punished for this, though -even now I am too uncivilized to feel ashamed of the action, or to -appreciate the justice of the strictures passed upon me in consequence. - -When at last I did reach Cairo, it was but to learn that although I had -taken as “jokes” the compliments which I received on my way down, on -the “manufacture of gunpowder with which to kill English soldiers”—on -the “‘damned clever’ design and construction of the forts to oppose the -advance of the gunboats,” on my “smartness in galloping away from the -field when I saw it was all over for Mahdieh, and reaching the prison -just in time to get on my chains again before the Sirdar put in his -appearance”—yet these, and a great many other tales, were implicitly -believed in. Moreover, they had lost nothing in being translated into -the many languages spoken in Cairo, which include every language of -Europe, with a few of the East. - -It was heartrending to me, after what I had gone through, to return to -my own flesh and blood to be spurned and shunned as the incarnation -of everything despicable in a man. I, who had defied my captors and -had looked for death, wished for it more now that I was amongst my own -people; but fortunately the persecution I was subjected to, added to my -change of |291| life, caused me to break down completely, and when I -recovered from my delirium it was to find myself in the hands of a few -friends. Do not think that I had worried myself over what was mere idle -gossip; all the charges were made in sincerity, and this owing to the -influential quarters whence they were emanating. - -A few days after receiving the generous offer of my publishers, I -was told that I was a prisoner of war, and as such was debarred from -entering into any engagements; moreover, my experiences were said -to be the property of the War Office. Later on, I was told that, in -consideration of the subscriptions raised by a newspaper group in -England for the purpose of effecting my escape some years ago, I was to -write my experiences for the benefit of the subscribers. Then, after -keeping me waiting weeks for a reply, they offered me £100—a sum not -sufficient to pay the guides already in Cairo—and asked me to repay -them the moneys they had lent me while in prison. When in reply to this -offer I pointed out the ruined condition I am in, and offered to repay -the subscribers the monies spent from the money I am to receive for my -book, I was first threatened with an injunction upon the book, and then -with the publication of “interesting” disclosures (?) concerning me. - -When H.R.H. Duke Johann Albrecht, the Regent of Mecklenburg, -graciously writes to me himself, instructing me to call at the German -Consul-General’s, in Cairo, for some money sent there to “give me a new -start in life,” I am met, when I do present myself, with accusations of -ingratitude and broken |292| engagements towards people whose names -I had never heard of. However, these people wrote disclaimers to the -_Times_, saying that they knew nothing of the claims made against me in -their names; yet, in spite of the disclaimers, the money was impounded -for about five months in all, and then some claims paid from it, but on -whose account I am still ignorant. - -While all these charges are being levelled at me, I am warned that -if I dare contradict anything published formerly concerning myself -or Soudan affairs, certain correspondence will be communicated to -the London Press; yet what am I to do but contradict them wherever I -can find a scrap of evidence to support my contradiction? Surely I -cannot be expected to confirm such reports in the face of the threats -made verbally and in the columns of a newspaper, especially as I and -mine must remain the social outcasts we have been since my release, -until my narrative appears. I am writing more in grief than in anger; -these are all subjects I should have preferred not to mention in my -narrative, and I am touching on them as lightly as is possible, but -as others have chosen to publish them, by keeping silence I should be -doing myself an injustice. My hand or tongue has been forced, therefore -those who have taken the initial action against me must be responsible -for the inevitable result which will follow when, questioned as to the -foregoing by those entitled to ask for the evidence, I hand over for -publication the whole of the correspondence. For the public, having -been led to form opinions about me on the strength of the reports -and explanations printed, have the right to |293| know the whole -truth before pronouncing a second judgment; but my narrative ought -not to be burdened with such a voluminous correspondence. Surely a -kind Providence kept watch over the few documents which I have been -fortunate enough to find after all these years, and which are of such -value to me in substantiating my story. - -Amongst the many articles published concerning me, one printed in -the London and Provincial papers on the 5th and 6th of September -last caused me considerable injury in England and Egypt, and, maybe, -irreparable injury in my native country, to which I have appealed -for the rights of citizenship which my capture and long captivity -precluded my returning to claim during 1887. To this appeal I have as -yet received no answer—and little wonder. On the appearance of this -article, some of my countrymen attacked me in no measured terms, and I -was shunned by them as they would shun a pestilence. The communication -made was on the presumable authority of General Hunter, as his -name is mentioned; but so sure am I that he was no more capable of -communicating such a report for publication than he is of turning his -back in the face of an enemy, that I have not so much as written to him -asking his denial. I was advised to allow these reports to accumulate -and circulate, and reply to them _en bloc_ in my narrative, leaving a -deceived public to take up the matter. The article I refer to reads as -follows:― - - “Twice had every preparation been made. The relays of camels to take - the exile across the desert were ready. Nothing remained |294| but - for Neufeld to pluck up courage and quit Omdurman. Each time he backed - out at the last moment. At length he confessed the truth, namely, that - he did not care to come away. He had married a black wife. His friends - in Germany were dead or had forgotten him. He would stay where he was.” - -Is it not possible to find some one to swear that _more_ than two -attempts were made during those long twelve years to extricate me? I -have in my narrative said all that I know of the visits of any guides -to Omdurman. Having been promised the publication of interesting -documents concerning me, perhaps the proofs of the above will be -forthcoming; let it be proved that on even _one_ occasion relays of -camels were posted to effect my escape, and at the same time let it be -proved that the guide who posted those relays ever came to me. - -It is quite possible that there are a sheaf of letters waiting to -be published bearing my signature; and maybe when they are, I shall -learn their contents for the first time. I had to sign many letters -the contents of which I was ignorant of, as is evidenced by the letter -to my manager, and the letter to General Stephenson, in reply to the -one he entrusted me with when I went on my expedition. This letter -was photographed, and a translation is given on p. 338. The reply was -dictated by Abdullahi to his secretary, and handed me to sign. Let the -note, letter, or report, on which my refusal to escape is founded, be -produced, and then see if the date of it does not correspond with the -date of the maturing of one of my many plans for escape. But do not -press me too closely for my reason |295| for writing or giving such a -message. If I gave it I should be committing as great an injustice as -did poor Lupton, when sending back part of the monies sent him by his -friends at Suakin, who were trying to effect his escape, wrote. . . . -Those friends are still living, and as they have not chosen to tell the -world what they did for their countrymen, and how it was that their -schemes fell through, I may not do so—at least, not yet. - -If I lied, as I have been told to my face that I did, when I denied -some of the charges made against me, why should more credence be given -me for sincerity in notes refusing to escape than was given to Slatin’s -protestations of loyalty in his letter to the Khaleefa when he escaped? -If during my capture and my long captivity my behaviour was unmanly, or -such as I, a European, ought to be ashamed of, then let the proofs be -at once forthcoming. Do not weary me out and keep the world against me -with threats of coming disclosures; moreover, have I not good reason -to complain of the communication of everything damaging to me while -everything in my favour is suppressed? - -The sources of information, reference, and assistance thrown open to -Ohrwalder and Slatin when compiling their experiences have been closed -to me. When Slatin arrived in Cairo, he was handed the statements of -guides reporting his “persistent refusals to escape,” and allowed to -be the first to inform the world of their existence. When I arrive -in Cairo, I find that similar reports concerning me have been given -wide publicity and believed in. Why, I ask, |296| should it have been -believed that the guides’ reports were false in Slatin’s case and -true in mine? and why should I not have been given the opportunity of -first announcing their existence to the world? Perhaps, before I have -completed my narrative, people will come to the conclusion that some -of those privileged to look at all my papers have, for some reason or -another, felt that it was necessary thoroughly to discredit me, so -that, when my story appeared, I should not be believed in; but then, -who could have foreseen that I should ever be so fortunate as to -collect any evidence in support of it? - -It has been suggested that maybe I have taken too much to heart the -“tales being told about” me; that they were but gossip. It was no idle -gossip for me. I was persuaded, much against my wish, to attend a hotel -garden-party, my first and last appearance in public in Cairo, for this -was the sequel: One of my few friends connected with the Press there -handed me some cuttings containing the usual inaccuracies and slanders, -and while sitting down in a corridor, my amanuensis at my side taking -notes as I read them over, I heard, “Hello, how is that book of -Neufeld’s getting on?” The speaker, when asked if he knew Neufeld, -blurted out, “Know him—no, nor do I want to know him, considering the -number of English soldiers he has sent to eternity with his gunpowder. -I would not even look at the fellow’s face.” And as my companion -whispered, “This is Neufeld,” I raised my head just in time to see the -representative of a great news agency hurrying through the doorway. -|297| Maybe, on the appearance of this, Reuter’s Cairo Agent may not -be averse to telling me on what or whose authority he made this charge -in my own hearing. The incident for the moment is closed, but if it is -re-opened, it must be re-opened somewhere where highly placed officials -may not be successfully appealed to to go around asking lawyers not to -take up my case. Memo. for that News-Agency representative—“Walls have -ears,” and “Don’t shout till you are out of the wood.” - -I trust that when I send up my card to the London correspondent of -the newspaper from whose article I have quoted, he will, instead of -imitating his brother knight of the pen in Cairo, at least receive me, -and examine the originals of the documents inserted in my narrative, -disproving the charges which he was the medium of circulating in -England and on the Continent. Then, if satisfied with their genuineness -in the first place, and in the second place convinced that during my -long captivity I was striving more than any other captive to effect my -escape, he will at least, when next writing to his readers, try to do -what little he can towards repairing the great injury which he did me -in England, though it was without malice, I admit, and then try to have -his error corrected in the German papers. I ask nothing more than this. -Is it too much to ask? - -But from the sea of slander and uncharitableness in which I was -struggling, there rose some kindly hands to help me. When pressed by -the War Office to repay the £20 I had borrowed from it on the way |298| -down—with my old guides in Cairo asking me to redeem the receipts they -had for monies lent me while in prison—with the monies kindly sent me -from Berlin to give me a “new start in life” impounded—with the hand -of every one against me, after calling at one bank and being refused, -I went to Mr. Hewett Moxley, an old friend of the Bleichröders, of -Berlin, and now the Director of the Imperial Ottoman Bank in Cairo. -Handing him my file of letters and telegrams, I asked if he thought -that they contained sufficient guarantees for my being able eventually -to repay the money which I wished him to advance to me. He left me for -a few moments, and then returned, and as he went over one letter after -the other, my hopes fell, for he remarked that my “guarantees were not -of the very highest order,” and that my “credentials were not of a very -satisfactory nature.” But I knew a few moments later that these were -pithy, maybe sarcastic, remarks upon the letters which he was glancing -through, for while engaged upon these running comments, his clerk was -counting out £150 in gold for my immediate needs, and opening a credit -for a further £250. I thoroughly enjoyed his joke, so different from -those I had so far encountered, for his action was the first kindly one -which I received in civilization. - -It was late on a Saturday night when, for the first time, I rose -from my bed of sickness to meet the proprietor of one of those great -English papers, which I had been promised were to hound me. In spite -of the assurances given me, it was with no little nervousness that I -approached him; but instead of |299| the ogre whom I had expected -to meet, I found myself being supported by a kindly spoken English -gentleman, assisted to an easy-chair, and tucked up in rugs. A few -waiters were in attendance, and the “ogre” was blaming himself for -having asked me to call and see him, and begging my forgiveness, as he -did not know that I was so ill. The “ogre” was Sir George Newnes. He -listened patiently to all I had to say, went through my correspondence, -ventured the opinion that certain actions directed against me were -“monstrous,” told me not to believe that the English Press would attack -me without reason, and recommended me, as soon as I was well, to go -ahead with my book and collect every scrap of evidence which I could in -support of my own story. I have followed his advice, but the collecting -of the little evidence which I have got has been no light task, groping -as I was in the darkness of a twelve years’ oblivion. - -I must not forget either to acknowledge the handsome treatment which I -have received at the hands of my publishers, who have kept me in funds, -and with extraordinary patience awaited the completion of my narrative; -but the absolute necessity of collecting proofs for what I state, in -face of the threats dangling over my head, accounts for the long delay. - - - - -|300| - -CHAPTER XXV - -HOW GORDON DIED - - -When the news of the Sirdar’s splendid victory reached England, the -British nation may be said to have breathed again, and when the great -rush was made for the cheap edition of “Ten Years’ Captivity,” which -was extensively advertised with my portrait to catch attention, the few -known details of Gordon’s death became as fresh again in people’s minds -as they had been years before. I was constantly asked to relate all I -had heard concerning Gordon. When I had done so I was invariably met -with quotations and readings from “Mahdism,” “Ten Years’ Captivity,” -“Fire and Sword,” and other works; for what I had been told of Gordon’s -death by eye-witnesses was an entirely different history to those -published. - -The first to relate the story of Gordon’s death was a man whose tongue -Gordon had threatened to cut out as the only cure for his inveterate -lying, and when he escaped and reached Cairo, in telling his tale -he sustained his reputation. All accounts of Gordon’s death have -apparently been based upon this first one received. Gordon, the world -has been |301| made to believe, died as a coward, for what other -construction may be placed on the assertion that he turned his back -upon his assailants, and in his back received his mortal wound? It is -an infamous lie; but, then, what was to be expected from a man whom -Gordon knew so well, and who, maybe, had good reason to invent the tale -he did? I quote, side by side, what may be called the three official -accounts of Gordon’s death:― - - MAHDISM. - - “He (Gordon) made a gesture of scorn with his right hand, and turned - his back, where he received another spear wound which caused him to - fall forward and was most likely his mortal wound. . . . He made no - resistance, and did not fire a shot from his revolver.” - - “. . . One of them rushing up, stabbed him with his spear, and others - then followed, and soon he was killed. . . . He (Nejoumi) ordered the - body to be dragged downstairs into the garden, where his head was cut - off.” - - OHRWALDER. - - “_The first_ Arab _plunged his huge spear into his body_. _He fell - forward on his face_, was _dragged down_ the stairs, many stabbed him - with their spears, and _his head was cut off and sent to the Mahdi_.” - - SLATIN. - - “_The first_ man up the steps _plunged his huge spear into his body; - he fell forward on his face_ without uttering a word. His murderers - _dragged_ him _down_ the steps to the palace entrance, and here _his - head was cut off and_ at once _sent_ over _to the Mahdi_.” |302| - -It will be noticed that Father Ohrwalder’s account appears to be a -condensation of the first given, while it is hard to believe that a -coincidence only accounts for Slatin giving the history in almost the -identical words used by Ohrwalder. It is still more extraordinary that -the first account should ever have been believed and published, and -still _more_ extraordinary that it was not corrected by Ohrwalder and -Slatin, for when I arrived in Omdurman, in 1887, the real details of -the death of Gordon were the theme of conversation whenever his name -was mentioned, and there are many eye-witnesses to his death—or were -until the battle of Omdurman, who could tell a very different tale. - -[Illustration: KHALEEL AGHA ORPHALI.] - -Those who knew Charles George Gordon, will believe me when I aver that -he died, as they must all have believed that he died—in spite of the -official and semi-official accounts to the contrary—as the soldier and -lion-hearted man he was. Gordon did not rest his hand on the hilt of -his sword and turn his back to his enemies to receive his mortal wound. -Gordon drew his sword, and used it. When Gordon fell, his sword was -dripping with the blood of his assailants, for no less than sixteen or -seventeen did he cut down with it. When Gordon fell, his left hand was -blackened with the unburned powder from his at least thrice-emptied -revolver. When Gordon fell, his life’s blood was pouring from a spear -and pistol-shot wound in his right breast. When Gordon fell, his boots -were slippery with the blood of the crowd of dervishes he shot and -hacked his way through, in his heroic attempt |303| to cut his way -out and place himself at the head of his troops. Gordon died as only -Gordon could die. Let the world be misinformed and deceived about -Soudan affairs with the tales of so-called guides and spies, but let it -be told the truth of Gordon’s death. - -A week before the fall of Khartoum, Gordon had given up hopes. Calling -Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi, he ordered him to provision one of the steamers, -get all the Europeans on board, and set off for the north. To their -credit be it said, they refused to leave unless Gordon saved his own -life with theirs. Finding him obdurate, a plot was made to seize him -while asleep, carry him off, and save him in spite of himself; but he -somehow heard of the plot, smiled, and said it was his duty to save -their lives if he could, but it was also his duty to “stick to his -post.” As the troops must be near, then sail north, he told them, and -tell them to hurry up. - -Each day at dawn, when he retired to rest, he bolted his door from the -inside, and placed his faithful body-servant—Khaleel Agha Orphali—on -guard outside it. On the fatal night, Gordon had as usual kept his -vigil on the roof of the palace, sending and receiving telegraphic -messages from the lines every few minutes, and as dawn crept into -the skies, thinking that the long-threatened attack was not yet to -be delivered, he lay down wearied out. The little firing heard a few -minutes later attracted no more attention than the usual firing which -had been going on continuously night and day for months, but when the -palace guards were heard firing it was known that something serious -|304| was happening. By the time Gordon had slipped into his old serge -or dark tweed suit, and taken his sword and revolver, the advanced -dervishes were already surrounding the palace. Overcoming the guards, -a rush was made up the stairs, and Gordon was met leaving his room. A -small spear was thrown which wounded him, but very slightly, on the -left shoulder. Almost before the dervishes knew what was happening, -three of them lay dead, and one wounded, at Gordon’s feet—the remainder -fled. Quickly reloading his revolver, Gordon made for the head of the -stairs, and again drove the reassembling dervishes off. Darting back to -reload, he received a stab in his left shoulder-blade from a dervish -concealed behind the corridor door, and on reaching the steps the third -time, he received a pistol-shot and spear-wound in his right breast, -and then, great soldier as he was, he rose almost above himself. With -his life’s blood pouring from his breast—not his back, remember—he -fought his way step by step, kicking from his path the wounded and -dead dervishes—for Orphali too had not been idle—and as he was passing -through the doorway leading into the courtyard, another concealed -dervish almost severed his right leg with a single blow. Then Gordon -fell. The steps he had _fought_ his way—not been dragged—down, were -encumbered with the bodies of dead and dying dervishes. No dervish -spear pierced the live and quivering flesh of a prostrate but still -conscious Gordon, for he breathed his last as he turned to face his -last assailant, half raised his sword to strike, and fell dead with his -face to heaven. |305| - -Even had I not been specially requested, as the last of the Soudan -captives, to relate in my narrative all that I had heard and learned -concerning Gordon, I should have done so to a certain extent at all -events, for he was no more the hero of the British people than he was -mine, and the belief that he was still alive had no little to do with -my ill-starred journey in 1887. The truth about his death, which is now -published for the first time, is ample justification for what follows -concerning him while still alive. It is true, as I have been told, that -all I can have to say will be from “hearsay;” but then all the reports -published concerning Gordon’s last days are from hearsay. I have -the advantage over all others in this—that I was maybe the one man, -captive or not, in Omdurman whom Mahdist and “Government” man alike -could trust implicitly and confide in, for there was no questioning -what my attitude was towards Abdullahi and Mahdieh. The consequence -was that old “Government” people and the powerful men who from time -to time became my fellow-prisoners, and, as a consequence, enemies of -Abdullahi, gave me confidences which, if given in other quarters, might -have resulted in the loss of a head. - -Again, almost all the tales told about the Soudan may be classed in -one of two categories; the first, tales like mine, related by people -interested in putting their own version upon events and incidents with -which they were personally connected, and the second, tales told by -people with versions for which they believed their questioners were -hankering, so that what |306| was white to “A” became black to “B,” -if it was considered that this colour pleased “B” best. The system -scarcely puts a premium on accuracy. - -But before proceeding to my comments on the criticisms, a few -introductory remarks are called for to prevent misconceptions and -misunderstandings arising in the minds of my readers. As an evidence -that the following is not intended—far from it—to lacerate the feelings -of any of those who suffered with me, I might mention that I have read -over the notes of this chapter to many of my fellow-captives, and -have, at their suggestion, cut out a series of incidents well known -to Gordon, which influenced him in the stand he took towards certain -people, and other incidents which prove how clear and long-sighted he -was, and how events justified his taking up the stand which he did. One -incident ought to be written, to punish on this earth, if possible, -the man whose escape has not been recorded, and whose deserted and -broken-hearted wife lies by the side of their unshriven baby-boy in the -sands of the Soudan. However, maybe Gordon, had he come back alive to -meet all the calumnies directed against him, would have hesitated to -help his “clearance” by stabbing the living with a dead hand, and out -of respect to his memory this incident, with a number of others, has -been expunged. - -I have already told Father Ohrwalder that, in commenting upon what he -says in “Ten Years’ Captivity,” when speaking of Gordon’s actions, -the remarks I may feel called upon to make are not intended for him -personally, and although I foresee |307| that I must in the main -have to speak as to the second person, I think Father Ohrwalder quite -understands that the second person in this instance is his book, not -himself. I do not, as I have told him, consider that he is directly -responsible for the opinions he is credited with in “Ten Years’ -Captivity,” and this notwithstanding the remark, “The reader is -reminded that all opinions expressed are those of Father Ohrwalder.” -Considering that Father Ohrwalder is a priest and missionary, and has -ventured upon thin ice in attacking Gordon’s memory, such a statement -is hardly fair to him, as in the preface to the book it is stated, -that “Father Ohrwalder’s manuscript, which was in the first instance -written in German, was roughly translated into English by Yusef Effendi -Cudzi, a Syrian; this I entirely rewrote in narrative form; the work -therefore does not profess to be a literal translation of the original -manuscript. . . .” - -I should have thought that when Gordon was being attacked the original -manuscript might have been treated a little differently. Of course -it is easily understandable that when a Syrian, with Arabic for his -mother tongue, translates from one difficult language which he has -picked up into another equally difficult, and translates roughly -too, when moreover this rough translation is handled in the manner -admitted, errors may have crept in or been passed unnoticed, whilst -salient points were lost sight of. It is also quite possible that the -peculiar idioms of the Arabic, German, and English languages |308| -got into a hopeless tangle, and were left so. Whatever the cause, -there is no gainsaying the fact that Father Ohrwalder is credited -with the expression of opinions which he, as a priest and missionary, -ought to be one of the last on this earth to give utterance to. That -he did not appreciate to the full the real import of the opinions he -is credited with, I feel certain of after my long interview with him, -when, with the Bible in one hand and a copy of “Ten Years’ Captivity” -in the other, we compared the opinions expressed in the latter with the -teachings of Christ in the former. - -Father Ohrwalder may or may not have been ill-advised in omitting or -suppressing the relation of well-known incidents, which accounted for -Gordon’s attitude in certain cases. It was only by omitting to mention -these incidents that the criticisms on Gordon were rendered possible, -or I should say that, had those incidents been included, the criticisms -would not have lived a day. It would have been far better to tell -everything to the generous and sympathetic world which he and Slatin -met when they escaped, and to leave it to condone, if any condoning -was called for, and to sympathize with them in the parts force of -circumstances compelled them to act, which must have been so repugnant -to them; for to omit, when criticizing Gordon, the relation of the very -acts which compelled him also by force of circumstances to act as he -did, was, to say the least of it, very unwise. - -In “Ten Years’ Captivity” the reader is led into a maze of opinions, -and left there. Once inside, you |309| discover that you can neither -gain the centre of the maze or return to the starting-point; you must -either wander round for an eternity, or do as I shall do, cut your way -through the hedges planted to bewilder you, and thank Heaven when on -the outside that you are clear of the tortuous passages. Compare, for -instance― - - “He (Cudzi) added that Gordon should have no anxiety about Berber as - long as Hussein Pasha Khaleefa was Mudir,” - -with, - - “Gordon himself committed a mistake by which he gave a deathblow to - himself and his mission. On his way to Khartoum, he stopped at Berber, - and interviewed the Mudir Hussein Pasha Khaleefa; he _imprudently_ - told him that he had come up to remove the Egyptian garrisons, as - Egypt had abandoned the Soudan.” - -Gordon cannot be blamed for confirming, as Governor-General of the -Soudan, the news telegraphed to his subordinate, the Mudir of Berber, -_through whose hands the retiring garrisons must pass_, nor can he be -blamed if, when his suspicions were aroused, he deferred to the opinion -of the man who was acting British Consul, Government representative, -and his own agent, when he wrote and telegraphed as he did, “Trust in -Hussein Pasha.” - - “The catastrophe which had overtaken Hicks filled the inhabitants of - Khartoum with indescribable dismay. Several of them returned to Egypt, - and the members of the Austrian Mission, with their blacks, quitted - Khartoum on the 11th December, 1883.” - -I therefore take it for granted that Father Ohrwalder’s fellow-workers -saw that all was hopeless |310| _two months before Gordon’s name had -been suggested to the Egyptian Government_, yet, in the face of this, -we are first asked― - - “What could Gordon do alone against the now universally worshipped - Mahdi?” - -and then told― - - “General Gordon’s arrival in Khartoum gave fresh life and hope to the - inhabitants.” - -Then, - - “As it appeared to us in Kordofan, and to the Mahdi himself, Gordon’s - undertaking was very strange; it was just as if a man were attempting - to put out an enormous fire with a drop of water,” - -and, - - “I have not the slightest hesitation in saying that had the Egyptian - Government not sent Gordon, then undoubtedly the evacuation originally - ordered could have been carried out without difficulty.” - -One is simply staggered by such an assertion. When Gordon arrived in -Khartoum, the whole of the western Soudan had fallen. The town was -overrun with the mourning women and children—the widows and orphans, I -should say—of the troops who, under Hicks Pasha, had been annihilated -a few months before on their way to extricate the garrisons. Slatin -had surrendered Dara to Zoghal. Said Bey Gumaa, the last man to fight -for the Government in the western Soudan, was compelled to capitulate -very shortly before Gordon’s arrival, and this only after a second -siege when his men were dying with thirst. |311| Bahr-el-Ghazal fell -before Gordon had had time to turn round, and, for all that he or the -Mahdi knew, the Equatorial province had fallen also. The town was -hemmed in by the Mahdists, and the commanders of the garrisons which -Gordon was expected to extricate were holding various commands in the -dervish army, while Slatin had taken part already as a Mahdist in -the subjugation of his subordinate, Said Bey Gumaa of El Fasher, who -had refused to surrender. Am I not justified in saying that only the -suppression of such facts made possible such attacks upon Gordon? - -We are next told― - - “Those who escaped massacre in Khartoum have often told me that they - were perfectly ready to leave, and it was only Gordon’s arrival - that kept them back, but Gordon’s arrival without troops had rather - disappointed them. Had he been accompanied by five hundred British - bayonets, his reputation in the Soudan might have been maintained, and - probably the Mahdi would never have left Kordofan.” - -Why did not those perfectly ready to leave leave with the members of -the Austrian mission, or leave between the date of their departure, -December 11, and the early days of February, when the news of -Gordon’s mission first reached Khartoum? Who prevented their leaving -during that interval of at least two months from the moment when -they were all thrown into “indescribable dismay” until they heard -of Gordon’s appointment? And if, when he did arrive, they were so -bitterly disappointed at his not being accompanied with five hundred -British |312| bayonets—much good these would have been against the -“universally worshipped Mahdi” in extricating those who had surrendered -to him—why did they stay on? Did not Gordon beg them to leave? did -he not try and compel them to do so? did he not put boats at their -disposal to sail north or south as best suited them? And has not Gordon -himself given the real reason for their staying on?—though to this -should be added their unbounded faith and confidence in Gordon. - -Gordon, I venture to believe, sustained his reputation in the Soudan -up to the end—up to the moment when, with the hand of Death on him, -he fell facing his last assailant. True, he lost his reputation for -telling the truth, but there are few men in this world whose telling -of an untruth would startle and astonish a community. The people of -Khartoum, their eyes dry and wearied with looking for a sign of the -returning steamers which Gordon had sent off three months before to -bring up the troops expected to arrive at the beginning of November, -turned to each other, and, in an amazed whisper, said, “Gordon has told -a lie,” and were startled and afraid at their own words. - -Having dealt as tersely as possible with this curious collection of -contradictions, I proceed to the quotation of and replies to the -criticisms passed upon Gordon in the book I have already quoted from. - - 1. “Looking back on the events of the siege of Khartoum, I cannot - refrain from saying I consider Gordon carried his humanitarian views - too far, and this excessive forbearance on his part added to his - difficulties.” - - 2. “It was Gordon’s first and paramount duty to rescue the |313| - Europeans, Christians, and Egyptians, from the fanatical fury of the - Mahdi, which was especially directed against them. This was Gordon’s - clear duty, but unfortunately he allowed his kindness of heart to be - made use of to his enemy’s advantage.” - - 3. “Thus, in his kindness of heart, did Gordon feed and support the - families of his enemies. It was quite sufficient for a number of women - to appeal to Gordon, with tears in their eyes, that they were starving - for him to order that rations of corn should be at once issued to - them, and thus it was that the supplies in the hands of the Government - were enormously reduced.” - - 4. “Gordon should have recognized that the laws of humanity differ in - war from peace time, more especially when the war he was waging was - especially directed against wild fanatical savages, who were enemies - to all peace.” - - 5. “He was entirely deceived if he believed that by the exercise of - kindness and humanity he was likely to win over these people to his - side; on the contrary, they ridiculed his generosity, and only thought - it a sign of weakness. The Soudanese respect and regard only those - whom they fear, and surely those cruel and hypocritical Mahdists - should have received very different treatment to civilized Europeans.” - - 6. “I also think that Gordon brought harm on himself and his cause - by another action, which I am convinced led to a great extent to his - final overthrow. Such men as Slatin, Lupton, Wad-el-Mek, and others, - had offered, at the risk of their lives, to come and serve him. . . . - Gordon would not, however, vouchsafe an answer to the letters of - appeal these men wrote to him.” - -In the first five extracts, Father Ohrwalder, from an initial mistake -in forgetting or being unaware of the presence in Khartoum of the -thousands of widows and orphans of the soldiers of Hicks’ army, -flounders on until, as I have said, he is credited with opinions which -he should be the last to give utterance to. It is passing strange -that any missionary should place limits to the humanitarian views and -forbearance of a military commander in time of war, who may invariably -be |314| depended upon to err on the wrong side from the biblical -point of view. Gordon, in keeping in mind the Sermon on the Mount, and -acting up to its precepts as far as the exigencies of a state of war -permitted, performed no act derogatory to him as a military commander. -Gordon was no worse a Christian than he was a soldier—and the world -never saw a better soldier. And whatever Gordon’s paramount duty may -have been, it certainly was _not_ his paramount duty to weaken his -little garrison by sending an expedition into Kordofan to rescue, say, -a dozen people who, as far as Gordon and every one else in Khartoum -knew, had disavowed the Christian religion and adopted that of the -Mahdi. - -There is another aspect to the case. Gordon’s troops were Muslims. The -“Christians” had adopted the “true faith” and become Muslims also. -Why, then, should Muslim lives be sacrificed to “rescue” them from -Islam and bring them back to Christianity? And it must not be forgotten -that Slatin, so far from denying his conversion, excused himself on -the ground that his religious education had been neglected at home. -Gordon is not to be blamed for having believed that the “Christians” -had sincerely adopted Islam, for apart from the mere adoption of -the religion, people sworn to celibacy and chastity had entered the -matrimonial state, which was considered a further evidence of their -conversion. While the gardener of the Khartoum Mission was bewailing -the money he had sent to the “apostates,” Consul Hansal wrote, asking -that the matter be kept secret, to the Austrian |315| Consul-General -in Cairo, informing him of what had occurred. Had there been any -“Christians” to rescue from the Mahdi, doubtless Gordon’s paramount -duty would have exhibited itself in some action. Nor is there any -evidence that the Mahdi’s “fanatical fury” was in any single instance -especially directed against the “Christians,” but there is a great deal -of evidence to the contrary. With the exception of putting Slatin in -chains, when he believed that he was playing him false, I know of no -case of wanton cruelty practised by the Mahdi towards the “Christians,” -and I am not sure whether “clemency” would not be the proper word to -use in Slatin’s case, when it is remembered what happens to prisoners -of war who break their parole, for Slatin and the others had sworn the -oath of allegiance. - -Extract No. 3, apart from the extraordinary censure on Gordon for -feeding the families of his enemies, and being moved to pity at the -sight of the tears of starving women, calls for a more detailed reply -to the criticism. Gordon, according to “Ten Years’ Captivity,” ought -to have turned these women out of the town to be at the tender mercies -of the “wild fanatical savages” and been responsible for the rehearsal -under his own eyes of the hunt for lust which followed on the fall of -Khartoum. Father Ohrwalder can never have heard of England’s proud roll -of heroes who on land and sea have given their lives to save those of -helpless women and children. In feeding these women—even had all been -the wives of his enemies, which they were not—Gordon committed |316| -no graver military crime than did the commander of the troops on board -the _Birkenhead_, when, instead of seeing first to the safety of the -soldiers for whose lives he was responsible, he placed the women and -children in the boats which could have saved the troops, and called -upon his men to present arms as the boats left the side of the ship—and -to stand to attention as the vessel sank under them. So much for -British principle, apart from Christ’s teachings, in peace and war; now -for the facts in Gordon’s case. - -When Gordon arrived in Khartoum, he found wandering—hungry and -helpless—the thousands of widows and orphans of the soldiers who a -few months before constituted Hicks Pasha’s army. Throughout his -journals you will discover constant reference to the food question, -with accounts of his successful search for the _stolen_ biscuits, which -had “enormously reduced” the supplies in the hands of the Government. -Gordon had calculated that the relieving army would reach him at the -beginning of November, so that we find him writing on the 2nd of that -month that he has six weeks’ food supplies. In making this estimate he -was allowing for full rations to the troops (who were also in receipt -of the money with which to buy those rations), and the wants of the -poor. On the 11th of that month he discovers nearly a million pounds of -stolen biscuits. On the 21st he writes, “I do not believe one person -has died of hunger during the months we have been shut up.” On December -14—that is a month after the latest date he had estimated for the -arrival of the relief expedition, he |317| says that unless the troops -come in ten days the town may fall, and this because he had on November -12 written, “Omdurman fort has one and a half months’ supply of food -and water.” With the fall of this fort, he knew that the end would soon -come. - -But up to this date the soldiers, who were not entitled to rations -since they received money for their purchase, were given full rations, -and there is every reason to believe that the pinch only came when -Omdurman fort fell on January 14 or 15, and the town was completely -hemmed in. Food was short, no doubt, but, eight days before the fall -of the town, Gordon could spare from the stores fifteen hundred pounds -of biscuits to provision a boat for the Europeans. One should only be -filled with amazement that Gordon held out so long after the date when -he had expected relief, and it is not only ridiculous but monstrous to -attack him, because he did not calculate that the expedition would only -arrive _seventy-eight_ instead of seventy-six days late, when we know -for certain that his troops were receiving full rations which they were -not entitled to for at least a month after the date of the expected -arrival of the expedition. - -It is true that Gordon, seeing the food supplies giving out, -recommended people to leave him and join the Mahdi, but this was only -after more days had slipped away after the “ten days from December -14.” He had then abandoned all hope, and saw that his prophecy was to -come true—the expedition would arrive just “too late.” In comparison -with the number of widows whom Gordon had had to support |318| for -ten months, without the slightest assistance or aid from outside, -the number of wives of his “enemies” in the Mahdi’s camp was so -insignificant as to be unworthy of notice. But even supposing that all -the starving women who went to Gordon crying for the bread which Father -Ohrwalder suggests should have been represented by a stone, were the -wives of his enemies, his own writing justifies Gordon’s feeding of -them, for he says, “These crafty people thus assured themselves that, -should the Mahdi be victorious, their loyalty to him would ensure the -safety of their families and property in Khartoum, while, on the other -hand, should Gordon be victorious, then their wives and families would -be able to mediate for them with the conquerors.” - -It is quite evident, then, that these people who went over to the -Mahdi’s camp did so, not from conviction of his divine mission, but to -save the lives of their wives and families, whom by preference they -entrusted to Gordon even at the last hour, and nearly a year after the -date when his arrival without five hundred British bayonets is supposed -to have ruined his reputation in the Soudan. I am inclined to think -that the “craftiness” displayed by some in trying to secure their wives -and daughters against violation and death, was no less justifiable than -the “craftiness” displayed by others for an entirely different purpose. -What a tribute these “crafty” people paid to Gordon! I mean the crafty -people who left Khartoum in January, 1885, and trusted Gordon with -the lives of their wives and children. |319| In discussing this food -question with Khartoum survivors, I laid particular stress upon the -feeding of the women and children, and I can do no better than give -the summing-up of it in the words of a native survivor, after I had -translated to him the criticisms I am replying to—“What! Would Gordon -Pasha send away the hungry women and children of soldiers who had been -killed fighting for the Government?” - -I pass over extract No. 5 for the moment to refer to No. 6. The use -of my portrait in advertising the book I am quoting from led most to -believe that I approved of the criticisms it contained, and I have -taken this opportunity of showing how thoroughly I disagree with them. -To say that Slatin and others had offered, at the risk of their lives, -to join Gordon is hardly correct, and if Gordon did not vouchsafe a -written answer to the letters he received, he probably had good reason -for not doing so, especially as it appears likely that some of Said -Bey Gumaa’s letters addressed to the Governor-General before Gordon’s -appointment had succeeded in getting through to Khartoum, and from -these and deserters from the Mahdi, Gordon must have learned all. - -Under pretence of intending to submit, Gumaa gained time, and tried -to hurry up reinforcements, but this having been suspected, Zoghal -ordered Slatin, Tandal, the President of the Civil Court, Aly Bey -Ibrahim-el-Khabir, Slatin’s head-clerk Ahmad Riad, and a few others, -to send in an ultimatum to Gumaa, |320| and await his reply. The -reply travelled quickly; as soon as he read the letter, Gumaa opened -fire upon the spot where Slatin and his companions were awaiting him. -During the first siege of El Fasher, Gumaa must have accounted for at -least fifteen thousand dervishes, and utterly defeated the army which -retired to Walad Birra, from whence a party was sent off to Dara to -bring up the ammunition which, as appears from Gordon’s Journal, was -handed over to the Mahdists by Slatin when he surrendered the province. -This occupied eleven days, and then the second siege was laid. The -wells were filled up, thus depriving the garrison of water; but for -seven or eight days they held out, dying of thirst, while the town was -constantly bombarded with Government ammunition. Said Bey Gumaa has -always protested that had it not been for the ammunition handed over by -Slatin to the Mahdists he could have held out—and more. - -The knowledge of these things must have influenced Gordon, especially -when Slatin writes to him, through Consul Hansal, offering to place -his services at his disposal, but only on condition that Gordon -should guarantee never to surrender, for, if he did, Slatin would -be maltreated by the Mahdists when they laid hands upon him. Gordon -was the best judge as to the value of services offered under such -conditions. For “moral and political reasons,” Gordon considered -it unadvisable to have anything whatever to do with what he called -“apostate” Europeans in the Mahdi’s camp, but appreciating the -enormous responsibility |321| thrown upon his shoulders, he appealed -to the Ulema for their advice, as these apostates were now their -co-religionists, and they decided to have nothing whatever to do with -their “proposals of treachery,” as no good could come of it. Matters -were made still worse by Slatin writing to Gordon asking him to be a -party to proceedings very foreign indeed to Gordon’s nature at all -events. Slatin’s request to Gordon was to write to him personally one -letter in French, and another letter in Arabic, “asking him to obtain -permission from his Master to come to Omdurman and discuss with him the -conditions of his (Gordon’s) surrender,” which letter he could use in -order to obtain permission to come to Omdurman. If Gordon had written -that Arabic letter. . . . - -If all these facts were not known to Father Ohrwalder before 1892, six -years is quite long enough time to have learned them, and now I have -no hesitation in saying that to assert that Gordon brought about his -downfall by refusing the services of people willing to risk their lives -in reaching him is, to put it charitably, pure fiction. - -Irrespective of the opinions expressed in the first four extracts -given, extract No. 5 makes out a very good case for the Sirdar to write -in large letters at the Soudan Frontier, “No Missionaries Admitted,” -for Father Ohrwalder proves conclusively that they can do no good. -Honestly I believe that for many years to come the only religious -teachers allowed to penetrate into the Soudan should be enlightened -exponents of the Quoran. Consider that for sixteen years the |322| -Soudan has been in the throes—is still in the throes of one of the -greatest religious upheavals known. While this revival of Islam has -been in progress in the Soudan proper, the converts at Uganda and -elsewhere have been snicking each other’s throats to evidence their -zeal for the rival Christian creeds. In the Soudan, missionaries have -openly avowed to thousands their acceptance of the “true faith”—Islam, -the very religion from which they had gone out to convert the Blacks. -I have not the slightest hesitation in saying myself that for some -time to come religious revivalism in the Soudan will, if permitted to -take place, very soon spell REBELLION. Time must be given for the bad -(?) effect produced on the native mind by the conversion of the Soudan -missionaries to die out, and goodness knows the poor country requires -a rest. If missionaries must be sent, then let them be honest traders, -the best missionaries for savage countries. When the Soudan has again -been opened up, and the natives have become a little more civilized -through their contact with trade, and so Europeanized that their simple -faith, “There is one God, and He is God,” is not sufficient for them, -but they must needs snarl and fight over creeds, then and only then -remove the “No Admittance” signboard. - -I trust that no religious body or society of earnest Christians will -think from the foregoing that I am either sneering or scoffing at -religion, or that their disinterested efforts to spread the gospel of -peace to the remotest ends of the earth have not my sincerest sympathy. -I have spoken plainly and to the point, |323| for I consider that the -occasion calls for it. The missionaries required in the Soudan now are -clean-minded, honest traders, who will do more for you by a few years’ -preparing the ground for “talking” missionaries than the missionaries -can do in a score of years of preaching. It is men like Gordon who, -though not preaching religion, yet practise it in their every act, whom -the Soudan requires. Ask any one in the Soudan what is his opinion -about Gordon, and he will reply, “Gordon was not a Christian; he was a -true Muslim; no Christian could be so good and just as he was,” and I -believe that this saying, or estimate of him, emanated from the Mahdi -himself. I draw your particular attention to the word “just,” which -proves that, in the eyes of the Mahdists and Soudanese alike, his -justice ranked with his goodness. If any Soudanese or Mahdist ridiculed -to Father Ohrwalder Gordon’s generosity, and considered it a sign of -weakness, it must have been done for a purpose. During my twelve years -amongst all shades of people of the Soudan, I never heard a single word -against Gordon, nor did I hear one until I came amongst his own flesh -and blood. I cannot do better than relate another example of the esteem -he was held in, and this example is from a Christian source. - -My friend Nahoum Abbajee, when he reached Cairo, prepared a petition -which he had intended forwarding to her Majesty the Queen, asking that -the British Government should restore part of the fortune accumulated -by him during his twenty-three years’ residence in the Soudan. His -argument was that, trusting to |324| Gordon, he had delayed in -Khartoum until Stewart’s departure was arranged for, when, acting on -the advice of Gordon, he sold off his goods, realizing but half their -value, accepted Gordon Bonds in payment, bought a boat, as no one then -would hire one out, set off with Stewart, and was captured by the -dervishes. This would not have happened, had not the commander of the -gunboat disobeyed Gordon’s orders by steaming off to Khartoum, instead -of bombarding Berber for three days, and Gordon was consequently -responsible for the delinquencies of his subordinate. - -On being asked what his personal impressions of Gordon were, he said -that his thoughtfulness for every one, his goodness, justice, and -innumerable virtues would take years to relate; and then when he was -told that his claim could only be sustained on his proving that Gordon -was to blame for the loss of Stewart’s party, ill as he was, he rose -from his couch, tore up the petition, and, with his hand raised, prayed -Heaven that if the bit of bread to save him from starvation should be -purchased with money obtained through laying a fault upon Gordon, it -might choke him. One had to witness the scene really to appreciate it. -Ruined, broken down in health, too old to make a new start in life, his -eyes lost their dulness and glistened as he breathed his prayer and -fell back on his couch exhausted with the effort. Nahoum, I am afraid, -will have joined Gordon by the time this appears in print. - -[Illustration: HASSAN BEY HASSANEIN.] - - - - -|325| - -APPENDICES - - -APPENDIX I - -HASSAN BEY HASSANEIN - -When Gordon heard of the murder of Colonel Stewart and his companions, -he held a sort of court-martial on himself, and, after reviewing all -the arrangements which he had made for their safety, he came to the -conclusion that Stewart must have been invited on shore and murdered. -Then, as if endowed with second sight, he almost exactly described -what actually happened. The _Abbas_, drawing less than two feet of -water, ought not to have stranded, as it was High Nile. Treachery on -the part of the crew he had guarded against by sending a bodyguard -of highly paid Greeks. The cutting adrift of their boats just after -passing Berber contributed to the catastrophe, for had they been with -the steamer at the time she struck, it is hardly likely that the -inhabitants of the village would have planned the treachery they did. -As interpreter to the party, Gordon gave them the man he could least -spare, and one in whom he had every confidence—Hassan Bey Hassanein. -Gordon himself writes, “thus the question of treachery was duly weighed -by me and guarded against,” yet, in “Ten Years’ Captivity,” we find the -contrary stated. “It is said that the interpreter, Hassan, arranged -the betrayal.” Moreover, to clinch the matter, and to show that -Gordon had selected a traitor in the very man whom the |326| lives -of the party might depend upon, it is added, “And I was afterwards -told that, when he got into difficulties later, he sent a petition to -Mohammad-el-Kheir, in which he said that he was entitled to reward for -having secured Colonel Stewart’s death. He is still living in Omdurman.” - -Hassan Bey Hassanein has lived to come back to Egypt and bear witness -to the goodness and virtues of the heroic defender of Khartoum. -The only bit of treachery Hassan Bey acknowledges is that—with his -fellow-clerk, Sirri—he cut the Khaleefa’s telegraph and telephone -communications as the troops were advancing, to prevent communication -between Omdurman and Khartoum and the outpost at Khor Shambat. It was -Hassan Bey who ran out of the telegraph-hut as the gunboats advanced -and attempted to get on board in order to warn them of the mines. He -succeeded in attracting attention, and barely got off with his life, -for his shouts in English were drowned by the report of the rifles as -the men “potted” at his dervish dress. - -Hassan Bey Hassanein, speaking English, French, and Arabic, was sent -to Khartoum in July, 1883, for telegraphic work. When Gordon arrived, -in 1884, he wrote an official letter detailing him for his special -service. Orders were given that he was to have access to him at all -hours of the day and night. It was Hassan Bey who used to mark the -words Gordon required to use at a forthcoming interview, in his Arabic -dictionary. Before giving his version of the murder of Stewart’s -party, a few words concerning him and his relations with Gordon will -prove that, in selecting him as interpreter to the party, Gordon -“well-guarded against treachery.” - -One of Hassan Bey’s first missions after the arrival of Gordon was to -seek out the widow of Bussati Bey; for, on arrival at Berber, he had -telegraphed to Bussati Bey, not knowing that he had been killed with -Hicks. Having found the widow and her children in dire straits, he -returned with one of the children to Gordon, and then took the child -back carrying a handkerchief containing a hundred pounds. “Bis |327| -dat qui cito dat” was certainly Gordon’s motto in Khartoum, from the -hundreds of tales which I have heard. On handing the money to the -widow, she brought out her husband’s uniform and sword, and, handing -them to Hassan Bey, said, “As you take the place of my husband at -Gordon’s side, then take his sword and uniform.” Hassan Bey took it -to Gordon, who asked what it was worth, and being told “perhaps ten -pounds,” sent twenty pounds to the widow to make sure, and told Hassan -Bey to keep the uniform, as it might yet come in useful. - -Later on, when Hassan Bey, who was then but “effendi,” had had a -particularly hard spell of night and day work, Gordon asked him which -he would prefer—an increase of pay or a rank. Hassan Bey left the -matter to Gordon, and he gave him both, writing the “firman” himself. -On the Friday following, Hassan Bey presented himself to Gordon in -Bussati’s uniform—for uniform was worn on Fridays and feast days. -Gordon was evidently much amused at his interpreter and telegraph-clerk -appearing in the uniform of a lieut.-colonel, although the rank he -had bestowed upon him was nothing more nor less. Telling Hassan Bey -that such a uniform did not look well without a decoration, he pinned -on to his right breast one of the decorations he had had struck to -commemorate the siege of Khartoum, and Hassanein walked off a proud -man to delight the eyes of his wife, then nearing her confinement. -Fifteen days before the departure of the _Abbas_, he presented himself -to Gordon, and told him that he was the father of a boy. “No, I am -the father,” replied Gordon, and, knowing Hassan Bey’s house, he -hurried off at a quick walk, which Hassan Bey had to run to keep up -with. Pushing his way through the women assembled in the outer room, -he tapped gently on the door where mother and child were lying, and -asked, “Mary, tyeeb-tyeeb?” (“Is all well?”) and then, as the child’s -“father,” he insisted upon entering, took the child in his arms, -crooned to it, kissed it, and then hurried off and wrote a note to the -Finance Office to pay a hundred pounds _from his salary_ “to his boy.” -Mother and child were to meet with a tragic death. |328| - -Two days before the departure of the _Abbas_, Gordon told Hassan Bey -that he had selected him to accompany Colonel Stewart as interpreter. -He was to accompany the party as far as Dongola, at all events, but -there was the possibility of Stewart requiring him as far as Cairo, -therefore his wife collected a number of presents for her relatives -in Cairo, which Hassan Bey was to present in uniform and decorations, -so that all should understand how highly she had married. I must now, -having given an idea of the relations existing between Gordon and -the man who “betrayed” Colonel Stewart, and who had left with Gordon -his wife and fifteen-day-old boy, give his account of what actually -occurred. I purposely leave out all the incidents of the voyage until -the boats reach the island opposite the village of El Salamanieh. - -A discussion arose between the two Reises (pilots) as the island was -neared, as to what course to take; the river was running strong, -and between the island and mainland resembled a mill race. One reis -contended for the left bank and the other for the right. Stewart, who -spoke Turkish and Arabic, asked what was the matter, and decided that -judgment was to rest with the oldest of the reises, and he selected -the right bank. Instead of coming through the race stern first, it -was decided to put on full steam and “shoot” what might be called the -rapids. While the decision was being given, the steamer had come end on -with the island, and when full steam ahead was signalled, she steamed -ahead at an angle of about seventy-five degrees to the southern spit, -and before reaching the race proper, struck—swung round, and struck -again. Colonel Stewart took down his revolver, and threatened to shoot -both reises, upon which they dived overboard and swam to the right bank -of the Nile, but thirty or forty yards distant. Colonel Stewart did -not fire at them as they swam off. This occurred about an hour before -mid-day. - -About an hour later, the two reises—Mohammad el Dongolawi and Ali el -Bishtili—returned to the vessel, said they had spoken to the people -of the village, who had declared they acknowledged the authority of -Mustapha Pasha Yawer, the |329| Mudir of Dongola; they at the same -time begged that Stewart would not molest them in any way, and they -would provide camels to take the whole party to Dongola. Colonel -Stewart spiked the cannon, and threw it overboard along with the -ammunition. He then ordered Hassan Bey, with one of Gordon’s cavasses, -and the clerk Mahmoud Ghorab, to go on shore and interview the people. -At first they demurred, as, being Egyptians, they felt sure they would -be murdered, and asked that the small boat should be sent as far as a -village near Derawi, where it was certain “friends” would be met with. -Colonel Stewart, after first threatening to throw them into the river, -took his revolver again and threatened to shoot all three if they did -not obey instantly. They obeyed, and went on shore to meet the men -awaiting them—a blind man named Osman, and two men of the Wadi Kamr -tribe. On reaching the reception-room of the Sheikh-el-Belad (headman -of the village), a copy of the Quoran was produced, and upon this Osman -and his companions swore loyalty to the Government. Osman remained -behind while the other two accompanied Hassan Bey and the others to the -island where Stewart’s party had then landed. Here again the oath of -allegiance to the Government was taken, and the men left, promising to -send for camels to be ready on the following morning. - -At about ten o’clock the next day they returned, and suggested that all -should come to the right bank and pack up their effects, to be ready -for the camels when they arrived. About two hours after mid-day, while -all were either seated on the bank or fastening up their effects, a -man came, said that the Sheikh-el-Belad had arrived, and invited the -“Pasha” and the Consuls to his house. Colonel Stewart ordered Hassan -Bey to accompany him as interpreter. On reaching the reception-room, -they found about forty or fifty people assembled to receive them. The -Sheikh-el-Belad was seated in the centre of the room on the left. Two -angareebs were placed at each side of the doorway: Stewart and Power -seated themselves on the |330| angareeb on the right, and Hassan Bey -and Herbin on the angareeb to the left. Some minutes were taken up in -the usual salutations, and before they had time to speak about the -journey, the natives rose, and, saying the camels were approaching, -left the room, only to rush back a few minutes later shouting, -“Salaamoo tisslaamoo ya kaffarah” (“Become Muslims, you infidels, -and you will be spared”); but at the same moment Herbin had his head -smashed in with an axe, and Hassan Bey was stabbed in the right arm -with a crease knife, and, as he was falling, received a large spear -wound in the left leg. He fell unconscious, and did not see how Stewart -and Power were killed. While the bodies were being dragged out of the -room, some time after sunset, Hassan Bey was found to be still alive; -it was proposed to kill him, but the brother of the Sheikh-el-Belad, he -heard afterwards, pleaded for him, as his “stomach felt sick.” - -After the murder of Stewart and the others, the party made their way -to the river, and a long fight ensued between them and the crew of -the vessel, the latter being killed to a man. Hassan Bey was given -some engine-oil from the steamer with which to dress his wounds, and, -when he recovered, was sent to attend the flocks of the tribe. About -fifty to sixty days later, he was sent to Berber on the orders of -Mohammad-el-Kheir, and there imprisoned for four months, and, on the -death of the Mahdi, was, with other prisoners, sent to Omdurman, to -take the oath of allegiance to Khaleefa Abdullahi. - -In 1889–90 he was sent to Kassala, and, on the breaking out of the -famine, he, with his wife and child, and many others, made up a party -to return to Omdurman. Hassan Bey’s group consisted of his family, a -man named Ismail, with his wife and daughter, and a man with two women. -They ran short of water, and, leaving the others, who were worn out, -to rest under some shrubs, Hassan Bey and Ismail set off in search -of water. In about four hours’ time they reached some pools near the -Atbara, and filling their water-skins, set off to rejoin |331| their -families. On reaching the spot, they found that they had been devoured -by lions; the heads of Hassan’s wife and boy—then between six and -seven years of age—and the heads of Ismail’s wife and daughter were -all that remained. No trace was left of the heads of the man and the -other two women, and it is surmised that they must have escaped, for -the lion never eats the head of its victim. Half mad, the two wandered -on, living on roots and leaves, until, on reaching the village of -El-Mughetta, on the banks of the Atbara, they were taken prisoners and -made slaves. Ismail had to work at the ferry, but Hassan Bey, being -weak and ill, was allowed to wander about until, meeting with a caravan -bound for Geddaref, he joined it, and then made his way to Omdurman, -being employed, first, as clerk under Abdallah Sulieman, the head of -the cartridge-factory, and then transferred to the telegraph service. - - -|332| - -APPENDIX II - -ORPHALI - -The account which I have given of how Gordon died differs so very -little in essentials from the account which I have since received from -Khaleel Agha Orphali, and which has been read to Khartoum survivors -with the idea of comparing the statements made with what was related -at the time, that I think it advisable to allow my account to stand, -and to append that of Orphali, giving a few details concerning Orphali -himself. I might mention that Gordon was credited with having killed -a much greater number of dervishes than I have given, but the error -arose from his being credited with the killing of the dervishes on the -“Gouvernorat” (E) staircase; but these were killed by the guards. The -fact of his having killed so many as he did, is to be accounted for -in two ways; first, the people who first assailed him on the private -staircase were unaccustomed to the use of the small spears they -carried—indeed, it is safe to say that they had only been dervishes -outwardly for half an hour or so; and, secondly, as they were packed on -a narrow staircase, every shot told on the mass. To assist the reader -in following Orphali’s narrative, I have drawn from memory a rough plan -of the palace as I remembered it while it stood intact, and, with the -assistance of Fauzi Pasha and others, have been able to name each of -the rooms. - -Khaleel Agha Orphali joined the army for service in the Soudan in -the Coptic year 1591 (1873–74). After taking part in a number of -engagements, he was promoted to the rank of Bulok Bashi (commander of -twenty-five men), and when |333| Gordon reached Kulkul, in 1878–79, -Orphali and his men had been without pay for months. They presented -themselves to Gordon and clamoured for their pay; he recommended them -to go to Khartoum for it, upon which they became abusive, and Gordon -drew his revolver. Orphali followed suit, but neither fired. Gordon -quietly ordered the cavasses to remove their chief in custody, which -they did. Shortly afterwards, Gordon sent for Orphali, told him he -was a “man,” gave him a present of money, and offered him the post of -cavass to himself, which Orphali at once accepted, accompanying Gordon -to Khartoum, and remaining with him until he left. - -On Gordon’s return, in 1884, he found Orphali then in Khartoum, and -made him his chief cavass. Orphali is one of those men who know but -one master, and believe that master to be the ruler of the universe. -He, therefore, was no great favourite with some in the administration, -as, during the siege, he was never away from Gordon’s side, and his -cavasses were allowed to do nothing but keep their arms clean, and -be ready to surround Gordon in case of trouble. They were strictly -forbidden to leave their posts to carry coffee, bread, run messages, or -perform all the other little services which they had been accustomed -to perform for the katibs (clerks). Orphali’s ideas as to the duty of -his cavasses were the cause of constant bickerings, which came to a -climax about twenty days before the fall of Khartoum, when he espied -one of them carrying an ink-bottle behind Geriagis Bey—the head-clerk, -who succeeded Rouchdi Bey. This was too much for Orphali. Grasping the -brass inkstand, he drove it with all his force against Geriagis’ chest, -and this assault Gordon could not pass over. Orphali was in disgrace -for eight days, and “confined to barracks,” that is to say, the palace -precincts, but he slept at Gordon’s door as usual. Twelve days before -the fall, he was re-instated in favour, and never again left Gordon’s -side for a moment. - -Orphali—as Gordon is not alive to speak for him, and as so many knew -from Gordon himself of his threat to shoot him many years before—has -been afraid, since his return, to talk |334| about his relations with -Gordon, and was not a little surprised when I assured him that, if he -appeared in “Londra,” he need have nothing to be afraid of from the -English people. Having introduced the man, I now give his description -of the night of the 25th January, keeping as much as possible to -his own words, and only, to give a complete account, mentioning the -incidents occurring in other parts of the palace while Gordon and he -fought the upper floor:― - -[Illustration: PLANS OF PALACE AT KHARTOUM ILLUSTRATING THE DEATH OF -GORDON.] - -His excellency was not an early sleeper, and on the night the dervishes -entered Khartoum he was in his room. At eight o’clock, Consul Hansall, -Consul Leontides and the Doctor, Abou Naddara (he of the spectacles), -came to see him, and remained until midnight. After their departure, -he did not go to sleep, but sat reading and writing letters, and -sometimes pacing the room. At one o’clock in the morning, he sent me -to the telegraph-office to inquire about the enemy’s movements, as he -had received confirmed news of the intended attack, and his excellency -had issued general orders to the soldiers and employés to be on guard -to attack and withstand the dervishes. Ali Effendi Riza, Mohammad -Effendi Fauzi, and Youssef Effendi Esmatt were on duty, also the -messenger Mohammad Omar. They reported all was quiet, and this news I -gave his excellency. Half an hour later, perhaps, firing was heard from -the land side (_i.e._ to the south); I was sent to seek information. -Bakhit Bey, from Buri, telegraphed that a few dervishes had attacked, -but had been driven off, and when I told his excellency, he prepared -to sleep, and gave me the customary order to bolt his door, and this -I did. Then I closed the door of the terrace (I, plan), then the door -of the Gouvernorat (H), near Rouchdi Bey’s room, and returning along -the corridor leading to the private apartments, closed the door in -the middle (B), and then went down the private staircase (D), gave -the usual orders to the guards, and returned to my sleeping place -opposite the pasha’s room (K), after I had told the telegraph-clerks -to bring information as soon as any news came from the lines. About -three o’clock, Mohammad Omar, the messenger, with Cavass Ali |335| -Agha Gadri, roused me and said that an attack was being made at -Kabakat (boats) on the White Nile. I informed the Pasha, who told me to -run to the telegraph-office for more news, and there I met Hassan Bey -Bahnassawi, who was on duty, and we heard that an attack had been made, -but had been repulsed.[13] On informing the Pasha, he told me to close -the door of his room again, which I did, and sat down to make coffee. -Then we heard more firing from the White Nile, and the cavasses, -having run to the terrace, called to me that the dervishes were coming -into the town. I ran down to Buluk Bashi Ibrahim El Nahass, who had -twenty-four men; fifteen we placed at the windows (rooms on right -ground-plan), and nine on the terrace overlooking the garden (G). There -were also twenty-four cavasses and ferrashes; thirteen were placed at -the windows (left of ground-plan) under my second, Niman Agha, eight -on the terrace (F), and three at the door of the palace (B). Each man -had ten dozen cartridges, besides which, each party had a spare case -of ammunition. All these arrangements did not take five minutes, as -each knew his place. I then ran up to the Governor-General’s room, -and informed him of the arrangements. The day had now come (dawned). -The dervishes who ran to the front of the palace were killed by the -fire from the steamer. About seventy were killed in the garden by the -soldiers firing on them from the terrace, and then we saw the dervishes -coming over the rukooba (vine-trellis A), and they were met with the -fire from the windows and terraces. They came in great numbers very -quickly. Some ran to the entrance (B), killed the guards and opened -the door; then they all ran to the Gouvernorat door and killed the -telegraph-clerks, all except Esmatt, who hid among the sacks in the -storeroom; they then went to the terrace (G) and killed the soldiers, -and Nahass, seeing the massacre, jumped from the window. Four men were -on guard at the private stairs, but when the |336| dervishes came -back from the Gouvernorat door (E) they were soon killed, and some of -the dervishes ran to the terrace (F), and killed the soldiers there; -others came up the steps to the private apartment, and broke the door; -Gordon Pasha met them with his sword in his right hand and his pistol -(revolver) in his left, and killed of them two who fell at the door, -and one who fell down the stairs,[14] and the others ran away. Then -we heard the dervishes breaking the private door (B), while the Pasha -was loading his revolver. I went forward and received a little wound -in the face, and when the Pasha came, he received a wound in the left -shoulder; the man who wounded him was a half-blood slave. We followed -them to Rouchdi Bey’s room, killing three and wounding many, and the -others ran away and fell down the stairs. We went back to the Pasha’s -room and reloaded, but the dervishes came back, and I received a slight -wound in my right leg from a sword, but I warded the blow, and the -cut was nothing. We attacked the dervishes on the private stairs (D), -and while we were passing the door a native of Khartoum, dressed as a -dervish, stabbed the Pasha with a spear on the left shoulder; seeing -this man’s hand coming from behind the door, I cut at it, and he ran -and fell on a spear held by one of his companions on the steps, and -was killed. At this time more dervishes were coming along the corridor -(from H), and we returned to meet them; I received a thrust in the -left hand, but the Pasha cut the man down with his sword, and kicked -him on the head and he died; then the dervishes ran into the clerks’ -offices (5, 6, 7, upper-floor plan), and while we were standing in the -corridor, a tall negro fired a shot from the door (H) near Rouchdi -Bey’s room, and the bullet struck the Pasha in the right breast, and -the Pasha ran up and shot the man dead. The dervishes then came out of -the offices, and we turned, and they ran to the private stairs, and we -fired into them, but the Pasha was getting weak from loss of blood. We -fought these dervishes down the stairs till we reached the last one, -and a native of |337| Katimeh speared the Pasha in the right hip, but -I shot him, and the Pasha fell down on the cavasses’ mat at the door, -and he was dead, and as I turned to seek refuge in the finance-office -(F plan), I was struck down and lost my senses, and I was lying down -with the dead. In the afternoon, a man of El Katimeh—Abd-el-Rahman, -whom I knew, helped me to go to the river for water, and I saw the body -of the Pasha at the door (D), but the head was not there. I was helped -to my house, and found my wife and children and property all missing. -. . . I was taken by a friend and Abd-el-Rahman to El Dem-el-Darawish, -and left on the plain all night, and in the morning I was taken before -Wad en Nejoumi . . . and I was stripped to see if I had any money and -papers, but I had not; and when I said that I was ignorant of any -treasure, I was heavily beaten, though much wounded, and was very ill -for seventeen days, and my wife found me. - - [13] This is a literal translation. What Orphali intends to - convey is, that on telegraphing to the lines, Bahnassawi Bey, - who was on duty, was at his post, and replied to the inquiries - sent by telegraph. The distance between the palace and - Bahnassawi’s post was about two and a half miles. - - [14] That is to say, fell dead or wounded. - - * * * * * - -All who were taken to see the steps where Gordon fell remarked upon the -number and extent of the blood stains, for they could not believe that -all had come from one body. These stains were shown to me in 1887. It -has been stated on good authority that “Stains of blood marked the spot -where this atrocity took place, and the steps from top to bottom for -weeks bore the same sad traces.” Here is what I choose to consider not -only a confirmation of Gordon having died fighting, but a confirmation -of Orphali’s narrative, for there were only two people on the upper -floor—Gordon and Orphali, and all the fighting must have been done by -them. It is quite impossible that the steps “from top to bottom”—four -flights-could have been stained as they were stained with large patches -of blood left by a body which had been dragged downstairs some time -after death. The steps _were_ stained with the blood of the dervishes -through whom I have said Gordon shot and hacked his way in his heroic -attempt to reach his troops. - - -|338| - -APPENDIX III - -Translation of the letter which the Khaleefa dictated in reply to the -letter given me by General Stephenson, in Cairo, before leaving for -Kordofan. - - “In the name of God the Most Merciful, and thanks to God the - Omnipotent and Generous, with prayers on Mohammad our Lord and his - descendants; Greeting. - - “From the servant of his Lord Abdallah-el-Muslimani-el-Brussi (the - Prussian), formerly named Karl Neufeld, to Stephenson the Englishman, - at Cairo. - - “We have to inform you that, in conformity with your letter, dated - March 1, 1887, addressed to us, and recommending us to Sheikh Saleh - Fadlallah-el-Kabashi with regard to your projects, - - “We started from Halfa, with his men bearing the arms and ammunition - and other things sent him by the Government. - - “We proceeded on our course, and were constantly on guard on ourselves - and our property, until we arrived at a well called Selima, from where - we took the water supply, and continued our way to our destination. - - “It was our fate to be met in the desert by six fakirs, followers of - the Mahdi, who attacked us, so that we and Saleh’s men had to defend - ourselves, our number being fifty-five men. - - “The six fakirs were later reinforced by others, all of them being - men of Abd-el-Rahman en Nejoumi. Thus there remained for us no way of - escape, and in the space of half an hour we were defeated, many being - killed, and the rest taken prisoners. The rifles, ammunition, and - things destined for Saleh were seized, and I, my servant Elias, and - my slave-girl, Hasseena, were among the prisoners, and |339| we were - thus conducted to Abd-el-Rahman en Nejoumi, to Ordeh or Dongola. - - “From this place we were sent to the Khaleefa of the Mahdi, on whom be - peace, at Omdurman, to whom we were presented. We were certain that we - were to be killed, taking into consideration our great crime against - him. - - “The Khaleefa of the Mahdi, on whom be peace, however, pitied our - condition, and proposed to us to avow the Mohammedan faith. We - accepted, and became Muslims by pronouncing the two declarations in - his presence, and by publicly professing that there is no God but - God, and that Mohammad is the Prophet of God, and I then added that - I believed in God and his Prophet Mohammad, and in the Khaleefa of - the Mahdi. We then asked him for his clemency and pardon, which was - granted. He thereupon embraced me, and named me Abdallah. I was then - accepted of the Mohammedan religion. - - “It was on these conditions that the Khaleefa of the Mahdi, on whom be - peace, pardoned me and spared my life, which was already forfeited. - - “This was done to the honour and glory of the Mohammedan religion. - - “We further inform you that although Dufa'Allah Hogal deceived us, - notwithstanding his perfidy, we cannot sufficiently thank and reward - him, as his treachery turned to our great benefit, and he has allowed - us to enjoy great prosperity. - - “Finally, we inform you confidentially that Saleh Fadlallah Salem has - lost all his power and influence, and has taken refuge in the desert. - This is the truth. I write this for your advice. - - “The 17th Shaaban, 1304.” - - -|340| - -APPENDIX IV - -IBRAHIM PASHA FAUZI-GORDON’S FAVOURITE OFFICER - -When Gordon arrived in Khartoum, in 1874, Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi was then -a second-lieutenant. Gordon had applied to the then Governor-General -of the Soudan, Ismail Pasha Ayoub, for four companies of soldiers to -accompany him to the Equatorial Provinces. Ayoub was not at all pleased -at Gordon’s mission, as he took it as a slight upon his administration, -so that when Gordon’s application for troops was received, Ayoub -selected for the purpose his most worthless men, with the double object -of getting rid of them, and making Gordon’s mission a failure. Fauzi, -anxious to see some service, had volunteered to accompany Gordon, and, -for doing so, Ayoub placed him under arrest. Gordon, hearing of the -matter, sent to Ayoub demanding that the officer who had volunteered -his services should be sent to him immediately. Fauzi was sent to -Gordon’s head-quarters, when Gordon first asked him, “Are you the -officer who volunteered your services?” following up the question, -when Fauzi in reply said, “Yes, sir,” the only two words he then knew -of English, by asking why he had done so. On learning that Fauzi -wished to see service, he promised that his wish should be gratified. -“But,” added Gordon, “I wish you to answer me as an officer—why did -the Governor place you under arrest?” Fauzi gave the reason—Ayoub was -afraid that |341| Gordon would discover, before departure, that he -had been sent the worst troops. Sending back the four companies, he -requisitioned four companies indicated by Fauzi, and, Fauzi being too -young for a command, he appointed him commandant of his body-guard, and -a sort of adjutant-major to the little force. - -[Illustration: FAUZI PASHA IN UNIFORM.] - -Fauzi accompanied Gordon to the Albert Nyanza, returned with him to -Khartoum, was gazetted major in consideration of his services, and -appointed Mudir (Governor) of Bohr, but given two months’ leave of -absence before taking up his post. Gordon left for England, and Fauzi -came to Cairo for his leave, on the expiration of which he set out for -the Soudan, but, on reaching Berber, he found a telegram awaiting him -from Gordon telling him not to go further than Khartoum, as he (Gordon) -was returning as Governor-General. When Gordon reached Khartoum, it -was to hear that Darfur was in revolt, and that the Bahr-el-Ghazal -province was joining the rebels. A council of war was held, when Gordon -asked the officers present to select one of themselves to head an -expedition to the Bahr-el-Ghazal province, while he took another into -Darfur; he had expected all of them to volunteer for the command, but -they believed that such an expedition had more the elements of defeat -and death in it than of glory and distinction. Told that they must -name an officer, they named Fauzi, who was not present, and Gordon at -once accepted him, sending him off with 4000 troops and the clerks -for the civil administration. Fauzi succeeded in setting the province -to rights without fighting, and while travelling about setting the -administration right in the districts, he often met, and assisted with -food and money, a holy man then living as a sort of hermit at Abba and -the neighbourhood. The man’s name was Mohammed Ahmed—whom the world was -to hear of six years later as the Mahdi. - -Breaking down in health, Gordon ordered Fauzi to Khartoum, for rest, -promoted him to the rank of full colonel, and named him Governor -of Equatoria, in which province he spent about a year carrying out -Gordon’s instructions to the |342| letter, and making a host of -enemies amongst the officials whose peculations and interest in the -slave-trade he put a stop to. He accompanied Gordon to Cairo in 1879, -and when Gordon decided upon resigning, he asked Fauzi whether he would -prefer to remain in Cairo or return to the Soudan. Fauzi saw that, -without Gordon to back him up, his tenure of office would be but of -short duration, unless he engaged himself in the maladministration -of the provinces; he elected to remain in Cairo, where, at Gordon’s -request, he was gazetted Colonel commanding the 1st Regiment of the 3rd -Brigade. Gordon made it a point to be present at Fauzi’s first parade, -congratulated him on the handling of his men, and bidding him farewell, -gave him three hundred pounds as a souvenir of their days together in -the Soudan. At the outbreak of the Arabist rebellion, Fauzi’s regiment, -with others under the command of Kourschid Pasha, was ordered to -Rosetta, and after the defeat of Arabi, at Tel-el-Kebir, he was, with -other colonels, ordered to surrender to Sir Evelyn Wood at Kafr Dawar. -Sent to Alexandria, he was tried, degraded, and then dismissed in -disgrace. - -Some days before the arrival of Gordon, in 1884, H. E. Nubar Pasha and -Sir Evelyn Wood sent for Fauzi, and told him to be in readiness to -proceed to the Soudan, as Gordon had asked for his services. When Fauzi -said that he had been dismissed, and was no longer on the army-list, -Nubar Pasha replied, “General Gordon will see to the matter.” It had -not been Gordon’s intention to call at Cairo, and Fauzi was to have -gone to Suez or viâ the Nile, as Gordon might decide. However, Gordon -was stopped at Port Said, and asked to come through Cairo; Fauzi went -to the station to meet him, and Gordon, on alighting, went up to -his old Soudan lieutenant, and asked how it was that he was not in -uniform. Fauzi detailed his dismissal, upon which Gordon turned to Sir -Evelyn Wood, and asked him how it was. It appears that when Gordon saw -Fauzi’s name amongst the names of the colonels to be tried, he wired, -or wrote—or both—to Sir Evelyn Wood, asking him to look after Colonel -|343| Ibrahim Fauzi. General Wood did do so, but there was another -Colonel Ibrahim Fauzi; and while Gordon’s Fauzi was dismissed in -disgrace, the other Fauzi retired in glory and with a pension. - -Gordon had some difficulty in seeing Fauzi reinstated, for his enemies -were powerful; but, not to be thwarted, he took Fauzi direct to His -Highness the Khedive, and carried his point. Two days later, Fauzi -took his seat in the carriage with Gordon and Stewart, and left Bulac -Dacroor station on that journey from which he only was to return alive, -and that fourteen years later. - -On the way to Khartoum, Gordon named Stewart sub-Governor-General -of the Soudan, and Fauzi Director of Military and Marine, and, in -communicating these appointments to Cairo, he wrote of Fauzi, “I -especially recognize in Fauzi Bey the desired activity which he has -displayed with me while previously in the Soudan; he has already given -proof of his abilities, and I am more than ever satisfied with him.” - -Soon after his arrival at Khartoum, Fauzi was entrusted with the -clearing out of the rebels from Khor Shambat and Halfeyeh, and the -restoring of the telegraphic communications which they had cut. Fauzi -won his dual victory, and restored the line, but, in leading his men, -he was hit in the right leg with a bullet fired from an elephant-gun, -which split and shattered the bone. Owing to want of skill on the -part of the Greek doctor, the broken bone was allowed to overlap, -and a suppurating wound set in from the unextracted fragments, which -kept Fauzi confined to his official residence for about six months, -although he was able to transact the executive part of his duties. On -the departure of Stewart, Gordon named Fauzi Governor of Khartoum and -Commandant of Troops, calling a special parade for the occasion. Fauzi -Pasha must be left to relate, at some future date, the incidents of the -siege of Khartoum; I pass on to January 25, 1885. - -About three o’clock in the afternoon, Gordon called Fauzi to the roof -of the palace, to see the activity taking place in |344| the dervish -camp. He had a large tripod telescope fixed on the roof immediately -over his room.[15] - - [15] It has been repeatedly stated that Gordon had a gun on the - roof of the palace, with which he used to shell the dervish - camp. In one account of the fall of Khartoum, it is averred - that Gordon, in his sleeping suit, served this gun for an hour - until it was rendered useless, as it could not be depressed - sufficiently to bear upon the dervishes surrounding the palace. - There never was a gun on the roof of the palace, for the roof - would not have supported its dead weight, much less the shock - of its recoil. - -About 3.30, Fauzi, riding a donkey, accompanied Gordon on what proved -to be his last visit to the lines. Most of the troops were lying down -exhausted and hungry; as they saw Gordon approach, they wished to -present arms, but he kept calling out to them, “Rest, rest; but keep -your eyes open.” At sunset they regained the palace, and walked up -and down for some time discussing the situation. As the dinner-hour -approached, Gordon told Fauzi that he was sorry he could not invite him -to dinner, as he had nothing to eat. Fauzi said he had, for himself -and guards, the hearts of four date trees, and would send one to the -palace, upon which Gordon ran in and brought out his dinner—also the -heart of a date tree. This was the last Fauzi was to see of Gordon. - -At midnight, Fauzi Pasha, as usual, went his rounds of the posts in -the town, reaching his guards at about 2 a.m. While giving orders in -the courtyard of his official residence, a sound as of shouts in the -distance was heard. This was towards dawn. Fauzi went to the roof, and, -through his binoculars, could faintly make out hand-to-hand fighting -going on in the lines. Hurrying down, he drew up his men, and set off -for the palace, being joined by ten Greeks who had been on duty. On -coming in sight of the palace, they were met by two bands of dervishes, -but succeeded in cutting their way through one, only to be met by a -troop of dervish horse. The little party was forced back, fighting -every step, and when close to his house all rushed inside, closed the -doors, and commenced to fight through the windows, but for every shot -they fired, a score came back in reply. The little garrison assembled -in the courtyard for a last stand as the dervishes were then beating -down the doors. Fortunately, the sight of other dervishes rushing -past with loot drew the |345| besiegers off on a similar errand, and -the party was able to hold its own against successive parties until -the Mahdi sent word to stop the massacre. When Fauzi was taken before -the Mahdi, he was asked, “Why is it that you, a good Muslim, have -never written to me when every one else has done so, expressing their -loyalty? Have you forgotten the days at Abba, and the instruction I -gave you? If you have, I have not;” and, kissing him, the Mahdi told -him to “go in peace.” The Mahdi was very wroth at the death of Gordon, -for he really admired and respected him, and he had given strict orders -that he was not to be harmed in any way. - -As, during his captivity, Fauzi used to receive moneys from Cairo, he -had, to explain his being able to live, to engage in some occupation, -and took to lime-burning, a business which cost him more than he ever -got out of it. As an Egyptian, he was under the surveillance of Youssef -Mansour, who, after the escape of Slatin, refused to be responsible for -Fauzi any longer. Failing to get him executed for having assisted in -Slatin’s escape, he succeeded in getting him committed to the Saier, -where he remained as a prisoner for four years, until released by the -Sirdar. - - -|346| - -APPENDIX V - -AHMED YOUSSEF KANDEEL - -Ahmed Youssef Kandeel, though actually a civilian employé, held the -rank in Khartoum, where he was born, of Lieutenant in the 3rd Soudan -Artillery. He took part in many of the attacks on the dervishes during -the siege, and fought with Bakhit Bey on the night the town was taken. -He managed to fight his way to his house, and held out until the -Mahdi’s orders came to stop the massacre of the inhabitants, when he -gave himself up. His father, uncle, and brother had already been killed -fighting. For some time he supported himself at Omdurman by cutting -firewood, living in a state of semi-starvation. Being a good clerk, he -offered his services to Wad Nejoumi, who, it appears, would employ no -one but old Egyptian employés as “katibs” (clerks). He was with Wad -Nejoumi when I was taken prisoner to Dongola, and throws an interesting -light upon Nejoumi’s attitude towards Mahdieh, which more than confirms -the impressions I had formed, and which I have given expression to in -Chapter VI.: “Dongola to Omdurman.” - -[Illustration: AHMED YOUSSEF KANDEEL.] - -Kandeel tells me that, on the arrival of our party at Dongola, -Nejoumi called a meeting of emirs, and asked what should be done -with us. All voted for instant execution, but this Nejoumi would -not sanction. Among the emirs was a Taaishi wakil (spy or agent of -Abdullahi)—a similar wakil being appointed to each army not actually -led by one of the Khaleefa’s relatives. This wakil’s name was Messaad -Geydoom-el-Taaishi. When Nejoumi insisted upon saving |347| my -life, and, as an alternative, sending me to the Khaleefa, leaving him -to decide what should be done with me, he instructed Kandeel to write -a letter saying that, as I was a “hakeem” (doctor), I might be useful -to him (Nejoumi) and also to the army. Geydoom, having his suspicions -about Nejoumi’s loyalty to Mahdieh, used his sparing of my life as a -proof of his sympathies with the Government, and Nejoumi was ordered to -Omdurman, and kept a prisoner in his house for some months. - -Geydoom’s treatment of the army during Nejoumi’s absence caused so much -discontent that Abdullahi determined to send Nejoumi back to Dongola, -but with strict instructions to at once commence the march for the -conquest of Egypt. He was given a hundred and twenty rifles only, and -very little ammunition. - -When General Grenfell sent the letter to Nejoumi, calling upon him -to surrender, Nejoumi called a council of emirs, said that the army -could not possibly fight, as they were tired, hungry, and thirsty, and -suggested surrender, for they must either be killed upon the field or -die in the desert on the way back. The emirs, being of the Taaishi -family, first accused Nejoumi of cowardice and then of treachery. They -threatened to report him to the Khaleefa when the fight was _won_, and -to ask that one of themselves should be given the command when the -further advance into Egypt was ordered. There appears to be but little -doubt that, had it not been for the Taaishi emirs, the army would have -followed Nejoumi unarmed to the lines of the Government troops. The -emirs dictated the reply which Nejoumi was to send to General Grenfell, -and when Nejoumi dashed down into the plain as the dervish army was in -retreat, it was doubtless with the object of reaching the Government -lines, but under pretence of rallying the few remaining troops, so -that they should not shoot him down if they thought he was deserting -them—or follow him if they thought he was charging, for this would have -drawn the fire of the brigades upon them. After the death of Nejoumi, -spies reported to the Khaleefa that he had |348| attempted to open up -negotiations with the Government troops, and Kandeel, being suspected -as Nejoumi’s “katib,” was loaded with chains and sent to Omdurman, -where he was imprisoned for fourteen months, and then released to -become the clerk of Yacoub, the brother of Abdullahi. - - -|349| - -APPENDIX VI - -THE SOUDAN: ITS PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE - -To the present generation the history of the Soudan may be said to -commence with the date of its partial conquest by Mohammad Ali Pasha, -the Viceroy of Egypt. To go further back than this is to compile from -various sources, all more or less inaccurate, a mass of information -which, where not misleading, would be next to useless to the would-be -correct historian. Even the recent history of the benighted country has -from force of circumstances been compiled from sources not the most -reliable, and it is extremely difficult for the moment to sift the -facts from the legends. The Soudan is still an unknown and unconquered -land. Small tribes have been magnified into nations, and petty chiefs -and sheikhs into kings and sultans who evidenced their exalted position -in the possession of a few more sheep, goats, donkeys, and slaves, than -their neighbours. No single tribe or sheikh ever held general supremacy -over the others; Zubeir was within an ace of making himself the Sultan -of the Soudan, when he accepted an invitation to visit Cairo; that was -twenty-five years ago, and he is still here. The Soudan was nothing -more nor less than a collection of little commonwealths; occasionally -a number of these would acknowledge allegiance to one particular -headman, and, in such instances, the “nation” might have boasted almost -as great a population as some small and obscure provincial town. But -that such instances were rare |350| is proved by the facility with -which Mohammad Ahmed and Abdullahi set the various sections of tribes -fighting among themselves. - -When Mohammad Ali established his government, and when later Ismail -Pasha attempted to extend his empire, they each took advantage of the -chronic anarchy reigning in the Soudan to further their schemes, but -the tribes soon found that they had but stepped from the frying-pan -into the fire, and waited patiently for the strong man who was to -rid them of the thraldom of the now hated and detested Turks, from -whom they had hoped so much. From the time when, what the Soudanese -call the “Turk” rule, was established, until the rebellion of 1882, -nothing whatever was done to develop the natural resources of the -country—indeed, the reverse. The only trade the officials fostered -was that of slaves, and these were invariably drawn from peaceful and -agricultural districts; the adult male population of whole districts -was swept away in those raids organized to supply the hareems of -Arabia, Algeria, Egypt, and Turkey, with eunuchs and concubines. The -mineral wealth of Sennar, Darfur and Kordofan was neglected, as when -the soldiers reached the gold, silver and copper mines, they discovered -that the precious metals did not exist in the pure blocks they had -expected to find, and that to extract the metals meant work. - -The population of the half-conquered provinces was robbed in every -conceivable manner by tax-collectors, who were seldom or never paid -their salaries of from twenty-five to thirty shillings a month, and -they were assisted in the duties of tax collecting by companies of -irregular soldiers whose salaries also were never paid. Where money -was not forthcoming, the taxes were collected in kind, and it may be -imagined what the result of tax collecting was. The people were driven -farther and farther away from the cultivated lands and watercourses. -The “Sudd,” that rank growth of weeds which obstruct the navigation of -the Nile and its tributaries, was left to accumulate year after year, -the little clearances which the inhabitants themselves made formerly, -|351| being abandoned as they but aided the passage of boats conveying -soldiers on tax collecting or conquest of territory expeditions. - -Admitting, for the sake of argument, that some of the Soudan tribes may -have risen to the dignity of independent kingdoms, their history may -be written with one word—“anarchy,” and when the “Turk” government was -established, general rebellion was rife from the beginning until it -culminated in the rising of Mohammad Ahmed. - -The population of the Soudan was, and still is, divided into three -great classes, (1) the pure Arab to whom manual labour has been unknown -since the day his ancestor Ishmael mixed the mortar with which to -cement the stones of the Kaaba or House of God, which Abraham built at -Mecca; (2) the Negroid, who will perform a few light duties, but who -has absorbed all the worst to the exclusion of the few better qualities -of his progenitors,—and, (3) the Black—naturally indolent and too lazy -to work,—without ambition, and whose presumed avarice only extends to -the possession of a little more than he can eat. For centuries the -Black has been the slave of the Arab, and performed all the manual -labour, such as the collection of gum and senna leaves, indiarubber, -ivory, the cultivation of cereals, and the navigation of the rivers; -but taking it all in all, the lot of the black slave might be envied by -millions of workers in other parts of the world. With the introduction -of the “Turk” government, all three classes were considered as “prey”; -the slave proper had to work harder so that his master might be able to -satisfy the rapacity of _his_ master—the official, and the slave knew -this; the negroid, who believed in cultivating only so much dourra as -was requisite for his needs, found that he had to cultivate enough to -feed the soldiers quartered in his province, and to pay taxes not only -on what he grew for himself, but on what he grew for nothing for the -soldiers. It is no wonder, then, that the three waited the coming of -some strong man to rid them of the common enemy. - -Although a religious element was introduced into |352| Mohammad -Ahmed’s movement, many fail to grasp the fact that religion here takes -the place of politics in Europe, and when the Arabs rise against the -powers that be, they are backed up by some “religious” question, for -their laws are based entirely upon the Quoran. Mohammad Ahmed had for -years been preaching against the extortions of the Turk officials, and -had it not been suggested to him, it is unlikely that he would ever -have assumed the _rôle_ of Mahdi, though as a holy man only, it is -almost certain that his crusade would have succeeded equally as well -as it did. The country was ripe for rebellion, and when the followers -of Mohammad Ahmed overcame the first “Turk” sent against him, and -against whom he had been preaching for years, success was assured, and -thousands flocked to him. His crusade, therefore, in the beginning, -was not a religious movement pure and simple as we understand such; it -was the rising of an oppressed people against a government that had -but lately tried to establish its authority over them. It is true that -once having had the _rôle_ of Mahdi forced upon him, Mohammad Ahmed -did his best to act up to it; his miracles—in the way of annihilating -successive armies sent against him were very real indeed, and if -thousands flocked to his banner in consequence of them, they should not -be too severely criticized and charged with fanaticism and unreasoning -superstition, for while they flocked to see the worker of these very -real miracles, just as many thousands of people in more enlightened -climes were making pilgrimages to caves, grottoes and shrines in the -belief that the miracles they were praying for would be performed. -Nor, considering that the faith in dreams and visions is almost as -strong in the east as it was when Pharaoh had his dreams interpreted by -Joseph, should Mohammad Ahmed and his successor be blamed for taking -advantage of the credulity of the most credulous people on earth in the -relating of visions, when but a little time since thousands of people -in a highly civilized country were flocking to the doors of one who -pretended to be the mouthpiece on earth of the angel Gabriel—a much -more mythical being than either the prophet Mohammad or the Mahdi. -|353| - -Had Mohammad Ahmed lived, there is no doubt but that he would have -succeeded in establishing some form of government which, if not better, -would certainly have been no worse than the one he had overturned. With -the Mahdi’s death, Abdullahi found himself with a trust which, as he -saw immediately, only a powerful military despotism could enable him -to keep. Threatened with attack from all points of the compass, he -had also internal dissensions to combat, and met them unflinchingly. -While his atrocities have been made much of, he invariably went -through the farce of trying people for disobedience during his reign -of martial law before carrying out the capital sentence; perhaps, if -Abdullahi’s atrocities were placed side by side with those associated -with revolutions in other countries, his list would be found not the -longest. Oppression doubtless was great, but it was concentrated in -one place, and being more seen, was as a consequence more felt. Still -opinions may be said to be equally divided as to whether oppression -was any greater during the worst days of the reign of Abdullahi than -it had been under the old government. The foregoing is not written in -defence of Mohammad Ahmed or Abdullahi—and I have little reason to -say a single good word for the latter, but it is time that the Soudan -should be seen through clear glasses. Jealousy of power was Abdullahi’s -besetting sin, and to this must be attributed the swift punishment -meted out to those who in the slightest degree exhibited disobedience -of orders. To this jealousy must be added vanity of his power also. I -have heard since my release, from people of the Muslimanieh quarter, -some of the reasons for Abdullahi’s sparing of my life. I had forgotten -the incident, but am reminded that when on my arrival at Omdurman I -was taken to the gallows in chains to be hanged, I turned to the Emirs -and shouted “Has your Mahdi (I used this name at the time) no other -way of exhibiting his power but by hanging a bound man before all his -soldiers? Take off my chains, and I will fight you, or else get on with -your work.” Abdullahi was told this while I was still being played -with, and said, “A man who will |354| talk like that when he is going -to be hanged is a man! He is a big man; I will not hang him; a man who -is not afraid of me is not to be hanged; I will keep him.” This was -said to the Muslimanieh and others. Abdullahi had not made up his mind -whether I was a merchant, spy, medicine man or general. Then, again, he -kept me alive in order to prove that he was more powerful than my Malek -(the Emperor of Germany). I am told that he very often said to people, -“You have heard of Abdalla Nufell; he is not afraid of me; his Malek -has millions of soldiers like him, but he dare not bring his armies to -release him; he is afraid to meet my ansar.” - -There are other stories of Abdullahi’s many references to me, but, as -they are of a complimentary nature, I must leave others to relate them; -the above are only given for the purpose of affording a slight insight -into the man’s complex character, and to give an idea of the small -actions which could influence him. - -The Past of the Soudan may be said to close with the battle of -Omdurman; the Present may be given in one word—Transition. Its Future -is still in the future; but from what I have written, those intending -to make a rush to the Soudan as soon as it is declared open for trade, -will understand that a settled government has yet to be established. -The Soudan has had but one government, and I have given an idea of -what that government was to the inhabitants; the next government -established will, as a matter of course, be looked askance at. Although -the Khaleefa’s army was smashed up at Omdurman, his influence still -remains with great numbers, and time must be given for the Soudanese -to learn that there are governments _and_ governments. All they are -conscious of now is, that the Government they turned out has come back -again, and they expect from it no better treatment than they received -formerly, if they do not expect worse as a punishment for their -rebellion. The possession of slaves will be forbidden, and this will -give umbrage to the Arabs, while the slaves will no more appreciate or -enjoy their freedom than would so many cage-bred birds theirs. There -is a |355| considerable amount of ignorance in Europe on the subject -of slavery in Mohammedan countries, but I must confine myself to the -Soudan on this question. Slave raiding should of course be put down -with a strong hand, and there should be, when a raider is captured, no -other formality than that of loading the rifles or affixing the rope; -the trial might take place at some future date, so that the fact of his -execution might be recorded. I wish to speak now only of those who are -already _called_ “slaves,” for, in the majority of cases, it is but a -name. - -I have remarked that the Black is naturally lazy, and will do no more -work than he is compelled to; if liberated unconditionally, he will, -unless drafted into regiments, loaf about, and occasionally do a little -work for the sake of a meal; but he will refuse to keep to any work -long unless some sort of pressure is brought to bear, and he will be -only too glad if it is. As a slave, his master must keep him in food -and clothes, and also support his wife and children in return for his -services, and, being “property,” he is well looked after; he is, as -I have said, a slave but in name, but the name has an ugly sound to -Europeans. The new Government might open a slave register, have a few -inspectors to go round and “ask for complaints,” and either give an -age, or name a date, when all holding of slaves would be a breach of -a law yet to be made. Treaties are all very well when dealing with -countries boasting a civilized Government, but it is not an easy matter -to compel petty chieftains in the heart of Africa to agree to laws -which upset the whole political economy of their domains—and this only -to please people who know nothing of the existing conditions. However -the whole question bristles with difficulties and with arguments for -and against leaving matters as they are—only suppressing raiding as -I have said already—but as those difficulties do exist, it would be -well not to be rash, or to burden the still unconquered and unsettled -country with revolutionary laws. Far better to make haste slowly, for -laws are of little use unless a breach of them is quickly punished, and -the Soudan Arabs have yet to be taught to respect laws emanating from a -“Government.” |356| - -These few remarks on the unsettled state of the country are intended -for those who may be going out as entire strangers to the Soudan. -They must be prepared to meet with difficulties great and small, -disappointments, much discomfort, and many annoyances big and little; -but it is to be hoped that they will endure these for a time, and -not pester the little and still half-formed new administration with -big complaints about petty quarrels or troubles. Any reprisals asked -for in case of small annoyances or unpleasantnesses, can but bring -in their train much bigger ones; you want but to earn the respect of -both Arab and Soudanese to earn his devotion, and you may have both -by at least treating him as a man and not as a beast. When speaking -of my having borrowed money from the guides whom I entrusted with the -arrangements I made for my escape, I drew attention to the strange -fact of my borrowing money from them. This was putting the principle I -have pointed out into practice; I required their aid. I went further, -and gave evidence that I was entirely in their hands—a weakling, but -they understood that if they helped me in my weakness, I would help -or protect them in my strength; above all, they valued my trust and -confidence. There are limits, I know, to both, but you must learn those -limits. - -The great want of the Soudan at the present time is means of -communication; there are enormous tracts of land on which cereals can -be raised with the minimum of cost and labour, but without means of -transport they might as well not exist. Some talk has been made of a -line of rail connecting Khartoum with the Red Sea, and this, certainly, -would provide the means of transport and enable the Soudan to compete -with almost any other country in cereals, but it is a question whether -it would be worth while to construct a railway for the sake of the -grain trade, if the trucks which take it to the seaboard have to be -hauled back empty, and, maybe, left idle for the greater part of the -year. It is possible that during the last fifteen years Nature has to -a great extent repaired the enormous damage done to indiarubber and -gum trees, |357| when the plants and trees were destroyed in order -to obtain a big enough crop to satisfy the rapacity of the “Turk” -officials. The forests abound in ebony and other hard woods, but power -to saw them into beams or planks of suitable dimensions for transit -is requisite before this valuable industry can be developed. From -what prisoners from the south told me, in places an almost pure iron -is found on or near the surface; this the Shilluks and Dinkas smelt -in mud furnaces about six to eight feet high and three to four feet -in diameter. The spear heads of the Shilluks and Dinkas, beside their -shape being different from all others, are readily distinguishable -from their peculiarly deep black shade, while the spear heads made -from imported iron are many shades lighter, and in comparison, when -polished, have a tinny appearance. If coal is found, and I believe it -will be, if the description I was given of “black stones” which took -fire is correct, then one might say that there is no limit to the -development of the country. Should the Nile and its tributaries be -cleared of the “sudd,” considerable development would be immediately -possible, but the whole country must first be studied, and its present -condition with its existing means of transport thoroughly grasped, -before people will be justified in subscribing for big ventures, for -the failure of one means the failure of others, and a retarding, for -want of new capital, of present possibilities in the way of development. - -It is quite impossible to compile any statistics of the former import -and export trade of the Soudan, that is to say reliable statistics, and -as the whole trade of the country was governed by the slave trade—now -abolished—a new condition of things has been introduced but not yet -established. Barter must, for some time to come, be the medium of -trade and exchange, and, here again, new conditions are certain to -be met with. Formerly the principal imports were cheap cotton goods, -earthenware, ironware, dried and preserved provisions, sugar, perfumes, -and such like, which generally came in the category of things which -are “cheap and nasty.” There are two great reasons why all this must -now be changed; with almost |358| 20,000 regularly paid troops in -the country, and troops, too, who have, in a measure, been living in -the lap of luxury, since 1882, their demands must be met. The sight -of well-fed, well-housed, and well-clothed troops, will excite the -admiration and cupidity of the Soudanese for similar luxuries, and a -demand for articles formerly unknown to them will at once be created. -I hesitate to specify some of the goods which I know there will be a -demand for, not that I am in any way interested in the subject for the -moment, but only to guard against numbers of people exporting large -quantities of merchandise of the same class far in excess of the actual -demand. I cannot too strongly advise manufacturers to study on the spot -the requirements of the people, and to comply with their requirements, -whatever the article might be. Disappointment and loss can only -ensue if articles they do not want, or which do not meet with their -requirements, are attempted to be forced upon them, for while engaged -upon this suicidal policy, some one else will certainly be studying the -question with the intention of meeting the wishes of his prospective -customers. I would strongly deprecate the formation of big syndicates -and companies for the exploitation of the Soudan; the country, granted -certain facilities for transport, has a great future, but it would be -very unwise to lock up large capitals, the greater part of which would -be lying unused. Small companies, with all the capital employed, will -pay best for the time being, and the pioneers of such companies might -be accompanied by a mineralogist, to examine the gold, silver, copper, -lead, and other mineral deposits. That gold exists is well known, but -the richness of the quartz I cannot speak of; one thing, though, is -certain, gold can be obtained with little or no difficulty and labour, -otherwise the small bags of gold I saw at Khartoum and Omdurman would -not have been brought in. Lead and copper will be found to the west and -south-west of Darfur—and possibly silver also, but whether it would pay -to work the mines can only be ascertained after an examination of the -districts. |359| - -To sum up. The Soudan is a country which for nearly a century has -been fighting against the establishment of any foreign government; -its experience of a “benevolent” administration is of the very worst; -the inhabitants sank all or nearly all differences between them when -they rose to turn out the hated Turks; their experience of Christians -has evidently not been of the best, else why the saying concerning -Gordon? Large numbers are still loyal to the Khaleefa Abdullahi, and it -will require but a very little mistake to make the inhabitants flock -to his banner, or, what is worse, they will retire to the west and -leave the country denuded of the population it stands in so much need -of. Strangers are not wanted—they will be looked upon with suspicion -until they have given evidence of their honest intentions towards the -villagers; traders, before they may look for success, must overcome -the prejudice of the people against European traders, a prejudice -based upon experience of them formerly. And it is necessary for me -to say that, after recent experience, it will take some time before -the Muslim will believe that the Christian religion is anything but -what he believes it to be, and he will be convinced that the boasted -superiority of the European over the Arab does not hold good in the -Soudan at all events. If those going to the Soudan will bear these -points in mind, they will save themselves and others an infinity of -trouble, and all barriers will be surmounted, if they keep in mind -always the reputation Gordon made for himself for “Goodness and -Justice,” and make Goodness and Justice their motto. - - - - -|361| - -INDEX - - - A - - Abbas, 246 - - _Abbas, The_, 325–328 - - Abdalla Rouchdi, 232, 333–336 - - Abdallah Sulieman, 236, 331 - - Abd el Kader Bey, 161, 189 - - Abd es Semmieh, 181, 209, 234 - - Abou-el-Gassim, 276 - - Abou Hamad, 232, 248 - - Abyssinian embassy, 246 - - Abyssinian expedition, 155, 221 - - Adultery, punishment of, 136, 137 - - Ahmed Abdel Maajid, 86, 121 - - Ahmed Youssef Kandeel, 346–348 - - Aid to wounded, 286–288 - - Ajjab Abou Jinn, 84, 102, 121 - - Ali Khaater, 180–182, 209 - - Alti, 182 - - Ansar, the, 42, 60, 97, 100–102, 130, 354 - - Arab tribes― - Ababdeh, 9, 153 - Alighat, 10, 23, 30, 31, 50, 60 - Baggara, 212, 217, 230, 264–269, 276, 277, 281–283 - Bedawi, 40, 55 - Dabaanieh, 83 - Danagli, 48 - Dar Hamad, 8, 13, 54, 55 - Digheem, 276 - Dinkas, 357 - Fellati, 171, 176, 209 - Gawaamah, 98, 139, 188 - Habbanieh, 276 - Hadendowas, 88, 89 - Hammadah, 84 - Jaalin, 37, 59, 231, 244, 260, 266 - Kabbabish, 2, 5, 8, 11, 22, 53, 54, 105, 167 - Rhizaghat, 276 - Shilluks, 357 - Shukrieh, 84 - Taaishi, 264, 267, 276, 346 - - Ardagh, Colonel, 5 - - Arsenal, 89, 178, 212, 226, 237–239 - - Assouan, 4–8, 52, 65, 77, 160–162 - - Atbara, battle of, 248, 249, 271 - - Austrian Consulate-general, 164, 168, 314 - - Austrian mission, 164, 233, 309 - - Awad el Kerim, 84; his three sons, 85 - - Awwad el Mardi, 226–239, 242, 244 - - B - - Bakah Wells, 53 - - Bakhita, 240 - - Beit-el-Amana, 264, 273 - - Beit-el-Mal (Treasury), 13, 33, 34, 36, 51, 85, 87, 100, 125, 155, - 157, 171, 174, 179, 206, 210, 214, 241, 276; Amin or Director - of, 46, 49, 64, 145, 147, 175, 210, 226, 234 - - Berber, 86, 155, 165, 193, 198, 237, 309 - - Blackmail (_see_ Nebbi Khiddr) - - Black population of Soudan, 351, 355 - - Burleigh, Bennet, 244, 279 - - Bussati Bey, 326 - - C - - Cairo, start from, 2–7; return to, 1, 290 - - Caravan, constitution of, 4, 8, 11, 12; betrayal of, 2, 3, 21, 22, - 60, 61, 68, 106, 167, 168 - - Catarina, 114, 116 - - Coinage, 171, 210–215, 223 - - Cromer, Lord, 247 - - D - - Dara, 310 - - Darfur, 181, 203, 350, 358 - - Derawi, 7–10, 245, 329 - - Dervishes, horsemanship of, 41, 44, 49; treachery of, 285, 288 - - Desert routes, 12, 15–23 - - Divorce laws, 123, 180, 190–192 - - Dongola, 10, 39–43, 54, 59, 66, 67, 328, 329; capture of, 232, 248, - 249, 346 - - E - - Earle, General, 3 - - Egyptian War Office (Intelligence Department), 105, 167, 168, 197, - 291, 295, 298 - - El Agia, 15, 16, 19–22 - - El Etroun, 15, 23 - - El Fasher, 203, 311 - - El Fun, 143, 144 - - El Kiyeh, 15, 22, 23 - - El Obeid, 10, 220 - - Elias, clerk to Neufeld, 8, 12, 14, 24–29, 35, 36, 43, 50, 66 - - Elias Pasha, 4 - - Emirs― - Abd-el-Baagi, 257, 261, 264 - Ahmed Fedeel, 176, 243 - Ali Wad Saad, 91 - Makin en Nur, 37, 59 - Mohammed Hamad'na Allah, 176–179, 186 - Mohammed Hamza, 27, 37–40, 43, 44, 59 - Mohammed Taher, 88 - Nur Angara, 70, 76 - Wad Bessir, 59, 121 - Wad en Nejoumi, 27–34, 39, 46–59, 64–67, 78, 118, 132, 139, 155, - 337, 346–348 - Wad Eysawee, 59 - Wad Farag, 27–35, 44, 59–61, 173, 174 - Wad Umma, 59 - Yacoub, 148, 175, 176, 186, 216, 221, 235, 242, 249, 257, 263, 267, - 271, 273, 348 - - F - - Famine, 112, 116–119, 147 - - Fettering, method of, 72, 79, 80, 91, 93, 229, 235, 279 - - Fitton, Major, 261 - - Flogging, 41–43, 126, 127, 129–132 - - Forts, 239, 243, 244, 254, 266 - - G - - Gebel Ain, 8, 15 - - Gebel Ragaf, 111, 220 - - Gebel Roiyan, 68 - - German Consulate, 154, 160, 162–165, 168, 291 - - Germany, Emperor of, 354 - - Gordon, 68, 89, 212, 218, 228, 300–324, 325–328, 332–337, 340–345; - relief expedition, 3, 65, 132, 229, 247, 316–321 - - “Gordonizing,” 159 - - Grenfell, General, 347 - - Guides― - Abdallah, 197–201, 214 - Ali el Amin, 8, 12, 17–24, 31, 36, 49, 60, 67 - Darb es Safai, 21–29, 49, 50 - Hassan, 12–24, 30, 50, 60–62, 67 - Hassib el Gabou, 8–16, 22, 48, 52–58, 64, 106, 107, 255 - Hawanein, 196, 201, 207, 214 - Ismail, 11–26, 57, 61 - Mohammad Ali, 153, 154, 156, 163 - Moussa Daoud Kanaga, 54, 154, 156, 163–166 - Onoor Issa, 223, 226, 233, 239–244, 254 - Zecki, 220 - - Gunboats, 240, 250–256, 257, 265, 270, 290, 326 - - Gunpowder manufacture, 175–182, 209, 224, 232–241, 289, 296 - - H - - Halfeyeh, 176–178, 198, 261, 265, 270 - - Hamad Wad el Malek, 246 - - Hamaida, 234, 237 - - Hanafi, 110, 151 - - Hassan Bey Hassanein, 325–331 - - Hassan Hosny, 181, 209, 234 - - Hassan Zecki, 174, 177, 232 - - Hasseena, 4, 8–12, 25–29, 32–36, 40–46, 50–52, 68, 72, 81, 102, 103, - 108, 109, 118, 135, 185–194, 195 - - Hassib Allah, 59, 60 - - Hicks Pasha, 88, 101, 178, 309, 310, 313, 326 - - Hogal Dufa'allah, 4–14, 54, 58, 62, 78, 245, 255 - - Hunter, General, 293 - - Hussein Pasha Khaleefa, 308, 309 - - I - - Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi, 167, 208, 218, 224, 244, 260, 263, 266, 277, - 303, 332, 340–345 - - Ibrahim Wad Adlan, 121, 143, 145–159, 165, 166, 170, 216 - - Ibrahim Wad Hamza, 246, 260 - - Ismail Pasha Ayoub, 340, 350 - - J - - Jinns (spirits), 170–174 - - Joseppi, 141, 156, 157, 179, 200 - - K - - Kadis Hassein Wad Zarah, 222 - Ahmed 221 - - Kassala, 181 - - Kerreri, 248, 258, 260, 274 - - Khaleefa, Abdullahi― - His cruelty, 69, 73–75, 84, 85, 110, 353; his superstition, 99, - 103, 120, 249, 257, 263, 267; respect for Neufeld, 132, 143, 204, - 230, 353; objection to traders, 149, 155; encouragement of - marriage, 123, 139, 186–189, 224; relations with Slatin, 204–208; - his flight, 274–277; opposition to him among Mahdists, 66, 85, - 146–148, 245–247, 254–256, 305, 345, 346 - Ali Wad Helu, 44, 264, 273 - Shereef, 146, 264, 273 - - Khaleel Agha Orphali, 303, 332–337 - - Khaleel Hassanein, 89, 98, 178, 182, 212, 216, 235, 242, 249, 252 - - Khartoum, 29, 47, 83, 89, 175, 178, 181, 212, 218, 228, 266, 284, 303, - 309, 310 - - Khedive, 247 - - Kirbekan, battle of, 3, 89, 286 - - Kordofan, 2, 4, 7, 61, 146, 289, 310, 350 - - Korosko, 65 - - L - - Lupton, 295, 313 - - M - - Macdonald, Colonel, 271, 274 - - Mahdi, 3, 66, 69, 78, 86, 98, 103, 273, 309–318, 330, 341, 345, - 351–353 - - Mahdieh, 70, 85, 88, 99, 101, 110, 145, 205, 257, 260, 262, 273 - - Mahdi’s Ratib, 94, 271 - - Mahdi’s Tomb, 44, 70, 151, 155–157, 267 - - “Mahdism,” 300 - - Makkieh, 141, 178, 185, 192 - - Mankarious Effendi, 77, 152–154, 160, 195 - - Marriage customs, 86, 121–123, 126, 135–138, 189 - - Maxwell, Colonel, 281 - - Mecklenburg, Duke of, 291 - - Mehkemmeh, the, 105, 110, 163 - - Metemmeh, 68, 247 - - Mihrab, 267 - - Mimbar, 267 - - Mohammad Ali Pasha, 349, 350 - - Mohammad Effendi Rafai, 167 - - Möller, 68, 153, 154, 160 - - Moxley, Hewett, 298 - - N - - Nahoum Abbajee, 114, 186, 188–190, 209, 226–232, 323 - - Nebbi Khiddr, 101–104, 112, 113, 120, 128, 173, 216 - - Negroid population, 351 - - Neufeld― - Official accounts, 1–4, 53, 61, 68, 167; newspaper accounts, 1, - 79, 134, 166, 169, 291–299; as trader, 3, 9, 10, 46, 47, 76, - 105, 149, 168; as Government spy, 37, 46, 47, 53, 145, 156, 239; - letters to his manager and Mankarious, 77, 152–154, 160–165, 199; - letter to General Stephenson, 294, 338, 339; named Abdallah, 77, - 91, 102, 151, 269; interview with the Khaleefa, 76, 79, 90, 92; - practises medicine, 106, 124, 130, 175, 197, 224, 240, 250, 272; - plans to escape, 107, 143, 152–157, 160–169, 198–201, 227, 293; - floggings, 127, 131; relations with Hasseena, 4, 10, 40, 108, 109, - 118, 135–139, 185–194, 290; conversion, 132, 150, 167, 205, 224; - not a German subject, 162, 293; native wives, 139, 167, 186–189; - English wife, 4, 163, 166–169, 194, 289; furnishes information - to Government, 239, 243–245, 254, 261, 289; employed under the - Khaleefa (_see_ Coinage, Arsenal, and Gunpowder Manufacture); - offers from publishers, 291, 299; reception in Cairo, 290–299; - relations with Gordon, 3, 132, 228, 305; views on missionaries, - 321–323; views on trade, 356–359 - - Newnes, Sir George, 299 - - Nubar Pasha, 342 - - O - - Ohrwalder, 6, 114–116, 119, 182, 187, 223; his escape, 183, 280, - 295; his book, “Ten Years’ Captivity,” 300, 306–323; criticisms of - Gordon, 306–323, 325 - - Ombeyehs (war-trumpets), 72, 73, 76, 158, 257, 275, 277 - - Omdurman, 1–3, 54, 62–65, 67, 69, 71; battle of, 44, 258, 265–277, - 281, 326, 354; looting of, 281 - - Osman Digna, 243, 248, 254, 264 - - Osta Abdallah, 224, 235–239, 242, 249, 252 - - P - - Perdikaki, 177–181 - - Pink, Colonel, 274 - - Prison (Saier)― - Horrors of, 2, 81, 93–96, 116–119, 218; Idris es Saier, 82, 91, - 98–105, 112, 121, 127, 130, 135, 138, 158, 171–174, 216, 262, 266, - 272, 277, 278; the Umm Hagar, 94, 95, 106, 113, 128, 218, 262, 266, - 269; the Bint Umm Hagar, 221; escape from, 96, 107, 120–123; food, - 112, 113, 116–119, 143; subordinate gaolers, 123, 127–129, 173, - 174, 262; women’s prison, 125, 126 - - R - - Rossignoli, 132, 134, 197–201, 205 - - S - - Sabalooka, 243, 249, 257 - - Said Abdel Wohatt, 175, 178–182, 209 - - Said Gumaa, 91, 203 - - Selima Wells, 11–15, 19–23, 59, 78 - - Sennar, 84, 350 - - Shayba (yoke), 38, 219 - - Sheiks― - Ahmed Nur ed Din, 54, 105–109, 111, 127 - Ed Din, 130, 233, 264, 271, 273, 274 - Hamad El Nil, 85, 102, 103 - Mahmoud Wad Said, 83, 90, 118, 121, 247 - Saleh Bey Wad Salem, 2–6, 11–22, 28, 31, 46–49, 55–57, 61, 68, 77, 105 - - Shereef Hamadan, 201, 216, 231–233 - - Shwybo, 171–174, 228 - - Sirdar, 225, 228, 262, 271, 276–279, 290, 321, 345; rumours - concerning, 97, 155, 232, 233, 259; advance of, 240, 245, 247; - charges against, 284, 286 - - Sirri, 230, 233, 251, 326 - - Slatin, 6, 70, 71, 76, 79, 91, 110, 280; his escape, 87, 201–207, - 214, 220, 223, 295, 315, 345; kindness to Neufeld, 119; Austrian - Consul’s letter, 164; his letter to the Khaleefa, 202, 295; - position with the Khaleefa, 204; conversion, 205; his wives, 206; - reception at Cairo, 295, 308; his book, “Fire and Sword,” 300; - relations with Said Bey Gumaa, 203, 310 - - Slave Trade, 350, 354 - - Soudan, future of, 322, 323, 349–359 - - Spies― - Government, 62, 106, 150, 158, 244, 250, 255, 256, 261, 305 - Mahdist, 62, 65, 66, 82, 97, 150, 244, 259, 305, 346 - - Stanley, Emin, expedition of, 139 - - Stephenson, General, 2–6, 47, 48, 56, 76, 145, 261, 294, 338 - - Stewart, Colonel, 324, 325–330, 343 - - Sulieman Haroun, 153 - - Surghani hill, 273 - - T - - Toki, battle of, 139, 156 - - Torpedoes, 243, 249, 251–256, 280 - - Tuti island, 228, 243, 265 - - Typhus fever, 108 - - U - - Umm es Shole, 188–190, 193, 198, 217, 222, 224, 239, 242 - - W - - Wadi El Kab, 8, 15, 19, 22, 23, 33, 56–60, 67 - - Wadi Halfa, 5–13, 30, 31, 42, 48–51, 57, 61, 65, 71, 77, 89, 141, 280 - - Wakih Idris, 3, 135 - - Wass, Count, 164 - - Wilson, Sir Charles, 69 - - Wingate, Major, 223 - - Wood, Sir Evelyn, 342 - - Worrak, 245, 261 - - Y - - Youssef Jebaalee, 114, 116 - - Youssef Mansour, 205, 220, 244, 250, 252, 256 - - Yunis, 264, 274 - - Z - - Zecki Tummal, 221 - - Zobheir Pasha, 176, 202 - - Zoghal, 203, 310 - - Zubeir, 349 - - -THE END - - -PRINTED BY - -WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, - -LONDON AND BECCLES. - - - - -TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - -This transcription is based on the first edition of this book, -page scans of which are available from archive.net; 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Original spelling and grammar -are generally retained, with a few exceptions noted below. Original -italics _looks like this_. The original page numbers are shown like -this: |97|. Illustrations have been moved from within paragraphs to -between. Blank pages, numbered or not, have been removed. Footnotes -have been renumbered 1–15, and moved from within paragraphs to between -paragraphs. Ditto marks have been removed, with associated text -rearranged as necessary to retain the same meaning. - -Page 78. In “is his prophet; and then, ‘I believe”, a right single -quotation mark was added after _prophet_, to match the earlier left -mark. - -Page 165 note. The double quotation marks do not seem to be balanced, -but have been retained as printed. - -Page 294. The author refers to a translation of a letter appearing on -“p. 336”. This seems to be an error, and has been corrected to point to -page 338, Appendix III. - -Page 352. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: A Prisoner of the Khaleefa: Twelve Years Captivity at Omdurman - -Author: Charles Neufeld - -Release Date: June 3, 2016 [EBook #52226] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA: *** - - - - -Produced by Roberta Staehlin, RichardW and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="imctr01t"> -<img id="coverpage" - src="images/cover.jpg" width="600" height="800" alt="" /> -</div> - -<h1 class="thisbook">A Prisoner of the Khaleefa; Twelve Years’ -Captivity at Omdurman. By Charles Neufeld.</h1> - -<div class="front fsize1">A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA</div> - -<div class="front"> -<div class="imctr03" id="fig01"> -<img src="images/ifrontis.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">NEUFELD IN CAPTIVITY.</div> -</div></div> - -<div class="front"> -<div class="fsize1">A PRISONER OF  ·  ·<br /> -  ·  ·  THE KHALEEFA</div> - -<div class="fsize3 padtopa">Twelve Years’ Captivity at Omdurman</div> - -<div class="fsize7 padtopa">BY</div> -<div class="fsize3">CHARLES NEUFELD</div> - -<div class="fsize6 padtopa"><i>WITH NUMEROUS PORTRAITS AND PLANS</i></div> - -<div class="fsize5 padtopa">LONDON: CHAPMAN & HALL, -<span class="smmaj">LD.</span></div> -<div class="fsize6">1899</div> -</div><!--front--> - -<div class="front"> -<div class="fsize7 padtopa">PRINTED BY</div> -<div class="fsize7">WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED.</div> -<div class="fsize7">LONDON AND BECCLES.</div> -</div><!--front--> - -<div class="front"> -<div class="fsize5 padtopa">Dedication</div> -<div class="fsize5 padtopb">TO</div> -<div class="fsize4 padtopc">PUBLIC OPINION</div> - -<div class="fsize5 padtopb psignature"><span class="nowrap">CHARLES NEUFELD</span></div> -</div><!--front--> - -<ul class="chapter"><li> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toc">CONTENTS</h2> -<ul> -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p001">INTRODUCTION</a></div> <p class="hanga -fsize6">The calumnies of critics—My female slave—Real object -of my journey—Preliminary arrangements—General Stephenson’s -letter . . . 1–7</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p008">CHAPTER I</a> -<span class="blksmaller">I START -FOR KORDOFAN</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Engagement of -guides—A neglected warning—Hasseena accompanies the party—Dervishes -reported on the road—Non-arrival of Hogal—Dervishes sighted at Selima -Wells . . . 8–14</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p015">CHAPTER II</a> <span class="blksmaller">BETRAYED BY -GUIDES</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Different routes over the -desert—A quarrel amongst the guides—Scouts sent out—Hassan convicted -of error—Zigzagging in the desert—A council of war—Surprised by the -dervishes—The fight—Taken prisoners . . . 15–28</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p029">CHAPTER III</a> -<span class="blksmaller">IN THE HANDS -OF THE DERVISHES</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Conference -of the Emirs Farag and Hamza—Halt for the night—Baggage -looted by dervishes—The Emirs confiscate all treasure for the -Beit-el-Mal—Cross-questioned on my letters—Called a Government -spy—Tortured by dervish guards—Rescued by Hamza and reserved for Wad en -Nejoumi . . . 29–40</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p041">CHAPTER IV</a> -<span class="blksmaller">ARRIVAL IN -DONGOLA</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Display of dervish -horsemanship—Flogging among the Ansar—Hasseena is searched—Insults -of the rabble—I am brought before Nejoumi—I declare myself a -merchant—Evidence of a Christian girl-convert against me—Execution -of fourteen Arabs of the party—I am re-examined and sent to the -Khaleefa . . . 41–52</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p053">CHAPTER V</a> -<span class="blksmaller">THE REAL -HISTORY OF THE CAPTURE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Extracts -from newspaper and official accounts—The antecedents of the -guide Gabou—Dissensions in the Kabbabish tribe—Gabou schemes for -his own section—Hassan’s part in the matter—Gabou reveals the -plot to Nejoumi and enlists Hogal on his side—The Emirs prepare -to intercept me—Capture of the caravan—Hogal’s deceit and its -excuse . . . 53–63</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p064">CHAPTER VI</a> -<span class="blksmaller">DONGOLA -TO OMDURMAN</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Preparations for -the journey—Nejoumi’s friendly disposition to the Government—His -loss of faith in the Mahdist movement—Why the guide Amin was -executed—Horrible death of an old Arab woman—In the market-place -of Omdurman—First meeting with Slatin—I am chained and tortured—I -defy the Khaleefa—A mock execution—The Khaleefa is merciful—Slatin -intervenes—Letter to Mankarious Effendi—Imprisoned by Slatin’s -advice . . . 64–79</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p080">CHAPTER VII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">THROWN INTO -PRISON</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Methods of shackling—My -first night in prison—Hasseena sent to the head-gaoler’s hareem—Mahmoud -Wad Said—Ajjab Abou Jinn—The three sons of Awad el Kerim—Sheikh -Hamad El Nil—Ahmed Abdel Maajid and his bride—Lessons in Mahdieh—I -visit Khartoum in chains—Again before the Khaleefa—My chains -removed . . . 80–92</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p093">CHAPTER VIII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">PRISON -LIFE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Prayers—Night -in the Abou Hagar—Possibilities of escape—News from -Egypt—Idris-es-Saier—His methods of extortion—A prison homily—Effectual -blackmail . . . 93–104</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p105">CHAPTER IX</a> -<span class="blksmaller">MY FIRST CHANCE -OF ESCAPE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Ahmed Nur ed Din—His -relations with Gabou—We plan an escape—Death of Nur ed Din—My sickness -and recovery—Treatment of typhus—I decline to be converted—Meal-time -in the Saier—Father Ohrwalder’s charity—A famine—The struggle -for food—Ministrations of Hasseena—Mutual help amongst the -prisoners . . . 105–119</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p120">CHAPTER X</a> -<span class="blksmaller">PRISON -JUSTICE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Escapes from the Saier—The -advantages of matrimony—Tactics of the gaolers—I become doctor to -the hareems—Discipline amongst women prisoners—My first flogging—The -gaoler dismissed—Method of flogging—I am flogged again—My mental -agony . . . 120–133</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p134">CHAPTER XI</a> -<span class="blksmaller">A -SERIOUS DILEMMA</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Newspaper -calumnies—Hasseena’s condition—A disputed paternity—Mohammedan -laws of marriage and divorce—I decide to claim the child—Idris -disputes the claim—A jury of matrons decides in my favour—Birth -of “Makkieh”—The Khaleefa’s congratulations—Joseppi, the German -baker . . . 134–144</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p145">CHAPTER XII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">IBRAHIM -WAD ADLAN</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Friendship with -Wad Adlan—His directorship of the Beit-el-Mal—The Khaleefa -grows jealous—Adlan thrown into prison—The advantages of -trading—Adlan reinstated—I design the Mahdi’s tomb—Letters to -Mankarious Effendi—The guide Moussa Daoud el Kanaga—Reports from -Egypt—Escape of Joseppi—Treachery of spies—Disgrace and death of -Adlan . . . 145–159</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p160">CHAPTER XIII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">THE -TRUE HISTORY OF MY ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE</span></div> <p class="hanga -fsize6">Letters of the German Consul and my manager to -Mankarious—Kanaga’s visit to Cairo—He receives a letter to Slatin—He is -captured at Berber and turns back—The War Office letter to my wife—My -answer to calumnies . . . 160–169</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p170">CHAPTER XIV</a> -<span class="blksmaller">A PRISONER -AT LARGE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Belief in evil -spirits—Shwybo as an alchemist—He is flogged for his pains—I am told -to make saltpetre—Released from my fetters—The gunpowder factory -at Halfeyeh—Death of Makkieh—I am transferred to Khartoum—Our -gunpowder a deliberate failure—Visits of Father Ohrwalder—News of his -escape . . . 170–184</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p185">CHAPTER XV</a> -<span class="blksmaller">DIVORCED AND -MARRIED</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Hasseena’s thievish -propensities—I am compelled to divorce her—The Khaleefa finds me a -wife—I forestall his good offices—Umm es Shole—Mohammedan divorce and -re-marriage—A further dilemma—The second child dies—Hasseena proves -irreclaimable . . . 185–194</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p195">CHAPTER XVI</a> -<span class="blksmaller">HOPE AND -DESPAIR</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Mankarious’ first envoy -returns—Arrival of second envoy—Rossignoli’s guide Abdallah—Projected -method of escape—Abdallah’s treatment of Rossignoli—Slatin escapes—My -chains redoubled—The Khaleefa’s fury—Slatin’s reputation amongst -the Mahdists—His letter read to the Muslimanieh—Confiscation of -his wives and property—My deliverer returns—I am again in the -Saier . . . 195–208</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p209">CHAPTER XVII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">A -NEW OCCUPATION</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Nahoum -Abbajee engages me—Emptiness of the treasury—Unsatisfactory -state of the currency—I am transferred to the arsenal—I design -blocks for the Mint—We do great damage—The Khaleefa’s buried -treasure . . . 209–215</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p216">CHAPTER XVIII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">MY -SECOND IMPRISONMENT</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Idris a -reformed character—He ensures my kind treatment—Fauzi’s first night -in prison—Kadi Ahmed’s captivity—His death by starvation—Death -of Wad Zarah—Letters from Europe—My replies—My reflections in -prison . . . 216–225</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p226">CHAPTER XIX</a> -<span class="blksmaller">RUMOURS OF -RELIEF</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Khartoum again—Thoughts -of Gordon—At work in the arsenal—Extracting precious metals—Chemical -experiments—The troops advancing—I invent a powder-mill—Its -manifold defects—I scheme to gain time—Wholesale destruction -of metal—Repairing a steamer—My letter to Onoor—In a fever for -news . . . 226–241</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p242">CHAPTER XX</a> -<span class="blksmaller">PREPARING -TO RECEIVE THE GUNBOATS</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">In -the Saier as a visitor—I send intelligence to the English—Anxiety -amongst my circle—Embassy from Abyssinia—The Khaleefa’s reply—Mahmoud -disobeys orders—Defeat of Osman and Mahmoud at the Atbara—Manufacture -of torpedoes—I decline to assist—My chains redoubled—The torpedoes -explode—I become a centre for Government sympathizers—Frustrating the -mines . . . 242–256</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p257">CHAPTER XXI</a> -<span class="blksmaller">NEARING -THE END</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Conflicting -rumours—Appeals to prophecy—I suggest a night attack—I send more -information to the army—Mad struggle with a gaoler—Negotiations -with Idris—The Khaleefa sallies out—The gunboats open fire—I -go mad—Arrival of fugitives—The riderless horse—The Khaleefa’s -despair . . . 257–268</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p269">CHAPTER XXII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">AT -LAST</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Threats of the prisoners—The -routed army in flight—Macdonald’s brigade—Illuminating the -Ratib—Soudanese sang-froid—Sheikh ed Din repulsed—Attack upon -Macdonald—Destruction of Yacoub—Flight of the Khaleefa—His narrow -escape from the Sirdar—The Sirdar enters the prison—We meet—The -head-quarters’ mess—Mr. Bennet Burleigh—My German tongue forsakes -me . . . 269–280</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p281">CHAPTER XXIII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">THE -SIRDAR AND SAVAGE WARFARE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">The -looting of Omdurman—Soudanese troops to the rescue—Genial horseplay—A -war correspondent’s article—The Sirdar errs in giving quarter—Lex -talionis—The ferocity of wounded dervishes—No succour desirable—A -challenge to correspondents . . . 281–288</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p289">CHAPTER XXIV</a> -<span class="blksmaller">BACK -TO CIVILIZATION</span></div><p class="hanga fsize6">High -hopes—Disillusionment—Attitude of the War Office—I am forced to defend -myself—Newspaper calumnies—The News Agency representative—A good -Samaritan—Sir George Newnes . . . 289–299</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p300">CHAPTER XXV</a> -<span class="blksmaller">HOW -GORDON DIED</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Conflicting -accounts—A hero’s death—Hope deferred—Gordon’s last night—Value of -my testimony—Father Ohrwalder’s evidence—“Ten Years’ Captivity” -criticized—Justification of Gordon—The trader as missionary—A tribute -to Gordon . . . 300–324</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5">APPENDICES</div> -<ul class="fsize6"> -<li><span class="rnum"><a href="#p325">I.</a></span> Hassan -Bey Hassanein . . . 325–331</li> -<li><span class="rnum"><a href="#p332">II.</a></span> -Orphali . . . 332–337</li> <li><span -class="rnum"><a href="#p338">III.</a></span> Letter dictated by the Khaleefa -to General Stephenson . . . 338–339</li> -<li><span class="rnum"><a href="#p340">IV.</a></span> Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi—Gordon’s -favourite officer . . . 340–345</li> -<li><span class="rnum"><a href="#p346">V.</a></span> Ahmed Youssef -Kandeel . . . 346–348</li> <li><span -class="rnum"><a href="#p349">VI.</a></span> The Soudan: its Past, Present, and -Future . . . 349–359</li></ul> -</li></ul></li></ul> - -<ul class="chapter"><li> -<h2 class="nobreak">LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> -<ul class="fsize6" id="loidetail"><li> -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig01">1.</a></span> -Neufeld as found by the -Sirdar . . . <i>Frontispiece</i></p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig02">2.</a></span> -An Arab Guide . . . 8</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig03">3.</a></span> -The Khaleefa’s Eunuchs at -Attention . . . 37</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig04">4.</a></span> -The Khaleefa’s Tender -Mercies . . . 45</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig05">5.</a></span> -Sheikh ed Din’s Eunuch in his Master’s -Marriage-Jibbeh . . . 64</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig06">6.</a></span> -Writing under -Difficulties . . . 77</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig07">7.</a></span> -A Group of -Prisoners . . . 84</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig08">8.</a></span> -Learning the Mahdi’s -Ratib . . . 94</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig09">9.</a></span> -Idris-es-Saier . . . 103</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig10">10.</a></span> -Catarina . . . 114</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig11">11.</a></span> -A Flogging by Order of the -Khaleefa . . . 129</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig12">12.</a></span> -Meal-time in the -Saier . . . 143</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig13">13.</a></span> -Moussa Daoud el -Kanaga . . . 154</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig14">14.</a></span> -Mankarious Effendi with -Guides . . . 164</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig15">15.</a></span> -Umm es Shole and two -Children . . . 189</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig16">16.</a></span> -Said Bey Gumaa . . . 203</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig17">17.</a></span> -Fauzi Pasha in Dervish -Dress . . . 218</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig18">18.</a></span> -Neufeld’s Hut in the Saier, showing the Famous -Anvil . . . 223</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig19">19.</a></span> -Onoor Issa . . . 226</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig20">20.</a></span> -Powder-machines . . . 236</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig21">21.</a></span> -A Group—from Photograph taken at the Feast of -Beiram, 1899 . . . 242</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig22">22.</a></span> -Neufeld doubly -fettered . . . 252</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig23">23.</a></span> -Shereef, the “False Fourth -Khaleefa” . . . 263</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig24">24.</a></span> -The Flag of Khaleefa -Shereef . . . 273</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig25">25.</a></span> -Trophies taken at -Omdurman . . . 282</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig26">26.</a></span> -Khaleel Agha -Orphali . . . 303</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig27">27.</a></span> -Hassan Bey -Hassanein . . . 325</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig28">28.</a></span> -Fauzi Pasha in -Uniform . . . 340</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig29">29.</a></span> -Ahmed Youssef -Kandeel . . . 346</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><a href="#figmap">Map</a> -showing Proposed Route and Route actually taken by -Caravan . . . 15</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><a href="#figsketch">Sketch</a> -accompanying Author’s Account of -Capture . . . 23</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><a href="#figplans">Plans</a> of Palace at Khartoum illustrating the Death of -Gordon . . . 334</p> -</li></ul></li></ul> - -<div class="chapter"> -<div class="fsize3">A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA</div> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p001" title="INTRODUCTION"> -<span class="blksmaller">INTRODUCTION</span></h2> - -<p class="pfirst">Within seventy-two hours of my arrival in Cairo from -the Soudan, I commenced to dictate my experiences -for the present volume, and had dictated them from -the time I left Egypt, in 1887, until I had reached the -incidents connected with my arrival at Omdurman as -the Khaleefa’s captive, when I became the recipient -of a veritable sheaf of press-cuttings, extracts, letters, -private and official, new and old, which collection was -still further added to on the arrival of my wife in -Egypt, on October 13.</p></div> - -<p>My first feelings after reading the bulk of these, -and when the sensation of walking about free and -unshackled had worn off a little, was that I had but -escaped the savage barbarism of the Soudan to -become the victim of the refined cruelty of civilization. -Fortunately, maybe, my rapid change from chains -and starvation to freedom and the luxuries I might -allow myself to indulge in, brought about its inevitable -result—a reaction, and then collapse. While -ill in bed I could, when the delirium of fever had left -<span class="xxpn" id="p002">|2|</span> -me, and I was no longer struggling for breath and -standing room in that Black Hole of Omdurman, the -Saier, find it in my heart to forgive my critics, and -say, “I might have said the same of them, had they -been in my place and I in theirs.” But the inaccuracies -written and published in respect to my nationality, -biography, and, above all, the astounding inaccuracies -published in connection with my capture and the circumstances -attending it, necessitate my offering a few -words to my readers by way of introduction; but I -shall be as brief and concise as possible.</p> - -<p>I have, both directly and indirectly, been blamed -for, or accused of, the loss of arms, ammunition, and -monies sent by the Government to the loyal Sheikh -of the Kabbabish, Saleh Bey Wad Salem. Some -have gone so far as to accuse me of betraying the -party I accompanied into the hands of the dervishes; -a betrayal which led eventually to the virtual extermination -of the tribe and the death of its brave chief. -The betrayal of the caravan I accompanied <i>did</i> lead to -this result; it also led me into chains and slavery.</p> - -<p>According to one account, I arrived at Omdurman -on the 1st or 7th of March (both dates are given in -the same book), 1887; yet, at this time, to the best -of my recollection, the General commanding the Army -of Occupation in Egypt, General Stephenson, was -trying in Cairo to persuade me to abandon my projected -journey into Kordofan. In a very recent -publication, in the preface to which the authors ask -their readers to point out any inaccuracies, I am -credited with arriving as a captive at Omdurman in -<span class="xxpn" id="p003">|3|</span> -1885, when at this time I was attached as interpreter -to the Gordon Relief Expedition, and stood within -a few yards of General Earle at the battle of Kirbekan -when he was killed. It is probable I was the last -man he ever spoke to.</p> - -<p>The guide and spy who reported my capture and -death on the 13th or 14th of April, 1887, only reported -what he thought had actually happened, as a possible -result of arrangements he had made; while the -refugee Wakih Idris, who reported in August, 1890, -that I was conducting a large drapery establishment in -Omdurman, must have been a Soudanese humorist, and, -doubtless, hugely amused at his tale being believed in -the face of the Mahdi’s and Khaleefa’s crusade against -finery and luxuries (although the tenets may have -stopped short at the entrance to their hareems), and -when every one, from the highest to the lowest, had -to wear the roughest and commonest of woven -material. A drapery establishment is generally associated -with fine clothing, silks, ribbons, and laces; in -Omdurman, such an establishment, if opened, would -have been consigned to the flames, or the Beit el Mal, -and its proprietor to the Saier (prison).</p> - -<p>Yet again, when I am more heavily weighted with -chains, and my gaoler, to evidence his detestation of -the Kaffir (unbeliever) entrusted to his charge, goes -out of his way to invent an excuse for giving me the -lash, I am reported as being at liberty, my release -having been granted on the representations of some -imaginary Emir, who claimed it on the ground that -I had arranged the betrayal of Sheikh Saleh’s caravan. -<span class="xxpn" id="p004">|4|</span></p> - -<p>There is one subject I must touch upon, a subject -which has made the life of my wife as much of -a hell upon earth during my captivity, as that captivity -was to me; and a subject which has caused the most -poignant grief and pain to my near relatives. I refer -to my Abyssinian female servant Hasseena. The -mere fact of her accompanying the caravan opened up -a quarry for quidnuncs to delve in, and they delved -for twelve long years. It is needless to dilate upon -the subject here; suffice it to say that if, when my -critics have read through my plain narrative, they -have conscience enough left to admit to themselves -that they have more injured a woman than the -helpless, and in this particular connection, ignorant -captive, who has returned to life to confront them, -and if they try in future to be as charitable to their -own flesh and blood as some of the savage fanatics -were to me in the Soudan, I shall rest content.</p> - -<p>My narrative, and here I wish to say that it is -presented as I first dictated it, notwithstanding my -being confronted with, as it was put to me, “contradictions” -based upon official and semi-official records -and reports, may be depended upon as being as -correct a record as memory can be expected to give -of the events of my twelve years’ existence, from All -Fools’ Day, 1887, when, in spite of all warnings, I rode -away from life and civilization to barbarism and slavery.</p> - -<p>At the beginning of 1887, Hogal Dufa'allah, a -brother of Elias Pasha, a former Governor of Kordofan, -came to me at Assouan and suggested my accompanying -him to Kordofan, where large quantities of gum -<span class="xxpn" id="p005">|5|</span> -were lying awaiting a favourable opportunity to be -brought down, he possessing a thousand cantars -(cwts.). The owners of the gum were afraid to bring -it to the Egyptian frontier, believing that the Government -would confiscate it. Hogal was of opinion that -if I accompanied him, we should be able to induce the -people to organize a series of caravans for the transport -of the gum, he and I signing contracts to buy -it on arrival at Wadi Halfa, and guaranteeing the -owners against confiscation by the Government. -Letters and messages, he said, would be of no avail; -the people would believe they were traps set for them -by the Government, and it was out of the question -for us to attempt to take with us the large amount of -money required to purchase the gum on the spot. -I being looked upon as an Englishman, and an -Englishman’s word being then considered as good as -his bond, Hogal was sure of a successful journey; so -it was finally agreed that Hogal and I should make -up a small caravan, and get away as early as possible. -At this time, February, 1887, the loyal sheikh, Saleh -Bey Wad Salem, of the Kabbabish tribe, was holding -his own against the Mahdists, and had succeeded -in keeping open the caravan routes of the Western -Soudan.</p> - -<p>Hogal and I came to Cairo to make various business -arrangements, and while here I called upon -General Stephenson and Colonel Ardagh, and asked -permission to proceed. They tried to persuade me -to abandon what appeared to them a very risky -expedition; but, telling them that I was bent upon -<span class="xxpn" id="p006">|6|</span> -undertaking it, permission or not, I was asked if I -would mind delivering some letters to Sheikh Saleh, -as a visit to him was necessary to procure guides for -the later stages of the journey. I was also to inform -him verbally that his request for arms and ammunition -had been granted; that he should send men at -once to Wadi Halfa to receive them; and that a -number of messages to this effect had already been -sent him. General Stephenson evidently gave the -matter further consideration, for, on calling for the -letters, they were not forthcoming. He said he -would write to me to Assouan; but, he continued, -he would be glad if I would encourage Saleh, or -any of the loyal sheikhs I met, to continue to harass -the dervishes, and let him have what information I -could on my return respecting the country and the -people.</p> - -<p>The precise circumstances under which I received -his letter I have forgotten, but my former business -manager tells me that, one evening at Assouan, -he found lying on the desk an official envelope, -unaddressed, opened it, and was still reading the -letter it contained when I walked in, and exhibited -great annoyance at his having seen it. This was the -letter from General Stephenson to me, referred to by -Slatin and Ohrwalder. I remember it but as a sort -of private communication, not in any way official; and -I think it well at an early moment to state so, as it -has been borne in upon me that there is an impression -in certain quarters that I might, on the strength of -references made to it in Father Ohrwalder’s and Slatin -<span class="xxpn" id="p007">|7|</span> -Pasha’s books, make some claim against the British -Government, and I consider it advisable to say at -once that no such idea ever occurred to me.</p> - -<p>Completing our arrangements in Cairo, Hogal and -I started south, Hogal going to Derawi to buy camels -for the journey to Kordofan, and I going to Assouan -and Wadi Halfa to make final arrangements and -prepare food for the desert journey.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p008" title="CHAPTER I. I START FOR KORDOFAN."> -CHAPTER I -<span class="blksmaller">I START FOR KORDOFAN</span></h2> - -<p class="pfirst">Before leaving Assouan for Cairo, I had made an agreement -with Hassib el Gabou, of the Dar Hamad section -of the Kabbabish tribe, and Ali el Amin, from Wadi el -Kab, to act as guides for us as far as Gebel Ain, where -we hoped to find Sheikh Saleh. Gabou was in the -employ of the military authorities as spy, receiving a -monthly gratuity or pay. He and Ali el Amin were -each to receive three hundred dollars for the journey, -a hundred and fifty dollars each to be paid in -advance, and the remainder at the end of the journey. -On arrival at Gebel Ain, they were to arrange for -guides for us from amongst Saleh’s men. The route -we had chosen is shown on the accompanying plan, -taken from a map published by Kauffmann, a copy of -which I had with me, and another copy of which I -have been fortunate enough to find since my return.</p> -</div> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig02"> -<img src="images/i008.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">AN ARAB GUIDE.</div> -</div> - -<p>On arriving at Derawi, Hogal set about at once -buying camels. Our party was to consist of Hogal, -Hassib el Gabou, Ali el Amin, my Arabic clerk Elias, -my female servant Hasseena, myself, and four men -whom Hogal was to engage, to bring up our party to -<span class="xxpn" id="p009">|9|</span> -ten people, so that we might be prepared to deal with -any small band of marauding dervishes. Hogal was -to purchase camels from the Ababdeh, who possessed, -and probably still do, the best camels for the description -of journey we were undertaking. He was to take -them into the desert to test their powers of endurance, -as, from the route chosen, they might have to travel -fifteen days without water. He was also to purchase -extra camels to carry water, so that if the necessity -arose, we could strike further west into the desert than -arranged for, and be able to keep away from the wells -for thirty days. We were to take with us only such -articles as were essential for the journey; food, arms -and ammunition, three hundred dollars in cash, and -our presents of watches, silks, jewellery, pipes, and -ornaments for the sheikhs we met.</p> - -<p>Hogal was to leave Derawi on or about the 20th -March, and bringing the camels through the desert on -the west of the Nile, was so to time his last stage as -to reach Wadi Halfa at sunset on the 26th or 27th. -The guides, my clerk, servant, and myself were to slip -over by boat, and our caravan was to strike off west at -once. Our departure was to be kept as secret as -possible.</p> - -<p>On my reaching Shellal after leaving Hogal at -Derawi, I was overtaken by an old friend, Mohammad -Abdel Gader Gemmareeyeh, who, having learned in -confidence from Hogal the reason for his purchasing -the camels, hurried after me to warn me against -employing Gabou as guide, as he knew the man was -not to be trusted. He told me that Gabou was acting -<span class="xxpn" id="p010">|10|</span> -as spy for friend and foe, and was being paid by both, -but this I did not then credit. I laughed at the man’s -expressed fears, and telling him that as Hogal and I -were to direct the caravan, and Gabou was to accompany -us as guide, I had no intention of abandoning -a journey, at the end of which a small fortune awaited -me. I knew very well that not a single person was to -be trusted out of sight and hearing, but as there was -no reason why Gabou should not be kept within both, -there was equally no reason why I should have any -fears. Besides this, I was vain enough to believe that -perhaps I might, as a result of my journey, be able -to hand to the military authorities a report of some -value, and the halo of romance, which still hung over -everything Soudanese, was in itself no little attraction.</p> - -<p>I reached Wadi Halfa about March 23, and set -to work quietly with final arrangements. Hasseena -had elected to accompany us, and this on the suggestion -of Hogal, his reasons being first, that being -accompanied by a woman, the peaceful intentions -of our little caravan would be evidenced; secondly, -that Hasseena, when the slave of her old master of -the Alighat Arabs, had on a number of occasions made -the journey between El Obeid, Dongola, and Derawi, -and would be of great use to us in hareems in very -much the same way that a lady in civilized countries, -having an <i>entrée</i> to a salon, is occasionally able to -further the interests of her male relatives or friends; -and in the East, <i>all</i> women have the <i>entrée</i> to -hareems.</p> - -<p>The morning after my arrival at Wadi Halfa I -<span class="xxpn" id="p011">|11|</span> -heard that forty of Sheikh Saleh’s men, led by one of -his slaves, Ismail, had already arrived to take over the -arms and ammunition. Gabou came to me the same -day, and suggested our abandoning the proposed -expedition, as he was afraid that the dervishes might -hear of Saleh’s men coming in, and send out bands to -intercept the caravan on its return, and we might fall -into the hands of one of them. Believing that Gabou -was simply trying to induce me to add to his remuneration -for the extra risks, I told him I should hold him -to his agreement. A day or two later, seeing that I was -determined to go on, he suggested that we should, for -safety, accompany Saleh’s men, but this I objected to. -The Kabbabish were fighting the dervishes, and lost -no opportunity of pouncing down upon any small -bands, and I had no particular wish to look for more -adventures than my expedition itself was likely to provide. -There was also the question of time; Sheikh -Saleh’s baggage camels would only move at the rate of -about a mile an hour, while ours would cover two and -a half to three miles easily.</p> - -<p>On March 24, I received a telegram from Hogal, -then at Assouan, announcing his arrival there with -the camels, and his intention to come on at once, -so that he should have reached Wadi Halfa on the -28th or 29th of the month. Gabou now exhibited -particular anxiety that we should join Saleh’s party, -and took upon himself to make an arrangement with -them. On my remonstrating with him, he said that if -the dervishes were on the road, they would certainly be -met with between Wadi Halfa and the Selima Wells, -<span class="xxpn" id="p012">|12|</span> -or, maybe, at the wells themselves, and this was the -only part of our route where there was any likelihood -of our coming in contact with them, our road, after -Selima, being well to the west. “Now,” said he, “if -Saleh’s caravan goes off, and the dervishes on the road -are not strong enough to attack, they will allow the -caravan to pass, but wait about the roads either in the -hope of getting reinforcements in time to attack, or -with the hope of attacking any smaller parties.” He -believed the dervishes might go on to the wells, and -encamp there, so that in either case we should fall into -their clutches. It was Gabou’s opinion that Sheikh -Saleh’s caravan was strong enough to annihilate the -dervish bands, which he <i>now</i> said he had heard were -actually on the road. This decided me. I asked him -why he had not told me of this before. He had forgotten -to do so!</p> - -<p>The 28th, 29th, 30th, and 31st of the month passed, -and still no appearance of Hogal and the camels. -Ismail was impatient to be off, and Gabou suggested, -that as my camels must be close at hand, Hasseena, -Elias, El Amin and I should start with Saleh’s -caravan, he following us as soon as our camels arrived. -My camels being in good condition, and unloaded, -would, he said, overtake the caravan in a few hours, -and he was very anxious to test them for trotting -speed while overtaking us. We were joined at Wadi -Halfa by about twenty Arabs of different tribes, -bringing our caravan up to sixty-four men and about -a hundred and sixty camels. Gabou gave us as -guide for Selima, a man named Hassan, also of the -<span class="xxpn" id="p013">|13|</span> -Dar Hamads. Crossing to the western bank of the -Nile early on the morning of April 1, 1887, by ten -o’clock we had loaded up and started on that journey to -the Soudan, which was to take me twelve long years -to complete.</p> - -<p>When we had been two days on the road, I began -to feel a little uneasy at the non-appearance of my -camels; but thinking that maybe Gabou had purposely -delayed starting so as to give them a stiff test in hard -trotting, I comforted myself with this reflection, though -as day after day passed, my anxiety became very real. -On the night of April 7, we judged we must -be close to Selima Wells, and sent out scouts to -reconnoitre; they reached the wells, and returned -saying that they could not find traces of any one -having been there for some time. Our caravan -reached the wells between nine and ten o’clock in the -morning, and about midday, while we were occupied -in watering the camels and preparing food, we heard a -shot fired from the south-east, and shortly afterwards -one of our scouts came in saying that he had been -sighted by a party of about twenty men on camels; -one of the men had fired at him at long range, and the -whole party had then hurried off to the south.</p> - -<p>A hurried conference was held; it was the general -opinion that this party must be scouts of a larger one, -and that they had gone off for the purpose of apprising -their main body. Ismail decided upon pushing on at -once. There was little time for me to consider what -to do; to return to Wadi Halfa was out of the -question, as Ismail could not spare any of his men as a -<span class="xxpn" id="p014">|14|</span> -bodyguard; to wait at the wells was not to be thought -of, and the only other alternative was to go on with -the caravan. I told Elias to write out short notes for -Hogal and Gabou, which I had intended to leave at -the wells; but as Ismail pointed out, I should have to -leave them conspicuously marked in some way to -attract attention, and, if the dervishes got to the wells -first, or if those we had seen returned with others, they -would be the first to get the notes, which would -endanger our caravan, and the little party I was so -anxiously expecting. There was nothing for it but to -go on and hope for the best. If the worst came to the -worst, it meant only that my gum expedition was -temporarily delayed, and that I should, after reaching -Sheikh Saleh, take my first opportunity of getting -north again.</p> - -<div class="imctr02" id="figmap"> -<img src="images/i015.jpg" width="528" height="697" alt="" /> -<div class="caption">Map showing Proposed Route -and Route actually taken by Caravan -<div class="imglg"><a href="images/i015lg.jpg">see better image</a></div> -</div></div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p015" title="CHAPTER II. BETRAYED BY GUIDES."> -CHAPTER II -<span class="blksmaller">BETRAYED BY GUIDES</span></h2> - -<p class="pfirst">There are five caravan routes running from Selima -Wells—that furthest west leading to El Kiyeh, the -next to El Agia, and the one in the centre leading to -the Nile near Hannak, with a branch running to Wadi -el Kab. Our objective being to meet Sheikh Saleh -at Gebel Ain, we should have taken the route leading -to El Agia, and this we had selected, because, as it was -well out in the desert, there was little likelihood of our -encountering any roving bands of dervish robbers. -When we had been on the road a few hours, I -ventured the opinion that we had taken the wrong -route, and a halt was called while I examined the map -I had with me, after which examination I felt certain -that we were marching in the wrong direction. The -guide Hassan was equally certain that we were on the -El Agia road. A discussion ensued, which was ended -by Hassan telling me, with what he intended to be -withering sarcasm, “I never walked on paper” (meaning -the map); “I have always walked on the desert. -I am the guide, and I am responsible. The road you -want us to go by leads to El Etroun (Natron district), -<span class="xxpn" id="p016">|16|</span> -sixty marches distant; if we take your road and we -all die of thirst in the desert, I should be held responsible -for the loss of the lives, and your paper -could not speak to defend me.” Hassan’s dramatic -description of the scene of his being blamed by the -Prophet for losing these valuable lives if he trusted to -a “paper,” had more to do with his gaining his point -than pure conviction as to whether we were on the -right road or not. From El Agia, as Saleh’s men -said, they knew every stone on the desert, but in this -part they had to trust to Hassan.</p></div> - -<p>During the whole of this first day we forced the -baggage camels on at their best pace, travelling by -my compass in a south and south-easterly direction. -The arrangement I had made with Gabou for my -own caravan, which arrangement Ismail had agreed -to when Gabou suggested our travelling with them, -was that we should travel a little to the west of -the El Agia camel tracks, but keep parallel to -them. When we halted that night I spoke to Ismail -about this, and asked him to keep to this part of -the agreement—that is to say, to travel parallel to, -and not on, the track. Hassan objected, as it meant -slower travelling. Still pressing on after a short rest, -Hassan zigzagged the caravan over stony ground with -the object of losing our trail, as our caravan, consisting -of about 160 camels, was an easy one to track up.</p> - -<p>We travelled fast until mid-day of the 10th, when -we were obliged to take a rest owing to the -extreme heat. We were in an arid waste; not the -slightest sign of vegetation or anything living but -<span class="xxpn" id="p017">|17|</span> -ourselves to be seen anywhere. Off again at sunset, -we travelled the whole night through, my compass at -midnight showing me that we were, if anything, -travelling towards the east, when our direction should -certainly have been south-west. At our next halt I -spoke to Ismail again, but Hassan convinced him of -his infallibility in desert routes. The following morning, -the 11th, there was no disguising the fact about -our direction: the regular guides travel by the stars -at night-time, but they laugh at the little niceties -between the cardinal points, as Hassan laughed at me -when I tried to get him to believe in the sand diagram -I showed him, with the object of proving to him that -a divergence increases the further you get away from -the starting-point. El Amin now joined me in saying -that he thought we were on the wrong road, but -Hassan was prepared. He had, he said, during the -night, led us further into the desert to again break -our trail, and that he was now leading us to the -regular road. El Amin replied that it was his -opinion that Hassan had lost the road in the night, -and now was trying to find it. This led to a lively -discussion and an exchange of compliments, which -almost ended in a nasty scuffle, as some were siding -with Hassan and others with El Amin.</p> - -<p>Acting upon my advice, men were sent out east and -west to pick up the regular caravan route. Hassan -declared that a branch of the regular road would be -found to the east, Amin and I declared for the west. -Hassan took two men east, and Amin, accompanied by -two others, went west. About an hour after sunset -<span class="xxpn" id="p018">|18|</span> -both parties returned. El Amin arrived first, and -reported that they had failed to find any trace of the -road. Hassan came shortly afterwards, and, having -heard before reaching Ismail of the failure of the -others, came up to us jubilant and triumphant, as a -road had been picked up where he said it would. -They had not only picked up the road, but had come -to the resting-place of a caravan of fifteen to twenty -camels, which could only be a few hours ahead of us, -as the embers of the caravan’s fire places were still hot. -I judged it best to be silent on the subject of the -route now, though Amin, jibed and scoffed at by the -victorious Hassan, was loud in his declarations that we -were on the wrong route, and that Hassan had lost -his way; this nearly led to trouble again between him -and the two men who had accompanied Hassan, as -they considered their word doubted.</p> - -<p>We travelled east during the night, and crossed the -road which Hassan had, during the day, picked up. -But there was a feeling of uncertainty and unrest in -the caravan. One after another appealed to me, and -I could but say that I was still convinced my “paper” -was right and Hassan wrong. El Amin, pricked to -the quick, spread through the caravan his opinion -that Hassan had not lost his way, but was deliberately -leading us in the wrong direction. When we halted -on the 12th, Ismail, noticing the gossiping going on, -and the manner of his men, decided upon sending out -scouts to the east to see if they could pick up anything -at all in the way of landmarks. El Amin joined the -scouts, who were absent the whole day. They -<span class="xxpn" id="p019">|19|</span> -returned at night with the news that we were nearer -the river than El Agia Wells, and on this, our fourth day -from Selima, we should have been close to El Agia. -This report, coming not from El Amin only, but from -Saleh’s own people who knew the district, created -consternation. Again the “paper” was called for, -and on this occasion Hassan was told that the paper -knew better than he did.</p> - -<p>That night scene of betrayed men, desperate, -with death from thirst or dervish swords a certainty, -can be better imagined than described. There had -been no husbanding of the drinking-water, and it -was almost out; many, in the hurry of departure -from Selima, had not filled their water-skins. There -was no doubt now that we were, as I had said from -the beginning, on the road to Wadi el Kab, and -travelling in the enemy’s country. But Hassan, -threatened as he was, had still one more card to play. -He acknowledged that he had lost his way, but said -this was not altogether his fault; we, he said, had -been travelling hard, and, feeling sure he was on the -right track, he had been careless, or had neglected to -look out for the usual marks, and that this was -because Amin and I had annoyed him at the beginning -of the march, as to the road. He now said -that we were well to the west of El Kab, and on -its extreme limits where the wady disappeared into -desert water could be found, and being so far west, it -was most improbable that we should find any dervishes -there. Another council was held. Hassan was for -continuing in an easterly direction; I proposed west, -<span class="xxpn" id="p020">|20|</span> -believing now that the wady would be found to the -west; while Ismail, advised by Amin, elected for a -southerly direction. At last it was agreed that Ismail, -Hassan, and some men should ride hard in a south-westerly -direction, in the hopes of picking up some -branch caravan route leading to El Agia. The remainder -of the caravan, with myself and Amin, were -to travel easily in a southerly direction for five hours, -and then halt and await the return to us of Ismail.</p> - -<p>We halted between three and four in the afternoon, -but no sooner had we done so, when a heavy sandstorm -burst upon us. There are varieties of sandstorms -as there are of most other things, but this was -one of the worst varieties. The air becomes thick -with the finest particles, which gives one more the -idea of a yellow fog in the north than of anything else -I might liken it to. We were obliged to wrap our -own and the camels’ heads in cloths and blankets to -protect ourselves, if not from suffocation, from something -very near it. The storm lasted until after -sunset, and as it must have obliterated all traces of -our tracks, scouts were sent out to sight Ismail. Up -till midnight no signs of him were forthcoming. -Breaking up what camel saddles we could spare, we -lit fires to attract his attention to our position, and as -these burned low, shots were fired at intervals of five -minutes. After ten or twelve shots had been fired, I -recommended that volleys of five should be fired at the -same intervals, and when I believe six had been fired, -we heard Ismail calling to us from the darkness. He -had encountered the sandstorm, but evidently had had -<span class="xxpn" id="p021">|21|</span> -a worse time of it than we had. He had heard our -volleys, and had replied with single shots, but these -we had not heard.</p> - -<p>On reaching the caravan, Ismail ordered the fires to -be put out, and the camels to be at once loaded and -their fastenings well looked to. The rifles were cleared -of the sand which had accumulated on them, and -Ismail went round inspecting everything for himself. -I called him aside and asked him what he had discovered. -He whispered one word, “Treachery,” and -returned to his inspection of the animals. When he -had satisfied himself of the arms being in readiness, -and the cases so secured that if the camels bolted they -would not be able to throw off their load very easily, -he gave the orders to march. Ignoring Hassan completely, -he led us west, sending out as scouts, on fast -camels, Darb es Safai and El Amin, my guide; but at -sunrise they came back to us, saying that not a trace -of road could be found.</p> - -<p>I cannot weary my readers with a day-to-day record -of our zigzagging in the desert—one day Hassan in -the ascendant as guide, another day El Amin, and -from this time I cannot pretend to remember the -exact day on which particular incidents happened. -There were too many incidents to attempt a complete -record, even with a diary, had I kept one.</p> - -<p>El Amin had confided to me and Ismail his firm -conviction that Hassan was doing all this purposely, -and that he knew precisely whereabouts we were, as -he had noticed him making some sort of calculations, -and drawing lines with his camel-stick in the sand. -<span class="xxpn" id="p022">|22|</span></p> - -<p>Perhaps it was because I did not wish to, that I -could not credit the implied treachery. Gabou and -Hassan belonged to the Kabbabish tribe, and as the -rifles and ammunition we were carrying were to assist -Sheikh Saleh to fight the common enemy, what object -could there be in betraying us? Saleh’s men would -certainly fight to the death; betrayer and betrayed -would run equal risks of being killed—indeed, the -betrayer would almost certainly be killed instantly by -those he was leading. I therefore dismissed the idea -from my head, took it for granted that the man had -actually lost his way, and declined to fall in with -El Amin’s suggestion to say “good-bye” to the -caravan, make straight for the Nile, and take our -chances of passing clear as merchants, should we -meet any people on the road.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="figsketch"> -<img src="images/i023.jpg" width="600" height="579" alt="" /> -<div class="caption">Sketch accompanying author’s -account of capture<div class="imglg"> -<a href="images/i023lg.jpg">see better image</a></div> -</div></div> - -<p>On, I believe, our sixth day out from Selima, we -crossed a caravan route running east and west, and, -referring to my map, I had no hesitation in telling -Ismail that this must be the caravan route between -El Kab and El Agia, but on which part of the road -we were I could not imagine. I wanted to attempt -travelling along this road, but Hassan declared it led -to El Kiyeh. That we must now be close to Wadi -el Kab, every one knew. A “council of war” was -held, at which it was decided to risk going on, as we -must be travelling towards the wells on the extreme -edge of the wady. We were to try and pick up the -wells, water the camels, fill our skins, and then strike -direct west and encamp at night-time, not to remain near -the wells. While we were discussing the situation, some -<span class="xxpn" id="p023">|23|</span> -men had been sent along the road to try and discover -anything in the way of marks or tracks which would -give an idea as to our exact position, and they reported -that there could be little doubt of this being El Kiyeh -road, and that El Kiyeh must be six days distant. -This news decided us. Our water-supply was out. -A six days’ march over that desert under such conditions -meant perishing of thirst, and there was, again, -the uncertainty as to whether we should be, after all, -on the road to El Kiyeh or El Etroun.</p> - -<p>One of the camels was ailing, so it was decided to kill -it, and let the men have a good meal of meat. Early -the next day, I believe our eighth or ninth day from -Selima, an Alighat Arab was sent scouting to the -west; he never returned. We halted and waited for -his return as arranged, and lost the night’s travel in -consequence. On the following day, unmistakable -landmarks were picked up, which proved that we were -but a few hours distant from the Wadi el Kab, and it -was believed we could reach the wells by sunset. -Unloading the camels, and leaving four men in charge -of the baggage, we started off for the wells, expecting -to return the same night. We travelled without -incident until about two o’clock in the afternoon, when -we reached the broken ground skirting the wady -proper. My guide, El Amin, and two men, had been -sent on ahead to reconnoitre. The place is dotted -with sand-dunes and hillocks from fifty to a hundred -feet high, and on nearing the first hillock, and when -approximately at “A,” we heard a shot fired. El -Amin and his companions had then reached the spot -<span class="xxpn" id="p024">|24|</span> -marked “G” on the accompanying plan; we believed -the shot to be a signal that they had found water, and -pressed on until we reached “B,” when shot after shot -was fired, the bullets whistling over our heads. At -this moment we saw Amin and his companions hurrying -back to us. Next came some broken volleys, but -all the shots were high. Up to now we had not seen -our assailants, but the smoke from the rifles now discovered -their whereabouts—the hillock marked “C.”</p> - -<p>I was slightly ahead of the main body, with Hassan, -the guide, some yards away on my right. Being -mounted on a large white camel, well caparisoned, -and wearing a bright silk Kofeyeh on my head, I -offered an excellent mark, and shot after shot whistled -over me. I was turning my camel round to hurry -back to the main body, when I saw Hassan fall to the -ground. Calling to my clerk Elias, who was nearest -to him, to help him back on the camel, or make the -camel kneel to cover him, I tried to get mine to kneel -so that I could dismount, but the brute was startled -and restive. Elias called out that Hassan was -“mayat khaalass” (stone dead). Our men were now -quickly dismounting and loading their rifles. Bullet -after bullet and volley after volley came, but no one -was struck as yet except Hassan. Making the -camels kneel, as a precaution against their bolting, -we advanced in open order towards the hillock from -whence the shots came, I on the extreme left, Ismail -in the centre, and Darb es Safai on the right. Rounding -the hillock “C,” we caught the first glimpse of the -enemy, about fifty strong, and then rapidly retiring. -<span class="xxpn" id="p025">|25|</span> -We fired a volley into them, on which they turned and -replied, and a pretty hot fusilade was kept up for -some minutes, but the firing was wild on both sides. -I saw two of our men fall, and about eight to ten of -the dervishes. Picking up their dead or wounded, -they hurried off again, leaving two camels behind. -Darb es Safai, who was leading the right, and was -now well in advance, was the first to reach the -camels, and discovered that they were loaded with filled -water-skins. Calling out, “Moyia lil atshan;* Allah -kereem!” (“Water for the thirsty; God is generous!”), -he commenced to unfasten the neck of one of the -skins. A mad rush was made for the water; arms -were thrown down, and the men struggled around the -camels for a drink. I tried for a few seconds, when -I reached them, to counsel moderation, knowing the -effect of a copious draught on the system under the -circumstances and condition they were in. Some of -the men had been three days without water, and the -camel flesh they had eaten had not improved matters.</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn01"> -<p class="pfn">* <i>Moyia lil atshan.</i></p> -<p class="pfn">(Water for the thirsty.)</p></div> - -<p>While the struggle was still in progress, Hasseena, -who with Elias had followed us up, ran to me saying -that the dervishes were returning, and, looking in the -direction of “E,” I saw about a hundred and fifty men -advancing at a rapid pace. I raised the alarm, and -Ismail gave the call to arms; but few heard his voice -in the din. Those few fired a few shots, but it was now -too late; in a moment the dervishes were upon us, -friend and foe one struggling mass. Above the noise -could be heard the voice of the dervish leader reminding -<span class="xxpn" id="p026">|26|</span> -his men of some orders they had received, and to -“secure their men alive.” Even in that moment it -flashed upon me that we had been led into an ambush, -else why the reference to “our master’s orders” given -by their leader? Elias, Hasseena, and I ran towards -“F” to take cover; it was no use my using my fowling-piece -on that struggling mass, as I should have -struck friend and foe. Just as we reached the base of -the hillock, Elias was captured, and the five or six -dervishes who had pursued us occupied themselves -with examining the contents of the bag he was carrying—my -three hundred dollars, jewellery, etc. They -gave a mere glance towards me, and then moved off.</p> - -<p>Pushing a few stones together, I laid out my -cartridges, reloaded my revolvers, and prepared to die -fighting. Ismail, the leader of our caravan, had by some -means managed to get clear of the mass, and, reaching -my camel, mounted it and rode off, riding hard to the -right of “F.” Seeing Hasseena and me, he called -to us to try and secure camels and follow him up. -Hasseena on this ran down the hillock; I had not -noticed her disappearance from the immediate vicinity -of the hillock, as I was too much occupied hurriedly -making my diminutive zareeba of stones. Glancing -over the stones later, I was astonished to see her -walking at the head of the dervishes who had secured -Elias, they following in Indian file. Hasseena called -out that I was given quarter, and that I was to stand -up unarmed. This I refused to do, and as they kept -advancing, I kept my gun pointed at them from -between the stones. Hasseena again called out, -<span class="xxpn" id="p027">|27|</span> -saying that they had orders not to hurt me, in evidence -of which they fired their rifles into the air, and then -laid them on the sand.</p> - -<p>By this time I could see that our men were -bound, and grouped together on the plain; I left my -cover, descended the hillock, and advanced to the -dervishes, when I was saluted with yells and cries of -“El Kaffir, El Kaffir” (“the unbeliever”). One, -maybe more fanatical than the rest, after vituperating -me, made a motion as if to strike at my head with his -sword. Looking him in the eyes, I asked, “Is this -the word of honour (meaning quarter) of your Prophet -and master; you liar, you son of a dog? strike, unclean -thing!” While, as is only to be expected, I was at -that moment trembling with fear and excitement, I -had lived too long in the East to forget that a bold -front and fearless manner command respect, if not -fear. My words and manner had the desired effect, -for one, turning to my would-be assailant, asked, -“What are you doing? Have you forgotten our -master’s orders?” This was the second time something -had been said about “orders.” I put a few -questions to my captors, but they declined to reply to -them, saying that I could speak to the Emirs Hamza -and Farag, and they hurried me towards them. The -Emir, whom later I knew to be Farag, asked my -name, and what I wanted in his country; then, -turning to his followers without waiting for a reply, -called out, “This is the Pasha our master Wad en -Nejoumi sent us to capture; thanks be to God we -have taken him unhurt.” The latter remark was -<span class="xxpn" id="p028">|28|</span> -made as a reproof to the man who had threatened -to strike me, as the incident had been reported, and -also as a warning to the others.</p> - -<p>Taking me apart from the others, he continued, “I -see you are thirsty;” and, calling up one of his men, -told him to pour some water over some hard dry -bread, and, handing it to me, said smilingly, “Eat—it is -not good for you to drink.” I divined his meaning. -Had our men not made that mad rush for the water, -we might have had a very different tale to tell, and -who knows if, had we won the day and reached Sheikh -Saleh, the history of the Soudan for the past twelve -years might not have read differently? <i>Mine</i> would -have done so.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p029" title="CHAPTER III. - IN THE HANDS OF THE DERVISHES."> -CHAPTER III -<span class="blksmaller">IN THE HANDS OF THE DERVISHES</span></h2> - -<p class="pfirst">I was handed over to two men, who were held -responsible for my well-being; Hasseena and Elias -were placed together in the charge of others, and we -were ordered to seat ourselves a little distance away. -The dervishes had with them military tents which -must have been taken at Khartoum, and one was soon -pitched. Here the Emirs and principal men met to -hold a conference and inquiry. Darb es Safai and -others were taken up one by one, and the question -put to them direct, “Where are the rifles and the -cartridges?” for no case had, of course, been brought -on with us to the wells. They denied any knowledge -of them; then replied Farag, “We will find them for -you, and show you how they are used.” My turn -came, and in reply to the usual question, I said that I -knew nothing at all about them; questioned still -further, I admitted that I had seen a number of boxes, -but I could not pretend to know what was inside of -them. Asked then as to where they were, I said I -could not tell—in the desert somewhere; they had -been thrown away, as the camels, being tired and -<span class="xxpn" id="p030">|30|</span> -thirsty, could not carry them any longer. Still interrogated, -I replied that the guide who had brought us -here was the first killed in the firing, and that I did -not think any one else of our caravan could find their -way back to the place where the boxes were left.</p></div> - -<p>At this, rapid glances were passed from one to the -other. Asked if I was sure he was killed, I could only -reply that my clerk had told me so, that I had seen him -fall, and indicated the place. Farag sent off a man in -that direction after whispering some instructions to him, -and during the few minutes he was away perfect -silence reigned in the tent, with the exception of the -click, click of the beads of the <i>Sibha</i> (rosary). When -he returned, he whispered his reply to Farag. Two -of the Alighat Arabs who had joined us at Wadi -Halfa were next brought up and questioned; they -did not give direct replies; they were taken aside, but -not far enough away to prevent my overhearing part -of what went on, when, as a result of promises and -then threats, I gathered that they undertook to lead -the dervishes to the spot where the cases had been -left in the desert. It is quite certain, from the -questions put by the dervishes, that they were -ignorant of the precise spot where the baggage had -been left, and it in a measure confirmed the death of -Hassan; but I have always had a suspicion that the -man shammed death and got away, to present himself -later on to Nejoumi. He might easily have -mingled with the dervishes and not been seen by us.</p> - -<p>The sun had now set; the conference ended, and -orders were given by Farag for all to march back by -<span class="xxpn" id="p031">|31|</span> -the route we had come, the Alighat Arabs, with Amin -between them, leading. We marched for only an -hour or so, for our camels, being tired and not having -been watered, gave trouble. A halt was called for the -night, and what water the dervishes had was partly -distributed. By sunrise the next day we were on the -march again, twenty-five men, well mounted, having -been sent on in advance with the guides. All Saleh’s -men, wounded and sound, were compelled to walk, -the dervishes and their wounded riding on camels.</p> - -<p>In the afternoon we reached the spot where we had -left the four men in charge of the baggage, to find -them with their hands bound behind them. The -advance party had reached them about ten o’clock in -the morning, and had doubtless found them asleep, as -no shots had been fired. The men were not to be -blamed in any way, and it really mattered but little -whether they were asleep or awake when taken, with -the odds against them. I had, on starting for the -wells, left them the little water I had saved; had they -not had this, they could not have slept.</p> - -<p>In the same way that Saleh’s men had forgotten -everything in that mad rush for the water, so did the -dervishes break loose, forget all about their prisoners, -and rush on the pile of cases. The ground was soon -littered with rifles, packets of ammunition, sugar, -clothing, food, and the hundred and one articles to be -found in a trading caravan, for the cases and bales of -the Arabs who had joined us at Wadi Halfa contained -only merchandise. My mind was soon made up; -running towards the other prisoners with my -<span class="xxpn" id="p032">|32|</span> -hunting-knife, I thought that at all events the thongs of a few -might be cut, and making for the camels and scattering -in different directions, a few might have got clear. -It was a mad idea, but it was something. Before any -part of my half-formed plan could be put into execution, -the guards were down on us. I was taken to the -Emir, Said Wad Farag, but I excused myself, saying -that, being a medical man, I had gone to see if I could -attend to any of the wounded. Complimenting me -on my thought for the others, he recommended me -to think of myself, appropriated the knife the guards -had found in my hand, and told me he would let -me know when to use it, warning me at the same -time not to attempt to speak to any of the other -prisoners.</p> - -<p>When the excitement over the loot had cooled down -a little, a camel was killed in honour of the occasion, -and my servant Hasseena was ordered to prepare -some of the dishes. I was invited to eat with the -Emirs. Our first dish was the raw liver of the camel, -covered with salt and shetta—a sort of red pepper. I -had seen this dish being eaten, but had never partaken -of it myself before. I had two reasons for eating it -now: first, I was hungry and thirsty; secondly, one of -the first signs of fear is a disinclination, I might say -inability, to swallow food, and fear of my captors was -the last thing I intended to exhibit. After the meal, -my clothes were taken from me, as they looked upon -them as the dress of a kaffir, and I was turned out -into the night-air with my singlet, drawers, and socks -as my complete wardrobe. My turban and Baghdad -<span class="xxpn" id="p033">|33|</span> -Kofiyeh were also taken, so that I was bareheaded -into the bargain.</p> - -<p>When the dervishes had finished their food, and -before they lay down for the night, the Emir Farag sent -for all the loot to be collected and brought before his -tent, when it would later on be distributed according -to the rules of the Beit-el-Mal (Treasury). This -institution and its working will be described later. -Only a part of the loot was collected, for the men, -knowing from experience the extraordinary manner in -which loot “shrank” in bulk and numbers when -placed in the hands of the Emirs to be distributed -according to rule, concealed in the sand or beneath -their jibbehs, whatever could be hidden there. The -pipes and tobacco found in the baggage were burned, -as their use was prohibited by the Mahdi. Amongst -my things was found my letter-wallet, and this was -handed to the Emirs, who afterwards sent for me and -demanded to know the contents of the letters. I -replied that they were only business documents, -receipts for goods, and such like, but that if the wallet -was handed to me, I would translate each document. -Being satisfied with this answer, Farag kept the wallet. -Complaining of my clothing having been taken, he -allowed me to have my flannel shirt, and gave me a -piece of rag as head-dress. In this guise, I lay down -in the sand to doze and wake the whole night through, -conscious yet unconscious, with the incidents of the last -eighteen days chasing each other through my brain.</p> - -<p>The camp was astir long before sunrise, and by -sunrise we were on the move east towards El Kab, -<span class="xxpn" id="p034">|34|</span> -which we reached about three o’clock in the afternoon. -The “wells,” at the part we arrived at, are upon -ascending ground; but the name “well” in this instance -is a misnomer. They are shallow basins scooped out -with the hands or any rough implement, the water -being found about three feet below the surface, shrubs -indicating where to scoop. The camels were watered -and left to graze on the scanty herbage. Another -camel was killed to celebrate the capture of the -caravan, and again I was invited to take food with -the Emirs. I was asked only the most commonplace -questions, but I could not get any reply to those I -put, except that Abdel Rahman Wad en Nejoumi would -tell me all I wished to know. While still with the -Emirs, Farag called up his followers again, and after -congratulating them upon the capture of the “English -Pasha” and the caravan (though the Emir knew very -well who I was, from old days at Korti), he harangued -them on the advisability of obeying to the letter the -orders of the Mahdi transmitted to the Khaleefa, and -by the Khaleefa to him, winding up his oration with -threats of punishment and imprisonment to any of the -faithful who robbed the Beit-el-Mal by concealing any -of the loot, after which he ordered every one to be -searched again. I had many opportunities later of -seeing evidences of what the Emirs most relied upon, -in regard to the handing over of any loot—an exhortation -to their followers, and an appeal to their religious -scruples—or threats of punishment and imprisonment. -Both went together, and were administered in the -order I have given them, and there was seldom an -<span class="xxpn" id="p035">|35|</span> -occasion when a search did not follow the appeal to -their honesty, and when punishment did not follow -the search for concealed loot.</p> - -<p>Wad Farag dismissed me for the night, but I had -hardly lain down when two dervishes stole up, and -asked me to describe all the baggage I had with me. -I said that a list would be found in my wallet, which, -if they would bring to me, would allow of me giving -them the required information. One left me, for the -purpose, I imagine, of asking the Emir for the wallet, -but returned shortly saying that I should <i>have</i> to remember, -and that the list I then gave would be compared -with the list in the wallet. There was no list -in the wallet, but there were one or two letters I -wished to extract. I have thought since that, had -I exhibited less anxiety to get hold of the wallet -itself, I might have induced them to hand over -these letters under one pretext or another. I soon -discovered from their questions that the dervishes -were spying one upon the other, for they asked me -directly what were the contents of the bag taken from -Elias my clerk. I told them three hundred dollars, -gold and silver jewellery, and some jewellery which -my servant Hasseena had asked Elias to carry for her. -Hasseena was sent for to describe her jewellery. The -information evidently gave these men huge satisfaction, -and taking Hasseena with them, they sent her back -with cooking utensils, food and firewood, and ordered -her to prepare food for me. Having had my food with -the Emirs but a little time before, I was at a loss to -understand the meaning of this, but learned later on -<span class="xxpn" id="p036">|36|</span> -that it was to prevent any one else approaching her for -information. Whether these two men were, as they -said, in charge of the Beit-el-Mal, or whether, having -seen any of the money or jewellery, they wanted to get -their share of it, I cannot say, but, in the light of subsequent -events, I should be inclined to believe the -latter.</p> - -<p>When the food was ready, I invited my guards to -eat it. I was hoping that a full meal, especially as -their fatigue was very evident, would induce them to -sleep, and feigning drowsiness myself, moved off a few -yards, and scooped out a sand bed. I was prepared -to risk anything for liberty; we were in the neighbourhood -of the wells, and might travel for days without -being out of reach of water. Explaining my plans to -Hasseena, I told her, under the pretence of collecting -firewood, to try and get up to Amin and Elias, cut -their thongs with the large knife we had had to cut up -the meat sent us for food, and tell them to creep -towards a small tree which I had noticed during daylight, -and await me there. Some camels with their -feet fastened by ropes were grazing there, and I -believed that we might get away unobserved, and get -some hours’ start. But the guards of the prisoners -were not asleep; they were very much awake, searching -the prisoners for any valuables, an operation -which was carried out by each relief of guards, so that -the sun rose with us still in the hands of the dervishes.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig03"> -<img src="images/i037.jpg" width="600" height="377" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">THE KHALEEFA’S EUNUCHS AT ATTENTION.</div> -</div> - -<p>It was just after sunrise that we moved off again; my -guardian must have been impressed with my importance, -for he saddled the camel for me himself, and -<span class="xxpn" id="p037">|37|</span> -brought me a gourd of camel’s milk. During this -day’s journey, the Emir Mohammad Hamza, of the -Jaalin tribe, who was commanding a section of the -dervishes, rode up to me and inquired about my -health—the usual form of salutation. He told me not -to be afraid of any harm coming to me, and then rode -off again. That evening we arrived at a small encampment -of dervishes close to some wells, when I -was taken before another Emir whom I was told was -Makin en Nur, and who, from the deference paid -him by the others, was doubtless the chief. He, too, -put a few questions to me of the same commonplace -nature as the others, and waved his hand for me to be -removed. On being sent for again, I was accused of -being a Government spy, and asked what I had to say -for myself. I replied, “I have told you the truth; what -do you want me to do now? tell you a lie, and say I -<i>am</i> a spy? If I do so you will kill me for saying I am -one, and if I say again I am <i>not</i>, you will not believe -me, and kill me just the same. I am not afraid of you; -do as you please.” When he questioned me again, I -said, “I refuse to answer any more questions.” My -manner of speaking to them caused no little surprise, -as it was doubtless different to what they had expected, -and to what they had formerly experienced from -captives.</p> - -<p>A young dervish was called in, and told to conduct -me to a spot removed from the other prisoners. As -we walked along, the youth said, “God is just; God -is bounteous; please God to-morrow our eyes shall -be gladdened by seeing a white Kaffir yoked with -<span class="xxpn" id="p038">|38|</span> -a shayba to a black one.” This shayba is the forked -limb of a tree; the fork is placed on the neck pressing -against the larynx, the stem projecting before the -wearer; the right wrist is then tightly bound to the -stem with thongs of fresh hide, which soon dry and -“bite” the flesh, and the ends of the fork drawn as -closely together as possible, and fastened with a cross-piece. -It is a cruel instrument of torture, for the arm -must be kept extended to its utmost; to attempt to -relieve the tension means pressure on the larynx; but -when yoked to another man he throws pressure on -you, and you on him. A prod in the ribs under the -arm of either victim, with sword or rifle, affords endless -amusement to their tormentors in the victims’ -gapes and grimaces as they gasp for breath; but -the captor’s cup of happiness is filled when an extra -hard prod knocks one man off his feet, and the poor -wretches are only helped up again when they are -almost choking.</p> - -<p>Irritated beyond endurance by the youth’s jibes -and jests, and hoping to put an end to everything -at once, I threw my weight and strength into one -blow—and I was a powerful man then—and felled -him senseless. Taking his rifle, I strode back to the -tent, almost foaming with rage, and entered; my -eyes must have been blazing; I glared from one to -the other, wondering whether to fire the one shot and -then start “clubbing” until I was cut down. Hamza -was the first to speak, and jumping up, held up his hand, -saying, “Istanna” (wait). I hurriedly related what -had occurred, and said what I intended to do. Hamza -<span class="xxpn" id="p039">|39|</span> -came to me, saying, “La, la, la (no, no, no), there -must be a mistake. You are not to be put in a -shayba; our orders are to deliver you alive and well.” -Then turning to the others, he continued, “Hand this -man over to me; I shall deliver him alive and well -to Wad en Nejoumi; I hold myself responsible for -him.” Some demur was made, when, lowering the -rifle, I placed the butt on the ground, rested my chin -on the muzzle, and addressing myself to all, said that -unless I was left in Hamza’s charge I should press the -trigger—on which my great toe was then resting. -Hamza again pressed his point, and said, “If you do -not agree, and this man does any harm to himself, I -declare myself free of blame and responsibility. I -have heard of him; he will do as he says.” The effect -of the words was magical. “Take him away—keep -him; do what you wish with him; never let him come -near us again—never. Never let him look upon us -with his eyes.”*</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn02"> -<p class="pfn">* The Soudanese, indeed all Easterns, -have a great horror of the “Evil Eye;” and the grey and grey-blue eyes -of Europeans in anger, or even in a fixed stare, as I learned later, -strike fear, if not terror, into the hearts of most.</p></div> - -<p>Hamza, turning to me, said, “You must know now -that our master, Wad en Nejoumi, knew of your -coming, and sent us to conduct you to him. His -orders were that you should be treated well; he -wishes to speak to you. I will give you security -until Dongola, where he is waiting for you. I do not -know what he will do with you; maybe he will kill -you—I cannot say; but, for myself, I promise you will -arrive in Dongola alive. If anything happens to you, -the Emir Wad en Nejoumi will kill me. Will you -<span class="xxpn" id="p040">|40|</span> -promise that you will leave yourself in my hands, will -not try to kill yourself, or attempt to escape?” I gave -my promise, upon which Hamza said, “Leave this -man to me.”</p> - -<p>The conversation which took place between us -was of much longer duration than the above would -appear to indicate, but I cannot pretend to remember -<i>all</i> that was said after the twelve years’ interval; the -above is the gist of it. I handed Hamza the rifle, -and he, taking me by the hand in the Bedawi manner, -led me out of the tent, and towards his section of the -dervishes. On the way, in a few hurried whispers, he -gave me to understand that he was really still a friend -of the Government, and that I might trust implicitly in -him. On reaching his people, he called four men to -attend to me, and sending for Hasseena, told her to -prepare such food as I was accustomed to. Hasseena -came in rags; her clothes, like mine, had been taken -from her. He ordered one of her dresses to be -returned, and on my showing him how the skin -had been burned off my back and shoulders with -the sun, he ordered that I, too, should be supplied -with more clothing.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p041" title="CHAPTER IV ARRIVAL IN DONGOLA"> -CHAPTER IV -<span class="blksmaller">ARRIVAL IN DONGOLA</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">Instead of our starting off the next morning at -sunrise, a sort of “fantasia” was held. This consisted -of men riding up and down the camp with mimic combats -between individuals—a sort of circus display. -Stricter watch was placed over me, and my guards -warned against allowing me to hold conversation with -any one. At sunset we were off again, and the following -day halted in the desert, El Ordeh (Dongola) -being then, I was told, a few hours’ distant. We rested -probably a couple of hours, and marched until evening, -but had not yet sighted Dongola. A final search was -made for concealed loot, and a piece of my leather -bag having been discovered on one of the men, he -was flogged, and, offering to confess, confessed that -he had found the bag empty on the ground. His -clothing, and that of his section was searched, and -resulted in the discovery of seventeen of my Turkish -dollars; a further application of the courbag resulted -in the discovery of the remainder of the three hundred -dollars, and a third one, of the greater part of the -jewellery. The flogging and searching delayed us, -<span class="xxpn" id="p042">|42|</span> -and instead of travelling that night, we only got away -in the morning, arriving within sight of Dongola at -noon, when men were sent in to report our arrival.</p> - -<p>While awaiting the return of the messengers, discipline—what -there was of it—was relaxed, and the -camp given over to jubilations. The attentions -bestowed upon me were not pleasant; both by words -and actions I was given to understand what the men -hoped and expected would be my fate. A respite -was granted, when the man who had received the -floggings was brought to me so that I might certify -that all the things discovered on him and his companions -were extracted from my cash-bag, and that all -the articles had been recovered. He seemed none -the worse for his experiences, and the matter was -explained to me. When the Ansar are flogged, upon -an expedition, for a theft which, as the Emirs know, -every one would commit, so many stripes are ordered -to be given; these are given with the courbag -(rhinoceros-hide whip) on the fleshy part of the back, -and over the clothing.</p> - -<p>He forgave me, and blamed the sugar for his -discovery. The sugar-loaves, which were part of -the goods of the Arabs who had joined the caravan -at Wadi Halfa, had been broken up and distributed. -At the wells some of the men had been -noticed dipping pieces in the water and munching -them, and none of the sugar having been handed in -when the loot was collected, the first search was -instituted, and this resulted in the discovery of other -hidden loot. I do not happen to know who might be -<span class="xxpn" id="p043">|43|</span> -the “father of sugar,” but I trust that the curses and -imprecations showered on his head by my dervish -friend may not reach him.</p> - -<p>Hasseena was brought to be searched, and stripped -naked; she cleverly dropped my seal in the sand, and -pressed it in with her foot. I had asked her to get -this seal from Elias, as, with this in their possession, -the dervishes might have written, through my clerk, -whatever letters they chose, and sealing them with -my seal, have made them appear authentic. Hasseena -was again questioned as to who I was, and persisted -in saying that I was a merchant and not a Government -official, and while she was being threatened with the -courbag, which in this instance would have been -applied as the cat-o’-nine-tails is at home, the Emir -Hamza came forward as a witness in my favour. -Hamza was another who, friendly as he was to the -“Government,” had been driven into the ranks of the -dervishes. After the final search, a move was made -towards Dongola, opposite which town we arrived -between two and three o’clock in the afternoon. -Before the town we descried a grand parade of troops -taking place, and as we halted a band struck up; -from the sound which reached us, the band must have -been composed of bugles and trumpets of all shapes, -sizes, and pitch, with just as varied an assortment of -drums. In the medley they played could be heard -snatches of the so-called Khedivial hymn.</p> - -<p>When the prisoners had been ranged up in such -a manner as to make their exhibit most effective, and -when I, as the prisoner of the occasion, had been -<span class="xxpn" id="p044">|44|</span> -placed in the midst of the Emirs, a signal was given, -on which the horsemen of the paraded army charged -down upon us in their much-lauded and over-rated -exhibition of horsemanship. This exhibition consists -of individual and collective charges right on to the -opposing line of onlookers, a sudden pulling up of the -horse which throws it on to its haunches, a meaningless -shaking of swords and spears over one’s head, -a swerve to the left or right, the direction being -dominated by the half-broken jaw for which the sudden -pulling up with the brutal ring-bit with which the -horses are ridden (?) is responsible; another charge, -and so on until the rider is tired or the horse jibs. This -is the usual programme, but it is occasionally varied -by accidents to horses and riders and onlookers, as, -for example, the affair of Khaleefa Ali Wad Helu, who, -some few days before the battle of Omdurman, gave -an inspiriting exhibition to the faithful in front of the -Mahdi’s tomb, in order to instruct them how to charge -the British lines, and spoiled the whole thing by being -thrown, breaking his wrist, laming the horse, and -nearly killing half a dozen of his most ardent admirers -who were in the front rank. This is not fiction.</p> - -<div class="imctr02" id="fig04"> -<img src="images/i045.jpg" width="528" height="694" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">THE KHALEEFA’S TENDER MERCIES.</div> -</div> - -<p>The parade and exhibition, called El Arrdah, given -in celebration of our capture, lasted more than an -hour, when a move was made towards Dongola, and -on arrival at the town, Wad Hamza and Wad Farag -led me to the gateway of Nejoumi’s enclosure. We -were kept waiting at the entrance for some time, -and it was as much as my guards could do to protect -me from the rabble; the people were in a most excited -<span class="xxpn" id="p045">|45|</span> -state, and my position was not rendered any the more -comfortable by my understanding the language. I was -prodded with spears and swords, and maybe for a -quarter of an hour—it may have been more, it may -have been less—I was subjected to as severe an ordeal -for patience as ever man was put to. Many of those -in the rabble knew me from pre-abandonment days, but -the cringing supplicants of former days were now my -bitterest foes and tormentors. Curses and imprecations -are such common accompaniments in ordinary disputes -in the East—disputes over the most trivial matters—that -little new could assail my ears in a country -where a child just learning to babble may be heard, -in childish innocence, to lisp to its mother, “Il la'an -abook,” or a much shorter expression which, owing to -the large number now understanding Arabic, I cannot -here use, but both of which expressions are in constant -use. It was the suggestive actions—some of beheading, -some of mutilations, others of a description which -I may not even hint at, which nearly drove me to -exasperation; they did so actually, but I controlled -myself, and did not allow my exasperation to exhibit -itself in any way, either by word or deed.</p> - -<p>On entering the enclosure, I was shown to a small -room, on the floor of which three people were sitting; -one rose, and, taking my hand, said, “El Hamdu -lillah,” “Bis-Salaamtuk” (thanks be to God for your -safety). I was told to sit down. The three scrutinized -me, and I returned their gaze. For some moments -nothing was said, and I was determined not to be the -first to break the silence. Presently food was brought -<span class="xxpn" id="p046">|46|</span> -in, and I was told to partake of it. As with the first -meal with the Emirs, I set to with a will, and continued -eating after the others had finished, taking not -the slightest notice of my hosts. I was acting a part, -I admit, for indifferent as I might have appeared to all -taking place around me, I was at the same time “all -eyes and ears.”</p> - -<p>When I had finished, the one who had first spoken -to me, and whom I had guessed was Nejoumi, “introduced” -himself to me. He prefaced the series of -questions he put to me by saying, “Do not be afraid; -I hope it will be my pleasure to receive you into the -true religion, and we shall be good friends.” Nejoumi -assured me that I should soon get accustomed to my -new mode of life, and would in the end bless him for -having saved me. He then told me that he knew -perfectly well who I was, and, not being a “Government -man,” my life was safe at his hands, but my property, -having been found in a caravan of enemies, must be -confiscated. I did not follow his reasoning, nor was I -allowed to, for he sent me off to the house of the Amin -Beit-el-Mal (storekeeper or director of the Beit-el-Mal), -with instructions that I should be well attended to. -Hasseena was sent into the hareem of the same house.</p> - -<p>Early the next morning Nejoumi sent for me, and -upon arriving at his enclosure, I saw that he had a -number of Sheikh Saleh’s men under examination. I -learned later that some had admitted that I was once -in Government employ, and had fought against the -Mahdi, but that now I was a merchant only. There -were, of course, numbers in the town who remembered -<span class="xxpn" id="p047">|47|</span> -me in connection with the expedition, and in order to -curry favour, they were not averse to credit me with -exploits and prowess which, if related to and believed -in by the British authorities, would have placed me -upon an unearned pedestal. In this instance they were -related in the hope that I should be placed on the now -well-known “angareeb,” which in a few seconds would -be drawn away, leaving me suspended by the neck. -When my turn for interrogation came, my letter-wallet -was handed to Nejoumi; he had, no doubt, had the -contents examined the night before. His first question -was, “Which are the Government papers?” I declared -that there were none, and that all the papers were -business ones. He then inquired, “Are there no -papers from the friends of the Government?”—to which -I answered, “There may be; I am a merchant; I buy -gum, hides—anything from the Soudan, and sell them -again to any one else who will buy them from me. It -is ‘khullo zai baadoo’ (all the same) to me who the -people are—friends or enemies of the Government—provided -they pay me. I gave good money for what -I bought, and wanted good money for what I sold.” -Nejoumi then told me that he had had the letters -translated by a girl educated in the “Kanneesa” -(church) of Khartoum. General Stephenson’s letter -had been translated as a “firman” appointing me the -“Pasha” of the Western Soudan, with orders to wage -war on the dervishes, for which purpose I had been -provided with money, rifles, and ammunition, and about -forty or fifty men as my personal bodyguard.</p> - -<p>At first I was dumfounded; then, serious as my -<span class="xxpn" id="p048">|48|</span> -position was, I could not restrain myself from bursting -out laughing. I protested that the translation was -false, and asked to be shown the document. I was not -shown it. To a man whom I surmised was the Kadi, -I said, “If the letter is a ‘firman,’ then it should be -written in Arabic, as the Soudanese did not read or -understand English.” This remark appealed to Nejoumi, -who said that he did not believe the translation -himself, <i>as it was quite different from the news he had -received from Hassib-el-Gabou</i>. I made inquiries -about this black female convert to Christianity, and -learned that she knew not a single word of English, -but few of Italian, and, like the remainder of such -converts so-called, went to the mission for what she -could get out of it. I have forgotten her name, -but hope to discover it before completing my notes, -when I shall give it. It would be interesting to learn -how much Christian money had been wasted on the -education of this supposed convert, married then to a -Danagli, and a shining light amongst the most fanatical -of the women, who, with their songs and dances, fanned -the flame of fanaticism amongst the men.</p> - -<p>More of Saleh’s men were brought in and questioned—I -questioned with them. In the end, I admitted that -General Stephenson’s letter asked me, if I was passing -Sheikh Saleh’s district, to tell him that arms and -ammunition were awaiting him at Wadi Halfa; but that -I had nothing to do with the sale of them, was proved -by my arriving after they had been taken over, and my -papers would show that I had not sold them to him, -and that I was not going to collect the money for them, -<span class="xxpn" id="p049">|49|</span> -as they believed. The remainder of that conference is -only a haze to me now, but I remember that later the -same day I was told that Nejoumi, pressed by the other -Emirs, had, in order to elicit the truth by frightening -the others, ordered the execution of fourteen of the -Arabs who had joined us at Wadi Halfa. Emin, my -guide, for some reason or another which I never discovered, -was ordered to be executed at the same time, -and was first to be beheaded. My surmises upon this -incident had better be left to my next chapter.</p> - -<p>On the following morning, the Amin Beit-el-Mal -ordered me to get ready to attend a “fantasia” which -Wad en Nejoumi had arranged, and at which he had -ordered me to be present; but, being his prisoner, -I must appear as one, for which purpose a light ring -and chain was placed on my neck, and a light chain -fastened to my ankles. On arrival at Nejoumi’s place, -I found the Kadi trying to persuade Darb es Safai -and about twelve or thirteen of Saleh’s men to become -Mahdists. Darb es Safai was their spokesman. They -scorned the exhortations of the Kadi, and heaped on -his head whatever insults they could. Nejoumi was -present, and to him Darb es Safai said, “We have -ridden behind our master, Sheikh Saleh, and we refuse -to follow you on foot as slaves; we have come here -to die—let us die.” Being told that if they persisted -in their stubbornness they would be killed, Darb es -Safai repeated, “We have come to die—let us die.” -I was then removed to a small mud hut, told to sit -down, and here hundreds of the populace came to see -me, flinging at me all the abuse their rich language is -<span class="xxpn" id="p050">|50|</span> -capable of, striving with each other to excel in virulence. -Darb es Safai and the others had been marched -off a short distance, and set to dig a shallow trench; -when this was finished, they were ordered to kneel at -its edge, and their hands were tied behind them; -this action is practically the declaration of the death -sentence. Es Safai asked to be beheaded last, as he -wished to see how his men could die. Only one -jumped to his feet when a few heads had rolled into -the trench, when Es Safai called out, “Kneel down. -Do you not see these cowards are looking at us?” -This was the “fantasia” I was to have assisted at, but, -by some misunderstanding, I was spared the horrible -spectacle.</p> - -<p>When the executions were over, my chains were -removed, and I was again taken before Nejoumi, -and questioned as to what property I had in the -caravan, and also if I had any slaves. I said I might -not possess slaves, but had two servants—Elias, my -clerk, and Hasseena, who was a freed slave, and now -my female servant. Elias had been cross-examined, -but had evidently, in his fright, contradicted himself -time after time. First he said he was my clerk, then -he was the servant of some Ali Abou Gordi of the -Alighat tribe, then trading in the Soudan. Nejoumi -told me that, if Elias’s last tale was true, he could not -be returned to me, as he must be an enemy. I did -my best for Elias, telling Nejoumi that he was a good -clerk and good writer, and that he might be very -useful to him in writing letters. Hasseena was brought -in and protested that she was my slave, not my servant; -<span class="xxpn" id="p051">|51|</span> -that I had bought her, but, as slaves were not allowed -by the Government, I had had to give her a <i>shehaada</i> -(certificate) declaring her free. Nejoumi made a -present of her to one of the men present, and on this -Hasseena squatted on the ground and refused to -budge. She screamed to Nejoumi that he might, if -he chose, marry her himself, but said that whoever -her husband might be, he would die the same night, -since she knew how to poison people secretly. -She knew nothing whatever about poisons, but this -remark probably was the reason for her being sent to -the Khaleefa, as she might be useful. She was sent -back as “property” to the Beit-el-Mal.</p> - -<p>My ordeal was not yet over; other chiefs came in, -and the conference opened soon developed into a heated, -if not acrimonious, discussion and dispute. I did not -know Soudani sufficiently to follow all that was said, -besides which three or four were speaking rapidly at -the same time; but I gathered that Nejoumi wished to -keep me by him, as he believed that I might be made -useful in signing letters which my clerk would have -to write. The others, believing the girl’s translation -of the letter, were for despatching me to the next -world, and sending my head as a gruesome present -to the commandant at Wadi Halfa, accompanied by -the supposed “firman.” It is not a pleasant experience -to sit down and hear your fate being discussed, -conscious that the sentence will be carried out immediately. -No criminal ever scanned the face of a jury -on its return to court as I did those of my savage -captors, with ears strained to catch every familiar -<span class="xxpn" id="p052">|52|</span> -word; and, difficult as it is after all these years to -attempt to give a real analysis of one’s feelings then, -I can remember gloating over the thought that, if -death were the sentence, I would spring at the throat -of the first Emir I could reach, with my nails buried -in and tearing at the flesh, until a blow would finish -all, and so rob the fanatical horde outside of the -pleasure of seeing a hated “Turk” publicly executed. -That the recollection is no imaginary one may be -guessed from the fact that, when I asked about -Gabou’s “health” at Assouan after my release, one -part of that conjured scene sprang up, and doubtless -would have been acted, had Gabou been alive.</p> - -<p>Nejoumi only partly won his point—I was to be -sent to the Khaleefa. Seven men were sent for, and -Hasseena and I placed in their charge. Nejoumi -gave me some clothing, and also a hundred dollars -from the three hundred taken from me, and we were -ordered off that night.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p053" - title="CHAPTER V THE REAL HISTORY OF THE CAPTURE"> - CHAPTER V - <span class="blksmaller">THE REAL - HISTORY OF THE CAPTURE</span></h2></div> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<div>(Extracts.)</div> -<p class="padtopc">“He (Nejoumi) captured in the Oasis of Selima a large part if -not the whole of the rifles. This was mainly owing to the imprudence -of an enterprising German merchant named Charles Neufeld, -who had accompanied the convoy, and, desirous of obtaining a -supply of water, had descended to the Oasis, where he was captured -by the enemy.”</p> - -<p class="padtopc">“. . . Most of them were killed, and a few, including Neufeld, -were taken captive to Dongola; there they were beheaded, with the -exception of Neufeld, who was sent to Omdurman, where he arrived -on March 1, 1887.”</p> - -<p class="padtopc">March 21, 1887.—“Sixty Kabbabish have arrived, sent by their -chief to take over arms and money.”</p> - -<p class="padtopc">May 15, 1887.—“Mr. Neufeld is reported to have diverged from -caravan of Kabbabishes to Sheikh Saleh to Bakah Wells, and to -have been taken prisoner by the dervishes, as well as a few Kabbabish -letters are said to have been captured; none from this office -were entrusted to him” (Blue Book No. 2, 1888—Nos. 50 and 90).</p> - -<p class="padtopc">“Neufeld was now free. His release was owing to one of the -Emirs representing to Abdullah Khalifa the great service Neufeld -had been in enabling arms and ammunition to be taken from the -Kabbabishes at the time Neufeld was captured” (Letter to Mrs. -Neufeld from War Office. Cairo, 10.3.90). -<span class="xxpn" id="p054">|54|</span></p> -</div><!--blockquot--> - -<p class="pfirst">It -would be as well to give at once the real history -of my capture as regards the circumstances and the -arrangements made to effect it. I received the details -first from Ahmed Nur Ed Din, who, some months -after my capture, came to Omdurman on his own -initiative to try and effect my escape. His version -was confirmed and amplified by my intended companion -Hogal, who again fell into the hands of the -dervishes in 1897, and was imprisoned with me until -we were finally released a few months ago.</p> - -<p>The treachery of Gabou has also been confirmed by -Moussa Daoud Kanaga, who has just arrived from -the Soudan to meet me, he having heard of my release -and arrival at Cairo. Moussa was one of the Soudan -merchants with whom I had had many dealings in -former days, and believing he could do something -towards effecting my escape, he, after many attempts -to reach me, finally succeeded in doing so in September, -1889.</p> - -<p>Instead of wearying my readers with snatches from -one narrative and the other, I will try, combining all, -to make one clear and connected story, having for -this purpose deleted from the last chapter remarks -and questions put to me by Nejoumi at Dongola in -order to introduce them here.</p> - -<p>The guide I had engaged for the journey, Hassib-el-Gabou, -belonged to the Dar Hamad section of the -Kabbabish tribe which was settled in and around -Dongola. Gabou was employed as a spy by the -military authorities on the frontier, but there is not -the slightest doubt that he was at the same time in -<span class="xxpn" id="p055">|55|</span> -the pay of Wad Nejoumi. He related to each side -just sufficient to keep himself in constant good grace -and pay, and failing authentic news of any description, -he was able to fall back upon his intimate local knowledge, -his double dealings, his knowledge of the people -and language, and a fund of plausibility which at the -present day would not pass current for five minutes.</p> - -<p>Between the Dar Hamad section, and the section -acknowledging Saleh Bey Wad Salem as their head, -there were a number of old outstanding jealousies -which had not been settled; what they were all about -I cannot pretend to say, but one of the principal was, -whether Sheikh Saleh or the head of the Dar Hamads -should be considered the senior. It may not have -been forgotten by those who have taken an interest -in Soudan affairs, that the existence of these tribal -jealousies and disputes between divided tribes was -taken full advantage of by the Mahdi and Khaleefa, -in very much the same way as a political agent runs -one section of a party against another, and gains <i>his</i> -point, at the cost and discomfiture of the others who, -for the time being, were unconsciously playing his -game for him. Sheikh Saleh’s party were the real -Bedawi (men of the desert), and, therefore, more -reliable than the Dar Hamads, who had the “belladi” -(town) taint or stigma attached to them.</p> - -<p>Gabou’s first plan was, according to his lights, -to act loyal to his section of the tribe, and so to -arrange matters that the arms intended for his rivals, -Sheikh Saleh’s section, should fall into the hands of -his people; with those arms turned against the -<span class="xxpn" id="p056">|56|</span> -dervishes, he might see his section come to the front -as <i>the</i> support of the Government, and maybe be in -possession of the coveted title of Bey and a Nishan -(decoration), if his plans succeeded. I have no doubt -that, had his first plan succeeded, he would have been -prepared with a plausible tale, and gaining any slight -advantage over the dervishes would certainly have -atoned for his defections. His plan as originally conceived -was as follows:—First, he wrote to his own -sheikh giving him full details of the arms and ammunition -awaiting Saleh’s caravan, and there is every -reason to believe that the letters sent by General -Stephenson to Sheikh Saleh in the first instance, were -delayed by Gabou until his plans were complete. -The guide Hassan, whom I believed had been -engaged at the last moment, had been engaged some -time before, and fully instructed in the part he had -to play. Gabou had promised his people that after -Sheikh Saleh’s caravan left El Selima Wells, they -would be led towards the Wadi el Kab instead of -El Agia Wells, so that even had we filled our water-skins -at leisure at Selima, we should only have been -provided with four, instead of eight days’ water, and -two days on the desert without water has its discomforts. -When a Bedawi will travel two or three -days without water and not murmur, it can be better -imagined than described what Gabou’s promise to -hand us over “thirsty” meant; it meant precisely -what actually did occur—the madness of thirst approaching—the -lips glued together, the tongue swollen -and sore in vain attempts to excite the salivary -<span class="xxpn" id="p057">|57|</span> -glands—the muscles of the throat contracted, and the palate -feeling like a piece of sandstone, the nostrils choked -with fine sand, and the eyes reddened and starting, -with the eyelids seeming to crack at every movement. -Only those who have experienced what we did during -those last days on our journey to Wadi el Kab, can fill -in the missing details in the history of Esau selling -his birthright for a mess of pottage.</p> - -<p>The Dar Hamads, on receiving Gabou’s news, -made their preparations; arms buried in the ground -to conceal them from the dervishes were unearthed, -but the very evident activity of the people excited the -suspicions of Wad Nejoumi. Believing that a revolt -was intended, he prepared to meet it; but, having his -spies about, bits of the real truth leaked out. Gabou -was put to the test; either written messages or messengers -were sent to him by Nejoumi, asking about -Saleh’s caravan and the purposes for which they had -gone to Wadi Halfa. When Gabou saw that his -first scheme had miscarried, rather than the caravan -should fall into the hands of his rivals, he preferred -to reveal to Nejoumi the plot he had planned for -the benefit of his own people. It was on this account -that he had, as related, tried at one time to get me to -abandon the projected journey; and, as can be understood, -there were many reasons for his sending word -to Nejoumi saying I was to accompany the caravan. -His keeping back of Ismail, the leader, day after day, -was only to allow of his messages reaching Nejoumi -in time for him to make complete preparations for -intercepting us. -<span class="xxpn" id="p058">|58|</span></p> - -<p>Hogal arrived at Wadi Halfa the very evening of -our departure, and sent over his message. Gabou met -him and gave him his confidence. He told Hogal -the means he had used to try and get me to abandon -the journey, but that he dared not give me the real -reasons, as he knew I should report the matter, and -his head would then be in danger; he had done the -best he could by letting Nejoumi know who and what -I was. Still dexterously playing his cards, and to -keep Hogal quiet, he said that he knew that the -English were going away; they certainly would not -take him with them, and as he and Hogal had their -family ties in the Soudan, unless he worked with -Nejoumi, his “good word” would be of no avail to his -family and friends when the dervishes came down to -occupy the abandoned towns.</p> - -<p>I trust that my readers are now beginning to see -the light through this dark conspiracy, and that I am -making the narrative sufficiently intelligible and clear -without constantly requesting you to turn back to -earlier pages.</p> - -<p>Gabou, playing a double part himself, and being -naturally suspicious of every one in consequence, -thought that I might have divined his treachery when -the camels did not overtake us, and might change our -route in consequence; these suspicions he communicated -to Nejoumi. Had he not done this, I -might have forgiven him—for it was every one for -himself in those days. There was not the least necessity -for him to warn Nejoumi that we might change -our route on discovering that the guide was leading -<span class="xxpn" id="p059">|59|</span> -us in the wrong direction, for had Nejoumi’s men -<i>not</i> found us, Gabou would not have been blamed.</p> - -<p>Nejoumi, on receiving the news, despatched a large -number of dervishes under Wad Bessir to Umbellila, -opposite Abou Gussi, and another under Osman Azrak -to El Kab opposite to El Ordeh (Dongola), and Said -Mohammad Wad Farag, Mohammad Hamza, Makin -en Nur and Wad Umar to the various wells in the -Wadi el Kab, the latter having orders to keep the -Dar Hamads in check. I am giving this list of now -famous names from recollections of what I was told at -Dongola and Omdurman, not for the purpose of -thereby investing with a halo of barbaric romance -an incident which was nothing more nor less than a -bit of highway robbery, but more with the idea, that -should any of those named be still living, and eventually -come into the hands of the Government, they -might be questioned as to this affair, and their account -compared with the series of contradictory passages -which head the present chapter.</p> - -<p>Wad Farag sent a flying party to Selima Wells, led -by a slave of Wad Eysawee, named Hassib Allah. It -was Hassib Allah who had fired the shot we heard on -the day of our arrival at Selima. When taken before -Wad Nejoumi at Dongola, one of the questions put me -was, “Did you see any one, or hear a shot fired the -day you reached Selima,” to which I answered “Yes,” -as regards the latter part of the question, thereby -making an everlasting friend of Hassib Allah, as a -reward had been promised to whoever should first sight -us and hurry back to the main body with the news; -<span class="xxpn" id="p060">|60|</span> -he had fired the shot, so that the question might be -put. Even in this you may gauge the amount of -faith or confidence the Ansar had in the word of their -Emirs, and the amount of credence a European might -give to their tales when they lied to, and deceived -each other with such charming impartiality.</p> - -<p>After despatching Hassib, Wad Farag divided his -party, sending one to the district between Wadi el -Kab and the Nile, and the second, commanded by -himself, he led to the desert to intercept us. The -Alighat Arab sent out as a scout, who did not -return, must have either been captured by Farag, -or what is more likely, as he was sent out by Hassan, -was an emissary of Hassan’s to Wad Farag or any of -the other dervishes to give them the news, as Hassan -must have been aware of our position and the proximity -of the dervishes. The tracks we had picked up on -the road, when the embers of the caravan’s fires were -found still hot, were the remains of the fires of Hassib’s -men, who had kept within touch of us the whole time, -only losing touch on the day following the disappearance -of the Alighats.</p> - -<p>On reaching the broken ground leading to El Kab, -my guide Amin and the two others had been allowed -to pass unchallenged intentionally, as the dervish plan -was to form themselves into three parties, which were -to rush us from three sides at the same moment. It -was in direct disobedience of orders that the first shots -were fired at us, but it was probably done by some one -to gain the promised reward for sighting us, and it -ended, as already related, in a general fusilade. The -<span class="xxpn" id="p061">|61|</span> -camels loaded with filled water-skins were left behind -purposely, but their being left was a happy thought at -the moment of Farag’s men. When they retired, it -was only to join the other section which was to have -rushed us from the left; the section to rush us in the -rear being a little further out in the desert than the -plan shows.</p> - -<p>Our leader Ismail I never saw or heard of again; -he may have succeeded in escaping altogether, only -to be killed when the virtual extermination of the tribe -took place and Sheikh Saleh, standing on his sheepskin, -fell fighting to the last.</p> - -<p>This account of the capture of the caravan, and the -explanations given, though not agreeing in essentials -with the accounts given officially, may be accepted as -being as nearly correct in every detail as it is possible -for memory to give them, and the occasion was one of -those in life where even twelve years’ sufferings are -not sufficient to obliterate the incidents from the mind.</p> - -<p>I feel some little confidence in offering to the world -my version of the circumstances attending my -departure from Wadi Halfa for Kordofan, the date -upon which I really did leave Egypt—as unfortunate -a date for me as it evidently has been to some of my -biographers,—and the actual circumstances attending -my capture, as I happened to be present on the -various occasions spoken of, and I do not think it will be -asking too much if I request that the same amount of -credence be given to my own story as has been given -to that of others referred to in my introduction, and in -the extracts which head the present chapter. -<span class="xxpn" id="p062">|62|</span></p> - -<p>It now remains, before closing this chapter, to deal -with Dufa'allah Hogal and his part in the affair. In -my first letter from Omdurman, which letter was -written for me by dictation of the Khaleefa, I am -made to say that I blamed Hogal for his deceit, but at -the same time thanked him for his deceit, as it had led -me to grace. This was a clever invention of the -Emir’s at Dongola, or the Khaleefa himself, to get -Hogal into trouble with the Government, and draw -away suspicion from Hassan and Gabou. This letter -was received by one of my clerks at Assouan, who -fortunately retained a copy before forwarding it on to -Cairo; a translation of it will be given later.</p> - -<p>Hogal is not to be blamed for keeping his own -counsel after Gabou had given him his confidence. -He had nothing to gain by telling the authorities the -truth, and he had everything to lose if he did. The -Khaleefa’s spies were everywhere in the Government -and out of it, just as the Government spies -were amongst the Mahdists, and there can be no -doubt but that they were paid by both sides—and -who is to blame them? Hogal’s family ties and -relations were in the Soudan, and there was no use in -his raising a question over a dead man. I may have -something to say about guides and spies later on, but -it will not be with the idea of calling any of them to -justice. The only justice they knew of was that contained -in “Possession is nine points of the law,” or -“Might conquers right,” and it suited their natures -admirably to play a double game, rendered so easy for -them with a Khaleefa who, having made up his mind to -<span class="xxpn" id="p063">|63|</span> -do a certain thing, ever kept that object in view, -and worked for its accomplishment, whilst on the other -hand was a Government which in their opinion did not -seem to know its own mind from one day to another -as to what should be done with the Soudan and its -subjects resident there.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p064" -title="CHAPTER VI DONGOLA TO OMDURMAN"> -CHAPTER VI -<span class="blksmaller">DONGOLA TO OMDURMAN</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">During -the early part of the night of April 27, the -Amin Beit-el-Mal told me to prepare for my journey -to Omdurman, as Wad Nejoumi had sent for me. -There was little preparation I could make, except to -beg some sesame oil to rub over my face, shoulders, -back, and feet. The woollen shirt and clothing I had -been allowed had not been sufficient to protect me -against the burning rays of the sun, and the skin was -peeling away from my face, shoulders and back, while -my feet were blistered and cut. My stockings had -been worn through in a day’s tramping through the -sand. Taken to Nejoumi’s enclosure, Nejoumi and I -sat together talking for a considerable time. He told -me that he had wished to keep me by him for the -purposes of “akhbar” (information, or news), but -that the other Emirs had insisted upon my being killed -at once, or sent to the Khaleefa with the supposed -“firman” appointing me “The Pasha of the Western -Soudan,” to be dealt with by the Khaleefa at -Omdurman. Nejoumi said he had written asking that -I should be sent back to him. He put to me many -<span class="xxpn" id="p065">|65|</span> -questions about the Government, the fortifications of -Cairo and Alexandria, Assouan, Korosko and Wadi -Halfa, and in particular he was anxious to know all -about the British army and “Ingleterra.” The advance -up the Nile for the relief of Gordon had -evidently given him a very poor opinion of our means -of transport, at least as regards rapidity of movement, -for when I told him of the distance between Alexandria -and England, and assured him that steamers could -bring in a large army in a week’s time, he smiled and -said, “I am not a child, to tell me a tale like that.” -He may or may not have gone to his grave believing -that I was romancing, when I described to him what -an ocean-going steamer was like, and did my best to -give him some idea of the proportions of a Nile -Dahabieh compared with an ocean-going steamer and -a man-of-war.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig05"> -<img src="images/i064.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">SHEIKH ED DIN’S EUNUCH IN HIS - MASTER’S MARRIAGE-JIBBEH.</div> -</div> - -<p>I left him firmly impressed with the idea, and this -impression was only intensified months later when a -number of his chief men were ordered back to -Omdurman and thrown into prison with me, that had -Nejoumi had any one in whom he could repose his -confidence and absolute trust in such a delicate matter, -he would have sent in his submission to the Government, -and laying hands upon the Emirs sent by the -Khaleefa to spy upon him—for he was then under -suspicion—would have led his army as “friendlies” to -Wadi Halfa, and have asked assistance to enable him -to turn the tables on the Khaleefa. What further leads -me to make such a bold assertion or statement is that -the Emirs, or chief men, referred to already as having -<span class="xxpn" id="p066">|66|</span> -been thrown into prison with me at Omdurman, gave -me, as their fellow-captive, first their sympathy, and -then their complete confidence. I learned from them -the fate of those of Saleh’s caravan whom I had left alive -at Dongola. They had, they told me, been executed -in batches of varying numbers at intervals of some -days, Elias my clerk being the last to be executed, and -he not being executed until about two months after my -departure from Dongola. Nejoumi, for reasons which -will be at once seen, kept him alive to the last, and -then doubtless only gave the order for his execution -when, despairing of my being sent back to him, he -gave way to the importunities of the other Emirs -anxious to see the last of Saleh’s people executed.</p> - -<p>From what they confided to me, there could not be -the slightest doubt that a conviction of the imposture -of the Mahdi’s successor was growing and spreading -amongst the Mahdists; but the system of espionage -instituted by the Khaleefa nipped in the bud any -outward show of it. There can be also no doubt -that these confidants of Nejoumi had, in some way, -compromised themselves when speaking in the presence -of some of the Khaleefa’s agents, and that Nejoumi -himself had only not been ordered back with them -because of his popularity and the Khaleefa’s fear -and jealousy of him. There was no one whom -Nejoumi, or, for the matter of that, any one—not even -excepting the Khaleefa himself, might implicitly trust -in the Soudan. The man to whom you gave your -innermost confidences might be friend or foe, and -as all changed face as rapidly and constantly as -<span class="xxpn" id="p067">|67|</span> -circumstances dictated, it would be safe to say that -no one in the Soudan for a single moment trusted -any one else.</p> - -<p>Whatever Nejoumi’s convictions may have been in -the earlier days of the Mahdist movement, it is certain -that they underwent a great change. Indeed, his -advance against the Egyptian Army at Toski, when he -was killed, was, as I was told by some of his people -imprisoned with me after their return, only undertaken -when he was goaded to it by the reproaches of the -Khaleefa, accusing him of cowardice and treachery, -accompanied with threats of recalling him to Omdurman—and -Nejoumi knew well what this implied.</p> - -<p>In the last chapter I remarked that I would later -offer some surmises as to the reason why my guide -Amin was the first to be executed at Dongola, and -it would be well to insert them here, while speaking of -my fellow-prisoners from Nejoumi’s army. Though -they could not be positive on the point, they were -certain that Amin’s two or three passages-at-arms -with the guide Hassan had been related to the -assembled Emirs at Dongola immediately after our -arrival, and Amin was in consequence ordered to be -at once executed. I expressed my suspicions as to the -actual death of Hassan at El Kab, and in face of what -I was told, I cannot help but believe that his falling -from the camel was an arranged affair, and that he -came with the caravan to Dongola, and gave evidence -against Amin. Following up this suspicion or supposition, -it is very probable that he originated the “cock-and-bull” -story related to the military authorities, -<span class="xxpn" id="p068">|68|</span> -detailing the supposed incidents of the capture of -Saleh’s caravan and myself. It will not have been -forgotten that the published official and semi-official -records report my capture at two different places a -hundred and fifty miles apart, or, in other words, a -minimum of five days’ journey, and at different dates,—in -one instance announcing my arrival at Omdurman -as a captive one month before the caravan which I -was supposed to have betrayed—or been the cause -of the capture of through “imprudence”—had even -started from Wadi Halfa.</p> - -<p>In the early morning of April 28, I and Hasseena -were taken outside the town to where the guards -and camels were awaiting us, and setting off on our -journey, travelled through Hannak, Debbeh, Abou -Gussi, and Ambukol. The incidents connected with -our appearance at these places are not of sufficient -interest to warrant my detaining my readers with them. -From Ambukol we struck into the desert, making for -the Nile at Gebel Roiyan, enduring the inevitable discomforts -and privations of such a journey. On arrival -at the village near Gebel Roiyan, we took possession of -what we believed to be a deserted house, and, after -taking a little food, lay down to sleep. During the -night a wretched old woman crept into my room, and -commenced that peculiar wailing known to those who -have been in the East. She was, she said, “El umm -Khashm-el-Mus” (the mother of Khashm-el-Mus—but -the expression may be taken to imply merely that she -was one of Khashm-el-Mus’s family or relatives), whom -Gordon had sent with gunboats to Metemmeh to -<span class="xxpn" id="p069">|69|</span> -accompany Sir Charles Wilson on his voyage to -Khartoum. Her sons, the whole of her family (or -tribe), had been killed by the Khaleefa’s order, and, as -far as she knew, she was the only one left. Taking no -notice of my guards, who had come in, attracted by the -wailing and talking, she cursed the Mahdi, and every -thing and every one connected with him. The -wailings of the poor creature, her pinched, sunken -cheeks, her glistening eyes, her skinny, hooked fingers, -her vehement curses on the Mahdi and Khaleefa, and -the faint glow from the charcoal embers which only -served to outline the form of the old woman as some -horrid spectre as she stood up and prophesied my -death, completely unnerved me. If there was one -night in my life upon which I required a few hours’ -rest it was on this—the last, as I knew, before my -entering Omdurman. But no sleep came to my eyes -that night. Soon after the woman left, a sound of -dull thuds, a shriek, a moan, and then silence told its -own tale. She had been battered to death with curses -on the Mahdi on her lips.</p> - -<p>The night was one long, horrible, wakening nightmare, -but all was real and not a fantasy of the brain. -How I longed for the dawn! and how impatiently I -waited for it! For the first time I had fears for my -reason. The sensation I felt was as if a cord had -been slipped round my brain, and was gradually but -surely tightening. But enough of this; it is not -necessary to interlard my experiences with painful -mental sensations, real as they were.</p> - -<p>It was with some little difficulty that I shuffled my -<span class="xxpn" id="p070">|70|</span> -way to the camels next morning, to mount and get -away on our last stage of the journey to Omdurman. -We reached the town at noon, on Thursday, May 5, -and passed in almost unnoticed until we reached -the market-place, when the news having spread like -wildfire, we were soon surrounded by thousands of -people, and it was with the greatest difficulty we fought -our way to the open praying-ground adjoining the -burial-place of the Mahdi. (The tomb had not then -been built.) Here I was placed in the shade of the -rukooba. (The rukooba is a light structure of poles -supporting a roof of matting and palm branches, in -the shade of which the people rest during the heat of -the day.) Two of my guards went off to deliver Wad -Nejoumi’s despatches to the Khaleefa, and also to -announce my arrival.</p> - -<p>Shortly afterwards, Nur Angara, Slatin, Mohammad -Taher, and the chief Kadi, with others, came to -question me. Slatin addressed a few words to me in -English, but not understanding him, I asked him to -speak in German, upon which he said in an undertone, -“Be polite; tell them you have come to join -the Mahdieh in order to embrace the Mahdi’s -religion; do not address me.” Nur Angara, who put -the majority of the questions, asked, “Why have -you come to Omdurman?” I hesitated a little -before replying, but did not hesitate long enough to -allow my European blood to cool sufficiently to reply -“politely” to the imperious black confronting me. I -told him, “Because I could not help myself; when I -left Wadi Halfa it was to go and trade and not fight, -<span class="xxpn" id="p071">|71|</span> -but your people have taken me prisoner, and sent me -here; why do you ask me that question?” Slatin at -this moved behind the other Emirs, and I believe -made some attempt to make me understand that I -should speak differently to them. My helplessness was -galling to me; there was not a man there whom, -pulled down as I was, I could not with sheer strength -have crushed the life out of.</p> - -<p>I was questioned about the number of troops at -Wadi Halfa and Cairo, the fortifications, etc., but -neither places would have recognized the fortresses -I invented for the occasion, and the numbers of -troops with which I invested them. When told that -news had been received from Wad Nejoumi that -the British troops were leaving, I admitted the -truth of this, but said that they could all be brought -back to Wadi Halfa in four days. All the questions, -or nearly all, were in connection with the army -and the movement of the troops, and this will be -understood when it is remembered that, by some, I -was believed to be “Pasha,” and all Pashas in the -Soudan were military leaders.</p> - -<p>I have been shown a statement to the effect that my -readiness to talk “made a bad impression,” but this -remark was not, at the time of writing, sufficiently explanatory—and -yet it may have been. Other captives -had grovelled at the feet of their captors; I did not, -hence probably the “bad impression” created; and -while the world may blame me for being so injudicious -as to treat my powerful captors with such scant courtesy, -it can hardly be expected that I, even had I not passed -<span class="xxpn" id="p072">|72|</span> -six years in close connection with the British Army on -the field of battle, and in times of comparative peace, -should in a moment forget and lose my manhood, and -cover with servile kisses the hands of a savage black—and -one of the murderers of Gordon to boot. I thank -God, now that I am restored to “life,” that my first -appearance as the Khaleefa’s captive “made a bad -impression,” for even in this I choose to accept an -evidence that I was not what I have in some instances -been represented as being.</p> - -<p>On the Emirs and others leaving me, some dervishes -advanced, stripped me of the jibbeh and clothes given -me by Nejoumi, replacing them with a soldier’s old -jersey and cotton drawers. My feet were next fettered, -and a ring, with a long heavy chain attached, -was fastened round my neck. During that evening—indeed, -during the whole night, crowds came to look -at me, while the ombeyeh (war-trumpet made from a -hollowed tusk) was sounded the whole night through. -A woman, a sort of Mahdist amazon, walked and -danced up and down in front of me, singing and -gesticulating, but I could not catch the full meaning of -her words. Noticing Hasseena sobbing violently a -few yards away, I called to her, and asked what was -the matter with her. She told me that the ombeyeh -was calling up the followers of the prophet to come -and witness my execution, and that the woman, in her -rude rhyme, was describing my death agonies, and my -subsequent tortures in hell as an unbeliever. One of -my guards told me that what Hasseena had related -was true, and I had curiosity enough to ask him the -<span class="xxpn" id="p073">|73|</span> -details of an execution; these having been described -to me, I refused food and drink. I was determined -to deprive the fanatics of one looked-for element -connected with my execution—but I may not enter -into details.</p> - -<p>At dawn the following morning, a dervish came to -me, and crossing my right hand over the left at the -wrists, palms downward, proceeded to bind them together -with a rope made of palm fibre. When the -ropes had, with a bit of wood used as a tourniquet, -been drawn well into the flesh, water was poured over -them. The agony as the ropes swelled was excruciating; -they “bit” into the flesh, and even now I -cannot look at the scars on my hands without a -shudder, and almost experiencing again the same -sensations as those of twelve years ago.</p> - -<p>With the perspiration rolling off me with the pain -I was enduring, and no longer able to conceal that -I was suffering, I was led forth to be the sport of -the rabble. Made to stand up in the open space, -bareheaded, with thousands around me, I believed -the moment for my decapitation had come, and -muttering a short prayer, I knelt down and bent my -head, but was at once pulled to my feet again; the -populace wanted their sport out of me first. Dervishes -rushed at me prodding with spears and swords, and -while this was going on, two men, one on each side of -me, with the mouths of their ombeyehs placed against -my ears, blew their loudest blasts. One powerful -man in particular, with a large spear, gave me the idea -that it was he who had been told to give the final -<span class="xxpn" id="p074">|74|</span> -thrust, and when he had made a number of feints, I -tried in successive ones to meet the thrust. One of -the men guarding me, taking the chain attached to the -ring round my neck, pulled me back each time, much -to the delight of the assembled people.</p> - -<p>The ropes with which I was bound had now done -their work; the swollen skin gave way, and the horrible -tension was removed as the ropes sank into the flesh. -If I had exhibited any feeling of pain before, I was now -as indifferent to it as I was to the multitude around -me. A messenger of the Khaleefa, Ali Gulla, asked -me, “Have you heard the ombeyehs?”—a bit of the -Khaleefa’s supposed pleasantry, when it was by his -orders that the mouths of the instruments had been -placed against my ears. On nodding my reply, Gulla -continued, “The Khaleefa has sent me to tell you -that he has decided to behead you,” to which I -replied, “Go back to your Khaleefa, and tell him that -neither he nor fifty Khaleefas may so much as remove -a hair from my head without God’s permission. If -God’s will it is, then my head shall be cut off, but it -will not be because the Khaleefa wills it.” He went -to the Khaleefa with this message, and returned -saying, “The Khaleefa has changed his mind; your -head is not to be cut off; you are to be crucified as -was your prophet Aisse en Nebbi” (Jesus the -Prophet); after saying which, he told my guards to take -me back to the rukooba while preparations were made.</p> - -<p>By this time, what with the fatigue and privations -on the journey, my head almost splitting as the -result of the ombeyeh’s blasts, the agony caused by the -<span class="xxpn" id="p075">|75|</span> -ropes binding my wrists, and the torture of scores of -small irritating and stinging flies attacking the raw -flesh of my hands, and the sun beating down on my -bare head, I was about to faint. An hour later, I was -ordered off to the place of crucifixion; being heavily -chained, I was unable to walk, so had to be placed -upon a donkey, on which I was held up by two men. -On coming to a halt, instead of the crucifix I had -expected, I found a set of gallows. I was lifted from -the donkey and placed close to the “angareeb,” with -the noose dangling just over my head. Pain and -faintness at once left me. A few minutes more would -end all, and I had made up my mind that that horde -should respect me even in my death. I tried to -mount the angareeb, but my chains prevented me. -A tall black (the chief Kadi of the Khaleefa), placing -his hand on my arm, said, “The Khaleefa is gratified -at your courage, and, to show this, offers you the choice -of the manner of your death.” I replied, “Go back to -your Khaleefa, and tell him that he may please himself -as to what form my death comes in, only if he -wishes to do me a favour, be quick about it; the sun -burns my brain.” To which the Kadi replied, “You -will be dead in a few minutes; what will you die as, -as a Muslim or a Kaffir?” I was growing desperate, -and answered at the top of my voice, “Ed Deen mush -hiddm terrayer nahaarda ou Bookra” (Religion is not -a dress to be put on to-day and thrown off to-morrow).</p> - -<p>My reply, and the manner in which I gave it, I was -gratified to see, made him angry. While we were still -talking, a man on horseback made his way through -<span class="xxpn" id="p076">|76|</span> -the crowd to us, and spoke to the Kadi, who, turning -to me, said, “Be happy, there is no death for you; the -Khaleefa, in his great mercy, has pardoned you.” To -which I asked, “Why? Have I asked for his -pardon?” for I did not believe for a moment that -such was actually the case. I was at once bundled -on to the donkey, however, and taken back to the -rukooba. Some one had reported to the Khaleefa -about the state of my hands, and a man was sent at -once with orders to have the ropes removed. Food -in abundance was sent me, but this I gave to the -ombeyeh men who had escorted me back to the -rukooba, and I could even then smile at one of the -men who complained that he could not enjoy the -food, as his lips—great thick black ones they were, too—were -as raw with blowing the ombeyeh all night as -my hands were with the ropes.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig06"> -<img src="images/i076.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">WRITING UNDER DIFFICULTIES.</div> -</div> - -<p>On the following day I was taken before the Kadis, -with whom was the Khaleefa and Slatin. I was -asked, “Why have you come to Omdurman?” to -which I gave the same reply as I had given to Nur -Angara. The letter of General Stephenson was -exhibited to me, and I was asked, “Is this your -firman?” to which I replied that it was no firman, but -a letter from a friend about business, and that it had -nothing to do with the Government. Slatin was told -to translate it, but, fortunately, did not translate it all. -On his being asked his opinion of me, he told the -Khaleefa that from the papers found in my wallet, I -appeared to be a German and not an Englishman, but -that I had the permission of the English Government -<span class="xxpn" id="p077">|77|</span> -to go to Kordofan on merchant’s business. He also -said that Sheikh Saleh’s name was mentioned, but only -in connection with business of no consequence. I was -then asked if I wished to send any message to my -family. Naturally I did, and pen and paper being -given me, I commenced a letter in German to my -manager at Assouan; but, after a few lines had been -written, the Khaleefa said the letter had better be -written in Arabic. The letter, when finished, was -handed to me to sign; but, not knowing the contents, -I scrawled under the signature, as a flourish, “All lies,” -or something to this effect.</p> - -<p>The letter was sent down by one of the Khaleefa’s -spies, and was delivered to the Commandant at -Assouan. The word “Railway” appearing as part of -the address, it was sent to Mankarious Effendi, the -stationmaster, who, after taking a copy of it for -reference, returned it to the commandant, with the -address of my manager. Mankarious Effendi, having -heard of my recent arrival in Cairo, has come to me -with the original copy of the letter taken in June, -1887. The following is a literal translation of it:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“In the name of the most merciful God, and prayers be unto our -Lord Mohammad and his submissive adherents.</p> - -<p>“From the servant of his lord Abdallah el Muslimani the Prussian -whose former name was Charles Neufeld, to my manager Möller the -Prussian in the Railway Assouan.</p> - -<p>“I inform you that after departing from you I have come to the -Soudan with the men of Saleh Fadlallah Salem el Kabbashi, who -were carrying with them the arms and ammunition and other articles -sent to Saleh by the Government.</p> - -<p>“On our march from Wadi Halfa, notwithstanding our -<span class="xxpn" id="p078">|78|</span> -precautions and care -for the things in our charge, we arrived at the so-called -Selima Wells, where we took sufficient water, and proceeded on -our journey. Suddenly we were met by <i>six</i> of the adherents in the -desert; they attacked us, and we fought against them. Our number -was fifty-five men. At the same time, a number of men from Abdel -Rahman Nejoumi came up; they reinforced the six men and fought -us, and in the space of half an hour we were subdued by them. -Some were killed, and the rest were captured with all the baggage we -had. Myself, my servant Elias and my maidservant Hasseena were -among the captives. All of us were taken to Abdel Rahman -Nejoumi at Ordeh, and by him sent to the Khalifat el Mahdi, peace -be unto him, at Omdurman. On our arrival at Omdurman, we were -taken to his presence, where we were found guilty and sentenced to -immediate death; but the Khalifat el Mahdi, peace be unto him, had -mercy upon us, and proposed unto us to take the true religion, and -we accepted El Islam, and pronounced the two creeds in his -presence: ‘I testify (bear witness) that there is none but God, and -Mohammad is his prophet’; and then, ‘I believe in God and his -Prophet Mohammad, upon whom God has prayed and greeted; and -in the Mahdi, praise, peace be upon him and upon his Khaleefa.’ I -further requested the Mahdi to grant me the ‘bai'a’ (oath of -allegiance) which he was pleased to grant me, and thereupon shook -hands with me. He then named me Abdallah, after embracing the -true religion. Therefore I was pardoned by the Khalifat-el-Mahdi -from the execution which I have deserved. He pardoned me -because he is gracious, and for the sake of the religion of Mohammad -which I now adhere to. So I thought it well to inform you all about -these events, and I inform you further that Dufa'allah Hogal, although -he deceived me, I cannot sufficiently thank him, because his deceiving -me has resulted in the great mercy and good which has come to me. -Saleh Fadlallah Salem is deserting and hiding in the desert, for fear -of his life. All that I have informed you is pure truth. I am still -living, thanks be to God for this and my health. 17th Shaaban, 1304 -(May 10, 1887).”</p></div> - -<p>It is only now, November 25, 1898, that Mankarious -has placed me in possession of the real details. My -manager, who when he returned to Egypt a few -<span class="xxpn" id="p079">|79|</span> -weeks ago, on hearing of my release, denied ever -having received any communication from me, on -August 6, 1887, addressed a letter to my father, -written on my own business paper, saying that he -had received the above letter, had had it translated, -and communicated to the <i>Egyptian Gazette</i>, which -paper published the letter in its issue of August.</p> - -<p>Slatin I saw but once again during my long captivity, -and then it was only in the distance on one occasion -when he called at the prison to give some orders to -the head-gaoler. The Khaleefa I saw twice again, on -occasions to be referred to later.</p> - -<p>After signing the letter, I was taken back to the -rukooba, where, about sunset, a man carrying a long -chain came to me and said he had orders to remove -my fetters. Passing the chain through one of the -anklets and round one of the posts, he took a short -pole, and used this as a lever to force the anklets -open. Whilst still engaged in removing the chains, -the chief Kadi came in, and ordered the anklets to be -hammered back again, and the ends cold welded.</p> - -<p>I remained in the rukooba for the night, and the -following morning was placed upon a donkey and -taken to the prison. I was told that, to save my life, -Slatin had suggested this course being taken, using as -an argument that I could there be converted to the -Mohammedan religion, and devote all my time to my -instructors.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p080" -title="CHAPTER VII THROWN INTO PRISON"> -CHAPTER VII <span class="blksmaller"> -THROWN INTO PRISON</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">On entering the prison I found myself in the company -of about a hundred poor wretches, Soudanese and -Egyptians, and all chained. I was taken at once to an -anvil sunk in the ground until the striking surface was -almost level with it; first one foot and then the other -had to be placed on the anvil, while more anklets with -chains connected, were fitted to me. I had now three -sets of shackles, and another ring and chain was -fastened to my neck. During my twelve years in -chains, and amongst the hundreds who came directly -under my observation, I never saw, as has been -illustrated in some papers, any prisoner with chains -from the neck connected with the wrists or ankles. -All prisoners were shackled in the manner as shown -in my photograph; the chain from the neck was -allowed to hang loose over the shoulder.</p> - -<p>The shackling completed, I was taken to a room -measuring about thirty feet each way, but having a -pillar about four feet wide to support the roof, thus -reducing the actual space to about twenty-six feet -between each face of the pillar and the walls. I was -<span class="xxpn" id="p081">|81|</span> -assigned a place at the wall furthest from the door, -and between two men—in chains—dying of small-pox. -There were about thirty other prisoners in the room, -some lying down ill, to whom not the slightest attention -had been paid for days, as sickening visible -evidences proved. Near the roof were a few small -apertures presumably for ventilation, but the only air -which could come into the place was through the -doorway when it was opened. The stench in the -room was sickening—overpowering. I had little -hopes of surviving more than a few days in such a -hole, and must have swooned off soon after entering, -for I remember little or nothing until roused after -the sun had set, when in the dim light I could see -what appeared to be an endless stream of prisoners -coming through the door, and no sooner was the door -closed when a terrific din and uproar ensued. Mingled -with the clanking of chains, the groans of the sick, the -moans of the dying, and their half-uttered prayers to -Allah to relieve them of their sufferings, were the -most fearful imprecations and curses as the prisoners -fought and struggled for a place near the walls or the -pillar, against which they could rest their backs; no -sleep was to be had; this had to be snatched during -the day, when allowed out into the zareeba. It is out -of the question to try to describe my first night; -it is a confused horrible dream to me.</p> - -<p>On the opening of the cell door next morning, I -swooned again, and was carried into the open air to -come round, and I had no sooner partially done so, -when I was carried back, in order, as I was told, “to -<span class="xxpn" id="p082">|82|</span> -get accustomed to the place.” My first three days -passed in fever and delirium; my legs were swelling -with the weight of the chains and anklets; my earliest -clear recollection was on what I knew later to be the -fourth day, when an Egyptian, Hassan Gammal, was -sent to attend to me. Later on, the same day, my -servant Hasseena was sent to me to prepare food -and bathe my legs. Until now I had eaten nothing, -and I have no recollection of even taking a drink of -water. Hasseena, on my being sent into prison, had -been sent into the Khaleefa’s hareem; but, on her -telling the women and eunuchs that she was with child, -she was promptly turned out. The money I had -brought with me, and which had been taken from me -on my arrival, and sent to the Beit-el-Mal, was given -to Hasseena with which to purchase my food. On -her entering the prison enclosure, Idris-es-Saier, the -head-gaoler, relieved her of the money, saying he -would take care of it, and shackling her with a light -chain, sent her into his hareem.</p> - -<p>I now received permission to sit outside during the -day, and also to converse with the other prisoners. -On my first entering the prison I had been warned, -under threats of the lash, not to speak to any one, -and the other prisoners, under the same threat, had -been warned not to speak to me. They, as may be -guessed, were most anxious to talk to me, and get -some news from the outer world, but they were most -guarded in their inquiries. There were many -prisoners in the place, who, to curry favour with the -gaoler or the Khaleefa, would have reported anything -<span class="xxpn" id="p083">|83|</span> -in the way of a complaint against their treatment—a -wish on the part of any one to escape, or an expressed -hope that the Government would soon send -troops to release us. Knowing that the Government -had, for the time being, abandoned all thoughts of -re-conquering the Soudan, I told my fellow-captives, -when they spoke to me about a probable advance of -the combined armies, that they must have patience -until the hot weather passed. Had I told them what -I knew, their despair could not have been concealed, -and the truth would soon have reached the Khaleefa’s -ears. A number of the prisoners were old soldiers of -the Egyptian army, who had been taken at the fall of -Khartoum and elsewhere, and they waited day after -day, week after week, and year after year, still hoping -that the Government for whom they had fought would -send troops to release them; but, with the greater -number, their release came only with death—at the -gallows, at the Khaleefa’s shambles, or by disease -and starvation.</p> - -<p>Imprisoned at one time with me was Mahmoud -Wad Said, the Sheikh of the Dabaanieh tribe, who -for years had kept the Abyssinians in check on -the Egyptian frontier in the Eastern Soudan. At -one time he was powerful, rich in cattle, slaves, and -lands, but had been taken prisoner early in the -Mahdist movement. When he had been imprisoned -about three years and four months, he became paralyzed, -and his release was ordered by the Khaleefa, -who had so far relented as to allow of his dying with -his family, then at Omdurman, patiently waiting for -<span class="xxpn" id="p084">|84|</span> -his promised release. By their careful nursing and -attention, the old man recovered, only, when the -Khaleefa heard of it, to be thrown into prison again, -where he passed another thirteen months, at the end -of which time he was once more released, on condition -that he would collect the remnants of his tribe, -and attack his old enemies the Abyssinians, whom the -Khaleefa was then fighting with. A few months -later I heard that Mahmoud was dead, one report -saying that he had died of a broken heart, and the -other that he had been “removed” by order of the -Khaleefa, for failing to bring together again a tribe, -which the Khaleefa himself had almost exterminated.</p> - -<p>Another of my companions in adversity was Ajjab -Abou Jinn, of the Hammadah tribe; he fought with -the Government troops at Sennar, and, when defeated -by the dervishes, he retired to his country with his -men until, on the fall of Sennar, he was attacked and -defeated, his property confiscated, and he taken -prisoner to Omdurman, his wife being sent into the -Khaleefa’s hareem. After spending four years in -prison, he was considered sufficiently “educated,” and -released, and in a few months was allowed to return -to his own country, when he set about making preparations -to attack the dervishes, and tried all means -to get into communication with the Government. -Many of his people came to see me in prison, in -the hopes of learning news from me of a forward -movement.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig07"> -<img src="images/i084.jpg" width="600" height="379" alt="" /> -<div class="caption"> -Shereef.    Zeigheir.    Zeigheir’s father. -<div class="fsize6">A GROUP OF PRISONERS.</div></div> -</div> - -<p>The three sons of Awad el Kerim, Pasha of the -Shukrieh tribe, were also in prison with me; their -<span class="xxpn" id="p085">|85|</span> -father had died in prison shortly before my arrival. -After keeping the three brothers—Abdalla, Mohammad, -and Ali—for nineteen months, the Khaleefa -promised to release them on condition that their tribe -came to Omdurman and tendered their submission, -which they did; but, coming unprovided with food, -the tribe in the four or five months they were kept -waiting at Omdurman, was decimated by disease and -starvation, and then, and then only, the Khaleefa kept -his promise, and released their chiefs.</p> - -<p>A man whom I almost struck up a real friendship -with, was Sheikh Hamad-el-Nil, a well-known religious -teacher from the Blue Nile. Having great -influence over a large number of people, the Khaleefa, -fearing he might obtain a following, ordered him to -Omdurman. Here a difficulty arose as to what -charge could be brought against him in order to condemn -him to imprisonment. Sheikh Hamad had taken -neither one side nor the other—Government nor -Mahdieh, and had devoted his whole time to a strict -preaching of the Quoran, as he had done for years. -No Kadi dare condemn him on any charge made, -suborn “witnesses” as the Khaleefa would. But the -Khaleefa was determined to effect his condemnation -by some means, more especially as Sheikh Hamad was -rich, and the Beit-el-Mal was short of funds. Men -were sent to the Sheikh’s house with orders to conceal -some tobacco in the ground—others were sent to -discover it, and tobacco being forbidden by the Mahdi, -Sheikh Hamad, in spite of all protestations, was -sentenced by the Kadi to imprisonment and the -<span class="xxpn" id="p086">|86|</span> -confiscation of his property. His health broke down -after about eighteen months’ privations, and he was released; -but recovering as did Mahmoud, he was again -imprisoned, and died a few weeks later. Of all those -in the prison, Sheikh Hamad was the only one who -dared say openly to those whom he trusted that both -Mahdi and Khaleefa were impostors. Two of my -first four years were spent mainly with the Sheikh -learning to read and write Arabic, discussing the -tenets of the Christian and Mohammedan religions, and -telling him of our social life and customs in Europe.</p> - -<p>There was one arrival at the prison which I was rather -pleased to see—Ahmed Abd-el-Maajid, of Berber, a -great supporter of the Mahdi and Khaleefa, and one -of the bitterest enemies of Christians and Europeans. -He was, for the Soudan, well educated, and he was -also rich, and had much influence, but his vanity got -the better of him. He gave evidence of his wealth in -the richness of his dress and luxurious living, and this -had been reported to the Khaleefa, but as yet Maajid -had not accepted any of the Khaleefa’s pressing invitations -to pay him a visit to Omdurman. Maajid made -up his mind to marry another wife—a young and pretty -one; preparations for the marriage ceremonies, and the -feastings which accompany it, were made on a large -and lavish scale. The Mahdi had fixed ten dollars as -the sum to be paid to the parents of the virgin upon -her marriage; but Maajid paid one thousand, and this -scouting of the Mahdi’s orders coming to the ears -of the Khaleefa, he sent off a party to Berber with -instructions to bring Maajid and his bride back with -<span class="xxpn" id="p087">|87|</span> -them. This party arrived at Berber while the festivities -were still going on, and Maajid could not refuse -the Khaleefa’s invitation this time. When he arrived -at Omdurman, he was, with his bride, who was reputed -to be the most beautiful woman ever seen in the Soudan, -hurried before the Khaleefa and the Kadi. The -latter, having his brief ready, accused Maajid of having -broken the rules as laid down by the Mahdi, and also -of having detained moneys which should have been sent -to the Beit-el-Mal, as was proved by his having so -much money when the coffers of the Beit-el-Mal were -empty. His property was confiscated and sent to the -Beit-el-Mal; his bride was taken possession of by the -Khaleefa, and Maajid himself sent to prison, where he -spent six months, mainly occupied in cursing the face -of his bride, as it was this that had brought him to -grief. At the end of the six months, he was released -and sent back to Berber “educated,” with a strong -recommendation from the Khaleefa not to be so ostentatious -with his wealth in future. The Khaleefa kept -Maajid’s money—and also his bride. It was this same -Maajid, who, after Slatin’s escape, ferreted out the -people in Berber who had assisted Slatin’s guides, and -had them sent to the White Nile, where those who did -not die on the journey there died later.</p> - -<p>Those I have mentioned above were what I might -call the better class of prisoners, with whom I mainly -associated during my first two years in prison; the -remainder were slaves, thieves, ordinary criminals, -debtors, murderers, etc.</p> - -<p>When I had recovered a little from my fever, I -<span class="xxpn" id="p088">|88|</span> -was placed upon a camel, and paraded past the huts, -rukoobas, and zareebas, which at that time constituted -the town of Omdurman. A number of Hadendowas -had come in to tender their submission to the Khaleefa; -and he had seized the occasion to exhibit me to the -“faithful” as the great Pasha sent to conquer from him -the Western Soudan, and to impress the Hadendowas. -A halt was made at the hut of the Emir Said Mohammad -Taher, a relative of the Mahdi, who, after relating -his version of the death of Hicks Pasha, and the -destruction of his army, both of which events had, -according to him, been brought about through the -agency of angels sent by the Prophet for the purpose, -gave me a long lecture on Mahdieh, at the end of -which he asked me my opinion of it. I told him that -if he wished for a few lessons himself on religion, and -as to how the God I prayed to dealt with His faithful, -and the means His teachers in Europe employed for -converting people and making them religious, I should -be pleased to give him a few. The reply angered him, -and another batch of prisoners were, by his orders, told -off to lecture me the whole day long on Mahdieh. -While quite ready to talk to them about the Mohammedan -religion as propounded in the Quoran, I would -not believe in the mission of the Mahdi or his new -religion. When Taher asked what progress I had -made in my “education,” he was told that I would -make none in Mahdieh, but was ready to become a -Mohammedan. I knew perfectly well what an out-and-out -acceptance of Mahdieh meant—my release, but -only to be put in charge of some troops, and, as I had -<span class="xxpn" id="p089">|89|</span> -fought with the British against the Mahdists, I had no -wish to be caught in the dervish ranks, fighting against -them, or be found dead on the field, after the fight, in -the garb of a dervish, and pierced by a British bullet.</p> - -<p>Taher was not pleased, and reported my insubordination -to the Khaleefa. It was probably on my fifteenth -day that, accompanied by the Hadendowas, who had -come in to make their submission, I was taken by -steamer to Khartoum, in order that I might be “impressed” -with the power of the Khaleefa and the truth -of Mahdieh. We were first taken to Gordon’s old -palace, where Khaleel Hassanein, acting as the Mahdist -governor of the town, and at the same time director of -the arsenal, received us, and gave us food. We were -taken through the rooms, then dismantled, and shown -at the head of the stairs what we were told were the -bloodstains of Gordon. After this, we were placed -on donkeys, and taken round the fortifications, while -our “instructors” in Mahdieh, pointing to the skeletons -and dried bodies lying about, gave us word pictures in -advance of how the fortifications of Wadi Halfa and -Cairo would look after the Khaleefa, assisted by the -angels, had attacked them. It was a melancholy -journey for me; and I am not ashamed to say that as -my thoughts flew back to that day at Kirbekan, when, -full of hopes, we pictured to ourselves the rescue of -Gordon, fortifications and skeletons grew dimmed and -blurred, and finally were lost to view, as a hot tear -fell upon the back of my hand.</p> - -<p>Taken back to prison, I became worse; the weight -of the chains and anklets dragging on me as I rode, -<span class="xxpn" id="p090">|90|</span> -and the chafing of the skin, set up an irritation, and -the filth and dirt of the prison soon contributed to the -formation of large ulcers. It was while lying down in -the shade one morning, unable to move, at the time -of the great Bairam feast, that two camel men rode -into the prison enclosure, and, making one of the camels -kneel down near me, ordered me at once to mount, as -the Khaleefa had sent for me. The other prisoners -crowded round and bade me good-bye, Mahmoud Wad -Said telling me to pull myself together, and to act as -I did “when they tried to burst your head with the -ombeyehs.” There was a grand parade of the troops -that day, and no one but believed that I was to be -executed in front of them.</p> - -<p>The two men could tell us nothing but that the -Khaleefa had sent for me, and, living or dead, -they were bound to take me. I was lifted on to -the camel, and taken off to the parade-ground -outside the town. The long, swinging stride of -the camel communicated its motions to my chains, -and by the time I reached the Khaleefa, I was in a -fainting condition, with the ulcers broken, and their -contents streaming down the flank of the camel. The -Khaleefa, noticing this, asked one of the Emirs what -had happened; although close to him, he would not -address a word directly to me, though I could hear -what he said, and he could hear my reply. When -he heard the reason, he gave orders that the chains -were to be removed that night, and a lighter set fitted. -The Khaleefa was surrounded by his Emirs and bodyguard, -and ranged on the plain in front of us was his -<span class="xxpn" id="p091">|91|</span> -great army of horse and camel men, and foot-soldiers. -I should have been marched past the whole army, but -before reaching the horsemen, the Khaleefa said to the -Emir Ali Wad Saad, “Tell Abdalla (myself) that he has -only seen a quarter of the army, and let him be brought -for the parade to-morrow.”</p> - -<p>The prisoners were astonished to see me return -alive that evening, and still more astonished at the -orders given to Idris-es-Saier to remove my chains -at once, and put on a lighter set. For once, the -Khaleefa’s orders could not be carried out; the legs -having swollen so much, the anklets almost buried -in flesh, could not be brought near enough to the face -of the anvil to allow of their being struck at, and -the following day I again attended parade in pretty -much the same state of collapse as the first. The -Khaleefa was furious at this; he had no wish to parade -before his troops, as an evidence of his power, a man -who had to be held up on his camel. My gaoler was -sent to, and asked why he had disobeyed orders. He -gave as reasons, first, that he had no lighter chains, -and secondly, that my legs were so swollen that he was -unable to get at the anklets. The Khaleefa replied -that they were to be removed that night, and they -were, but it was a terrible ordeal for me. Before -leaving the parade-ground, he sent to me Said -Gumaa’s donkey and Slatin’s horse, telling me that -I might ride either of them back to town, as their -motion would be better for me than the camel, but I -elected to remain on the camel.</p> - -<p>I had done my best to get near Slatin, to have a -<span class="xxpn" id="p092">|92|</span> -few words with him, but he was hardly for a moment -near the Khaleefa’s side, galloping from one part of -the army to another with his orders. Ali Wad Saad, -on the part of the Khaleefa, asked me what I thought -of the army; to which I replied, “You have numbers, -but not training”—a reply which gave little satisfaction -to the Khaleefa, who could overhear it without -having to wait for Saad to repeat it to him. This -was the last time upon which I saw the Khaleefa, -but I live in hopes of seeing him once again.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p093" -title="CHAPTER VIII PRISON LIFE"> -CHAPTER VIII <span class="blksmaller"> -PRISON LIFE</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="pfirst">My -first spell in prison was one of four years. After -nine months the rings and chains were removed from -my neck, but the fetters I wore continuously—with -the exception of thirteen days—during the whole of -my captivity. A day-to-day record of my experiences -is out of the question, besides being unnecessary, even -were it possible to give them. I must content myself -with a general description of the life passed there, and -give an idea of the day’s routine.</p> - -<p>When I reached Omdurman, the prison proper -consisted of the common cell already mentioned -(“Umm Hagar”—the house of stone), surrounded by -a large zareeba of thorn trees and branches, and standing -about six feet high. There were thirty guardians, -each armed with a “courbag” (rhinoceros-hide whip) -with which to keep their charges in order. There -were no sanitary arrangements, not even of the most -primitive description. All prisoners had to be fed by -their friends or relatives; if they had neither they -starved to death, as the prisoners, charitable as they -were to each other in the matter of food, had barely -enough to eat to keep body and soul together, for the -<span class="xxpn" id="p094">|94|</span> -best, and greater part of the food sent in, was eaten -by the guardians.</p> - -<p>At sunrise each morning the door of the common cell -was opened, and the prisoners were allowed to shuffle -down to the banks of the Nile, a few yards distant, -for their ablutions and for water for drinking. After -this, we assembled for the first prayer of the day, in -which all had to join. When not working, we had to -read the Mahdi’s “ratib,” a description of prayer-book, -containing extracts from the Quoran with interpolations -of the Mahdi. All the faithful were ordered -to learn this “ratib” off by heart,* and for this purpose -each one had either to purchase a copy or write -one out. At noon the second prayer was held, -followed by another mid-time between noon and sunset, -and a fourth at sunset. We should have repeated -the night prayer when the night had set in, but as -we were driven into the “Umm Hagar” at sunset, the -time which should have been given to this prayer was -fully taken up with brawls, fights, and those comprehensive -curses of the Arabs, commencing with the -second person’s father, going back for generations, -and including all the female ancestors.</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn03"> - -<p class="pfn">* The “Ratib” occupied about three-quarters of an hour -in recitation, and, by the Mahdi’s orders had to be repeated daily -by every one after the morning and afternoon prayer; it ranked in -importance with the five obligatory daily prayers ordained by the -Quoran. It was also looked upon as a sort of talisman, and it was given -out, after such fights as Toski, Ginniss, and the Atbara, that those -killed were those who had either not learned the Ratib or had not a -copy with them. The book was carried in a small leather case suspended -from the neck. A number of copies were printed on the old Government -press, but it was considered more meritorious to write out a copy -rather than to purchase one, and the Mahdi had hoped that this Ratib -would eventually become a sort of Quoran accompanied by its volumes of -“traditions,” hence his anxiety that every one should learn to write.</p></div> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig08"> -<img src="images/i094.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">LEARNING THE MAHDI’S RATIB.</div> -</div> - -<p>It has been found impossible, even in the most -guarded and disguised language, to insert here a real -word-picture of a night in the Saier. -The scenes -<span class="xxpn" id="p095">|95|</span> -of bestiality and filthiness, the means employed for -bringing the most powerful man to his knees with -a single blow, the nameless crimes committed night -after night, and year after year, may not be recorded -in print. At times, and sometimes for weeks in -succession, from 250 to 280 prisoners were driven -into that small room; we were packed in; there was -scarcely room to move our arms; “jibbehs” swarmed -with insects and parasites which in themselves made -sleep an impossibility and life a misery. As the heat -grew more oppressive, and the atmosphere—always -vile with the ever-present stench of the place—grew -closer with the perspiring bodies, and with other -causes, all semblance of human beings was lost. Filth -was thrown from one side of the room to the other -by any one who could move his hand for the purpose -of doing so, and as soon as this disgusting element -was introduced, the mass, in its efforts to avoid being -struck with it, swayed from side to side, fought, bit, -and struggled as far as their packed-in condition would -allow of, and kicked with their bars and chains the -shins of those next them, until the scene became one -that only a Dante might describe. Any prisoner who -went down on such a night never got up again alive; -his cries would not be heard above the pandemonium -of clanking chains and bars, imprecations and cursings, -and for any one to attempt to bend down to assist, if -he did hear, only meant his going under also. In -the morning, when we were allowed to stream out, -five and six bodies would be found on the ground -with the life crushed and trampled out of them. -<span class="xxpn" id="p096">|96|</span></p> - -<p>Occasionally, when the uproar was greater than -usual, the guards would open the door, and, standing -in the doorway, lash at the heads of the prisoners -with their hide whips. Always when this occurred -death claimed its five or six victims, crushed and -trampled to death. I wish I might say that I had -drawn upon my imagination for what is given above; -I can but assure you that it gives but the very faintest -idea of what really occurred.</p> - -<p>Until we had been set to make bricks and build -a wall round our prison, our life, in comparison with -what it was later, was I might say endurable. By -baksheeshing the guards, we were allowed to go down -to the river during the day almost as often as we -pleased; and these excursions, taken presumably for -the purpose of ablution and drinking, gave us many -opportunities of conversing with the townspeople. -This life I enjoyed but for a few months. A large -number of prisoners succeeded in escaping. Consequently -the digging of a well for infiltration water to -supply the prisoners, and the building of a wall round -the prison were ordered by the Khaleefa to be completed -as rapidly as possible.</p> - -<p>The prisoners who escaped were mainly slaves, -and as most slaves were chained to prevent their -running away from their owners—hundreds going -about the town fettered—they had little difficulty in -effecting their escape from prison, and also from -Omdurman. On being allowed to go to the river to -wash, they would wade down the bank until they -came opposite some large crowd of people, and -<span class="xxpn" id="p097">|97|</span> -coming on the bank, their chains would excite no -suspicion, for, as I have already said, hundreds -similarly fettered were going about the town. Making -their way to the nearest blacksmith, he would remove -their chains in a few moments for the sake of obtaining -the iron, which was valuable to him.</p> - -<p>We were not at that time altogether without news; -papers published in Egypt were constantly arriving, -brought by the Khaleefa’s spies, who passed regularly -backwards and forwards between Omdurman -and Cairo, keeping up communications between the -Khaleefa and some of the more fanatical Mohammedans -resident at the capital. Since my return I -have inquired as to an incident which happened on -the frontier in connection with the army some years -ago. I shall only relate what we heard, and as given -out by the Khaleefa and his Emirs. All the English -officers, according to the report received, had been -dismissed, and had left with the Sirdar. The English -soldiers had also been removed from Egypt; so the -Khaleefa was jubilant, and looked forward to the near -future when the Egyptian troops would attempt to -attack him, and when not a man of them was to be -left alive. I was to have been a witness of the great -battles when the angels of Allah were to fight with -the believers, and assist the Ansar to utterly exterminate -the Turks. While this was still the topic of -conversation, another messenger arrived to say that -the trouble had been arranged; the English officers -and troops were not leaving, and as the Khaleefa’s -hopes fell, ours rose. -<span class="xxpn" id="p098">|98|</span></p> - -<p>Of all the people whom the Mahdi himself appointed -to posts, two, and, I believe, two only, retained their -positions up to the time of the taking of Omdurman. -One was Khaleel Hassanein, the director of the -arsenal, and the other Idris es Saier, the gaoler. -Idris—for he is still living—is a man of the Gawaamah -tribe, a tribe that the first missionary will have some -little trouble with, unless he is prepared to revise one -of the Ten Commandments out of the Pentateuch -altogether, as the following story connected with my -gaoler’s first appearance in the world may indicate. -Idris’s mother had a sister who, tired of single blessedness, -proposed to, and was accepted by, a swain of -the tribe who was a constant visitor to their hut. -Idris’s mother had also the intention of proposing to -the same man, and having told her sister this, the -sister popped the question first, was accepted, and -then Idris’s mother upbraided her after the manner -of her tribe, which evidently consisted more of actions -than of words. When the happy swain put in his -next appearance, Idris’s mother, with Idris in her -arms, asked him how he dare go against the custom -of her section of the tribe, and accept in marriage a -girl who had had no children, while she had already -had two! “Saier” in the Gawaamah language means -“custom” and “customary,” and Idris was named -Idris es Saier when, in after years, a satisfactory -explanation could not be found for his not boasting a -father. Idris’s mother afterwards married and ruled, -with her legitimate son, Saier’s family. When -appointed as gaoler by the Mahdi, his -prison was -<span class="xxpn" id="p099">|99|</span> -called “El-Beit-es-Saier” (the house of Saier), which -later was contracted to “Saier,” and the name eventually -replaced the proper word for prison, all prisons -being called the “Saier,” and the head-gaoler, “Saier.”</p> - -<p>Idris had been a famous robber and thief, and he -was never tired of relating his exploits, and then -winding up by pointing out what Mahdieh had done -for him, for by his conversion he was now the -honoured guardian of all thieves, robbers, and murderers, -and there is little doubt but that he had a -sneaking regard for all such, as a link between himself -and his earlier days.</p> - -<p>He was superstitious to a degree, and although the -Mahdi and Khaleefa had strictly forbidden fortune-telling -and the writing of talismans, Idris followed the -example of the Khaleefa himself, and regularly consulted -the fortune-tellers, most of his ill-gotten gains -going to them in fees. He had had made twenty-five -to thirty boards of hard wood, about eighteen to -twenty inches square, and on these he had written -daily, a Sourah from the Quoran. The ink with -which the Sourahs were written was a mixture of -wood-soot—or lamp-black, when that could be obtained—gum -arabic, some perfume, and water. As soon as -the writing was finished, Idris would, after carefully -washing his hands, take a small vessel holding about -two teacups of water, and carefully wash off the -writing, allowing the water to drip back into the -vessel; not a drop was to be spilled on the ground, -otherwise the writing would have to be done over -again, for the name Allah, and many of His attributes, -<span class="xxpn" id="p100">|100|</span> -were then in the solution. Having washed the board -clean, caught every drop of water, and then drunk it, -he would come to us, and deliver himself of the following -harangue, and as we heard it two or three times -a week for years, I have an almost verbatim recollection -of it.</p> - -<p>“I am a born thief and robber; my people killed -many on the roads, and robbed them of their property; -I drank as no one else could, and I did everything -possible against rule and religion. The Mahdi -then came and taught me to pray and leave other -people’s property alone.” (This last always raised -a bitter smile from his hearers, as he used to torture -us to deliver up for “the Khaleefa” any small coin -or article of value we might come into possession of.) -“How I have to thank the Mahdi for having made -me a good, holy, and new man, and he will at the -Day of Judgment be my witness, and take me with -his ansars to heaven. Think what I have been, and -see what I am now! I have been worse than any of -you. If you stole anything, you stole when you were -with the Government, and you only did what the -Government and every one else did, you had authority -to do so. I was worse than you, I had no authority. -God has pardoned me, and will also pardon you if -you repent and give to the Beit-el-Mal what you have -taken from the poor, for there are many poor now in -the town crying for food, and there is no money in -the Beit-el-Mal to purchase any. I have given all -my money in charity, and my wives and children -are crying for food. I have no boats to bring me -<span class="xxpn" id="p101">|101|</span> -merchandise, and I have no land to cultivate to grow -dourra” (Sorghum, a grain in the Soudan, which takes -the place of our wheat). “I am a prisoner as you -are, and the pay I get is not sufficient to feed my -family. Yesterday there was no dourra in my house -to feed my children, they had to lie down hungry, -and I thank God for His grace in supporting me -through these trials for which I shall be rewarded in -the next world. I am going to see my starving -children now, and then I shall pray to God, and ask -him to release you if you repent, and turn the -Khaleefa’s heart to you. The Khaleefa knows everything -you do, and sees you all the day, for ‘El Nebbi -Khiddr’ is his eyes and ears, and El Nebbi Khiddr -not only sees and hears what you are doing and -saying, but sees what your thoughts are.”</p> - -<p>After this, all but myself used to rise and kiss his -hands; I never did so. At the end of the first -harangue he gave in my presence, and at the end of -his harangues for weeks later, he would continue:—“And -now you man from the bad world, you understand -Arabic well. The Khaleefa has told me to -instruct you in the true religion; your fellow-prisoners -will tell you how Hicks Pasha was, with all his army, -killed by the angels; not a single shot was fired, or a -spear thrown, by the Ansar; the spears flew from -their hands, and, guided by the angels, pierced the -breasts of the unbelievers, and burned up their bodies. -God is great. You will soon learn that you are -mistaken, and that all your world is wrong; there is -no religion but that of the Mahdi. How happy you -<span class="xxpn" id="p102">|102|</span> -should be to have lived in his time and entered into -the company of the Ansar. God now loves you; it -is He who has brought you to us, and with the -Khaleefa’s blessing you will yet be numbered with -the Ansar, and you will fight against the unbelievers -and Turks as other converts have done. You have -a strong mind, and the Khaleefa therefore has not a -bad opinion of you. Thank him for his mercy that -he did not kill you. Be converted, and I shall be -pleased and proud of you, and be as your father. -You others, you have seen the Mahdi and the -Khaleefa and their dealings; tell him of them. You -Hamad el Nil, you are a learned man, and know more -of religion than I do; make Abdalla know who God -is, and who is His prophet.”</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig09"> -<img src="images/i103.jpg" width="600" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">IDRIS-ES-SAIER.</div> -</div> - -<p>At the end of my first lecture, Abou Jinn asked me -how much money I had. I inquired why. He -replied, “Do you not understand? The Saier wants -some money from you.” I told him of the money -Hasseena had, and which the Saier was taking care -of, on which he smiled and told me that the Saier -would not take the money himself, but he would -compel me to <i>give</i> it to him for his “starving -children.” A few days later I was sent for to hear -the Saier hold forth again, and on this occasion he -finished up by saying that some of us must have -done something wrong. The Nebbi Khiddr had reported -it to the Khaleefa, who had in consequence -ordered him to add more chains to our feet, but -that we were to submit to this without bad feelings -against the Khaleefa and him. If we -repented, the -<span class="xxpn" id="p103">|103|</span> -Nebbi Khiddr would report it, and the Khaleefa, as -he was full of grace, would soon order the chains to -be removed again. All the principal prisoners, with -the exception of myself, were then marched to the -anvil, and had their chains hammered on. I was -spared, as, after the first lecture, I had, on Abou Jinn’s -advice, sent word to the Saier to take fifteen of my -dollars for his “starving children.” We prisoners -held a conference, and it was decided to present more -moneys. It took us two days to scrape together the -requisite sum—about fifty dollars—to which I added -seventeen of mine. This had the happy result of not -only removing the extra chains of the prisoners, but -Hasseena’s also. The Saier called us together, gave -us a homily on repentance and good behaviour, and -told us to continue in the same path, as it was evidently -looked upon with approval by the Nebbi -Khiddr.*</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn04"> -<p class="pfn">* The Nebbi Khiddr is a mythical character in Islam. Sects -are divided as to whether he is a prophet or not. His name does not -appear in the Quoran. By some of the old writers he is made the -companion of Noah, Abraham, and Moses. Having drunk of the waters of -the Fountain of Life, he is believed by some to be ever present at -one of the holy places. His exact whereabouts and his attributes -have never been defined. The Mahdi killed two birds with one stone by -appropriating this unclaimed prophet to himself; first, his supposed -presence made Omdurman a holy place, as the Nebbi only appeared at holy -places, and then, by investing him with the powers as related by Idris -es Saier, he was able to impress the more ignorant of his followers of -his—the Khaleefa’s—omniscience and omnipresence through the Nebbi -Khiddr’s agency. The Mahdi laying claim to this prophet and attributing -to him the powers he did, raised in the minds of Hamad-el-Nil and -others their first suspicions as to the Mahdi and his mission.</p></div> - -<p>But this Nebbi Khiddr was never satisfied for long -with our conduct. Every month he had something -to report to the “Khaleefa,” and just as regularly we -were given extra chains, until a few dollars, entrusted -to Idris for the poor, had sent him to the Khaleefa -with a favourable report. All these ill-gotten moneys, -as I have said, went to soothsayers, fortune-tellers, -and talisman writers, in whose absolute power the -<span class="xxpn" id="p104">|104|</span> -Saier was, though part went in baksheesh to the -servants and counsellors of the Khaleefa, whom -the Saier had to keep in funds in order to retain his -place.</p> - -<p>The Saier knew very well that not a single one of -us believed in this Nebbi Khiddr business, but as on -the outside of the circle of the principal prisoners—and -they were the only ones from whom money could -be squeezed—were always gathered a number of -the ignorant and, therefore, more fanatical of the -Khaleefa’s adherents, he had invented this tale, -which he gave year after year without the slightest -variation in words, in order to hoodwink them and -prevent any tales reaching the Khaleefa as to the -sums “presented” by the prisoners.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p105" -title="CHAPTER IX MY FIRST CHANCE OF ESCAPE"> -CHAPTER IX <span class="blksmaller"> -MY FIRST CHANCE OF ESCAPE</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="pfirst">It was during my first months in prison that Ahmed -Nur ed Din of the Kabbabish succeeded in getting -into prison, in the hope of effecting my escape. I had -for some years had dealings with Nur ed Din in connection -with the Intelligence Department, and also -the caravan trade. When I left Wadi Halfa with -Saleh’s caravan, Nur ed Din was then at Saleh’s camp -with messages to him from the Government. On his -return to Wadi Halfa, he heard of what had happened, -and coming at once to Omdurman, he sent a message -by my servant that he had come for me. All his -applications to get into the prison being refused by the -guards, and fearing to make an application to Idris es -Saier or the Mehkemmeh, he arranged with a friend to -have a petty quarrel in the market-place; his friend -hurried him before the Kadi, and Nur ed Din was -ordered into prison. On seeing me walk towards him -as he entered, as I did not know then that he came as -a prisoner, he gave me a “hooss,” the Soudan equivalent -for our “ssh” (silence), and walked off in another -direction. Later in the day, and when we were being -<span class="xxpn" id="p106">|106|</span> -marshalled to be driven into the common cell, he came -next to me, and whispered, “I have come for you; be -careful; keep your eyes open; try and obtain permission -to sleep outside the Umm Hagar.” Two -weeks elapsed before we had another opportunity of -exchanging a few words, but in the interval Nur ed -Din was ingratiating himself with the prisoners who -associated with me, and gradually allowing his curiosity -to speak to the “white kaffir” to be evident. It was -necessary for him to act in this cautious manner in -order to avert suspicion, and another week passed after -his introduction to our little circle, before he dare seize -an opportunity to consult me about his health and -numerous ailments—which was his explanation when -questioned about our long conversation together.</p> - -<p>It was a strange story he had to tell. On meeting -Gabou, Gabou at once commenced to talk to him -about some double dealings which he proposed with -both dervishes and Government. Nur ed Din was -suspicious, and did not fall in with the proposals; this -then left Gabou at the mercy of Nur ed Din, and the -former picked a quarrel, during which Nur ed Din -accused Gabou of the betrayal of the caravan to Saleh. -Others of the Kabbabish were already looking askance -at Gabou, and wondering whether, if the truth once -came out, they too would not be punished as conspirators. -Gabou was, they believed, then engaged -upon some plot which would render them harmless as -regards himself should they make a report against him -to the Government, and in self-preservation they held -a conference with Nur ed Din. It was proposed that -<span class="xxpn" id="p107">|107|</span> -some one, for the honour of the tribe, should try and -effect my release or escape from Omdurman, while, as -will have been seen, there was also the element of -self-interest in the matter. There was now a feud -between Gabou and Nur ed Din, and the latter -volunteered to undertake the risk of the journey to -Omdurman.</p> - -<p>His plan, when he saw that there was not the -slightest hope of my being released from prison, -was a desperate one, and we ran every chance of -being killed in the attempt to escape, but this risk I -was quite willing to take. I knew Nur ed Din would -make no mistakes. It was not as if he was actuated -by avarice in assisting me; but being engaged in a -death-feud, he sought every means to be the one left -alive, and he knew that if he could conduct me to -Wadi Halfa, Gabou would soon decorate a scaffold or -be shot out of hand.</p> - -<p>Nur ed Din, through the services of one of his -party, a boy whom he had brought with him, and who -came into the prison daily as Nur ed Din’s food -servant, first arranged for relays of camels, then for -the purchase of rifles and ammunition, which were -buried in the desert a short distance from Omdurman. -These preparations being complete, six of the -ten men at his first relay station were sent for to cut -a hole through the wall of the prison nearest the Nile, -and this they were to do on the night we sent a message -to them or gave a signal, one of the men being always -near the bank, close to the selected part of the wall. -Final instructions were given on hearing that the -<span class="xxpn" id="p108">|108|</span> -camels were ready and well provided with water. -After creeping through the aperture, we were to make -our way to the river, dragging an old fishing-net -behind us; rags were to be bound round the chains -to deaden their rattling; this part of the scheme was -to hide my chains, and prevent their clanging being -heard. On passing the last of the huts, we were to -leave the river, and, mounting the camels, we were -to travel as fast as the camels would go, for twelve -hours direct west, where we would pick up the first -relay. We had sent the boy out with a message to -our people to procure three revolvers and ammunition. -Nur ed Din and I were to take one each for -use in case necessity arose before we could reach -the buried rifles; the other one of the men was to -take, and, if our flight was at once discovered, he was -to fire towards a boat which had been taken to the -opposite bank, and swear that we had escaped by its -means. This would put our pursuers on the wrong -scent for some time. One revolver and seventeen -cartridges only could be found then, and Nur ed Din -decided on waiting a few days until others could be -obtained.</p> - -<p>Whilst these were being searched for, Nur ed -Din became feverish, and to my horror I saw -all the symptoms of typhus fever developing. This -fever had been named Umm Sabbah (seven), as it -invariably carried off its victims in seven days. It -may be guessed how anxiously and carefully I nursed -Nur ed Din, and how Hasseena was kept busy the -whole day brewing from tamarinds, dates, -and roots, -<span class="xxpn" id="p109">|109|</span> -cooling draughts to allay his fever. He might have -recovered, had he not kept himself excited over the fear -of losing his vengeance on Gabou, but he gradually -sank and died.</p> - -<p>I was locked up in the Umm Hagar on the night -of his death, and the fever was then taking hold -of me; two days later I was senseless, and of course -helpless. Hasseena, with two boys, used to carry -me about from shade to shade as the sun travelled, -but my neck-chain dragged, and sometimes tripped -one or the other up, and then it was that orders -were given to remove it. Hasseena had been told -that the best remedy for me was a description of -vegetable marrow soaked in salt water; the water was -drunk and the marrow eaten as the patient recovered. -The purgative properties of this medicine might suit -Soudan constitutions, and it evidently suited mine at -the time, but I should warn any of my readers, should -they be so unfortunate as to contract this fever, against -attempting the remedy. When the decoction has -acted sufficiently, the mouth is crammed with butter, -which to the throat, at this stage of the “cure,” feels -like boiling oil, and you experience all the sensations -of internal scalding. The next operation is to briskly -rub the whole body, and then anoint it with butter or -oil—butter by preference. The patient has nothing to -say about his treatment—he is helpless; every bit of -strength and will has left him, and when he has been -rolled up in old camel-cloths and “sweated,” weakness -hardly expresses the condition he has arrived at. It -was on the thirteenth day of my attack that -I reached -<span class="xxpn" id="p110">|110|</span> -the final stage of my treatment, and then I fell asleep, -waking some hours later with a clear head and all my -faculties about me, though I was then but a living -skeleton.</p> - -<p>The Khaleefa, hearing of my condition, thought -it a favourable opportunity for me to receive a few -more lessons in Mahdieh, and my period of convalescence -was much prolonged owing to the worry and -annoyance which these teachers of Mahdieh were to -me. Kadi Hanafi, one of Slatin’s old Kadis, then imprisoned -with me owing to his open avowal that the -justice and the sentences given by the Mehkemmeh -(religious courts) were against the teachings of the -Quoran, told me that it was a mistake on my part so -openly to defy the Khaleefa, and that it would be more -“politique” to submit as had Slatin, who had now his -house, wives, slaves, horses and donkeys, and cultivated -land outside the city. But in my then condition, -a little procession, for which my dead body would be -the reason, was much more to my liking, and I did not -care in what shape death came, provided that it did -come.</p> - -<p>Hanafi used up all his arguments in trying to persuade -me to become a good Muslim. Dilating on -the power of the Khaleefa and my impotence, he -pointed to my chains, then weighing about forty pounds, -and said that the Khaleefa would certainly torture me -with them until I submitted to become a good Muslim. -To this last argument I replied that if I did say I -would be converted, the Khaleefa, as soon as he heard -of it, would make me proclaim my conversion publicly, -<span class="xxpn" id="p111">|111|</span> -and just as certainly behead me immediately afterwards, -to prevent my slipping back into Christianity. -Hanafi believed that the Khaleefa would still let me -live after embracing the Mohammedan faith in the -hope of my accepting the Mahdieh; he failed though -to convert me, and the Khaleefa, hearing of the result, -and not believing that Hanafi had done all that he -might have done with his arguments, for this and other -reasons sent him later as a convict to Gebel Ragaf, -near Lado, the convict station of the Soudan.</p> - -<p>By the time I had gained sufficient strength to -attempt the flight, the men engaged had lost heart, -and there was no one to lead them. Nur ed Din was -dead, and as they only came into the thing for the -money they were to receive, and the dollars were not -then forthcoming, they decided not to run any risk, -disbanded the camel-posts, and scattered to their -various homes.</p> - -<p>How many hundreds of times have I regretted since -that I did not take Nur ed Din’s advice and escape -at the time, leaving him behind. As he said, there -was no reason to be afraid that he would lose his head, -as his being so ill and also his being left behind would -prevent suspicion being directed towards him. During -my twelve years’ captivity, this, my first chance of -escape, risky and desperate as it was, was the only one -which had in it a real element of success, for my -conductor in saving me was to save himself.</p> - -<p>As is customary in all oriental prisons, the prisoners -in the Saier had either to purchase their own food, or -their friends and relatives had to send it into the -<span class="xxpn" id="p112">|112|</span> -prison for them; failing money, friends and relatives, -the prisoners starved to death. I have already said -that the best and greater part of the food sent to -the prison gates was appropriated by the gaolers, that -is to say, after Idris es Saier had seen to the wants -of his “starving children” and numerous household -first. Idris, even during the worst period of the -famine, did not lose flesh; he was always the same -tall, stout, flat-nosed black, both when I first saw him -on May 10, 1887, and when I last saw him in -September, 1898. Nor was Idris quite so bad as he -had been painted; he would often—when the Nebbi -Khiddr tale had had the desired effect in repentance, -or when he was in a good humour after a bout of -marrissa drinking—go out of his way to do his -prisoners small kindnesses, such as the removal of -extra chains, and giving permission to sleep in the -open; but the Nebbi Khiddr institution left him so -much at the mercy of the Khaleefa’s immediate -attendants, that his periods of good humour were, in -consequence, of very short duration. Some day, if -I return to the Soudan, or Idris pays a visit to -civilization, I may learn from him whom I have to -thank for a few of the unnecessary hardships inflicted -upon me.</p> - -<p>It might be asked why we, knowing that the guards -would purloin the greater part of the food sent in, did -not arrange for a larger quantity to be sent. There are -two reasons, and the first is the least of the two: the -guards knew very well what was the minimum amount -of food to keep us alive, and just that quantity of food -<span class="xxpn" id="p113">|113|</span> -would be allowed to pass the portals of the Saier. -The second reason was, that the sight of more or -better food being brought to a prisoner proved one of -two things: either the prisoner himself had received -some money, or his friends had, and the following day -the time-worn Nebbi Khiddr tale, properly translated, -meant chains until more dollars were forthcoming. -Under such circumstances, the unlucky offender -against Saier politics would be called upon by the -other mulcted prisoners to make good the money -they had been bled of, for the Saier was most -impartial in the matter of chains, and, certain of -always getting the proper victim in the end, invariably -loaded a dozen or so with extra chains, and -ordered all into the Umm Hagar. An attenuated -and burned chicken, or pigeon, cost a few dollars in -repentance, and also the wearing of extra chains and -the horrors of the Umm Hagar for nights, for it was -advisable to keep Idris waiting some days for an -evidence of repentance, so that he should believe, and -the Khaleefa’s attendants believe also, that some little -difficulty had been experienced in collecting the few -dollars you had to pay.</p> - -<p>Our usual food was “Asseeda,” the Soudan dourra -(sorghum), roughly pounded moist, and mixed into a -thick paste, feeling and tasting to the palate like sawdust. -It was not a very nourishing dish, but it was -a heavy one, and stayed the pangs and gnawings of -hunger. A flavour might be imparted by allowing a -quantity to stand for a day or two until fermentation -set in. Occasionally, but only occasionally, a sauce -<span class="xxpn" id="p114">|114|</span> -made from the pounded seed of the Baamia hybiscus, -and called “Mulakh,” could be obtained, and this, -with the fermented asseeda, made a veritable banquet. -Friends in the town sent us, when they could either -afford or obtain it, a little wheaten bread, a bit of -cheese or butter, or a few pinches of coffee.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig10"> -<img src="images/i114.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">CATARINA.</div> -</div> - -<p>Amongst the many captives in Omdurman who -did so much for me stands out prominently Father -Ohrwalder, the old Greek lady, Catarina—who was a -ministering angel alike to prisoners and captives—Mr. -Tramba and his wife Victoria, Nahoum Abbajee, -and Youssef Jebaalee. Surely the recording angel -has placed to the right side of the account the little -deceptions practised by Father Ohrwalder to gain -access to the prison, when the few piastres of baksheesh -he could afford were not sufficient to satisfy the rapacity -of the guards, in order to bring me some little dainty, -when, God knows, he was bringing me the lion’s share -of what he was in absolute need of himself. At one -time he would present himself at the gates as being -“Iyyan Khaalas” (sick unto death), and, of course, -wished to see me once again before his dissolution. -At another time it would be that he had heard <i>I</i> was -dying, then, of course, he wished to see <i>me</i>; and the -changes would be rung by his coming in on the pretext -of wishing to see some other prisoner. With -bowed head and bent back, exaggerating the weak -state he was then in, he would crawl towards me, -dragging one foot after the other, and, reaching me, -would sit down on the ground and sway his body to -and fro—a little pantomime which allowed -of his -<span class="xxpn" id="p115">|115|</span> -surreptitiously passing to me the dainties he had -brought in the old leather bag slung from his left -shoulder. Time after time he was turned away from -the gates, and this, too, after having paid the baksheesh; -but his persistence secured his seeing me -every one or two months during my first three years -in prison, and the scraps of news he brought from the -outside world—news to both of us, though a year or -two old—gave me something to think of and turn over -in my brain until his next visit. Death, as I told -Father Ohrwalder, I did not fear, but my great fear -was insanity.</p> - -<p>Often and often, when allowed to sleep in the -open air at night-time, instead of experiencing all -the horrors of a night in the common cell, the -cool night-air would send me off into a sound sleep, -from which I would start up from some confused -dream of old days, and, looking up to the sky, would -wonder to myself, half awake and half asleep, which -was the dream and which the reality, the old loved -scenes, or the prison of es-Saier at Omdurman. I -would for some moments be afraid to look round at -the men chained on each side of me, and when I -mustered up courage to do so, and felt the weight of my -irons and the heavy chain across my legs, which bound -our gang of fifty or sixty together, I would speculate -on how long it would be before the slender thread -holding me between reason and insanity snapped -under the strain.</p> - -<p>That my reason did not give way during my first -period of imprisonment I have but to thank Father -<span class="xxpn" id="p116">|116|</span> -Ohrwalder and the friends mentioned. Each one -of them risked his or her comparative freedom, if -not life, to help me. Even during the worst nights -in the Umm Hagar, when Hell itself might be -defied to match such a scene, when Madness and -Death stalked hand-in-hand amongst the struggling -mass, and when, jammed in tight with a number of -the more fanatical prisoners, I fought and struggled, -bit and kicked, as did they for bare life, the thought -of having friends in adversity, suffering almost as -much as I did, kept that slender thread from snapping; -but the mental strain caused me most violent headaches -and periods of forgetfulness or loss of memory, -which even now recur at times. But it was during -the famine that the Christian—more than Christian—charity -of my friends was put to the severest tests -and never faltered. Food was at enormous prices, -but, day after day, Catarina brought her scrap of -dourra or wheaten bread; every day Youssef Jebaalee -sent his loaves of bread, unmindful of how much the -guards stole, provided that I got a mouthful.</p> - -<p>All the food sent for the prisoners did not, of course, -reach them; what little passed the gates of the Saier -was fought for; those having longer chains, or bars, -connecting their anklets stood the best chance in the -race for food, as they were able to take longer strides. -Had it been under other circumstances, the scenes -enacted might have provided endless amusement for -the onlookers, for they had in them all the elements -but one of a sack-race and old country sports. Seeing -thirty or forty living skeletons shuffling, leaping as -<span class="xxpn" id="p117">|117|</span> -far as their weight of chains and strength would -allow, you knew, when one fell, that it was the weakness -caused by starvation which had brought him -down. There he would lie where he fell, given -over to despair, whilst those who did reach any messenger -with food, rather than resenting the stripes -given by the guards with the courbash, would almost -appear glad of the open wounds these caused, so that -they might caress the wounds with their hands and -lick the blood from their fingers. This picture is not -<i>over-</i> but <i>under</i>drawn; but I have been advised to -leave out minute details and other scenes, as unnecessarily -harrowing.</p> - -<p>We heard that cannibalism was being practised -in the town, but none took place in the prison; -in the Saier, when once the despair engendered -by starvation and cruelty took hold of a prisoner, -he would lie down and wait for death; food he -would never refuse if offered, but if water without -food was offered, it was refused. Day after day, for -months, the bodies of eight or ten prisoners, who had -died of starvation, would be thrown into the Nile, and -thousands must have died in the Saier. The population -of the prison was always kept up owing to the -hourly arrivals of starving wretches committed there -for trying to steal food in the market-place, and it was -from such as these that the fighting for food in the -prison emanated chiefly. It can be well imagined -how the most civilized being might be driven to madness -and desperation, when, as the result of his trying -to steal a bit of food, maybe for himself, maybe for -<span class="xxpn" id="p118">|118|</span> -a dying child, he is committed to an oriental prison, -and there, as he is taken to the anvil, the body of the -last victim to starvation is dragged up to have the -shackles knocked off only to be fitted on to him. -Yet this happened not twice, not scores, but hundreds -of times in the prison of es-Saier during that terrible -famine.</p> - -<p>After my servant Hasseena had been knocked -down a number of times and the food she was bringing -me had been devoured by the starving prisoners, -we hit upon an expedient. Buying a gazelle skin, she -had this hung from her waist, under her dress, and -left dangling between her knees; the food for me was -placed in this, but Hasseena always carried, as a blind -or decoy, a little food in her hands. This would be -pounced upon, when Hasseena, who had a healthy -pair of lungs, as Wad Nejoumi discovered at his first -interview with her, would raise the echoes with her -screams. These gave her a clear path to me, and -she waited for a favourable opportunity to drop the -gazelle skin on the ground beside me.</p> - -<p>It must not be thought from the foregoing that -the prisoners had no feelings for each other, and for -those worse off in the matter of food than themselves. -There was more charity shown by those wild fanatics, -and almost savages, than is often shown in more -civilized places. Mahmoud Wad Said, so long as his -little property held out, sold portions of it day after -day, and had sent into the prison for his poorer fellow-prisoners, -a large “geddahh” of asseeda and milk, -night and morning, and this gave thirty to forty -<span class="xxpn" id="p119">|119|</span> -prisoners a meal each day; others divided with their -less fortunate friends the little food they received. I -have seen it stated that my charity to other prisoners -created a very good impression; but, then, how could -I, the only white and Christian in the prison—and, for -the matter of that, the only avowed Christian in the -Soudan—not strive to show just a little more self-denial -and charity and kindness of heart than those -“fanatics” showed me?*</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn05"> -<p class="pfn">* On reading over the foregoing to Father Ohrwalder, and -asking him if he knew of any others who had assisted me with food while -in prison, he first objected to my giving him any credit for what he -had done, saying he had done but part of his duty towards me, and, in -deference to his wishes, I have curtailed the account of his kindnesses -towards me. He then expressed surprise that the name of Slatin did -not figure amongst those of my benefactors, and it is only now that I -hear from Father Ohrwalder of the risks Slatin ran in trying to help -me. As can be well understood, this is hardly a subject on which, at -the present time, I could approach Slatin, as it would practically be -asking him how many dollars’ worth of thanks were due to him.</p> - -<p>On my arrival at Omdurman, it was believed by the Khaleefa, and -others, that I was a brother of Slatin, and had started for Sheikh -Saleh’s country with the idea of organizing an expedition to attack -the Khaleefa and effect Slatin’s release; the latter, in consequence, -was looked upon with more suspicion than ever, and bad as my position -or condition was, his, in a measure, may have been worse. People -in Omdurman—my servant and the prison barber in particular—gauging -Slatin’s position to a nicety, had little fear or compunction in -blackmailing him, day after day, after his first contribution to my -sustenance, for more money and food, and in each instance it was asked -for in my name. Others doubtless did the same, and poor Slatin, as he -was then, must have been robbed right and left, his robbers perfectly -secure in the conviction that even, should he discover their trick, he -would be powerless to punish them, for had he attempted to do so, he -would have placed his head in a noose for disobeying the Khaleefa’s -orders, which were that he was never to speak to, or have any dealings -with me. It is the least that I can do here to place the matter on -record in connection with my experience, and leave Slatin to await -the appearance of this in print to learn that my heartfelt thanks go -out to him, while, at the same time, the world will better understand -from the foregoing the difficulties of Slatin’s position with the -Khaleefa.</p></div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p120" -title="CHAPTER X PRISON JUSTICE"> -CHAPTER X <span class="blksmaller"> -PRISON JUSTICE</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">What I have written previously concerning the -Nebbi Khiddr history will, in the following notes -of prison life, assist the reader in better understanding -how such mutual and transparent deceptions -might be practised by the Khaleefa and the gaolers -as are related here. It will be remembered that -the Khaleefa, following the example of the Mahdi, -laid claim to the Nebbi Khiddr as his prophet or -constant messenger—a sort of modern Mercury -amongst the Soudanese; hence the mutual, but unacknowledged -deceptions which might be practised by -the Khaleefa and his followers one against the other, -but with always this proviso: as the Khaleefa had -the power of life and death, and his spoken word -was absolute, no one dare, even by suggestion, imply -that he had in any way deceived or hoodwinked -Abdullahi, else the Nebbi Khiddr would not have -rested content until his detractor had been shortened -by a head.</p> - -<p>When the many escapes from the Saier zareeba -became of too common gossip to be any longer concealed, -Abdullahi ordered a wall to be built in place -<span class="xxpn" id="p121">|121|</span> -of the thorn zareeba, and later, to obviate the necessity -of the prisoners going to the Nile banks for drinking -water and ablutions, a well was sunk to provide -infiltration water for the purposes mentioned.* Until -these works were ordered to be made, the prisoners -were mainly employed in building mud-brick houses -for the gaolers; and when these were finished we had -to attend to certain of the household duties—the -tending of children, sheep, goats, and the carrying of -water from the Nile. Of all the tasks set the -prisoners, the household duties were the most pleasant, -or, at all events, the least distasteful. Most of the -gaolers were able to keep up a large establishment on -the proceeds of their baksheesh and ill-gotten gains, -but with a multiplicity of wives or concubines a very -natural result followed—household bickerings and -squabbles, in which one wife or concubine was bound -to come off worst; and this gave the wide-awake -prisoner engaged upon household duties his chance. -He would soon detect which concubine was being -“put upon,” or whom the women-folk were most -jealous of, and in a few days’ time, as a result of his -attentions in carrying her pots and pans, and bringing -her water as many times in the day as she wished, he -would be bemoaning in her sympathetic ears the hard -<span class="xxpn" id="p122">|122|</span> -fate of both of them, and trying to persuade her that -what she was enduring was far worse than his imprisonment -and chains. The old truism that “pity is akin -to love” obtains equally as well under the dusky -hide of a Soudanese damsel as under the white skin -of her European sister, and very soon the pair would -be maturing plans for an escape and elopement. The -main difficulty was the removal of the man’s chains -and a rapid flight to some distant village; but the -Soudan ladies are not a whit behind in woman’s -resourcefulness face to face with apparent impossibilities. -Failing to arrange for a regular flight, the -woman would secure some place of hiding in Omdurman -itself. She would undertake all the arrangements, -and I never knew of a failure in their plans.</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn06"> - -<p class="pfn">* This well was named “Beer-el-Ummarra” (the well of the Emirs). When ordering its -construction the Khaleefa instructed Idris es Saier to put all the important prisoners on the work, -as the exercise would do them good. My gang consisted of Ibrahim Wad Adlan, Ajjab Abou -Jinn, Mohammad Wad Bessir, Mohammad Abou Sinn, Abdalla Abou Sinn, Ali Wad-el-Hadd, -Ahmed Abd-el-Maajid, Mahmoud Wad Said, Hassan Um Barak, and the Shereef Khaleel—the -aristocracy, I might say, of the Soudan. We did little or no work ourselves, we paid the imprisoned -slaves for doing it; but whenever Idris es Saier made his appearance he would find -us all busy. When telling us of the Khaleefa’s orders, Idris hinted that it might be advisable -for us to subscribe amongst ourselves for paid labour, and he would take charge of the money. -At Wad Adlan’s advice, we said we rather liked the idea of having some work to do to keep -us occupied, Adlan knowing that Idris would keep the money and make us work just the same, -or else pay over again for another batch of slaves.</p></div> - -<p>Each month a list of the prisoners in the Saier, and -an account of their progress in “education” would -be submitted to Abdullahi, with recommendations for -the release of certain prisoners, and each month, coincident -with the preparation of this list, some prisoner -would be missing from his usual place that night and -next morning—and for ever afterwards; and this is -how Soudan romances were managed. Sheep and -goats would stray unaccountably. As these accidents -always happened about sunset, the concubine would -set off with the chained prisoner to bring in the -strayed animals at the precise moment when her lord -and master was engaged upon his official duties and -locking up the prisoners in the Umm Hagar. On his -calling at his house, the temporary absence would -excite little or no suspicion, but as the hours sped on -<span class="xxpn" id="p123">|123|</span> -suspicions were aroused, and if on the following morning -or the same night the sheep and goats found their -way back unaided, the gaoler’s only way out of the -difficulty was to present a favourable report of the -conduct of the escaped prisoner, in the hope that his -release would be ordered by the Khaleefa. To -acknowledge that he had escaped while employed in -tending his sheep and goats would be to place the -gaoler’s head or liberty in danger, and the eloping -couple well knew this. No sooner was the release -ordered, than the happy couple would present themselves -before the Kadi, to be married right off—the -Soudanese damsel in the possession of a husband, -with no other wives or concubines to worry her in the -house, and her husband free of his chains. True, he -might divorce his wife the same day if he so chose, -but then his and her object had been gained—they -were both clear of the gaoler, whom they knew dare -not trump up any case against them in the hope of -one or the other being again committed to prison, for, -once released by the Khaleefa’s orders, a prisoner -might only be recommitted on them. Moreover, if -one of the two should relate what had actually occurred, -the gaoler himself, having deceived the Khaleefa with -his report of good conduct and “education,” would -certainly be sent to prison or to the gallows.</p> - -<p>I was too important a prisoner to make my escape -at all possible by such happy means as those above -described. My only hope lay in trusty natives and -swift camels which would outstrip my pursuers. I -often envied my fellow-prisoners who exchanged the -<span class="xxpn" id="p124">|124|</span> -bonds of slavery for those of matrimony, for numbers -of them came to see me after their “release,” but I -shudder to think what might have happened had I -been released by the Khaleefa’s orders, for, following -the old adage that a drowning man clutches at a straw, -I must have promised marriage to dozens of Soudan -beauties (?) in the event of their doing anything -towards wheedling their masters or the Khaleefa into -releasing me, and it is quite certain that, on my -release, I should have met at the prison-gates a -clamouring crowd all claiming the honour.</p> - -<p>But I should explain how it was that I came into -direct contact with the hareems of the gaolers. Having -studied physiology and medicine at Königsberg and -Leipzig, I was often called upon by the natives in -Upper Egypt, before the place was so well known -to the travelling public as it is now, and in the -absence of doctors, to attend them in cases of sickness -or accident. My practice, being gratuitous, was a -large one, and I soon became the “Hakeem Pasha” -(principal medical officer). My reputation, if it did -not precede me, at least accompanied me to Omdurman -when I was captured, so that I was in constant -requisition at the gaolers’ hareems, paying “professional” -visits ranging from cases in which the -Khaleefa was soon to be presented with another -subject, to the most trivial and sometimes imaginary -complaints. So long as the women kept ailing, my -life was rendered endurable, for I was able to sit down -and chat with them for hours, waiting to see the -result of concoctions made from, to me, unknown -<span class="xxpn" id="p125">|125|</span> -herbs and roots, of the properties of which I was -ignorant; but the results were always satisfactory. -The only medicine or chemical I came across of any -value in the stores of the Beit-el-Mal was permanganate -of potash, and I soon discovered that a Soudan -constitution necessitated the application of this in -crystals and not in liquid form. The effects, as may -be imagined, were rapid, and, though my medical -readers might be inclined to doubt the statement, the -results were eminently satisfactory both to the patients -and myself.</p> - -<p>Occasionally I would be sent for to attend some one -in the women’s prison, which was situated a short -distance from the Saier of Idris. The women’s -prison consisted of the common cell and a light zareeba, -through which the curious might gaze on the women -as they lay stretched on the ground during the day in -the sun, undergoing their first period of imprisonment. -The majority of the women prisoners were slaves -locked up on some pretence or other to prevent their -escaping. It might be that their master was arranging -for some trading trip which would occupy him for -weeks and, maybe, months. The simplest way of -preventing his property from running away during his -absence was to trump up some charge against her, and -have her locked up, knowing that her release might -not be obtained until he returned and requested it. -As in the mean time she would have to be fed at his -expense, and gave her services free to the household of -one of the gaolers, he was equally sure that the gaoler -would not be too anxious to secure her release. -<span class="xxpn" id="p126">|126|</span></p> - -<p>Married women were sent to prison on all sorts -of charges, ranging from suspected conjugal infidelity -to the delivery of a curtain lecture. The women -prisoners wore light chains connecting their anklets, -but their lot was little better than that of the men. A -charge of infidelity “not proven,” as the Scotch have -it, was followed by imprisonment and the application -of three hundred stripes with the courbag, and when -the woman had recovered from these, she would be -sent into the house of one of the gaolers to be the -maid-of-all-work for every one there; she would have -to grind corn, attend to the children, carry water, and -be driven as a slave night and day for weeks. A -Mrs. Caudle or a termagant received from fifty to -eighty lashes, and she too on recovery would be sent -into one of the gaolers’ hareems to work as hard as her -possibly innocent and more severely punished companion -in misery. A few weeks of such treatment -sent the women back home completely cured of the -faults for which they were sent to prison to be corrected, -besides which the relation of their experiences -acted as an effective deterrent on budding Mrs. Caudles -and others.</p> - -<p>The unloading of boats was the hardest work we -were set to, and we were kept up to the mark by the -ever-present lash; we might only be tired and ill -when we could afford the luxury of paying for the -complaint, for this labour was the most lucrative task -our gaolers could set us to; we had either to work, or -pay many times the equivalent of our labour. It was -in connection with the unloading of boats, and this, -<span class="xxpn" id="p127">|127|</span> -too, when I was slowly recovering from my attack -of typhus fever after the death of Ahmed Nur ed Din, -that I received my first flogging. A young gaoler had -pestered me for money, and as I had none to give him, -he ordered me to slave at the unloading of the boats. -The only way of exhibiting a real refusal was to sit -down upon the ground, which I did, upon which the -gaoler commenced to drag me towards the gateway of -the Saier. On this I got upon my feet and knocked -the gaoler off his. He ran to Idris es Saier, told his -own tale, and Idris, approaching me, ordered me to -get up—for I had again sat down—and assist in the -unloading of the boats. I refused, and accused the -gaoler of trying to extort monies from me. Upon this -Idris struck me with his “safarog” (an instrument -almost the exact counterpart of the Australian -boomerang, and used by the Soudan tribes for -precisely similar purposes); the blow he gave smashed -the safarog and stunned me, and while only partly -conscious I was turned over and condemned to receive -there and then five hundred lashes.</p> - -<p>Only sixty or seventy, I was told, were inflicted; the -remainder were not given, as Idris, seeing that I was -unconscious, believed that I was dead, and in consequence -received a terrible fright. I was carried to my -place in the cell, while Idris set about clearing himself -with the other prisoners, and explaining that it was all -the work of the young gaoler. Idris knew what it meant -to him had I been flogged to death, and, believing that -I would not recover, he, when I did recover, evidently -made up his mind to pay out the gaoler who was -<span class="xxpn" id="p128">|128|</span> -responsible for his fright in the first place, and for his -servility to the other prisoners at the moment when -he thought there were good grounds for it.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig11"> -<img src="images/i129.jpg" width="600" height="400" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">A FLOGGING BY ORDER OF THE KHALEEFA.</div> -</div> - -<p>His opportunity came some little time later on, when -the same gaoler invented another excuse for flogging -me. I had bought from one of the gaolers a small -mud hut, a few feet square, in the prison enclosure, -and received permission from Idris es Saier to sleep -in this at night instead of in the Umm Hagar. This -young gaoler—and other gaolers as well—accepted -baksheesh from prisoners to allow them to sleep in -the open; and Idris, finding the contributions to -his “starving children” falling off, suspected the -reason, and lay in wait. Upon a night when a larger -number than usual had been allowed to sleep outside -the Umm Hagar, he suddenly made his appearance -in the prison enclosure. There was nothing for our -guardians to do but to pretend that the prisoners had -been insubordinate, had refused to enter the Umm -Hagar, and to lay about them with their whips. -The young gaoler, not aware that I had paid the -regulation baksheesh to Idris, made straight for my -hut, dragged me out, and flogged me to the door of -the common cell, a distance, maybe, of forty or fifty -yards, but my thick jibbeh prevented the blows from -telling with much effect as far as regards abrasion of the -skin; nevertheless, their weight told on my diminished -strength, and I again fell ill. The circumstance came -to the ears of the Khaleefa through Idris, or the -Nebbi Khiddr, and I had the huge satisfaction of -seeing my tormentor dismissed from his lucrative post, -<span class="xxpn" id="p129">|129|</span> -subjected to the two hundred lashes he was sentenced -to receive, and then sent as a prisoner in -chains to work at the very same boats, which he had -had me flogged for refusing to assist in unloading. -This, at the present moment, is the only bit of real -justice I can remember during my twelve years’ -captivity.</p> - -<p>I have in a former chapter given a slight description -of flogging as I saw it practised when first captured -by the dervishes; but the flogging in the Saier -was a very different matter. The maximum number -of stripes ever ordered was a thousand, and this -number was often actually given, but in every case -the stripes were given over the clothing. The rules -of flogging were generally as follows: the first two -hundred on the back below the region of the lumbar -vertebræ, the third and fourth hundred on the -shoulders, and the fifth hundred on the breast. When -the maximum number of one thousand lashes was -ordered, they were always given on the same parts as -those of the first two hundred, and this punishment -was resorted to for the purpose of extorting confessions. -After eighty or one hundred blows, the -jibbeh was cut into shreds, and soon became saturated -with the blood of the victim; and while the effect of -the individual blows may not have been as great as -those from the cat-o’-nine-tails, the number given -made up in quantity for what might have been lacking -in quality, as is evidenced by the large numbers who -died under the castigation or as a result of it later.</p> - -<p>On one occasion an old black soldier of the Egyptian -<span class="xxpn" id="p130">|130|</span> -Army, named Mohammad Ajjami, who was employed -as a runner (a foot-galloper—if I may invent the expression—of -the Khaleefa on field days), was sent to -me while in the prison to be cured of the effects of a -flogging. He had by some means incurred the displeasure -of Sheikh ed Din, the son of the Khaleefa, -and by him had been sentenced to receive a public -flogging, after which he was to be sent to the Saier to -be “educated.” He was carried into the prison to me -after his flogging. The fleshy part of his back was -cut into ribbons, and the hip-bones were exposed. For -six or eight weeks I was constantly employed bathing -this man’s wounds with a dilute solution of carbolic -acid, the carbolic crystals being sent to me by Sheikh -ed Din himself for the purpose, for his father, the -Khaleefa, jealous of his authority, had censured his -son, telling him, as he constantly told others, that “In -Usbaiee shareeknee fee mulkee, anna ikktahoo.”* -Ajjami recovered, and often came to see me in prison -to express his gratitude. Sheikh ed Din himself was -so pleased at the man’s recovery that he begged his -father to release me, so that I might practise the -healing art amongst his Ansar, and teach it to others; -but the Khaleefa was obdurate, and refused, his -reasons for refusing to release me being better left to -be related later by some of my fellow-captives.</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn07"> - -<p class="pfn">* This expression was always used by the Khaleefa in any -discussion. Holding up his forefinger, he said (translation of phrase): -“Rather than this finger should be a partner in the governing of my -realm, I should cut it off.”</p></div> - -<p>My third flogging was received under the following -circumstances. Having from Idris es Saier received -permission to remain in my mud hovel, instead of -<span class="xxpn" id="p131">|131|</span> -spending the nights in the Umm Hagar, and feeling -secure in my comparative freedom and safe from the -exactions of the other gaolers, as I had baksheeshed -Idris well, I firmly refused to be bled any further. My -particular guardian, not daring, after what had -occurred to my former guardian, to order me into the -Umm Hagar, went a step further, and refused to allow -me to leave my mud hut at all for any purpose whatever. -I insisted upon being allowed to go to the place of -ablution—about one hundred yards distant—and being -refused, set off, receiving at every step a blow from -the courbag. Being heavily chained, I was helpless, -and could not reach my tormentor, as he could skip -away from my reach, which was limited to the length -of the bars connecting my feet, which bars were -fifteen inches in length. It was on this occasion, night-time -too, that Idris es Saier paid another surprise -visit to the prison enclosure to see what number of -“unauthorized” prisoners were sleeping outside the -Umm Hagar, and, furious at the number he discovered, -he ordered all outside, without exception, to be flogged.</p> - -<p>I and fifteen to twenty others received a hundred -and fifty lashes each—at least, I received this number; -others repented by crying out after twenty or thirty -blows. I alternately clenched my teeth and bit my -lips to prevent a sound of pain escaping, often as I -was asked, “Will you not cry out? Is your head and -heart still like black iron?” and the more they reminded -me of the courage I was exhibiting, the more -reason I had for not giving way or breaking down. -But the mental ordeal was far, far more -terrible than -<span class="xxpn" id="p132">|132|</span> -the corporal punishment. There was I, a European, -a Prussian, a man who had fought with the British -troops in what transpired to be the “too late” expedition -for the rescue of Gordon, now in the clutches -of the tyrant and his myrmidons, whom we had hoped -to rescue Gordon from; a white and a Christian—and -the only professing Christian—chained and helpless, -being flogged by a black, as much a captive and a -slave as I was, and yet my superior and master. It is -impossible for any one not having undergone a similar -experience to appreciate the mental agonies I endured.</p> - -<p>I may have been self-willed and strong-headed; I -may, if you wish, have acted like a fool in my constant -defiance of the Khaleefa and the tenets of the Mahdi; -but now, looking back on those terrible times, I feel -convinced that had poor Gordon lived, my actions -would at least have met with his approbation, for the -outward ceremony or observance of adherence to the -Mohammedan faith was carried out on me under force, -after the escape of Rossignoli. Death, in whatever -form it came, would have come as a welcome visitor -to me; but while doing all in my power to exasperate -my captors to kill me, something—hope, courage, -a clinging to life, pride in my race, or personal -vanity in defying them to the end—restrained me -from taking my own life, though Heaven knows -that, if ever man had a good excuse for doing so, I -had. But my conduct so impressed the Khaleefa -that he told Wad Nejoumi, who asked for my release -so that I might accompany him to Dongola to “open -up trade,” and told many others later, “Neufeld I will -<span class="xxpn" id="p133">|133|</span> -not release, but I will not kill him.” Invariably, in -speaking of me to others, as I was still unconverted, -the Khaleefa omitted the name “Abdalla” which I -had been given, and spoke of me as “Nofal”—the -Arabic pronunciation of Neufeld.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p134" -title="CHAPTER XI A SERIOUS DILEMMA"> -CHAPTER XI <span class="blksmaller"> -A SERIOUS DILEMMA</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">As -I write, there lie before me three successive -paragraphs culled from a recent edition of a London -paper. These paragraphs were intended to be, and -doubtless were, amusing to their readers, but they -contain inaccuracies. I have ascertained that one -misstatement owes its origin to a report drawn up in -connection with the guide’s account of the successful -escape of Father Rossignoli. The facts connected with -that flight, and my reported refusal to escape when -the opportunity (?) offered, find their place later in -my narrative. For the moment I shall content myself -with but one of the paragraphs, and fill in the details -which, while not detracting from the humorous -element introduced, will show that the episode referred -to had somewhat of a pathetic, if not tragic, vein in it. -This may have been lost sight of owing to the tale -being recorded in an office about two thousand miles -away from the scene of action, and the inaccuracies -may be accounted for by the fact that the tale was -told by one of that large class in the East whose -greatest glory it is, when one of them has by constant -<span class="xxpn" id="p135">|135|</span> -practice attained a certain standard of inventive faculty -and plausibility, to prove to the world that the race -of Haroun-el-Rashid’s story-tellers is not yet extinct. -There can be little doubt that the guide and Wakih -Idris, and maybe others, would be much entertained, -if not a little surprised, if told that the whole of their -tales had apparently been believed in.</p> - -<p>On my servant Hasseena being sent into the -Khaleefa’s hareem in May, 1887, she obtained her -release, or dismissal, by declaring that she was with -child; she was not. In November, 1888, she certainly -was, and the fact could not be concealed. -Hasseena, having been a slave, could not well be -legally married, so that when dismissed from the -Khaleefa’s hareem, she was sent as my property to the -hareem of Idris es Saier, where she had, in addition -to buying and preparing my food, to perform the -housework and run messages for the women of Idris’s -household.</p> - -<p>Idris I knew had long coveted Hasseena, and her -being with child appeared to him a favourable opportunity -of securing her for himself, for under ordinary -circumstances, the woman being a slave and the child -being born in his hareem, he could lay claim to the -paternity, when mother and child would become free, -the mother ranking now as a wife. He talked the -matter over with Hasseena, and then sent her to -interview me. I submitted the case to my friends in -prison, and they showed that Idris had misread, or -misunderstood, Surah IV. of the Quoran, which only -justified his position towards Hasseena in the event -<span class="xxpn" id="p136">|136|</span> -of my being a prisoner of war, and he having captured -Hasseena on the field. Things became still more -complicated by Hasseena admitting to me that there -were doubts in her own mind as to the child’s paternity. -Hasseena was of a light copper colour; Idris was as -black as the ace of spades. It would only be reasonable -to expect that the child when born would exhibit -in the colour of its skin an evidence of its paternity, -and it was precisely on this account that Hasseena -wished to defer making any declaration until the -event came off. If she elected to declare Idris the -father, and the child at birth gave the lie to her statement, -her life would be in danger; but before continuing -the narrative, and detailing the complications -which Hasseena’s condition and her uncertainty on -a vital point gave rise to—it might be well to refer -briefly to one of the moral code of laws instituted by -the Mahdi, as this will help the reader to a better -understanding of the quandary we were placed in.</p> - -<p>While a man, having already the regulation quota -of four legal wives, might crowd his hareem with as -many female slaves and concubines as he could support -or keep in order, a woman was restricted to the one -husband or master. All breakings of our seventh -commandment were, if proved, followed by flogging in -the case of unmarried women and slaves, and by the -stoning to death of married women; but, in the latter -case, <i>the sentence could not be given, nor the punishment -inflicted, unless the woman confessed</i>. Very few stonings -to death took place, and these were in the earlier -days of Mahdieh, when religious fanaticism held sway. -<span class="xxpn" id="p137">|137|</span></p> - -<p>The flogging has already been described. When a -stoning to death was to take place, a hole was dug -in the ground, and the woman buried to her neck in -it. The crowd stood facing the victim, about fifteen -to twenty yards distant, and on a given signal the -stoning commenced; but it is only right to say that -the Soudanese themselves hated and feared taking -part in such an execution. None of the stones thrown -had, singly, the force or weight to cause stunning or -death, and the horrid spectacle was presented of what -appeared to be a trunkless head, slightly jerking -backwards and forwards and from side to side to -avoid the stones being hurled at it, and this ordeal -continued for an hour or more. Sometimes a relative -or friend, under pretence of losing his temper in upbraiding -or cursing the woman, smashed in her head -with one of the small axes usually carried by the -Soudanese, thus putting her at once out of her torture -and misery. Shortly before sunset, the relatives and -friends would come out to take away the body and -give it decent burial, for the soul had fled, purified -with the woman’s blood, to the next world.</p> - -<p>Knowing what would be the result of a confession, -it will be wondered that any woman ever did confess; -the number who did so is, admittedly, small. In -one of the three cases of stoning to death I know -of, the confession was extorted by torture, and the -poor woman preferred the horrible but certain death -by the time the sun set, to the lingering death she -was enduring from day to day. Thousands of women -were charged with the breaking of this particular rule -<span class="xxpn" id="p138">|138|</span> -or commandment of the Mahdi, but almost all the -charges were made by other women—and this, too, -out of sheer jealousy, not from any feeling of outraged -morality.</p> - -<p>I may now proceed with the narration of the quandary -Hasseena had placed us in, herself included. I -had been kept chained and closely confined for nineteen -months, and was under Idris es Saier’s particular -supervision; Hasseena, during the same period, had -been a servant in his hareem, and also in his entire -charge. If I claimed the paternity of the child, the -probabilities were that Idris would get into trouble with -the Khaleefa; if Idris claimed it, his head might be -in danger, for decapitation or hanging was the punishment -ordered for the male offender, and in all cases -Hasseena was liable to flogging or stoning to death. -Again, if I claimed the paternity of the child, and -there were reasonable grounds after its birth to believe -that the paternity should be looked for in some other -direction, and I knew that it should be; then, while -Idris would clear himself to the Khaleefa, I should -have been punished for lying to him, and Hasseena -would be in the same predicament as before.</p> - -<p>I had inquiries made outside as to Hasseena’s -movements when marketing, and as to those whom -she associated with, or went to see; being satisfied, as -a result of the inquiries, that the expected arrival -would be a shade lighter in colour than its mother, -I, acting on the advice of my prison friends, claimed -the child as mine, thus leaving Idris to get out of the -thing as best he could. There was, as above indicated, -<span class="xxpn" id="p139">|139|</span> -a risk in my claiming the paternity, but it was worth -while running it. The Khaleefa, so my friends told -me, would now certainly release me from prison, as -my wife and child would be a guarantee for my good -behaviour if released, and also guarantee me against -any escape, for to try and escape with a woman and -baby made success very problematical, while the -woman would certainly hinder me in any attempt to -escape, when it could only result in the death of -herself and child. It was for this reason—to hinder -escape—that the Khaleefa kept his captives well -supplied with wives, and showed his displeasure very -plainly if the expected results did not follow. But -my claiming the paternity did not please Idris, as it -deprived him of all chance of securing Hasseena for -himself, and also left him at the mercy of the Khaleefa -for his neglect of duty in allowing Hasseena to come -near me, so he empanelled a jury of Soudanese -matrons to inquire into the affair.</p> - -<p>At the time when Hasseena startled our little -world with her interesting condition, Omdurman was, -and had been for some months, almost depleted of its -male population; the rumours of an expedition -(Stanley’s, to rescue Emin) had resulted in a considerable -force being sent to Equatoria. The army to -attack Abyssinia had been in the field for months, so -also had the army which Wad Nejoumi was to lead -a few months later to its destruction at Toski.</p> - -<p>A number of the ladies empanelled for the jury -ought not, unless they belonged to the Gawaamah -tribe, to have been eligible for election, and others, -<span class="xxpn" id="p140">|140|</span> -under the circumstances, should have avoided publicity; -but here was an opportunity for them, and -they were not going to miss it. They came together -to save themselves—not Hasseena or Idris—hence -the extraordinary verdict they gave: to the effect that -it was not only possible for a woman to be with child -nineteen months—as Hasseena presumably was, but -for twenty-four months, while some hotly contested -for an extension of the time to years!</p> - -<p>Idris had still another card to play; he averred that -it was impossible for the child to be mine, and he -now swore it was not his. Then Hasseena ought to -be flogged and sent to prison; but as Idris would be -entrusted with the flogging himself, it was to be understood -that he was not going to damage his prospective -property. It was now the turn of those whom I remarked -ought not to have been eligible for election to -the jury; the tales they told to account for their own -interesting condition are worthy of the best traditions -of the “Thousand and One Nights;” but, even if -written, they would be less fit for translation and -publication than the originals of the famous tales. -Idris now appealed to the Kadi, who, after interviewing -the jury, supported their contentions, and -related the whole story to the Khaleefa, much to his -amusement and the discomfiture of Idris; for, while -graciously sending me his congratulations on the -coming event, he ordered the unconditional release of -Hasseena, who went to live in what might be called -the “Christian” quarter of the town.</p> - -<p>In January the girl-child was born, and named -<span class="xxpn" id="p141">|141|</span> -“Makkieh” (shackles), a name which appealed to the -humorous side of the Khaleefa, who, being tickled at the -idea of the name, in a fit of good-humour, sent word to -me to ask if I would undertake the manufacture of gunpowder -if he released me. I unfortunately replied that -I did not understand the manufacturing of it, and this -aroused his suspicions, which did not abate one jot -when, shortly afterwards, a Bohemian baker, who had -strayed from Halfa, was taken prisoner, and sent on -to Omdurman as a captured spy. This man, whom I -knew only by the name of Joseppi—though he had a -string of other names, which I have forgotten—was -a Bohemian by birth and a baker by trade. He was -not of strong intellect, and what intellect he had, had -maybe been impaired by a “music madness.” From -the rambling statements he made to me during his -year’s imprisonment, I gather that he had tramped -Europe as a wandering musician, landing finally -in Egypt, where he tramped from the Mediterranean -to the frontier. It is quite evident that instead of -coppers he received drinks in exchange for his strains, -and this further added to his mental troubles, though -the drunkenness he has been charged with was, in my -opinion, more the result of circumstances and misfortune -than a natural craving for ardent liquors.</p> - -<p>On leaving Wadi Halfa, he had expected to find, as -he had found in Europe and the part of Egypt he had -tramped through, villages or towns within the day’s -tramp. He had not the slightest idea of what the -desert was until he found himself in it. After some -days of wandering, during which he eat pieces of his -<span class="xxpn" id="p142">|142|</span> -worn-out boots in lieu of other food, he struck the -Nile, and, wandering along, ignorant of the direction -he was taking, he came upon a party of dervishes, -whom he tried to communicate with, and after, by -gesticulations, showing them that he wanted bread or -food, he commenced to “soothe the savage breast” -with strains from his violin. They took him prisoner, -destroyed his instrument, and sent him on to Omdurman -as a spy. On arrival there, he was ushered into -the presence of the Khaleefa, who was undecided -as to whether he had a madman or an actor to deal -with, for on dates being brought for Joseppi to eat, -he threw them about, and then lay flat on his face. -He was sent to prison and heavily chained; in the -process of having his chains and bars fitted, he fainted -away.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig12"> -<img src="images/i143.jpg" width="600" height="377" alt="" /> -<div class="caption"> -<div class="csstable tabwth1"><div class="tabrow"> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc">Gaoler.</div> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc">Neufeld.</div> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc">Gaoler.</div> -<div class="tabcell"> </div> -</div> -<div class="tabrow"> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc">Son of Fauzi Pasha.</div> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc"> </div> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc"> </div> -<div class="tabcell">Fauzi Pasha.</div> -</div></div> -<div class="fsize6">MEAL-TIME IN THE SAIER.</div> -</div></div> - -<p>Joseppi was in my charge for about one year, and -while being as harmless as a child, he caused me -endless trouble. During the day he would remain -perfectly quiet, but at night-time he would insist upon -singing or humming. As his tunes had neither beginning -nor end, and were composed of notes snatched -from here and there, we soon tired of it, and Joseppi -received a light flogging on one occasion for not -“shutting his mouth” when requested to do so. I -remonstrated with him after he had been flogged, and -told him that he should not continue to hum after -other prisoners had asked him to keep quiet. He -ruminated over this, and thinking, maybe, at the -moment that I was taking the part of the others -against him, he went off to the Saier, and told him -<span class="xxpn" id="p143">|143|</span> -confidentially that I was a great and well-known -general in Europe, and a few other things. Joseppi -had an enormous appetite, and was always hungry; -he caused me a great deal of trouble during the worst -days of the famine, when food was so scarce, for after -sharing my scanty meal, he would wander off and -pester every group for a scrap of food. Eventually, -we had to provide three bowls for him; just when -our food came in, we handed him his bowls, and thus -were allowed a few moments’ peace. We had finished -our meal before he had finished his food, so that our -group, at least, was free of his importunities. He came -to grief through eating pieces of camel-skin, which the -gaolers used to sell to the poorer prisoners during the -famine.</p> - -<p>Fearing that he would die in the prison, I sent -word to the “Christian” quarter, asking that the -Khaleefa should be prayed to release Joseppi, which -was done, and he found congenial employment for a -time in the bakery of Youssef Sawar. Soon afterwards, -he borrowed a few dollars here and there for -the purpose of buying grain at El Fun; he started off -dressed in a new jibbeh, carrying his dollars, and a -well-stocked basket of provisions for his two days’ -journey. At the very moment when Wad Adlan was -pleading with the Khaleefa to release me from prison, -so that I could assist him in the work of the Beit-el-Mal, -a deputation of the captives arrived at the -door of the house to tell the Khaleefa that Joseppi -must have escaped, as he should have been back in -Omdurman some days ago. Turning to Wad Adlan, -<span class="xxpn" id="p144">|144|</span> -the Khaleefa said, “El boomi mahhgaad—Abdulla -Neufeld ogud? Khallee ossbur.” (“The fool did -not stop—when he had the chance to escape. Will -Neufeld? Let him wait a bit.”) This was the -second time the poor fellow had cost me my liberty. -There is no doubt that the man was murdered for the -sake of his food or money, for his remains were found -later, on the road between Khartoum and El Fun.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p145" -title="CHAPTER XII IBRAHIM WAD ADLAN"> -CHAPTER XII <span class="blksmaller"> -IBRAHIM WAD ADLAN</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">A -favourable opportunity here presents itself for -referring to that little-written-about, and, therefore, -little-known strange character in Mahdieh—Ibrahim -Wad Adlan, the Amin Beit-el-Mal. Maybe in no -one else did he confide as he confided in me while we -were fellow-prisoners, and maybe he did so only -because he knew that I was an avowed enemy of -Mahdieh, that I was at the time defying the Khaleefa -to do his worst against me, and that my interests lay -elsewhere than in the Soudan. There was also a -lurking suspicion that I had been sent up as a -Government emissary, and that the letter of General -Stephenson was purposely couched in the language it -was, so that, if it fell into the hands of the Khaleefa, -he would be led to believe that I had started upon a -trading expedition pure and simple. The friendship -formed during the two or three months, which Adlan -and I spent as fellow-prisoners, was to end in the not -least interesting of my experiences, but it also ended -in a tragedy.</p> - -<p>Wad Adlan, prior to the Mahdist revolt, had been -<span class="xxpn" id="p146">|146|</span> -one of the principal and richest merchants in Kordofan. -His business connections had taken him a number of -times to Cairo and other parts of Egypt. For intelligence, -and as a man of the world, he was far and away -superior to all the “great” people who from time to -time became my fellow-prisoners; I should be inclined -to place him on a higher level than the best of the old -Government officials; he read and wrote well, and, -as will be seen later, he was not deficient in certain -qualities which go far towards making a successful -Oriental diplomatist. To the end he was loyal to the -core to the old Government, but he was compelled to -act a part—and well he acted it. Had there been -one more Adlan in the Soudan—and many had the -opportunity of being such—the rule of Abdullahi would -have ended with the insurrection of Khaleefa Shereef. -That insurrection just missed being successful, but it -was through no fault of Adlan. Carefully and secretly -he had paved the way to it, but his task ended when -he had paved the way; it was for others to take -the goal.</p> - -<p>Adlan was the one man in the Soudan who had -the courage of his opinions, and expressed them to -Abdullahi; he was a man himself, acted as one, and -despised heartily those who, in his opinion, were -carrying their obedience to the confines of servility. -Failing to induce Abdullahi to rule with some little -semblance of justice and equity, as laid down in the -Quoran, he set about to undermine his influence and -power, but he had to carry out his work by subterfuge, -and single-handed. There were, he told me, a number -<span class="xxpn" id="p147">|147|</span> -of people he would have wished to take into his -confidence, but some he was afraid might betray him, -and the others he could not trust with the little -discretion they could boast of. He feared they might -unwittingly let slip a few words prematurely, and then -his and their tongues would be silenced for ever.</p> - -<p>As the director of the Beit-el-Mal, his first care -was to keep the treasury and granaries full to repletion. -During the famine this was an impossibility, but some -grain and money had to be procured from somewhere. -The poor, and those who had come by their little -stores honestly, Adlan never made a call upon; indeed, -he was the protector of the poor and the Muslimanieh -(captive Christians). It was Adlan’s policy to create -enemies of Abdullahi, so that was another reason for his -protecting the poor, who were already bitter enemies -of their savage ruler. On reporting to Abdullahi the -depleted condition of the treasury and granaries—and -Abdullahi was aware that the doors of the Beit-el-Mal -and Adlan’s house were besieged night and day by -thousands of starving wretches—Adlan would be -given a verbal order to search for grain and bring it -into the Beit-el-Mal. This order he would put into -immediate execution against Abdullahi’s particular -friends and adherents, for the whole of their stores -were the proceeds of robbery, and the plundering -and murdering of weaker tribes and people. To all -remonstrances Adlan would reply that he was carrying -out Abdullahi’s orders, and every one knew that -disobedience to these, or any attempt to evade -them, meant summary execution. Occasionally some -<span class="xxpn" id="p148">|148|</span> -“strong” man would enter a mild protest to the -Khaleefa himself, who would feign ignorance of -having given any general orders to Adlan. Adlan -would be summoned, but, questioned as to his actions -in the presence of the complainant, he dare not reply -that he had but obeyed the general orders given him; -he would be obliged to answer in such a way that the -“strong” man would believe that he had acted upon -his own initiative. After the audience, the “strong” -man would follow Adlan to the Beit-el-Mal, and -demand the return of his grain and dollars; but Adlan -had distributed all on the Khaleefa’s orders—which -the registers proved, as nothing might leave the Beit-el-Mal -without his sanction. The “strong” man now -was undecided as to whether Abdullahi was playing -with him or not, but his safest plan was to intrigue -against Adlan. In this he would be helped might -and main by Yacoub, Abdullahi’s brother, and the -bitterest enemy of Adlan, for Yacoub, as the Emir of -Emirs (prince of princes), was insane with jealousy -at the hold which Adlan had on the masses. The -respect and veneration paid to Adlan Yacoub considered -himself entitled to by virtue of his position -and rank.</p> - -<p>It may, or may not, be the case that Abdullahi himself -was growing jealous of Adlan. As Khaleefa, his -power was so absolute that he could remove any -dangerous person by a suggestive motion of the hand, -so that when he sent Adlan into prison for a time, it -was, in Adlan’s opinion, only to appease his enemies, -to prevent any wavering in their allegiance, and to -<span class="xxpn" id="p149">|149|</span> -stem the rapidly approaching tide of discontent. But -Adlan’s committal to the Saier left a clear field for -his enemies to intrigue against him, and being kept -informed of every charge made, and the Khaleefa’s -varying moods towards him, Adlan saw serious danger -ahead.</p> - -<p>Reports reached us that the Beit-el-Mal was in -sore straits, and that the Khaleefa had already -expressed his intention of reinstating Adlan if matters -did not improve. Then it was that Adlan unbosomed -himself to me practically unreservedly. Gradually, -but surely, he gave me to understand that if ever he -was reinstated he would do all in his power to secure -my release, and he so often told me <i>not</i> to attempt -flight, if I was released, that I saw clearly he meant -to assist me in doing so. As the Beit-el-Mal went -from bad to worse, Adlan’s spirits rose, and he -appealed to me to advise him what to do in the event -of his being reinstated. He saw that for a time, at -least, he should have to abandon his old policy, and -he did not know in what direction he might turn to -revive the fallen fortunes of the treasury and granary.</p> - -<p>Trading had been permitted to a certain extent, so -I suggested its extension, but Adlan at first would not -hear of this. Abdullahi’s purpose was to keep the -Soudan as much a <i>terra incognita</i> as possible, and the -further opening up of trade routes would defeat this -object. My next suggestion was that the Beit-el-Mal -should hand over to merchants gum, ivory, feathers, -etc., at a fixed rate, to be bartered against specified -articles required at Omdurman, which, being received -<span class="xxpn" id="p150">|150|</span> -into the Beit-el-Mal to be distributed from there, -would allow of it making double profits on the transactions. -At first he scouted the idea, for there was -not a single man he could trust, and if he gave -merchants any goods and they did not return with -the proceeds of their barter, Adlan would be held -responsible. It was then I suggested that he should -only advance goods to people who had families in -Omdurman, which would ensure their returning; but -he foresaw that the Khaleefa would raise objections, -as these people might give information to the Government. -As a matter of fact, they did do so eventually, -returning to Omdurman and giving to Abdullahi as -incorrect information of the Government as they had -given the Government concerning him and affairs in -the Soudan.</p> - -<p>In the end, I drove home my point by falling into -figurative language, a means of argument as general -and effective in the East now as it was in ancient days. -“Adlan,” I said, “you have been feeding Abdullahi on -his own flesh; he is sick, but he is hungry; you have -cut all the flesh from his bones; if you try to feed him -on his bones, he will kill you, for he wants flesh to -eat; you must cut flesh from some one else to feed -him, and cover his bones again.” Adlan then jumped -at the idea of trading, and said that as soon as his -release came—for he felt sure he would be released—he -would ask the Khaleefa to release me so that I -might assist him in the work. The first essential, -though, he told me, was to abandon my present attitude -towards Mahdieh, and offer to become a Muslim. -<span class="xxpn" id="p151">|151|</span> -I agreed to do so, and Adlan reported to the Saier, -who in turn reported to the Kadi, that I was willing -to embrace the faith. “What,” said the Kadi, -“Abdalla Nufell a Muslim? No, his heart is the old -black one; he is not with us; he is deceiving; his -brain (head) is still strong; he is a deceiver; tell him -so from me.” The Kadi had not forgotten my old -discussions with him in the presence of others, where -he perhaps had the worst of it, and would not forgive -me. Failing my “conversion,” he knew that I should -have to suffer the tortures of the Saier, and he intended -that I should suffer them. Soon after this, Adlan was -released and reinstated in his old post; but he sent -word that I must be patient, as he could not speak to -the Khaleefa about me until he had got back fully into -favour.</p> - -<p>I should have mentioned before, that on the -Khaleefa asking for designs for the proposed tomb -of the Mahdi, Kadi Hanafi and others suggested that -I should prepare designs in the hope they would be -accepted, when I should have to be released to see to -their execution. Remembering the old tombs of the -Khaliffs at Cairo, I had little difficulty in drawing -a rough sketch of one, which I had submitted to -Abdullah, as being an entirely original design. I was -told by the Saier to make a clay model, and spent -some three weeks in making one about two feet high. -Hundreds came to see it, until it was knocked to -pieces by a presumed fanatic, who objected to a dog -of an unbeliever designing the tomb of the holy man; -but from what I learned later, it was only kicked to -<span class="xxpn" id="p152">|152|</span> -pieces after it had been copied. Adlan, knowing of -this incident, sent me word to prepare designs for the -mural decorations of the interior, and I spent some -weeks over these; when they were finished, I sent -them direct to the Khaleefa, who sent for Adlan, and -told him to make inquiries as to how long the transfer -of the designs to the walls would take, and how much -the work would cost. I gave an estimate of sixty -days for the completion of the work. Adlan said the -cost would be nil, as he had the paint.</p> - -<p>While these designs were being sketched out, I -made preparations for flight as soon after my expected -release as possible, and having paper and ink in -comparative abundance, I was enabled to write letters -surreptitiously. On October 12, 1888, I sent my -servant to a Greek captive, asking him to write me a -letter in Greek to my old friend, Mankarious Effendi, -station-master at Assouan. The original letter is -before me, and the following is a literal translation:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Mr. Neufeld has asked me to write this letter because he could -not write it himself; you cannot know what a difficult position -he is in; since he came here he was taken twice to the gallows, -but was not hanged, and is still in chains, and subject to their mercy. -He wants you to take over his business, and to act forthwith as -his agent. He borrowed from the bearer a hundred medjedie -(dollars), which refund to him, and give him something for his -trouble, and try and send him back with two hundred pounds which -he might buy his liberty for. This letter is to be kept secret, as -there are people who carry all news here, so if the authorities got to -know anything about it Mr. Neufeld will grow from bad to worse.</p> - -<p class="psignature">(Signed)   “<span class="smcap">N<span>IROGHOPOLO</span></span>.”</p></div> - -<p>On November 10, 1888, hearing that another old -<span class="xxpn" id="p153">|153|</span> acquaintance -was in Omdurman, I got another Greek captive to write another letter -to Mankarious Effendi. This letter also was delivered, and Mankarious -Effendi hands it to me along with a number of other documents which he -has carefully preserved. I again translate literally―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">M<span>R.</span></span> - <span class="smcap">M<span>ANKARIOUS</span></span> - <span class="smcap">B<span>EY</span>,―</span></p> - -<p>“I wish you will be kind, and have all my things made over to you by -Mr. Möller (my manager), and I pray you to act as my wakeel (agent); -also please try and send me some money which I may help myself with, -say two hundred or three hundred pounds; this money will be for my own -use. As I was in need, I have taken from the bearer a sum of a hundred -medjedie, which you will refund him and something as well, because he -has done me a favour, and his name is Akkar (the real name—Karrar, -was doubtless purposely changed). The money you can give the bearer -of this, please take a receipt for and keep it with you; write me a -letter, and send it to Ahmad Abou Idris, or his brother Kabbassi, and -mention the sum you have sent me; also give bearer any assistance he -may want.</p> - -<p class="psignature">(Signed)   “<span class="smcap">P<span>ROTHOMOS</span></span>” (I am ready).</p></div> - -<p>I had heard from people who had come to Omdurman of strange doings -in connection with my business, and in order that my manager should -understand that the letter was authentic, I also signed the letter, and -used our cypher for payment of £200—“u.r.r.”</p> - -<p>While in a fever of excitement and anxiety over the -despatch of these messengers, Adlan sent me a secret -messenger to say that Sulieman Haroun, of the -Ababdeh tribe, then living at Omdurman, was sending -his son Mohammad Ali to Cairo. Divining that -Adlan wished me to communicate with Sulieman, I -sent out word that I wished to see him. In a few -<span class="xxpn" id="p154">|154|</span> -days’ time he gained admittance to the prison to see -me, and I at once set to business, and asked him if he -would undertake the arrangements for my escape. -This he agreed to do, but only on condition that I -succeeded in getting outside the prison walls. So that -he should have some confidence that I would assist -also, I asked him to call and see Adlan, and I believe -it was Adlan who advanced to Sulieman the two -hundred dollars he brought me, and for which I gave -a receipt for £100. I gave him a letter for his son -to deliver to my manager at Assouan, enclosing a -receipt for £100, and an order for payment of a -further £200. On receiving the money, he was to -buy goods, arrange for relays of camels on his return -journey, and bring the goods to the Beit-el-Mal, -where Adlan assured him he would find me. Mohammad -Ali was to leave immediately, and return to -Omdurman at the earliest possible moment.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig13"> -<img src="images/i155.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">MOUSSA DAOUD EL KANAGA.</div> -</div> - -<p>Within a few days of the despatch of this messenger, -Moussa Daoud-el-Kanaga, also of the Ababdeh tribe, -and an old acquaintance of mine, came to see me, and -I enlisted his services. I told him of the other arrangements -I had made, and asked if he would go partners -with Mohammad Ali in effecting my escape. To -Kanaga I gave a letter telling my manager that I had -drawn against him a draft for £200, and instructing -him to honour it; but, in case of accidents, I instructed -Kanaga to see Mankarious Effendi at -Assouan, and, failing to find him, to make his way to -Cairo, and hand the letter to the German Consul. -Kanaga left Omdurman about December 30, 1888. -<span class="xxpn" id="p155">|155|</span></p> - -<p>After my remarks anent the <i>reliable unreliability</i> -of every one in the Soudan, the deceptions practised -one against the other, and the absolute necessity -for secrecy, it will naturally be wondered that I -entrusted my secret to so many, if secret it could be -called when so many knew of it. The explanation is -simple. I <i>knew</i> the people I had to deal with, and -have you noticed the seemingly insignificant fact that -I <i>borrowed money from each of the people I employed</i>? -Later in my narrative I will explain these peculiar -transactions.</p> - -<p>While these different messengers are on their -journeys, being “held up” at one place or the other, -and at others pretending that they were gradually -working their way to Berber or Dongola for trade, I -relate what is happening in Omdurman.</p> - -<p>News filtered through that the “faithful” had won -a great victory over the English at Suakin; but as -the Saier filled with prisoners who were present at the -fight, and who gave different versions to that ordained -by Abdullahi—hence their imprisonment—we learned -the truth. The “faithful” had received a severe -defeat. Soon after this, the army sent against Abyssinia -won its great victory over the forces led by -King John, and the fortunes of the Beit-el-Mal took a -turn for the better from the proceeds of the sale of -slaves and the loot brought in. Adlan was coming into -favour again, but Abdullahi was too much occupied in -goading on Nejoumi to attack Egypt to give any -attention to the decoration of the Mahdi’s tomb or the -extension of trade. He was still less inclined to give -<span class="xxpn" id="p156">|156|</span> -any attention to such matters, when the news arrived—and -it arrived very soon,—that Nejoumi’s army had -been almost annihilated at Toski. My evil star was -certainly in the ascendant, and was mounting higher -and higher, for it was at this time that Joseppi received -a flogging for his vocal exercises, and having a -severe fit of mental aberration in consequence, he -went off to the Saier, and told him that he knew I was -a great military general, and that I was maturing -plans for the overthrow of Abdullahi. I do not for a -moment believe the poor fellow knew what he was saying, -for he came back to share my scanty meal as usual.</p> - -<p>Kanaga and Mohammad Ali we had calculated -would reach Omdurman some time in December or -the early days of January, and as the time for their -return approached, Adlan evidently became more -earnest in his entreaties for the work of decorating -the Mahdi’s tomb to be put in hand. My flight would -have to take place as soon as possible after the return -of my messengers, otherwise the desert relays would -disperse, believing that the scheme had fallen through; -so it was necessary that I should have been at work -for some time before their arrival, that is to say, long -enough for my guards to grow lax in watching my -movements.</p> - -<p>Day after day Adlan sent in to inquire, “Have -you any news from the Khaleefa?” and each day -the messenger took back my reply, “No; have -you?” but my inquiry referred to news of the -messengers. At last the joyful news came; the work -was to be done, and two guards came to the Saier, -<span class="xxpn" id="p157">|157|</span> -and conducted me to the Mahdi’s tomb. There I discovered -that my clay model had been faithfully copied, -with the exception that the builders had shaped the -dome conically. Adlan came to me there, and congratulated -me on this being my last day in makkiehs -(chains). Telling me to remain at the tomb until his -return, he went off to the Khaleefa to receive his -order for my transfer to the Beit-el-Mal, and at the -very moment he was receiving it, the deputation of -the Muslimanieh put in its appearance to report the -disappearance of Joseppi. I was hurried back to -prison, and an extra makkieh fitted to me. How I -cursed Joseppi, but I did not know then that the poor -fellow had been murdered. It was not long after this -when I saw Adlan brought into the prison, heavily -weighted with chains, and taken to a hut some -distance from all the others, the prisoners being forbidden -to approach or speak to him.</p> - -<p>During the night, on pretence of going to the place -of ablution, I shuffled towards his hut, and when a -few yards distant, lay on the ground and wriggled -close up, stretching my chains to prevent their rattling -and attracting the notice of the guards. Asking in -a whisper, “What has happened?” he replied in a -startled voice, “Imshee, imshee (go away, go away), -do not speak to me; a big dog has me by the leg -this time; go away, or he will get your leg.” I tried -again to learn what was the matter, but Adlan’s -entreaties for me to go away were so earnest that -I wriggled off, and gained my hut without being discovered. -Soon afterwards Adlan’s slave boy, when -<span class="xxpn" id="p158">|158|</span> -walking past my hut, said, “Do not speak to my -master; if you do, you will hear the ombeyeh.” The -whole night through the boy passed backwards and -forwards between Adlan’s hut and his house outside. -Asked as to what he was doing, he gave the same -reply each time I put a question to him, “Burning -papers; do not speak to my master.” I had learned -from Adlan that he had been in communication with -“friends,” and understanding from him that, in the -event of my ever returning to Egypt, I was to be his -“friend at court” with the Government, I suspected -that he was destroying all evidences which might be -used against himself and others. That the Khaleefa -himself had received word of some correspondence is -evident from the rage he exhibited when Adlan’s -house was searched, and no incriminating documents -found. Idris es Saier nearly lost his head over the -matter, for the Khaleefa accused him of having -assisted Adlan in disposing of the papers in some -way.</p> - -<p>On the morning of the third or fourth day of -Adlan’s imprisonment, we saw him led out of his hut -bound, and taken to the anvil to have his chains -struck off. We all knew what this meant—an execution, -but most of us believed that the Khaleefa -was only doing this to frighten Adlan, and impress -him with this evidence of his power. We were not -allowed to approach him, but Adlan called out, “This -is my day; have no fear, any of you. I am a man. I -shall say and do nothing a man need be ashamed of. -Farewell.” While extra chains were being fitted to -<span class="xxpn" id="p159">|159|</span> -my ankles, the ombeyehs were announcing the death -of Adlan. The mourning for his death was general, -but few if any knew the reasons which actuated the -Khaleefa in ordering his execution. Maybe the -fugitive Khaleefa himself only knows, but it is -possible I can throw a little light on the matter. -To coin a word, Adlan had been “Gordonized;” -about the time of the anniversary of Gordon’s death, -Adlan met with his, and while waiting for that help -which, as will be seen, started “too late.”</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p160" -title="CHAPTER XIII THE TRUE HISTORY OF MY ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE"> -CHAPTER XIII <span class="blksmaller"> -THE TRUE HISTORY OF MY ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">If I am wearying my readers with this long-drawn-out -episode, which never seems to draw to a close, I -may ask their forgiveness on the ground that weeks -have been spent in collecting the links which were -scattered between Europe and Omdurman, and without -the links complete the tale might, and very reasonably -so, have been disbelieved.</p> - -<p>The messengers I despatched with the first letters -quoted, arrived in Assouan some time in January or -February, 1889, and delivered the letters to Mankarious -Effendi, who at once wrote to my manager, -as he had sold up my business, and left for Alexandria. -Receiving no reply, Mankarious Effendi -wrote to the German Consulate at Alexandria, who, -on March 4, replied as follows:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="psignature">“Alexandria, March 4, 1889.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">M<span>ANKARIOUS</span></span> - <span class="smcap">E<span>FFENDI</span></span> - <span class="smcap">R<span>IZK</span>,</span> Assouan,―</p> - -<p>“In reply to your letter of February 18 last, I am -very sorry to inform you that the agent of Mr. Charles Neufeld, the -Mahdi’s captive in the Soudan, Mr. Möller has shown that he cannot -help Mr. Neufeld in any way. It is rumoured here that the house -established by Mr. Möller for Mr. Neufeld has refused payments for -<span class="xxpn" id="p161">|161|</span> -some months back, therefore Mr. Möller finds it quite impossible to -send to Mr. Neufeld any sum unless he refuses many payments to -numerous creditors who claim any amounts from Mr. Neufeld’s -house. Mr. Möller was called to this Consulate, and directed to -give a full statement as to his proceedings in the said house, and how -the latter stands, and on doing so, it was found that Mr. Möller has -done nothing wrong, and we have therefore nothing to say against -Mr. Möller.</p> - -<p>“But as regards the £500 deposited in the Credit Lyonnais by -Mr. Neufeld before his departure to the Soudan, Mr. Möller has -shown receipts for over £400 paid to creditors, and the rest was -spent as travelling expenses between here and Assouan, and for the -establishment of the new house in Alexandria. Still Mr. Möller has -asked Abd-el-Kader Bey, who came recently back from the Soudan, -to advise him as to the way in which he could send him a sum of -money. Abd-el-Kader Bey’s advice, however, was that no money -should be sent to Mr. Neufeld, because the latter cannot make use -of money there. Abd-el-Kader Bey stated, further, that Mr. Neufeld -was then in chains, and was only induced by his guards to ask for -money. He was then very much threatened and ill-treated by -them. This is all about the case now which I lay before your -notice.</p> - -<p class="psignature">“(Signed)   The German Consul,   </p> - -<p class="psignature">“<span class="smcap">H<span>ELWIG</span>.”</span></p> -</div><!--blockquot--> - -<p>At the same time, my manager, on my own letter-paper, -sent the following:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="psignature">“Alexandria (undated).</p> - -<p>“After salaams, etc., yours to hand and details notified. In -reply, I inform you that I presented myself at the German Consulate, -and found a letter from you addressed to the Consulate, -stating therein that Mr. Neufeld had written to you to the effect -that he claims £500 from me, although I had paid this sum to -creditors who claimed sums from Mr. Neufeld. I have sent goods -to Halfa and Assouan, the value of which I have not yet received. -I inform you further that Nicola Lutfalla has sold the dahabieh, the -horse, and the donkeys, and did not send me the price of same, -<span class="xxpn" id="p162">|162|</span> -though he sold these without any permission from me. Consequently -I wrote to him to send me the account or the money, yet -nothing of the kind was received from him.</p> - -<p>“Will you kindly arrange to sell all the goods in charge of Nicola, -because he wrote me saying that he was ill, and can neither buy nor -sell; so kindly sell the things and forward the money in order to -cover the claims (<i>i.e.</i> the sums advanced to me by my guides, and the -money I had asked for).</p> - -<p>“Please also have a complete list made by Nicola, showing all -the things he sold, and let me have this list, making thereby the -thing clear, otherwise I shall have to take measures through the -Government.</p> - -<p>“Regarding our two houses in Assouan, will you kindly let them -for any rent, from which you will pay the taxes. Should they be -vacant now, please look after them, and send people each week to -keep them clean. They should always be kept locked. Should -anything remain what cannot be sold, keep it for Mr. Neufeld, and -any letter you write me, please address to Mr. Möller, Mr. Neufeld’s -agent in Alexandria, and oblige.</p> - -<p class="psignature">(Signed)   “<span class="smcap">M<span>ÖLLER</span>.</span></p> - -<p>“N.B.—Ask Nicola for account as well.”</p></div> - -<p class="pcontinue">While -this correspondence was being conducted, -another of my messengers arrived, and again Mankarious -Effendi wrote to the Consulate, receiving the -following in reply:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="psignature">“Alexandria, March 12, 1889.</p> - -<p>“A previous letter, dated March 4, was sent you. On the -same date a letter was received from you. You may be sure -that what Mr. Wilhelm Möller says is quite true, that is that Mr. -Neufeld is no longer a German subject nor <i>protégé</i>, because during -his stay in Egypt Mr. Neufeld has never claimed the protection of -Germany, where he was born. Thus he has lost his nationality. -This is according to what we learn from the parties interested in -Germany. Upon this, this Consulate can in no way look into the -affairs of Mr. Neufeld nor protect his rights, except to punish Mr. -Möller should he have done anything to be punished for, as we -<span class="xxpn" id="p163">|163|</span> -stated to you in our letter of March 4th. But the investigations -made in our Consulate show clearly that Mr. Möller has done -nothing wrong for which he ought to be punished.</p> - -<p>“Should you, however, think it necessary, with reference to Mr. -Neufeld’s two letters, which are returned herewith, to have his -business made over to you, this step should be taken before the -Mixed Tribunals, if Mr. Möller refuses to make over to you Mr. -Neufeld’s business willingly.</p> - -<p>“As regarding the testament made by Mr. Neufeld, which you -sent to this consulate on October 23, 1887, this was first kept in -this consulate, and then, when Mr. Neufeld’s wife came here in -September, 1888, she asked for it, as it had been reported that Mr. -Neufeld was dead. This testament was then sent to the Governor -of Alexandria as the one concerned, to which Mrs. Neufeld had to -refer as a local subject. So the Governor opened the testament, and -handed it to Mrs. Neufeld, who is still in possession of it. Mr. -Möller has now removed his business to Cairo, where he intends to -get married. Salaams.</p> - -<p class="psignature">(Signed)   “The German Consul,   </p> - -<p class="psignature">“<span class="smcap">H<span>ELWIG</span>.”</span></p></div> - -<p>Mankarious would have entered an action to secure -my property, but the argument had been used that -the letters were not written by me, and that perhaps -I did not know their real contents. He did not -know, nor did the Consulate in a later incident know, -that the small Latin characters written by me on -these letters proved their genuineness, as they were -the “cash code” I had used with my manager in -business telegrams. Mankarious sent Mohammad Ali -back to Omdurman with my discredited bill, and with -verbal messages that he would do all in his power to -raise monies for my escape. While he was making -arrangements, Moussa Daoud-el-Kanaga, who had -spent some time on the road ingratiating -himself with -<span class="xxpn" id="p164">|164|</span> -the people whose assistance we should require in our -flight, put in his appearance, and learning how matters -stood, without confiding in Mankarious or Mohammad -Ali, came on to Cairo, in the hope that he would be -able to get the money on the strength of the letter -that I had given him, for, as he admits, he wanted all -the glory and all the profit for himself.</p> - -<p>I continue the history from the sworn statement of -Kanaga, taken before a lawyer and in the presence -of witnesses who could vouch for the greater part of it. -I admit I was myself a little incredulous, but Kanaga -has since backed up his statement by producing two -documents, the authenticity of which cannot for a -moment be called into question, while two are actually -recorded <i>in extenso</i> in the registers of the German -Consulate. Kanaga, according to his statement, on -arrival at Cairo, presented the letter addressed to my -manager, at the German Consulate, delivering at the -same time my verbal messages. By the German -Consulate he was taken to the Austrian Consulate-General, -who, after hearing his news, sent a consular -official with him to the War Office, where he related -his story.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig14"> -<img src="images/i164.jpg" width="600" height="378" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">MANKARIOUS EFFENDI WITH GUIDES.</div> -</div> - -<p>It is quite evident that Count Wass, the Austrian -Consul-General, believed that Kanaga would be -assisted to start back immediately on the proposed -expedition, for he entrusted him with an autograph -letter dated Sunday, October 27, 1889, addressed to -Slatin, asking Slatin to request the Khaleefa to reply -to the message sent him by the Emperor of Austria -concerning the Austrian Mission captives. Kanaga -<span class="xxpn" id="p165">|165|</span> -was put off time after time on the grounds that no -reply had been received to the letter he had delivered. -Losing patience, he returned to Assouan and made up -a caravan on his own account, and, when all was ready, -returned to Cairo to report that all arrangements were -complete. He was again passed from one to the -other, and on April 26, 1890, he presented himself for -the last time at the German Consulate, and being told -that there was “no reply,” he demanded a certificate -to the effect that he had delivered my letter, but had -not received any monies in connection with it, when -a signed and sealed certificate was given him.*</p> - - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn08"> - -<p class="pfn">* “Attestation. At the special request of Moussa -Daoud-el-Abadi (Ababdeh), this is to certify that the above on October -22, 1889, brought to the Imperial Consulate a letter addressed to -William Möller Assouan, and said to be from Charles Neufeld. This is -to certify also that the said letter to Mr. Möller was sent to Mr. -Neufeld’s father, but up to the present no monies have been received in -respect of it. Signed, Becker.” </p> - -<p>The letter itself was copied into the Consular registers G. 48, p. -385, and the following is a translation of the contents:― </p> - -<p>“William Möller Assouan. Three days ago I sent to you Mohammad -Ali with a letter and receipt for £100. Do not make any difficulties -about payment, and give him as much money as possible according to the -letter I have sent you. He is a sure man, and I hope he will be the -go-between between me and you after this, and there shall be reward -for it. I have agreed with him that he shall receive 25 per cent. of -the amount you give him for his services. With the other man mentioned -in his letter and mentioned here, you might act as you like, but do -not make any difficulties to him. I hope I shall be able to buy my -liberty after his return, and then all expenses shall be rewarded. I -have sent to you up to now.” . . . The Consulate omitted to -register the names of the guides sent, and left the space blank. The -certified copy of this letter also states that the letter contained -certain Latin characters which were undecipherable; these, again, were -my ‘cash code’ to my manager, proving the authenticity of the letters -and guaranteeing the contents. On the back of the letter was written, -‘Pay to Moussa Daoud-el-Kanaga the sum of £30 received. Dated December -5, 1888.’”</p></div> - -<p>Kanaga concealed the Consular certificate and the -letter for Slatin in his jibbeh, and set off for Omdurman. -On nearing Berber he was met by a dervish patrol, -taken prisoner, and hurried before the Mahdist -Governor of the town. There he was confronted by -two men who swore to having seen him conversing -with myself and Wad Adlan. This Kanaga did not -deny, but said that he had only spoken about trade, -and that he had permission to trade. The Governor -told him it would be better to tell the truth, for he had -<span class="xxpn" id="p166">|166|</span> -received the news from Omdurman of Wad Adlan -having assisted him in arranging my escape, and had -also received news from Cairo of his visits to the War -Office and the Consulates, and knew that the goods he -had with him were a blind to his real object in going -to Omdurman. But, continued the Governor, Adlan -has been killed, and Neufeld has more chains on him. -No confession could be dragged out of Kanaga, so he -was flogged and thrown into prison, the Governor -confiscating his camels and property. After a short -spell in prison, Kanaga was set free and told to return -to his own people. To have sent him as a prisoner to -Omdurman would have necessitated the Governor -sending at the same time the confiscated camels and -goods, and as the Governor wished to keep these for -himself, the only way he could keep them was by -“forgiving” Kanaga, and releasing him. Kanaga -lost no time in making his way back to his people, but -after this narrow escape, he made no further efforts to -penetrate into the Soudan, and the relation of his -experiences deterred every one else from attempting -my escape.</p> - -<p>In giving my narrative to the world—owing to the -very evident attempts made in certain quarters to -discredit me—I have felt it incumbent upon me not -for my own sake, but for the sake of my mother, wife -and child, and relatives, to produce as far as lies in -my power reliable evidence that the slanders persistently -circulated in the Press before and since my -release are only what I have characterized them to be. -Therefore none may cavil at the means I adopt for -<span class="xxpn" id="p167">|167|</span> -the attainment of this object provided those means -are honest, however disagreeable the process may -eventually turn out to be for others.</p> - -<p>In reply to the charges of refusing to escape from -the Soudan, I have, I venture to believe, brought -together the links of the chain of evidence in my -favour up to the present period of my narrative. -Other evidences will be forthcoming in connection -with incidents to be treated of later. The letters I -have quoted are ample proof that from October, 1888, -until April, 1890, my guides and myself were doing all -in our power to effect my escape. Meanwhile, the -Intelligence Department on March 10, 1890, are -writing to my wife as follows:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Mohammad Effendi Rafai, late Sub-Lieutenant, 4th Battalion, -5th Regiment, who left Khartoum three months ago, states he knew -Neufeld very well, and saw him at Omdurman only a few days -before he left. Neufeld had been under surveillance until about five -months prior to this, but was now free. His release was owing to -one of the Emirs representing to Abdullah Khalifa the great service -Neufeld had been in enabling arms and ammunition to be taken -from the Kabbabish at the time Neufeld was captured. He now -was employed as one of the Khalifa’s mulazimeen, and received a -small salary; the Khalifa gave him two wives, and treats him well. -Neufeld has very little to complain of except want of funds, which -renders living difficult, good food being very dear. He is frequently -staying with Ibrahim Bey Fauzi, who has opened a small coffee-shop. -It is untrue that the Khalifa ever threatened Neufeld’s life; -he was only threatened with imprisonment unless he turned -Mussulman. Does not think it possible that Neufeld can receive -any letters, etc., from outside. Neufeld does not occupy himself in -business in any way. Has never heard Neufeld express any wish to -go away, but does not think he would be able to do so even if he -wished it, as every one knows him.” -<span class="xxpn" id="p168">|168|</span></p></div> - -<p>In September, 1888, it had been reported to my -wife that, having made an attempt to escape, I had -been recaptured, and taken back to Omdurman and -executed. It was therefore very kind and considerate -of the Intelligence Department to see the error -rectified, but I venture to think that the sweets of the -good news need not have been converted into gall and -wormwood by telling her that I owed my release to -my “assistance” in betraying the caravan of the loyal -Sheikh Saleh into the hands of the dervishes. Even -had there been any truth in such a statement, I think -that an English lady might have been spared this -unnecessary heart-pang. I thank God nightly—ay, -hourly, that He has brought me alive from the hell I -lived in, to rescue my wife from the hell she was -thrown into with such reports as these.</p> - -<p>It must not be imagined, from the foregoing, that -there is the slightest intention on my part to cast -aspersions on the War Office or the Consulates. I -place plain simple facts before you, and these because -at the time when I was anxiously awaiting the return -of my messengers, picturing to myself the efforts my -friends were making to ensure success—though, as has -been seen, they were very differently occupied—reports -were being circulated that I refused to escape, and my -wife in consequence was the recipient of numberless -letters of sympathy, in which some were “praying to -the Almighty to turn the heart of your erring husband,” -while others were expressing the hope that the ties -which bound her to me would soon be severed by my -meeting my deserts at the hands of the Khaleefa’s -<span class="xxpn" id="p169">|169|</span> -executioner! Those who prayed for me I thank; -One who knew the truth, heard those prayers: those -who condemned me I do not blame, and feel no -resentment against; they merely believed what was -communicated to the Press.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p170" -title="CHAPTER XIV A PRISONER AT LARGE"> -CHAPTER XIV <span class="blksmaller"> -A PRISONER AT LARGE</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">The -disappearance of Joseppi, followed by the death -of Adlan, threw me into a state of almost abject -despair; there appeared to be no hopes of my ever -being released from the Saier, and after the replies -given by Abdullahi to Wad Adlan and the Muslimanieh -when they interceded for me, my friends -outside evidently abandoned all hope also. But I -was to have an interesting fellow-prisoner whose -deceptions on Abdullahi and others were indirectly to -lead to my release. It will take many generations of -Gordon College teachers to uproot the firm belief -of the Soudanese in “jinns” (spirits, sprites, and -fairies) and in the supernatural powers claimed to be -possessed by certain communities and individuals. -Centuries of most transparent deceptions have not -shaken their belief, so that it was no wonder the -Mahdi found many imitators in the miracle-working -line, and that these people found thousands of believers. -The more these charlatans failed in their endeavours -to produce powder from sand, lead from dust, and -precious metals from the baser ones, the more credence -was given to the next professing alchemist who came -<span class="xxpn" id="p171">|171|</span> -along. A man named Shwybo of the Fellati country -(near Lake Chad), had driven a good trade in -Omdurman by inducing people to give him large -copper coins to be converted into silver dollars; he -had offered his services to Wad Adlan, but as the Beit-el-Mal -had been mulcted in some thousands of dollars -already by people like him, Adlan refused to entertain -any of his propositions.</p> - -<p>On the death of Adlan, Shwybo offered his services -to the Khaleefa, and the Beit-el-Mal. The Kadi was -instructed to inquire into his pretensions; Shwybo professed -to have power over the jinns who converted -copper into silver; a number of his dupes presented -themselves to the Kadi, and complained that Shwybo’s -jinns had not only not converted the coins given them -to work upon, but had stolen the coins into the bargain. -Shwybo pleaded that the action of the jinns was in -consequence of the want of faith of the complainants, -and to their curiosity in trying to see the jinns at work; -the jinns would never work in the presence of strangers; -no one but himself might be in the place where the -converting of the metals was in progress. Shwybo -was given about a hundred dollars’ worth of copper -coins, and incense, drugs, spices, etc., to a further -value of nearly two hundred dollars, which were taken -from the Beit-el-Mal, and charged to the account of -the Kadi. The incense, drugs, and spices were to -propitiate the angry jinns; but to ensure their not -being disturbed at work, the Kadi said Shwybo had -better carry out his experiments in the Saier where -Idris would see he was not interfered with. -<span class="xxpn" id="p172">|172|</span></p> - -<p>He was given a hut apart from the rest, where he set -to at once with his incantations and incense burning. -Idris and a number of the prisoners were invited to go -and see the coins buried in the ground—the jinns having -been propitiated. A quarter of an hour’s incantation -was given, Shwybo speaking a language which must -have been as unintelligible to himself and his jinns as -it was to us. A similar incantation had to be given -each day until noon on the following Friday, as it was -at this hour each week that the jinns finished off any -work they had in hand. On the Friday, at noon, we -were asked to go to Shwybo’s hut, and on the earth -being removed, sure enough the copper coins had disappeared, -and silver dollars had replaced them! The -next Friday only part of the coins had been converted, -when Shwybo remembered that the jinns had not been -fed, and must be hungry. They had delicate tastes; -asseeda they would not eat, so they were liberally -supplied with roast chickens, pigeons, white bread, -milk, eggs, etc. We were not permitted to see them -eat, but we were allowed to see the clean-picked bones -and empty egg-shells! Something went wrong again, -for on the following Friday it was discovered that -none of the coins had been converted; evidently -Shwybo had run through his stock of dollars.</p> - -<p>Idris, at the request of the Kadi, asked me my opinion -of the whole thing, as Shwybo wished to have another -try. I replied that little children in my country would -not be deceived by such trickery, and that if the Kadi -wanted to spend his money on food, he had better buy -food for the starving women and children, and not -<span class="xxpn" id="p173">|173|</span> -waste it on supposed jinns. Whether my reply, or the -conviction that he had been duped angered him, I -cannot say, but Shwybo received a severe flogging. -Not a cry escaped his lips; he laughed at the Saier, -telling him to strike harder. The flogging over, he -told Idris that although his silver-working jinns had -flown off, and through no fault of his, his gold-working -jinns had come to his succour, and had interposed -their bodies between his and the lash. Idris, as I -have already pointed out, was the incarnation of -superstition and credulity, and it was only necessary -for Shwybo to tell him that his faithful gold jinns -could convert lead into gold, to set Idris collecting -dollars from the prisoners on the Nebbi Khiddr -account. With these he set up a special laboratory -for Shwybo in the house of Wad Farag, one of the -gaolers—and a reputed son of Idris. Shwybo was -provided with a number of small crucibles, two sets of -Soudanese bellows, with a couple of slave boys to work -them, a quantity of lead and a number of packets of -drugs and powders from the Beit-el-Mal pharmacy. -Farag was told to keep an eye on him, and see that -he did not purloin any of the gold when it appeared.</p> - -<p>When the first lot of lead was melted, Shwybo drew -Farag’s attention to its reddish colour, proving that -the conversion was taking place; then Farag retired -while Shwybo uttered another incantation; on being -called in again, and the cover being removed from the -crucible, a bright yellow mass was seen, from which -strong fumes arose. Farag was told to cover up the -crucible quickly, which he did, and left the room with -<span class="xxpn" id="p174">|174|</span> -Shwybo to allow of the jinns completing their work -and cooling the metal. Farag went off to Idris and -the Kadi, telling them that the conversion of the lead -to gold had actually taken place; that he had seen the -gold for himself. The Kadi was dubious, but as Idris -only was employing Shwybo on this work, he declined -to come into the prison to see the gold turned out. -When it was believed that the work was complete, Idris, -Farag, and Shwybo proceeded to the laboratory, and lo! -the crucibles were found empty. Shwybo thereupon -accused Farag of having stolen the block of gold, and -a pretty row ensued; the prison and the prisoners -were searched, and the gold not being found, Farag -was flogged to make him disclose its hiding-place. -Shwybo essayed a second attempt, but as Idris insisted -upon remaining in the laboratory from beginning -to end, the jinns refused to work, and then Shwybo -was flogged. One would have thought that, after this, -people would see that Shwybo was duping them, but -he continued to collect money for conversion from the -prisoners, and now and again was able to give to an -earlier dupe one or two dollars he had received from a -later one. Complaints were made against him though, -and he received repeated floggings to make him -discontinue his frauds, dying in the prison as a result.</p> - -<p>It was while Shwybo was working away at his -alchemistic frauds that Hassan Zecki, an old Egyptian -doctor, and then in charge of the medical stores of the -Beit-el-Mal, came into the Saier in connection with -the drugs being purchased on Shwybo’s account; -Zecki had known me by name for some time, for I had -<span class="xxpn" id="p175">|175|</span> -in my practice as “medicine man” frequently sent -him notes for the medicines I required, and not -knowing the Arabic terms, I used the Latin names -for such drugs as I was acquainted with. From this, -Zecki must have come to the conclusion that I was a -qualified chemist, and as at that time his assistant, -Said Abdel Wohatt was, and had been for some time, -trying to extract saltpetre in Khartoum and the -neighbourhood, Zecki questioned me as to its production -in Europe, but I had to admit that I had only -seen the crystals obtained in the laboratory when at -the University, and had no experience of their production -on a commercial scale. I told Zecki what -little I knew of testing the crystals, and you may -imagine my surprise when three days later I was -summoned before Yacoub to explain the manufacture -of saltpetre.</p> - -<p>The new Amin Beit-el-Mal—El Nur El Garfawi—came -to the Saier after sunset, and conducted -me to Yacoub’s house. One thinks rapidly under -such circumstances, and by the time we reached -Yacoub’s house I had my tale thought out. I saw -that if I declared that I could not do the work I -should not be believed, and would be flogged and have -extra irons placed on me for contumacy. To lead -them on to believe that I could manufacture saltpetre -meant my release from prison. After a long discussion -with Yacoub, it was arranged that I was to -construct three large tanks, about six feet long and four -feet high, in which impregnated earth was to be mixed -with water, and the solution drawn off and allowed to -<span class="xxpn" id="p176">|176|</span> -evaporate. Believing that I should be set to make -these tanks or reservoirs, I suggested them, as their -construction would necessitate the removal of my -chains. The following morning I was called to the -anvil, the rings holding the heavy iron bar were cut -and forced open, and the heavy ankle-chain I was -wearing was replaced by a piece of light awning chain -taken from one of Gordon’s steamers. I was thankful -even for this relief, as it removed a dead weight of -fifteen to twenty pounds of iron from my feet. Under -an armed escort I was taken to the Nile, where I found -awaiting me the Emirs Yacoub, Ahmed Fedeel—who -is now causing trouble on the Blue Nile—Mohammad -Hamad'na Allah—Zobheir Pasha’s old Wakeel—and -a party of thirty to forty workmen with materials for -the tanks. Whenever Abdullahi gave an order, -immediate execution of it followed.</p> - -<p>I had existed in the vile-smelling Saier for nearly -four years, and you can imagine how I enjoyed the -two hours on the river reaching Halfeyeh. On -arrival at this place, we were met by El Fiki Amin, -a Fellati then in charge of the works. He did not -disguise his displeasure at my being taken there, as -he evidently considered it a slight upon himself. He -was extracting the saltpetre from mounds, mixing the -earth and water in pierced jars lined with fine matting, -allowing the solution to filter through, and then boiling -it down to obtain the crystals; his appliances were -very primitive, but he was producing a very good -quality of saltpetre in “needles.” Yacoub ordered -me to search the ground for any deposits, and, coming -<span class="xxpn" id="p177">|177|</span> -to a dark damp patch, I tasted the earth, and, believing -saltpetre to be present, I mixed some of the earth -with water, pouring off the solution into a small coffeepot, -and setting it to boil. More solution was added -as the water boiled away, and at the end of two hours -I had a small deposit of a thin syrupy consistence; -pouring this upon a burnt brick, the moisture was -absorbed, leaving the crystals behind, and these on -being placed on hot charcoal burned away. I next -took some of the earth, dried it, and rubbing it fine, -allowed it to fall in a thin stream on to the fire; the -“sissing” and occasional coloured sparks convinced -them that a valuable deposit had been discovered, and -Hamad'na Allah was sent to Omdurman to inform -the Khaleefa.</p> - -<p>During his absence, the Fellati told Yacoub that -the burning of the crystals was no proof that they -were saltpetre; I was therefore told to produce -a quantity to be submitted to Zecki and the -Greek Perdikaki, the Khaleefa’s gunpowder manufacturer. -Hassan Zecki came to Halfeyeh to examine -the crystals and declared them good; Perdikaki sent -a Greek employed with him, but he not being able -to give an opinion, took the crystals to Perdikaki, -who sent me a message to the effect that they were -useless, but that rather than I should be sent back -to prison he would say they were good on condition -I tried to produce further quantities in “needles,” -and not in grains. On Hassan Zecki presenting his -report to the Khaleefa, and telling him that I should -have some large pans sent out to me, he sent off -<span class="xxpn" id="p178">|178|</span> -a number of large copper boilers, and an officer’s -camp bath. The latter must have been taken from -Khartoum or Hicks Pasha’s army. The Fellati grew -very sullen, and Yacoub, knowing that the Khaleefa -was entirely dependent upon the Fellatis—the only -people who seemed to understand the extraction of -the saltpetre—rather than offend the man, asked me -if I thought I could not find deposits elsewhere. I -suggested looking further north, but this would not -do. He wanted a place close to Omdurman—where -I could be watched. I then suggested Khartoum, -but the Khaleefa would not at first hear of my transfer -there. What probably decided him was, that when I -had been two weeks at Halfeyeh, Hasseena came to -tell me Makkieh was dead, and the Khaleefa, hearing -of the loss, and believing that there was now nothing -to hold me in the Soudan, agreed to the transfer to -Khartoum, as there a better watch could be kept upon -me. I was not sorry to leave Halfeyeh, for although -the place offered every facility for my escape, I saw -that I had a jealous and bitter enemy in the Fellati, -who was then spying on my every movement. It -was certain that he would frustrate any plans I might -make for flight, and suspicion would have been aroused -immediately if any of the guides came to me there.</p> - -<p>Hamad'na Allah was made director of the Khartoum -saltpetre works! Abdel Wohatt was his second, -and I was to work under the orders of Wohatt. On -arrival at Khartoum, January, 1891, I was also placed -in charge of Khaleel Hassanein, the director of the -arsenal, and all three had to answer for me with -<span class="xxpn" id="p179">|179|</span> -their lives. Wohatt was given the chapel of the -Mission as a house to live in; I was given one of -the priest’s rooms opposite the arches. Windows, -doors, every scrap of wood, metal, and ornaments had -been taken from the place; it was almost a complete -ruin, but the garden had been kept in excellent condition, -its produce—dates, figs, oranges, limes, and -vegetables—being sold on account of the Beit-el-Mal. -Wohatt, when arranging his sleeping quarters, found -the altar in his way, and made two or three ineffectual -attempts to pull it down; failing, he utilized it as -a resting-place for household rubbish, and here cocks -crowed and hens hatched out their broods.</p> - -<p>When we came to construct saturation tanks, it was -proposed to take the material from the walls of the -Mission, but I told Hamad'na Allah and Wohatt that -as we had to live in the place, it would be far better -to repair than further demolish; so the necessary -materials were brought from outside by the fifty to -sixty slaves sent over to assist us in making the tanks -and carrying the earth from the mounds. While the -construction of the tanks proceeded, we had to extract -saltpetre in the boilers, etc., sent to us at Halfeyeh, -and which had been brought with us; we produced -maybe four to five pounds per diem on an average -during a period of six months—the time we were -occupied in building the tanks. Perdikaki made some -gunpowder with our first consignment; it was a -failure. The good fellow, though, mixed it with some -powder from the old Government stock, and sent us -another warning. My chief, Abdel Wohatt, was the -<span class="xxpn" id="p180">|180|</span> -son-in-law of Ali Khaater, the director of the Omdurman -arsenal, to whom our saltpetre went in the first -instance; Perdikaki telling him of the bad quality, -Khaater, fearing for his son-in-law, mixed our next -consignment with an equal quantity of saltpetre from -the old Government stock in his stores, and thus it -passed muster, although Perdikaki complained again -that it was only half purified. However, the powder -made with it would explode, though it did leave about -25 per cent. of ash. The Fellati, hearing of the -success, came to Khartoum to examine our product, -for the secret of producing pure crystals was believed -to be in the hands of the Fellati only, and, as a -matter of fact, in the Soudan, it is. Again he declared -the crystals were useless for the purposes they were -intended for; but as Abdel Wohatt had been a dispenser -in the Egyptian Army, and as such was supposed -to be a chemist, and I, as a medicine man, being -similarly credited, we won the day. Fellati appealed -to Perdikaki, but got no satisfaction in that quarter. -But Perdikaki was not long to be troubled with the -rival saltpetre makers; on the sixth anniversary of -Gordon’s death, some tins of powder in his factory -exploded, killing him and those working with him.</p> - -<p>Some time about June or July, 1891, our tanks were -finished; in about two months’ time we produced -between five or six cwts. of crystals, and then stopped -work on account of the rains. These crystals were -mixed with an equal quantity of good crystals from -the stores, and were sent to the powder factory. It -must not be imagined that at this time the Khaleefa -<span class="xxpn" id="p181">|181|</span> -was actually short of powder or ingredients for its -manufacture; there were, unknown to others in the -town, very large stocks indeed, which Abdullah was -keeping as a reserve, but he wished to add to that -reserve as much as possible, and to expend only such -powder and ammunition as was then and there -produced.</p> - -<p>On the death of Perdikaki, Hassan Hosna—a Circassian, -and, I believe, formerly an officer in the old -army—and Abdes Semmeer, formerly in the ordnance -section of the old army at Kassala, were placed in -charge of the powder factory. When our mixed -product was used for the manufacture of gunpowder, -strange things happened. After a few cartridges -made from such powder had been fired, the barrel of -the rifle was found coated with a thick white fouling; -then an inquiry was held. The rifles were brought -to us at Khartoum, and, pointing to the cleaning rods, -I asked what these were intended for; on being told -for cleaning the barrel, I asked whether it was not -better to have a powder which left a white ash which -might be seen to a powder which left a black ash -which could not be seen. But, for once, my argument -was of no use. Wohatt replied that perhaps we were -working on bad beds, and suggested our being transferred -somewhere else. Nothing was done at the -time, and we worked on for some more months; but -as large quantities of saltpetre came in from Darfur, -and later, considerable quantities of good powder came -from Upper Egypt and by the Suakin route, Khaater -was able to store away our saltpetre, and supply -<span class="xxpn" id="p182">|182|</span> -the factory with powder and saltpetre from these -sources.</p> - -<p>The Upper Egypt and Suakin supplies were supposed -to have been put to the reserve, so that when -cartridges exploded in the breeches of the rifles, and -destroyed the eyesight of a number of soldiers, our -saltpetre came in for the blame again. Another -inquiry was held, when we were told that the bullet -did not leave the rifle, and that the breech-blocks blew -open. This, we argued, could not be the fault of the -powder, but of the rifle. Whatever the Khaleefa’s -opinion might have been, he sent off Wohatt to Alti -on the Blue Nile, where, with a number of Fellatis -working under him, he was able to send considerable -quantities of “needle” saltpetre to Omdurman, while -I continued at the Khartoum works to turn out as -poor a quality of saltpetre as before. Abdel Wohatt -is in Cairo now, and tells me that our precious production—about -two tons of saltpetre—is still lying unused -in the stores at Omdurman. Khaleel Hassanein and -Ali Khaater are still alive, and would doubtless smile -at the legend that I “manufactured powder for the -Khaleefa to shoot English soldiers with,” particularly -when I forbade the use of wood ash in the saturation -tanks, and this addition, they knew later, was the -Fellati secret for the purification of the saltpetre.</p> - -<p>While employed at the Mission-house in Khartoum, -Father Ohrwalder came on three or four occasions to -see me, the last occasion being, I believe, about a -month before his escape. We would sit together -talking of old times, commiserate each other on our -<span class="xxpn" id="p183">|183|</span> -hard lot, and guardedly, very guardedly, breathe a -hope that, in some way and by some means, our release -would come, but I have no recollection that we ever -confided to each other any plans for escape. Father -Ohrwalder knew that I had had letters written by -some Greeks, but I do not think he knew of any of -my plans. That we did not openly discuss such plans -now appears to me strange—and yet it is not strange. -Where all led for years a life of falsehood, in which -deception of self had a no less part than that of -others, suspicious of every one around us, trusting -no one, what wonder that deceit became a second -nature, and that truth, honour, and morality—that is -to say, morality as preached in Europe—should have -retired to vanishing point!</p> - -<p>When I heard of Father Ohrwalder’s escape, the -conclusion I at once jumped to was that my guides, -seeing the impossibility of effecting my escape -from Khartoum, had come to some arrangement -with him. How fervently I cursed them all, but I -did not pray for their recapture. Even had I done -so, it would have been useless. There was nothing, -provided you had money with which to purchase -camels and arrange a couple of relays in the desert, -to prevent every one who wished to, escaping from -Omdurman. Your guides had only to lead you -away from any settlements; no pursuers could overtake -you once you reached your first relay, fast as -their camels might go, and you would travel at twice -the speed the news of your flight could, besides having -some hours’ start of it. In the event of your coming -<span class="xxpn" id="p184">|184|</span> -across any straggler on the desert, a few dollars would -silence his tongue, for the dollar is not more “almighty” -in America than it was in the Soudan. Supposing -the dollars did not appeal to him, and your bullet -missed its mark, the chances were a thousand to one -against his picking up your pursuers on the route you -had come, for they would make to the settlements -near the river, and waste their time in useless -inquiries, while you were lengthening the distance -between you.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p185" -title="CHAPTER XV DIVORCED AND MARRIED"> -CHAPTER XV <span class="blksmaller"> -DIVORCED AND MARRIED</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">As -if my troubles were not all-sufficient in themselves, -Hasseena, in addition to the begging and other -undesirable proclivities she had developed since the -death of Makkieh, added that of thieving. She -naturally devoted her talents in this direction to my -friends, knowing that they would not, on my account, -prosecute her. Numberless complaints came to me, -and many a recommendation was made to get rid of -her; but as she had been sent to me by the Khaleefa, -I could not send her off without his sanction. The -question also arose as to what excuse I might offer -for divorcing her; to give the real reasons might end -in her being stoned, mutilated, or imprisoned, and -this I shrank from. I must admit, too, that, bad as -she was then, I did not like the idea of throwing her -over. Being in receipt of ten dollars a month, I sent -word to my friends that I would save what I could to -repay their losses, and do my best to break Hasseena -of her bad habits. My friends warned me that if -I was not careful I should find myself before the Kadi -as Hasseena’s partner in crime; and the Kadi, being -<span class="xxpn" id="p186">|186|</span> -no friend of mine, would certainly order me into prison -again, which would put an end to all chances of escape.</p> - -<p>In the end Hasseena had to go. Nahoum Abbajee, -my greatest friend, gave a feast at his house to -celebrate the marriage of his son Yousef. Hasseena -was one of the invited guests. She stole all the spoons -and cutlery before the feast commenced, and also a -number of articles of dress belonging to other guests, -all of which she sold in the bazaar. Nahoum could -overlook her stealing his property, but to steal the -property of guests under his roof was carrying matters -too far. He sent word to me that I must get rid of -her, and at once. Calling Hasseena to Khartoum, I -was compelled to quarrel with her in such a way as -to attract the attention of Hamad'na Allah, and on his -asking me the reason for our constant squabbles, I -told him that Hasseena was not acting as she should -by me, and begged his intervention in obtaining -through the Emir Yacoub the Khaleefa’s permission -to divorce her. Abdullahi was “gracious,” permitted -the divorce, and sent word that he would select another -wife for me. This was just what I did not want. -Always expecting the return of my guides, my not -having a woman in the place lent probability to my -having a whole night’s start upon my pursuers, for my -absence might not be discovered until sunrise the -following morning, at which time we went to work, -and some hours more would be lost—and gained—by -Hamad'na Allah and others making a thorough -search for me before daring to tell the Khaleefa that -I was missing. -<span class="xxpn" id="p187">|187|</span></p> - -<p>Returning my thanks to Abdullahi, I asked to be -left in single blessedness for a time; but to this he -replied that “his heart was heavy at the loss of -my child; that no man might be happy without -children, and he wished me to be happy; he also -wished me to have all the comforts of life, which did -not exist where woman was not; that if I did not take -another wife, he would believe I was not content with -my life in the Soudan under his protection.” It was -a long rigmarole of a message he sent, and it wound -up by saying that as I had been ill for two months, he -must send a wife to attend to me, and had selected for -the purpose a daughter of Abd-el-Latif Terran.</p> - -<p>This was making matters worse than ever, for this -girl, although brought up in the Soudan, and speaking -only Arabic, was a French subject, being the granddaughter -of Dr. Terran, an old employé of the Government. -She was only nominally Mohammedan, and lived -in the “Christian quarter.” When marriages took place -in this quarter, the Mohammedan form of marriage -was gone through, and then Father Ohrwalder performed -the Christian religious ceremony surreptitiously -later in the day. I spoke to him about the Khaleefa’s -intention, and as he knew I was already married, he -advised me to try and get out of the proposed marriage -by some means or another, as it would be considered -binding. After casting about for excuses which I -thought might appeal to the Khaleefa, I asked -Hamad'na Allah to inform him that I thanked him -for his selection of a wife, but as she was of European -descent, had been brought up in a rich family where -<span class="xxpn" id="p188">|188|</span> -the ladies are waited upon and never do any work, she -would be no use to me, as I required some one to -nurse me, do the cooking and house work, and go to -the bazaar to buy food, all of which she had had -servants to do for her; I therefore begged to be -allowed to select a wife of the country.</p> - -<p>The latter part of my message evidently pleased the -Khaleefa; it appeared to him as an earnest that I was -“content,” but again he undertook the selection of the -woman. When Abdullahi told any woman she was to be -the wife of any one, she dare no more refuse to accept -than the one she was sent to dare refuse to receive -her. Fearing that he might send me some one from -his hareem, I asked Nahoum and other friends to find -me a wife—sharp. My object was to get her into -the place before Abdullahi sent his “present,” whom, -on arrival, I might send back on the plea that I was -already married, and could not support two wives. -Nahoum found me a wife, and sent me the following -history of her.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig15"> -<img src="images/i189.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">UMM ES SHOLE AND TWO CHILDREN.</div> -</div> - -<p>Umm es Shole (the mother of Shole—Shole being -the name she had given her first child) was an -Abyssinian brought up from childhood in a Greek -family settled in Khartoum. On reaching womanhood, -she was married to one of the sons of the -family. On the fall of Khartoum, her husband, with -seven male relatives, was butchered in the house in -which they had taken refuge; Umm es Shole, with her -three children, was taken as “property” to the Beit-el-Mal, -where she was handed over as a concubine to -the Emir of the Gawaamah tribe. Refusing this -<span class="xxpn" id="p189">|189|</span> -man’s embraces, he in revenge tortured her children -to death, upon which Umm es Shole escaped to -Omdurman. Through Abd-el-Kader, the uncle of the -Mahdi, she had her case brought before Mohammad -Ahmed, who, after listening to the details, gave her a -written document declaring that, as she had been -married to and borne children to a free man, she was -a free woman, but to make certain that she might -never be claimed as a slave, the document also -declared that she was “ateekh” (freed) by him.</p> - -<p>When Abdullahi succeeded the Mahdi, he ordered -every woman without a husband, and every girl of a -marriageable age, to be married at once. He was -most particular that every one in the “Christian -quarter” should be married. Umm es Shole married -an old and decrepit Jew, whom she nursed until he -died two years later. Returning to a woman relative -of her husband’s, she supported the old woman and -herself by cooking, preparing food for feasts, sewing, -and general housework.</p> - -<p>This was the wife my friends had selected for me, -and I accepted her thankfully; but when she was -approached on the subject, she positively declined to -be married again, and it was only upon her being told -that I was ill, and might die, that she consented to the -marriage. I had to appoint a “wakeel” (proxy, in -this instance) to represent me at the marriage and the -festivities; Nahoum prepared the feast at his house, -the bride preparing the food and attending to the -guests. At the conclusion of the few days’ ceremonies -and feastings, Umm es Shole was escorted -<span class="xxpn" id="p190">|190|</span> -to Khartoum—a married woman, and introduced for the -first time to her husband. She set to at once with her -household duties and attendance upon me, and during -a long and weary five months nursed me back to life.</p> - -<p>As can well be believed, Hasseena resented no less -bitterly my projected marriage with Umm es Shole, -or any one else, than she resented her divorce, and -this she resented very bitterly indeed, for passing as -the wife of a European and a presumed “General” to -boot, gave her a certain social status in Omdurman, -which she took advantage of when visiting in the -various ways pointed out. On my saying to her, -“You are divorced,” which is the only formula -necessary in Mohammedan countries in such a -momentous domestic affair, she promptly replied that -she was again pregnant. A few words on the subject -of divorce in the Soudan—and the rules are practically -identical with those laid down in the Quoranic -law—will assist towards an appreciation of the fix -this declaration of Hasseena placed me in.</p> - -<p>If a woman, on being told “you are divorced,” -declared herself with child, the husband was compelled -to keep her until its birth; if it was a son, the divorce -was null and void; if a daughter, the husband had to -support the wife during two years of nursing, and provide -for the child until her seventh year, when he -might, if he chose to do so, claim her as his daughter.</p> - -<p>When a woman was divorced for the first time, she -was not allowed to marry again without the consent -of the husband; this was giving him a “first call” if -he wanted her back, for divorce might be declared for -<span class="xxpn" id="p191">|191|</span> -less trivial things than incompatibility of temper. If -the husband took her back, and divorced her a second -time, the woman was free to marry, but if the husband -again wanted her, he had to pay her a marriage dowry -as at her first marriage. Should he divorce her a -third time, and again want her back, he would have -to arrange for her to be married to—and divorced -from—some one else first, when she was free to -return to him. All this may sound very immoral -to people in Europe, but one cannot help but admire -the simplicity of the proceedings; and consider the -amount of domestic infelicity it prevented. There is -no public examination of the parties concerned; no -publication of interesting details in newspapers; some -little thought is given to the woman who may have -been the mother of your children, and should she have -slipped in the path of virtue, you do not shout it from -the housetops; the marriage was a private arrangement -between you, so is the divorce, and the reasons -for the latter are your affair and no one else’s.</p> - -<p>I have touched upon divorce in some detail, as -many re-marriages under all the conditions given -above occurred, and some family records became a -hopeless tangle to all but those immediately concerned. -When the new Soudan Government comes -to settle up claims to properties, they will be confronted -with a collection of “succession” puzzles to -solve, for one woman might be the proud mother of -the legitimate heirs of three or four different people, -and being, as the widow and mother of the heritor, -entitled to a fixed proportion of the properties, you -<span class="xxpn" id="p192">|192|</span> -may be quite sure that she will fight to the death for -her sons’ interests.</p> - -<p>Hasseena ought not to have been in the interesting -state she declared she was, for we had been separated -for a much longer period than that ordained by law. -I was obliged to tell her that if she empanelled a jury, -after the example of Idris es Saier, all the explanations -they might offer would not convince me that I -held any more relationship to the child than I did -to Makkieh, and there was nothing now to induce -me to claim the paternity,—indeed just the reverse. -However, if Hasseena was with child, I should be -bound to keep her for at least two years, and if the -Khaleefa sent on his present, I should have two -households to support on ten dollars a month. When -making my plans for escape, Hasseena was included; -she was to have got away on the same dromedary as -myself. When my guides returned, they would find -me with two wives, and having made arrangements -for one only, they might demur at taking the two. -The probabilities were they would abandon the thing -altogether, fearing that one or the other might betray -them, which meant instant execution for them and -imprisonment for me. If I kept Hasseena, she might -steal from some stranger, as the houses of my friends -were now closed to her, and then I should be sent -back to the Saier; if I sent her away, she, knowing -my guides and all my arrangements, would be the -first to meet them on arrival in Omdurman, and would -insist upon coming away with me under threats of disclosing -the plot. It was a most awkward fix for me -<span class="xxpn" id="p193">|193|</span> -to be placed in; but after considering the whole matter -most carefully, I decided upon sending Hasseena off, -and trusting to luck for the rest. I had hoped she -might get married to some one in Omdurman, and -then I should not have been afraid of her. But -Hasseena returned in February, 1892, some months -after my marriage with Umm es Shole, carrying a -little bundle of male humanity, who had only been -three or four months less tardy in arrival than -Makkieh.</p> - -<p>Hasseena, doubtless, had for me the Soudan equivalent -for what we understand as affection; she had -saved my life when we were first captured; she had -nursed me, as only a woman can nurse one, through -my first attack of typhus fever, and had kept me from -starvation during the famine. But while I could not -forget all this, I could not forget also that she had -become a source of great danger to me, and although -my treatment of her in sending her away when I did, -might to some appear harsh in the face of what she -had done for me, it must not be forgotten that self-preservation -is no less a law of nature in the Soudan -than it is elsewhere. I supported Hasseena for -nearly two years, when her child died. She then -left Khartoum, where I was still a chained prisoner at -large, and went utterly to the bad. I heard of her -from time to time, and, on my release in September -last, hearing that she was at Berber, I delayed there -until I had hunted her out of the den of vice in which -she was living, and provided for her elsewhere, only -to receive a telegram a few weeks later to say that, -<span class="xxpn" id="p194">|194|</span> -hankering for the life which she had led for a few -years back, she had run off to return to it.</p> - -<p>It was this action of mine, which probably gave rise -to the legend that I had brought her to Cairo with -me, where my wife arrived, “only to be confronted -with a black wife after all her years of mental anxiety -and sufferings.” Why facts should be so persistently -misconstrued, I cannot understand. In making that -last—and I do not say final—effort, to do something -for the woman to whom, at one time, I owed so much, -I feel I have nothing to be ashamed of. Those who -think differently must remember that it takes one -some little time to fall again into European ideas and -thoughts after twelve years of chains and slavery -amongst the people whom I was compelled to associate -with; and no one in the Soudan was more out of the -world than I was.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p195" -title="CHAPTER XVI HOPE AND DESPAIR"> -CHAPTER XVI <span class="blksmaller"> -HOPE AND DESPAIR</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">While -still a prisoner in the Saier, Mankarious -Effendi, with Mohammad Fargoun and Selim Aly, -engaged a man of the Ababdeh, Mohammad Ajjab, to -make his way to Omdurman with a threefold object: -he was to inquire if I was still alive; if so, to pay me -a hundred dollars, and then to try and make arrangements -for my escape. On arrival in Omdurman, Ajjab -met two of his own people—Mohammad and Karrar -Beshir—who recommended him, when he inquired -about me, never to mention my name if he wished to -keep his head on his shoulders. They could only tell -him that I was still in prison, chained, and under -sentence of death. Similar information and the same -recommendation were given to him by people in the -Muslimanieh quarter; but a Greek whom Ajjab knew -only by his Mahdieh name of Abdallah, said that he -would arrange for a meeting between him and my -servant. Through Hasseena, Ajjab sent me word of -the object of his coming to Omdurman. As the Greek -offered to become my trustee, Ajjab handed him the -hundred dollars, taking from him a receipt, and sending -<span class="xxpn" id="p196">|196|</span> -the receipt to me concealed in a piece of bread, to be -countersigned. Ajjab was to return to Assouan, let -my friends know how matters stood, and tell them -that I would try and communicate with them, if I -ever got released from prison, as escape from the -prison was an impossibility. Ajjab returned to -Assouan, and handed over the receipt; but the tale -he had to tell put an end, for the time being, to any -attempts to assist me further.</p> - -<p>When Father Ohrwalder escaped, bringing with him -the two sisters and negress, Mankarious set about -immediately to find some reliable messenger willing to -undertake the journey to Omdurman with a view of -ascertaining if my escape was at all possible. He -argued that if Father Ohrwalder could escape with -three women as an encumbrance to his flight, there -was nothing, provided I was at liberty, to prevent my -escaping; but those who knew the Soudan—and it -was only such he might employ—argued that if the -remainder of the captives were not already killed, -they would be found chained in the prison awaiting -their execution. Months slipped away before he -could find any one to undertake the journey, and then -an old but wiry desert Arab, El Haj Ahmad Abou -Hawanein, came to terms with him. Hawanein was -given two camels, some money, and a quantity of -goods to sell and barter on his way up.</p> - -<p>Some time in June or July, 1894, Abou Kees, a -man employed in the Mission gardens, came to me -while I was working at the mounds of Khartoum, and -whispered that a man who had news for me was -<span class="xxpn" id="p197">|197|</span> -hiding in the gardens, and that I was to try and effect -a meeting with him. The man was Hawanein. -Always suspicious of traps laid for me by the -Khaleefa, I asked the man what he wanted. He -replied that he had come from friends to help me. -He had brought no letters, but by questioning him my -suspicions disappeared, and I was soon deep in the -discussion of plans for my escape. The camels he had -brought with him were, he said, not up to the work of -a rapid flight, and he suggested that he should return -to Assouan, procure two good trotting camels, and also -the couple of revolvers I asked for, as it was more -than likely I should have to use them in getting clear -of Khartoum.</p> - -<p>Soon after Hawanein’s departure, the guide Abdallah, -who brought away Rossignoli, put in his appearance. -Ahmed Wad-el-Feki, employed in Marquet’s old -garden, asked that I might be allowed to call and see -a sick man at his house. On reaching the place, Feki -introduced me to a young man, Abdallah, who, after a -few words, asked me to meet him the following day, -when he would bring me a letter. I met my “patient” -again, when he handed me a bit of paper on which faint -marks were discernible; these, he said, would come out -clear upon heating the paper, and, as cauterization is -one of the favourite remedies in the Soudan, some live -charcoal was procured without exciting any suspicion. -The words, which appeared, proved that the man was -no spy, but had really come from the Egyptian War -Office; however, before we had time to drop into a -discussion of plans, some men employed in the place -<span class="xxpn" id="p198">|198|</span> -came near, and we had to adjourn to the following -day, when I was again to meet my “patient.” On -this occasion we were left undisturbed, and fully discussed -and settled upon our plans.</p> - -<p>To escape along the western bank of the Nile -was not to be thought of; this would necessitate our -passing Omdurman, and to pass the town unobserved -was very improbable. Abdallah, having left his -camels and rifle at Berber, was to return there for -them, and come up the eastern bank of the Nile, -along which we were to travel when I escaped. -During his absence I was to send Umm es Shole on -weekly visits to her friends at Halfeyeh; as she was -to escape with us, this arrangement was made for a -twofold purpose. First, her visits would not excite -suspicion at the critical moment, as the people both at -Halfeyeh and Khartoum would have become accustomed -to them; she was also to bring me the promised -revolver concealed in her clothes, and then return to -Halfeyeh for another visit. She and Abdallah would -keep a watch on the banks of the Blue Nile for me -and assist me in landing. My escape would have to -be effected in my chains, and these, of course, would -prevent my using my legs in swimming. I was to -trust for support to the pieces of light wood on the -banks, used by children and men when disporting -themselves in the Nile, and to the current and whatever -help I might get with my hands for landing on -the opposite shore.</p> - -<p>Abdallah went off, but never came back. I kept to -our agreement for months, for the plan formed with -<span class="xxpn" id="p199">|199|</span> -Abdallah was similar to that arranged with Hawanein. -Besides this, Abdallah, in the event of not being able -to find revolvers at Berber, was to continue his -journey to the first military post, obtain them there, -and exchange his camels for fast-trotting ones, as those -he had left at Berber were of a poor race. In order -to prove to any officer he met that he was really employed -to effect my escape, I gave him two letters -couched in such words that, should they fall into the -hands of the Khaleefa or any of the Emirs, their contents -would be a sort of puzzle to them. Each day -during those months I looked forward eagerly to a -sign from any one of the people entrusted with my -escape.</p> - -<p>For various reasons I considered it advisable to -interview Abdallah after my release, and did so; but to -make certain of his explanations, I also arranged that -others should question him on the subject of Rossignoli’s -flight and his reasons for not keeping his engagement -with me, and this is what he says.</p> - -<p>On leaving Cairo, he was given a sort of double -mission; he was promised three hundred pounds if he -brought me away safely, and a hundred pounds if he -brought away any of the other captives. Seeing the -difficulties to be encountered in effecting my escape, -and appreciating the risks, unless we had revolvers -and swift camels, he decided upon “working out the -other plan,” as he expresses it, viz. the escape of -Rossignoli, as “he was at liberty and could go anywhere -he pleased,” whilst I was shackled and constantly -under the eyes of my guards. Instead of returning -<span class="xxpn" id="p200">|200|</span> -for the camels, Abdallah arranged for Rossignoli to -escape on a donkey as far as Berber. When some -distance from Omdurman, Rossignoli got off his -donkey, squatted on the ground, and refused to budge, -saying he was tired. Abdallah tried to persuade -him to continue the journey, but Rossignoli refused, -said Abdallah was only leading him to his death, and -demanded to be taken back to Omdurman. For a -few moments Abdallah admits that he was startled and -frightened. To go back to Omdurman was madness -and suicide for him; to leave Rossignoli squatting in -the desert made Cairo almost as dangerous for him as -Omdurman, for who would believe his tale there? He -felt sure he would be accused of having deserted the -man, and there was also the chance of Rossignoli -being discovered by pursuers, when a hue and cry -would be set up for Abdallah.</p> - -<p>One cannot help but admire Abdallah’s solution -of the difficulty. There was a tree growing close -by; he selected from it a good thick branch, and -with this flogged Rossignoli either into his right -senses or into obedience to orders; then placing him -on the camel behind him, he made his way to Berber. -Here Rossignoli, instead of keeping in hiding, -wandered into the town, was recognized by some -people, and, when spoken to, told them that Abdallah -was leading him to Egypt, but that he preferred to -return to Omdurman. Fortunately native cupidity -saved Abdallah; he baksheeshed the people into a -few hours of silence, with great difficulty got his charge -clear of the town, and with still greater difficulty -<span class="xxpn" id="p201">|201|</span> -hammered and “bullydamned” him into Egypt and -safety. This is Abdallah’s own tale. He assures me, -and I believe him, that it was his intention, as soon -as he had handed over Rossignoli safe, to have asked -for the revolvers and started back to try and effect my -escape, risky as he knew it to be; but as Rossignoli -had betrayed his name in Berber, he knew well -that the Khaleefa would have men waiting for him -from Omdurman to the frontier, and he showed no -better sense in flogging Rossignoli, than he showed in -settling down with his well-earned hundred pounds -rather than attempting to make it into four hundred -by passing the frontier.</p> - -<p>Rossignoli’s absence was not noticed for a little -time, and fortunately, for a donkey leaves better tracks -to follow than a camel. The Khaleefa was not particularly -angry about the affair, although he imprisoned -for a day Mr. Cocorombo, the husband of Sister -Grigolini, the former superioress of Father Ohrwalder’s -Mission, and Rossignoli’s lay companion, Beppo; but -the latter, after Slatin’s escape, became my fellow-prisoner -in the Saier.</p> - -<p>One would be inclined to believe that either myself -or some dramatist had purposely invented the series -of accidents, which cropped up to frustrate every one -of my plans for escape. On February 28, 1895, -without a word of warning, I was so heavily loaded -with chains that I was unable to move, and I was -placed under a double guard in the house of Shereef -Hamadan, the Mahdist Governor of Khartoum. At -first I surmised that either Abdallah or Hawanein -<span class="xxpn" id="p202">|202|</span> -had been suspected and imprisoned, or had confessed, -or that our plots had been divulged in -some way, so that it was with no little surprise I -heard the questions put to me concerning the escape -of Slatin. I denied all knowledge of the escape, or -any arrangement connected with it. I pointed out -that I had not seen, spoken to, or heard of Slatin -directly for eight years, as my gaolers and guards -could prove. It was from no sense of justice to me, -but to prove that he had not neglected his duty in -keeping a strict watch upon me, that Hamadan took -my part in the inquiry. I might have been again -released, had Hawanein not put in his appearance a -few days after the escape of Slatin was discovered.</p> - -<p>Slatin’s absence from his usual post had not been -reported to the Khaleefa until three days after his -escape; he was supposed to be ill. On the third day, -Hajji Zobheir, the head of the Khaleefa’s bodyguard, -sent to his house to inquire about him. Not being -satisfied with the reply he received, he informed the -Khaleefa, who ordered an immediate search. A letter -from Slatin to the Khaleefa was found sticking in the -muzzle of a rifle, and was taken to Abdullahi. After -the usual string of compliments and blessings, the -letter continues―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“For ten years I have sat at your gate; your goodness and grace -has been great to me, but all men have a love of family and country; -I have gone to see them; but in going I still hold to the true -religion. I shall never betray your bread and salt, even should I -die; I was wrong to leave without your permission; every one, -myself included, acknowledges your great power and influence; -forgive me; your desires are mine; I shall never betray you, -<span class="xxpn" id="p203">|203|</span> -whether I reach my destination or die upon the road; forgive me; -I am your kinsman and of your religion; extend to me your -clemency.*</p></div> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn09"> -<p class="pfn">* This letter was found on the fall of Omdurman, and came -into the hands of people who, probably on the ground of its contents -differing from those given by Slatin after his escape, published it -in such a manner as to lead people to believe that the protestations -of loyalty it contained were sincere. In my opinion the letter should -be looked upon as a clever composition to humbug Abdullahi, so that, -in the event of Slatin being retaken, the protestation of loyalty -would at least save him from the hands of the Khaleefa’s mutilator or -executioner.</p></div> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig16"> -<img src="images/i203.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">SAID BEY GUMAA.</div> -</div> - -<p>Abdullahi, on first realizing that Slatin had actually -escaped, and had had about three days’ start of any -pursuers he might send after him, was furious; losing -his temper, he anathematized him in the presence of -the assembled Emirs, Kadis, and bodyguard. He reminded -them that when Slatin first tendered his submission, -he had been received with honours because -he had openly professed the Mohammedan faith -and had been circumcised while still the “Turk” -Governor-General of Darfur; he reminded them also -how Slatin had been allowed to bring into the camp -his household, bodyguard, and servants, and had been -attached to the Mahdi’s personal suite, of which he, -Abdullahi, was chief; how, with Zoghal, his former -subordinate, he had been entrusted with the subjugation -of Said Gumaa, who had refused to surrender El -Fasher when ordered by him to do so; how he himself -had treated him as his son and his confidant, never -taking any step without his advice and guidance; but, -suddenly pulling himself up, seeing the mistake he -had made in showing how much he had been dependent -on him, he broke off short to say what he -would do to Slatin if he ever laid hands on him, and -promised a similar punishment to any one else who -returned him ingratitude for his favours. Reading -<span class="xxpn" id="p204">|204|</span> -out aloud Slatin’s letter to him, he calmed down on -reaching the protestations of loyalty, and ordered the -letter to be read in the mosque and the different -quarters of Omdurman. Abdullahi has been considered -as an ignorant brutal savage, devoid of all -mental acumen, and but little removed from the brute -creation. As I may be able to show later, such an -expression of opinion either carries a denial with it, -or it is paying a very poor compliment to those -who, once governors of towns and provinces, or high -officials, should have bowed down, kissed hands, and -so far prostrated themselves as to kiss the feet of the -representatives of this “ignorant brute,” by whom for -years they had been dominated. Since Abdullahi -respected me, as a man, by keeping me constantly -in chains, I respect him for the intellectual powers -he displayed, and which apparently paralyzed those -of others who submitted to him.</p> - -<p>Slatin, having given a good account of himself -in his many fights, was, after his submission, looked -up to as the military genius of the Mahdist army; -he could not, as I did, play any pranks with the -work he was entrusted with; the map he had -drawn of Egypt, showing the principal towns and -routes, and upon which the former telegraph-clerk, -Mohammad Sirri, had been instructed to write the -Arabic names, had given some the idea that no expedition -might be planned without the aid of Slatin -and this map. Abdullahi’s object in having the letter -publicly read will be divined; first, it would assure -the dervishes themselves that there was no fear of -<span class="xxpn" id="p205">|205|</span> -Slatin, after his protestations of loyalty, returning at -the head of the Government troops to overthrow the -rule of the Mahdi, and without help from the exterior -the wavering Mahdists could not hope to throw -off the yoke of Abdullahi. Moreover, the reading of -the letter to the Christian captives would confirm -the opinion formed by many, that Slatin was at -heart with the present Soudan dynasty, and that -they could not expect any help as a result of his -escape.</p> - -<p>There is another incident, which must be here -mentioned, to show how acute Abdullahi really was. -Slatin had publicly proclaimed his conversion to -Mahommedanism before his submission to the Mahdi, -so that, when he did submit, he was accepted as one -of the faithful, and treated as one of themselves. The -remainder of the captives—those taken before and -after the fall of Khartoum—had not, up to the time of -the escape of Rossignoli, been actually accepted as -Muslims. At the suggestion of Youssef Mansour, -on January 25, 1895, the Khaleefa was gracious -enough to take all into his fold as real converts to -the faith, and, on the anniversary of Gordon’s death, -all the Muslimanieh (Christians) were ordered to be -circumcised, the only two people not being operated -upon being, I believe, Beppo, who was overlooked -while in prison, and an old Italian mason, who -pleaded old age as an excuse for not undergoing -the operation. The Christian quarter was, therefore, -at the time of Slatin’s escape, considered as a Muslim -community, and the practical immunity they had -<span class="xxpn" id="p206">|206|</span> -enjoyed from a rigorous application of the Mahdieh -laws was thereby put an end to.</p> - -<p>Consequently, when Slatin escaped, leaving behind -him such protestations of loyalty, the safest card -the Khaleefa could play was to read to them his -letter. The reading of it caused some little consternation -and comment, no doubt, but I have already -expressed my opinion as to the light in which this -letter should be considered. It was a clever move -of Abdullahi; the public reading of the letter blasted -all hopes on the part of the discontented Soudanese -of any assistance from Slatin in crumbling to dust -the kingdom of the Khaleefa, and put an end to -all hopes on the part of the former Muslimanieh -captives of release, for the small proportion of old -Government employés who had, up to then, firmly -believed that Slatin was acting, as they express it, -“politeeka” in all his dealings, now joined the ranks -of those who believed differently. But in this they -were, of course, mistaken.</p> - -<p>After the public reading of the letter, the Khaleefa -sent for the officials of the Beit-el-Mal and ordered -them to take possession of Slatin’s house, wives, -servants, slaves, land, and cattle, at the same time -giving them strict instructions, in the presence of all, -that the household were to be treated gently, as being -the property of a true Muslim. His Darfurian wife, -Hassanieh, whom he had married when Governor-General -of Darfur, was claimed from the Beit-el-Mal -by Dood (Sultan) Benga as of a royal family, and was -by him married to another of the Darfurian royal -<span class="xxpn" id="p207">|207|</span> -family. Desta, his Abyssinian wife, was within a few -days of her confinement, and either, as a result of fright -at the ransacking of the house and her reduction to -the position of a common slave, or as a result of what -would be to her, in her then delicate condition, rough -handling, gave birth to a baby boy, who survived but -a few weeks.</p> - -<p>It was while the Khaleefa was awaiting the return -of the scouts sent out to recapture Slatin that -Hawanein put in his appearance at Omdurman. He -was at once seized, accused of assisting in the escape -of Slatin, and also of having returned to effect mine. -Pleading ignorance of myself and Slatin, he was not -believed; he was first sent into the Saier, and then, -as he refused to confess, he was taken out and publicly -flogged. Even this did not extort a confession; the -Khaleefa, not being satisfied, ordered another flogging, -but the Bisharas interceded for Hawanein, and succeeded -in obtaining his release. As my would-be -deliverer passed through the portals of the Saier, I -passed in (March 26, 1895). Hawanein lost no time -in returning to Assouan, where the relation of his -experiences, with his torn back and unhealed wounds -to bear him out, put an end finally to all attempts in -that quarter to assist me in any way whatever.</p> - -<p>It might be as well that I should not attempt to -describe my mental condition on finding myself again -in the Saier. I have a faint idea of what my state -must have been; despair cannot describe it; insanity -at blasted hopes might. Yes, I must have been insane; -but I was mentally sound, if such a contradiction -<span class="xxpn" id="p208">|208|</span> -of terms is permissible. I remember that for days I -shuffled about, refusing to look at or speak to any -one. Perhaps what brought me round was that, in -my perambulations, I came near the Saier anvil and -heard a man crying. It was Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi, -Gordon’s old favourite, who was being shackled. My -expostulations on his acting as a child and bullying -him into a sense of manhood, again prevented that -slender thread between reason and insanity snapping. -It must, in some way, have calmed and comforted me -to be brought to the knowledge that others were -suffering as much as I was; and just as a child, which -requires care and attention itself, gives all its affection -and sympathy to a limbless doll, so must I have -given my sympathy to Fauzi, and in so doing taken -a step back from the abyss of insanity, which I was -certainly approaching.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p209" -title="CHAPTER XVII A NEW OCCUPATION"> -CHAPTER XVII <span class="blksmaller"> -A NEW OCCUPATION</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">When -Said Abdel Wohatt was transferred from the -Khartoum to the Alti saltpetre works, his father-in-law, -Ali Khaater, the storekeeper of the Omdurman -arsenal, considered that he was no longer under the -obligation of risking his neck by mixing the Khartoum -product with the Fellati’s, or substituting it with good -saltpetre in stock. A consignment of mine was consequently -sent direct to the powder factory, and was -used in making what Abd es Semmieh and Hosny, -the directors, believed would be a good explosive. -The result, while being eminently satisfactory to -myself, was just the reverse for the people responsible -for making the powder. Not being certain where the -fault actually lay, they mixed this powder with a -quantity of really good powder made from the Fellati’s -product, only to succeed in spoiling the whole bulk. -When my next consignment was sent in they carried -out some experiments, and, discovering where the -fault lay, sent me an intimation that if our works did -not turn out saltpetre equal in quality to that formerly -supplied by us, I should be reported to the Khaleefa. -Nahoum Abbajee, hearing of the affair, came to me in -<span class="xxpn" id="p210">|210|</span> -a state of excitement, and pointed out the danger I -was running into, and as he was then trying to think -out an invention for coining money, he suggested that -he should apply to the Khaleefa for my services in -assisting him. This request Abdullahi was only too -glad at the time to accede to; saltpetre was coming -in in large quantities, and he was in great trouble -about his monetary system.</p> - -<p>As Khaleefa, he was entitled to one-fifth of all loot, -property, taxes, and goods coming to the Beit-el-Mal; -and as all property of whatever description was considered -to belong primarily to this administration, it -followed that Abdullahi was entitled to one-fifth of -the property in the Soudan; but as he had not much -use for hides, skins, gum, ivory, and such-like, he -took his proportion in coin—after putting his own -valuation upon his share. As the money he took -from the Beit-el-Mal was hoarded and never came -into circulation again, a sort of specie famine set in. -Attempts had been made in the early days of Abdullahi’s -rule to produce a dollar with a fair modicum of -silver; but Nur-el-Garfawi, Adlan’s successor at the -Beit-el-Mal, came to the conclusion, evidently, that -a coin was but a token, and that it was immaterial -what it was made of, provided it carried some impression -upon it. The quantity of silver in his dollars -grew less and less, and then was only represented by -a light plating which wore off in a few weeks’ time. -When people grumbled, he unblushingly issued copper -dollars pure and simple. All the dollars were issued -from the Beit-el-Mal as being of equivalent value to -<span class="xxpn" id="p211">|211|</span> -the silver dollar, and when these coins were refused, -the Khaleefa decreed that all future offenders should -be punished by the confiscation of their property and -the loss of a hand and foot. The merchants, though, -were equal to the occasion; when an intending purchaser -inquired about the price of an article, the -vendor asked him in what coinage he intended to -pay; the merchant then knew what price to ask.</p> - -<p>As the silver dollars gradually disappeared, the few -remaining went up enormously in value, until in the end -they were valued at fifty to sixty of the Beit-el-Mal -coins, so that an article which could be bought for -a silver dollar could not be purchased under fifty to -sixty copper dollars. Although a rate of exchange -was forbidden, the Beit-el-Mal took advantage of the -state of affairs by buying in the copper dollars, melting -them up, recasting, and striking from a different die. -These coins would be again issued at the value of a -silver dollar, and the remaining copper dollars in the -town were put out of circulation by the Beit-el-Mal’s -refusal to receive them. To make matters worse, -the die cutters cut dies for themselves and their -friends, and it was worth the while of the false (?) -coiners to make a dollar of better metal than the Beit-el-Mal -did, and these we re-accepted at a premium. -The false coinage business flourished until Elias el -Kurdi, one of the best of the die cutters, was permanently -incapacitated by losing his right hand and left -foot; and this punishment, for a time at least, acted as -a deterrent upon others, leaving the Beit-el-Mal the -entire monopoly of coinage. -<span class="xxpn" id="p212">|212|</span></p> - -<p>Sovereigns might at any time be bought for a -dollar, for their possessors were glad to get rid of -them. Being in possession of a gold coin denoted -wealth, and many people who attempted to change a -gold coin returned only to find their hut in the hands -of the Beit-el-Mal officials, searching for the remainder -of the presumed gold hoard. Failing to find it, -they confiscated the goods and chattels. The trade -with the Egyptian frontier, Suakin and Abyssinia, -was carried on through the medium of barter and the -Austrian (Maria Theresa) trade dollar.</p> - -<p>It was while the currency question was at its height -that Abbajee came forward with his scheme for a -coining press; and, in order that I might assist him, -I was transferred to the Khartoum arsenal. I was -obliged to give up my quarters in the Mission buildings, -and live with the bodyguard of thirty Baggaras -in the house of Hamadan, the Mahdist governor of -Khartoum. The arsenal was presided over by Khaleel -Hassanein, at one time a clerk under Roversi, in -the department for the repression of the slave trade. -Although ten years had elapsed since the fall of -Khartoum, the arsenal must have been in as perfect -working order as when Gordon made it into a model -Woolwich workshop. Power was obtained from a -traction-engine, which drove lathes, a rolling-mill, -drills, etc., while punches, iron scissors, and smaller -machinery were worked by hand. In the shops proper -were three engines and boilers complete, ready to be -fitted into Nile steamers, and duplicates and triplicates -of all parts of the machinery then in use were ready -<span class="xxpn" id="p213">|213|</span> -in case of accidents. Smelting, casting, moulding, -and modelling were all carried on in the place. The -storeroom was filled with every imaginable tool and -article required for the smithy, carpenters’ shops, and -the boats. All the metal of the Soudan had been -collected here. There were parts of cotton presses; -sugar-mills; bars of steel and iron; ingots of brass -and copper; iron, copper, and brass plates; the heavier -class of tools and implements; and I was assured by -Osta Abdallah, a rivetter in the shops in Gordon’s -time, that there was material in the place to build -three more boats and keep the whole fleet going for -many years. He did not exaggerate either. All -other administrations were supplied by the Khartoum -arsenal with whatever they required in the way of -tools, furniture, iron and other metal work, cartridge -presses and steel blocks for coinage; and very efficiently -indeed was the work turned out.</p> - -<p>The little time I spent in the arsenal was of course -fully occupied with the coinage question. Two men -were kept constantly engaged casting square steel -blocks for the Omdurman mint; these blocks were -polished and cut in Omdurman, and twenty-five sets -were generally in use at the same time. Possibly two -hundred men were employed in the melting of the -copper and casting it into moulds the size and thickness -of the dollars. The discs were next passed on to -the people who gave them the impression; this was -obtained by placing the disc on the lower block, and -then hammering the upper block upon it. The impressions -produced were in the main very poor; the -<span class="xxpn" id="p214">|214|</span> -coins spread and split, and the dies were constantly -splitting and breaking. After we had studied the -process, and Abbajee had explained his ideas of a -press, I suggested that we should commence operations -with the punching-machine. We experimented until -we had succeeded in smashing dies, spoiling sheets of -copper, and in the end smashing the machine itself; -then Abbajee, as the chief of the operations, was -roundly abused. Being of an excitable temperament, -he wanted me to take part of the blame, but I only -laughed at him. Then it was I learned that he had -just reason to be angry; he had gone surety for me -with the Khaleefa, and, as I was expecting Hawanein -and Abdallah every day, I kept the quarrel going -until Abbajee left the work in disgust, for I wished -him to be out of the way when I escaped. His return -to Omdurman, leaving me in complete charge of the -invention, put an end to his surety for me. I might -have saved myself this trouble, and the temporary -misunderstanding with my old friend, for, before I had -time to settle upon an idea for a coining press, Slatin -escaped, and I was taken back to the Saier.</p> - -<p>I have been frequently asked what estimate should -be put upon the Khaleefa’s buried treasure. It is -next to impossible to say; one thing only is certain: -all good gold and silver jewellery and coins have disappeared -during the last fifteen years. Thousands of -individuals may have their hoards here and there. -Some idea of what the Khaleefa’s treasure may amount -to might be gleaned from an examination of the Beit-el-Mal -books, for these were well kept. The real -<span class="xxpn" id="p215">|215|</span> -question is, Where is it? But this is a matter people -need not trouble themselves about. It was generally -believed in Omdurman that those who actually buried -the money were soon afterwards buried themselves. -“Dead men tell no tales.” I doubt myself if the -Khaleefa’s hoards will ever be found—officially. The -fortunate discoverers are hardly likely to exhibit any -particular anxiety to ask their friends or the Government -to share in their good fortune. Perhaps a small -amount might be found, but it will be a very small -one. The few millions he has buried in various places -will, no doubt, be discovered some day, and we shall -hear about it—a long time after the fact.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p216" -title="CHAPTER XVIII MY SECOND IMPRISONMENT"> -CHAPTER XVIII <span class="blksmaller"> -MY SECOND IMPRISONMENT</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">It -was some days after my return to the Saier before -I learned that I had been incarcerated against the -wish of the Khaleefa and Yacoub; but Hamadan -and Khaleel-Hassanein, fearing that I might escape, -declined to be responsible for me any longer, arguing -that Slatin’s escape had been effected through Government -agents, and that mine would certainly follow. -In deference to the wishes of Hassanein more than -those of Hamadan, the Khaleefa ordered my return to -the Saier, but it is very probable that he sent Idris es -Saier instructions how to treat me; so that, taking it all -in all, my life was not rendered so unendurable as it -had been on my first entry into the prison. Added to -Abdullahi’s kindly interest (?) in me, Idris himself had -become a sort of reformed character; he had tasted -the sweets of imprisonment and the lash which he had -been so generous with, and had also experienced himself -what it was to be robbed on the Nebbi Khiddr -account. The tables had been completely turned on -him, and he had learned a lesson.</p> - -<p>When Adlan was executed and his house searched -<span class="xxpn" id="p217">|217|</span> -for incriminating papers without result, Idris es Saier -was accused by the Khaleefa of having assisted Adlan -in disposing of the documents which he was in search -of. Idris was imprisoned in his own house and -flogged into the bargain; he was in disfavour for some -time, and this gave released Baggara prisoners an -opportunity of getting even with him. They explained -the Nebbi Khiddr affair to Abdullahi, who -ordered Idris to repay all the moneys he had collected -on this account; he was deprived of all he had, but -right up to the end, any former Baggara prisoner in -want of a dollar knew where to find one. He presented -himself to Idris, and asked for a further contribution -towards a settlement of his claim.</p> - -<p>These importunities drove Idris into begging from -the prisoners, since the Nebbi Khiddr tale would -only work with prisoners coming in from outlying -districts, and they were few. As Idris never knew -when the next call would be made upon him, he -found it politic to be as kind and considerate to the -prisoners as possible, and to relax discipline to the -utmost. This state of affairs, added to the presumed -instructions of the Khaleefa regarding myself, must -have accounted for Idris’ assembling the gaolers, and -telling them in my presence that I was only brought -into the Saier to prevent any Government people from -carrying me off to Egypt; that if any one of them -begged money from me or ill-treated me in any way, he -would be imprisoned, flogged, and deprived of his -post; Umm es Shole and her child were to be allowed -to come into the prison at any hour they chose—but, -<span class="xxpn" id="p218">|218|</span> -and this spoiled all, I was never to be allowed to sleep -out in the open, and must pass my nights in the Umm -Hagar.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig17"> -<img src="images/i218.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">FAUZI PASHA IN DERVISH DRESS.</div> -</div> - -<p>I have already described a night in this “Black -Hole of Calcutta,” but it might not be out of place -to try and give a slight description of the first -night Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi—one of Gordon’s favourite -officers—spent in that inferno, especially as he wishes -me to do so. When taken to the anvil, as I have -already remarked, Fauzi broke down completely, was -carried off in a swoon to the Umm Hagar, placed -sitting with his back in the angle of the wall furthest -from the door, and there left—as I was, to “come -round.” When the first batch of prisoners was driven -in at sunset, there was room for all to lie down on the -foul and saturated ground. When the second batch -was driven in about an hour and a half later, those -lying down had to sit up with the new-comers, and -Fauzi’s outstretched legs gave a dry and comfortable -seat to four big Soudanese. I was driven in with the -third batch after the night prayers, and then all in the -Umm Hagar had to stand up or be trampled on. -Fauzi, still suffering from the effects of the shell wound -he received in one of the sorties from Khartoum, with -four people sitting or standing on him, and being -heavily chained as well, was unable to rise to his feet. -I could hear him from my place near the door feebly -expostulating with the people who were standing upon -him; I thought that maybe he was being trampled to -death, and in my then frenzied state commenced to -fight my way towards him, striking friend and foe -<span class="xxpn" id="p219">|219|</span> -indiscriminately, and striking harder as I received -blows in return. A general fight was soon in progress -over the few yards I had to travel, as none were -certain in the darkness who struck the blow they had -received, and struck out at random in retaliation. My -friends told me afterwards that I was a “shaitan” -(devil), a mad fool, and showered other dubious compliments -upon me; but I reached Fauzi. The warders, -hearing the uproar, had opened the doors, and, as -usual, commenced to belabour the heads of all they -could reach with their sticks and whips. While the -uproar was at its height, and the prisoners swaying -from side to side, I recognized the voices of one or -two near Fauzi who were under obligations to me for -occasional little kindnesses in the way of food; and, -enlisting their services on most extravagant promises, -we tackled the people standing on Fauzi’s legs, pushed -them away, and made a sort of barricade round him -with our bodies. In clearing the space, we must have -struck each other as often as we struck those whom -we wished to get out of the way, and Fauzi could not -tell whether an attempt was being made to murder or -to rescue him. When we did at last get him clear, we -had to use a bit of old rag as a sort of punka in order -to bring him round; then he babbled.</p> - -<p>At midnight, the doors of the cell were thrown open -again, and about twenty men, each wearing a shayba, -were thrust into the place; practically there was no room -for them, but they had to be driven in by some means. -To make space for them, the gaolers resorted to their -favourite device of throwing into the cell handfuls of -<span class="xxpn" id="p220">|220|</span> -blazing straw and grass, and at the same time laying -about the bare heads and shoulders of the prisoners -with their whips. The scene must be imagined. Fauzi, -seeing the fire falling on the heads of the prisoners, -believed that he had really been sent to hell—but -communed with himself in a dazed sort of way as to -whether he was in hell or not. He appeared to call -to memory all that he had ever read of the place of -torment, and tried to compare the picture his brain had -formed of it from the descriptions, with what he was -experiencing, coming to the conclusion that he could -not be in hell, as hell could not be so bad. At this -stage I was able to get him to take notice of me, and -we discussed hell and its torments until sunrise; but -nothing could even now shake Fauzi’s opinion that -hell could not be as bad as such a night in the Umm -Hagar, and the worst he can wish any one is to pass -such a night. To Youssef Mansour he wishes an -eternity of them.*</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn10"> - -<p class="pfn">* This Mansour was formerly an officer in the Egyptian -Army, who had surrendered with the garrison at El Obeid. After this -surrender, the governor of the town—Mohammad Said Pasha—arranged -with his old officers and black regiments to seize their arms, on a -given signal, and to turn against the Mahdists. Mansour, who, as one -of Said’s former subordinates, was in the plot, is thought to have -betrayed it to the Mahdi. Said and his principal adherents were sent -out of camp by Mohammad Ahmed, and quietly done away with; but Mansour -became the favourite of the Mahdi, and commanded his artillery at -the battle of Omdurman. It is also said that the Christian captives -were circumcised on his representations, and that he suggested the -imprisonment of Fauzi, lest, when the Government troops advanced, Fauzi -should seize an opportunity of joining them. Yet Mansour is reputed to -be coming to Cairo to claim his back pay and pension from the Egyptian -Government.</p></div> - -<p>Among others who spent that memorable night in -the Saier, were Ahmed and Bakheit Egail, Sadik -Osman, Abou-el-Besher and others from Berber, -arrested for assisting in the escape of Slatin; they -were later transported to the convict station at Gebel -Ragaf on the evidence of the guide Zecki, who -<span class="xxpn" id="p221">|221|</span> -conducted Slatin from Omdurman to Berber. Zecki -had been arrested with them on suspicion of complicity -in the escape, and confessed that he had been engaged -by Egail and others to bring away from Omdurman a -man with “cat’s eyes,” but that he did not know who -the man was.</p> - -<p>Close to the common cell was an offshoot of it—a -smaller one named “Bint Umm Hagar” (the daughter -of Umm Hagar), which took the place of the condemned -cell in Europe. On my return to prison, I -learned that my old enemy, Kadi Ahmed, had been -confined there for a year. The ostensible reason for -his imprisonment was that he had been in league with -the false coiners, and had made large amounts of -money; but the real reason was that the Khaleefa -was angry with him on account of the death of Zecki -Tummal, who had conducted the Abyssinian campaign -when King John was killed. Kadi Ahmed had been -induced by Yacoub to sentence Zecki to imprisonment -and starvation; so when Ahmed’s turn came, the -Khaleefa said, “Let him receive the same punishment -as Zecki.” He was placed in the Bint Umm Hagar, -and after about ten months the doorway was built up; -there Ahmed was left, with his ablution bottle of -water only, for forty-three days according to one tale, -and fifty days according to another. When, for days, -no sounds had been heard from his living tomb, he -was presumed to be dead; but on the doorway being -opened up, to the astonishment, not to say superstitious -fear, of all, he was still alive, but unconscious, though -the once big fat Kadi had wasted to a skeleton. -<span class="xxpn" id="p222">|222|</span> -Abdullahi must have received a fright too, for he -ordered Ahmed to be tenderly nursed and given small -doses of nourishing food every twenty-four hours, until -the stomach was able to retain food given oftener; -but in spite of all care and attention, the Kadi died -on or about May 3, 1895. He was regretted by no -one but the Khaleefa, in whose hands he had been a -willing tool, dispensing justice(?) as his master dictated -it, only to die the lingering death in the end to which -he had condemned so many at his master’s nod.</p> - -<p>Kadi Ahmed’s place in the “Bint” was soon taken -by his successor—Kadi Hussein Wad Zarah. His -offence was that of refusing to sentence people unjustly, -when ordered by the Khaleefa and Yacoub to do so. -When first walled up in his tomb, he was given, through -a small aperture left for the purpose, a little food and -water every four or five days, but towards the end of -July, 1895, the doorway was built up entirely, and -Zarah, not being a big stout man like Ahmed, starved, -or rather parched, to death in about twenty-two or -twenty-three days. It is hot in the Soudan in July.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig18"> -<img src="images/i222.jpg" width="600" height="375" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">NEUFELD’S HUT IN THE SAIER, - SHOWING THE FAMOUS ANVIL.</div> -</div> - -<p>During the first weeks of my imprisonment, Umm -es Shole had little difficulty in begging a small quantity -of grain, and borrowing an occasional dollar to keep -us in food. But soon people became afraid of assisting -us any further, and we were bordering upon semi-starvation, -when, in the month of September, an -Abyssinian woman came into the prison to see me -under pretence of requiring medical treatment. She -handed me a small packet, which she said contained -letters from my friends, and which had been given to -<span class="xxpn" id="p223">|223|</span> -her by a man outside, who had said he also had money -for me, and wished to know who he should pay it to. -Three days elapsed before I found an opportunity of -opening the packet unobserved, for with all letters -received and written then, I had to wait until I found -myself alone in the pestilential atmosphere of an annexe -to the place of ablution. The packet contained a letter -from my sister posted in 1891, another from Father -Ohrwalder, and a note from Major Wingate. They -were all to the same import—to keep up hope, as -attempts were to be made to assist me.</p> - -<p>Nearly two months must have slipped away before -I succeeded in getting my replies written. I sent -these to the guide, Onoor Issa, who promised that he -would return for me in a few months’ time. Father -Ohrwalder has handed me the letter I sent to him. -The following is in brief its contents:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I have received your letter enclosing that of my sister written -four years ago, and the note from Wingate. Before everything else, -let me thank you for the endeavours you are to make to assist me. -Your letter was delayed in reaching me owing to the imprisonment -of the guide, followed by the watch kept upon us after Slatin’s escape, -and my transfer to the Saier, from which I hope to be released soon. -There is great need of coins here; up to the present, no one has been -able to produce a silver-resembling dollar. If I could produce such -a coin, it would lead to my release from prison, and lend probability -to my chances of escape. Could you send me instructions for the -simple mixing of any soft metals to produce a silvery appearance, and -send me some ingredients? I should like also an instrument to -imitate the milling of coins; the dies can be cut here. I should be -glad of any tools or instruments which you think cannot be had here. -If I am not released by the time these arrive, I feel sure that I shall -be released through their agency. Please send the enclosed notes to -their respective destinations, and when the answers arrive, send them -<span class="xxpn" id="p224">|224|</span> -on with the things I ask for. Can you give me any news as to how -my business is progressing at Assouan, and the transactions of my -manager? Our common friends here are in a sad way. Slatin will -have told you all about the forced circumcisions; and now all the -Christians have been ordered to marry three or four wives, and are -engaged with marriage ceremonies. Beppo and I are in prison -together in chains; other prisoners are Ibrahim Fauzi, Ibrahim -Hamza, of Berber, who was arrested after Slatin’s escape; Ahmed -and Bekheit Egail; Sadik and Besher have been transported to -Equatoria, with two of their relations. Your messenger brought with -him seventy dollars, which have been given to Beppo, and I enclose -his receipt for them. Kindly translate the letter I enclose for Wingate; -I have written it in German, as no one here but me understands the -language. Please keep these letters secret. For God’s sake, do not -let the newspaper people get hold of them, as you know, if they did, -it would cost me my head. Perhaps, if you could get them to give -as news something like this, it would help me: ‘We hear that, after -the escape of Slatin, Neufeld was secured against escape; he has -rendered great services to Mahdieh with the saltpetre; he would be -able to replace Osta Abdallah, who is now old and feeble; Neufeld -is in the greatest distress, and in prison with his certain death close -at hand; the people in the Soudan believe he is a relation of -Slatin.’”</p></div> - -<p>Onoor Issa went off with my replies, undertaking -to return in a few months, after having made arrangements -between Berber and Cairo for my escape; and -during his absence I was to scheme for any excuse to -get out of prison; escape from there was impossible. -Onoor—or the translators of his accounts—are mistaken -in saying that he actually met me in prison; all -negotiations were carried on through the Abyssinian -woman whom he employed to come into the prison for -“medical attendance,” or Umm es Shole, and days -and days elapsed between the visits sometimes, in all -amounting to maybe two months. There were times -<span class="xxpn" id="p225">|225|</span> -of mental tension in the Saier of Omdurman. To me -ill luck and good luck appeared to be ever striving for -the ascendency during my long captivity. Good luck -gained in the end—the same good luck which had -accompanied the Sirdar throughout his daring campaign -to conquer, not only Abdullah, but the Soudan, -and which, God grant, may ever accompany him in -future campaigns; but the cup-and-ball-catch-and-miss -strain was to me terrible. My one prayer was that -an end might come. Liberty, of course, I hoped for -to the end; but I often discovered myself speculating -as to whether it was true or not that those suddenly -decapitated by a single blow experienced some seconds -of really intellectual consciousness, and wondering to -myself whether, when my head was rolled into the -dust by the Khaleefa’s executioner, there would be -time to give one last look of defiance.</p> - -<p>Yet when I come to think of it, there was nothing -very strange in such contemplations. What soldier or -sailor has not often in his quiet moments tried to picture -his own death, defiant to the last as he goes down -before a more powerful enemy? And, after all, thousands -and thousands of men and women in civilized -countries are enduring a worse captivity and imprisonment -than many did in the Soudan; but they -are unfortunate in this—that no one has thrown a -halo of romance over their sufferings. My lot was a -hard, very hard one, I must admit; but the lot of some -other captives was such that thousands in Europe -would have been pleased to exchange theirs for it, and -would have gained in the exchange.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p226" -title="CHAPTER XIX RUMOURS OF RELIEF"> -CHAPTER XIX <span class="blksmaller"> -RUMOURS OF RELIEF</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">Soon -after the departure of Onoor Issa I was saved -any further trouble in the way of scheming for excuses -to get out of the Saier. Awwad-el-Mardi, the -successor of Nur-el-Gerafawi as the Amin Beit-el-Mal -on the appointment of the latter as director of the -Khaleefa’s ordnance stores, had been approached by -Nahoum Abbajee and others on the subject of the -extraction of gold and silver from certain stones which -had been discovered in the neighbourhood. Awwad -sent Nahoum to see me about the erection of a crushing-mill -or furnaces. My interview with Nahoum was -a stormy one. It commenced by his upbraiding me -for the pranks I had played in smashing the arsenal -punching-machine when we were associated in the -establishment of a mint. The more I laughed the -angrier Nahoum became; he is deaf, and like most -deaf people, invariably speaks in an undertone, which -is as distressing to the hearer as is the necessity he is -under of bawling back his replies. It is next to impossible -to hold a conversation with a deaf person -without the natural result of raising the voice exhibiting -itself in the features; the annoyance is there plain -<span class="xxpn" id="p227">|227|</span> -enough, but when the face flushes with the unwonted -exertion, your deaf friend thinks you are getting -angry, and follows suit. This is precisely what -Abbajee did. He showed me his specimens, and I -bawled into his ear, “Mica—not gold, not silver—mica;” -and he yelled back, “Gold, silver, gold.” The -noisy discussion, accompanied as it was with gesticulations, -attracted other prisoners around us, and Nahoum -went off in high dudgeon.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig19"> -<img src="images/i226.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">ONOOR ISSA.</div> -</div> - -<p>When he had gone, a few of my friends asked -why I did not offer to assist him, and even if the -thing was a failure, they thought I was clever enough -to find something else to do; but, as they said, -“promise anything provided it gets you out of -the Saier.” There were excellent reasons, but which -I might not confide to them, why any work I -undertook to do should occupy months, and, if -necessary, years in completion. To offer to assist -Nahoum in extracting gold and silver from such -stones meant that two or three weeks at the outside -would evidence our failure to do so, and then it was -Saier again for me. Whether any work I undertook -to do for the Khaleefa was to end in success or failure -was immaterial to me; but it was very material that -the result, whatever it was to be, should not be -attained for months, as by the time my guides returned, -the conditions surrounding my escape might have so -changed as to necessitate an entire change in plans and -programme. They might even entail the guides’ return -to Cairo or the frontier, and this occupied months. -But the advice to accept Nahoum’s proposals and trust -<span class="xxpn" id="p228">|228|</span> -to luck for discovering some other excuse for remaining -out of the Saier when failure could no longer be -concealed, appealed to me, and, in reply to my offer -of assistance, a messenger came from the Khaleefa -ordering the Saier to hand me over to the director of -the Beit-el-Mal. His other instructions were that the -bars and heavy chains were to be taken off my feet -and legs, and that I was to be secured by a single pair -of anklets connected with a light chain. While this -change was being made I received the congratulations -of the gaolers and prisoners, and (February, 1896) -was escorted out of the prison by two guards to enter -upon a new industry which had in it as much of the -elements of success as would accompany an attempt -to squeeze blood out of a cobbler’s lap-stone. I had -not forgotten Shwybo’s fate.</p> - -<p>When I reached Khartoum, Awwad-el-Mardi had -not yet arrived. It was the month of Ramadan, and -as all transactions were in abeyance until after sunset, -I was not allowed to land until Awwad arrived to hand -me over officially. I was left alone on one of Gordon’s -old steamers, moored at the spot where Gordon fell, -and where the victorious Sirdar and his troops landed -to conduct the burial service. During the hours I -had to wait gazing at the ruined town and the dismantled -palace which saw the martyrdom of as good -a man and soldier as ever trod this earth, I ruminated -over his blasted hopes and my own. I shall not pretend -to call to mind all the thoughts which surged -through my brain as I paced alone over the shell-and -bullet-splintered deck; but you can imagine what they -<span class="xxpn" id="p229">|229|</span> -were when I reflected that I was the only European -in the Soudan who had fired a shot for Gordon, and -that I was now a captive in the hands of the successor -of the Mahdi, gazing at the ruined town from which, -just eleven years ago, we had hoped to rescue its -noble defender. I should be ashamed to say that -when Awwad did at last come I was not in tears.</p> - -<p>I felt more acutely than I did when first taken to -Khartoum to be “impressed,” and still more acutely -than when I was hurriedly bundled into the old -Mission to start the saltpetre works. For the first -time since my captivity I had been left absolutely -alone. I was sitting on one of that fleet of “penny -steamers” which, had Gordon not sent down the Nile -to bring up his rescuers, might have saved him and -the Soudan in spite of the wicked delay resulting -from the attempt to make a theatrically impressive -show of an expedition intended to be one of flying -succour to the beleaguered garrison and its brave -commander, praying for months for the sight of -one single red coat. Gordon, I had been told, towards -the end, called the Europeans together in -Khartoum, and telling them that, in his opinion, -the Government intended to sacrifice him, recommended -them to make their escape. A deliberate -attempt to sacrifice him could not have succeeded -better. What wonder, when such thoughts as these -and many others had been affecting me for hours, -that when Awwad came, as darkness was setting in, -the darkness of night had settled too upon my mind. -He, believing that my chains were the real cause of -<span class="xxpn" id="p230">|230|</span> -my depression, ordered that they should be exchanged -immediately for lighter and smoother ones, for the -anklets and chains given me by Idris were rough in -the extreme.</p> - -<p>After being officially handed over to the Governor -of Khartoum, the question arose as to my quarters. -I was offered quarters in his house, but I had already -experienced life amongst his Baggara bodyguard, and -begged hard to be allowed to live in the same place -with Nahoum Abbajee and Sirri—the former telegraph-clerk -at Berber, with whom I was to work. -We were given the house of Ghattas, an old slave-dealer, -to live in. It was one of the best houses left -standing in Khartoum, and boasted an upper floor, -which was taken possession of by Nahoum Abbajee -as head of what I might call the gold syndicate, while -Sirri and I shared the ground floor. In the East -the West is reversed; you climb to the garret with -your rising fortunes, and descend with them, as they -fall, to the lower floors. Instead of having Saier or -Baggara guards to watch me, Awwad gave me some -slaves from the Beit-el-Mal as guardians, and they -had, in addition to watching me, to perform the household -duties; in fact, they were my servants.</p> - -<p>After the evening prayers, Awwad called together -the employés of the arsenal and my guards, and explained -to them that I was no longer a Saier prisoner; -that my chains were left on only to prevent the Government -people taking me; that I was “beloved” of the -Khaleefa, and was to be treated as his friend, and that -if any one treated me differently, he would be sent to -<span class="xxpn" id="p231">|231|</span> -take my place in the Saier. Awwad then taking me -aside under the pretence of giving me instructions from -the Khaleefa, said, “I am your friend; do not be afraid; -if you cannot find gold and silver, tell me of anything -else you can do, and I will see that the work is given -to you, so that you may not be sent back to the Saier.” -As Awwad was then a perfect stranger to me, I at -first had suspicions in my mind as to the genuineness of -his friendship; but he was a Jaalin, and I trusted him.</p> - -<p>We were told to get to work at once with the -extraction of the precious metals. As the engineer, I -had to design and superintend the construction of the -furnaces to be made by Hassan Fahraani (the potter), -who also supplied the crucibles. Our first furnace -crumbled to pieces after being started, and a stronger -one had to be made. Then the crucibles gave out. -We did all we could to coax gold and silver out of -those stones, and obtained some extraordinary results. -We added earth, common salt, saltpetre, oxide of lead—anything -and everything to the split stones in the -crucibles. Sometimes we found the crucible and its -contents fused together. The only thing we actually -found which gave an idea that we were working for -metals was a small shiny black ball, very much resembling -a black pearl, and this Hamadan at once -took possession of and carried off to Abdullahi, telling -him that it only required time for us to succeed. -Hamadan, being our chief, was much interested in -the work, and he was doubtless looking forward to -the day when part of the contents of the crucibles -would find its way to him. -<span class="xxpn" id="p232">|232|</span></p> - -<p>But our experiments were destined never to be -finished. About April, 1896, rumours first, and then -precise news, reached Omdurman that the Government -troops were again advancing. Then came the startling -news that Dongola had been taken, only to be followed -by the news of the capture of Abou Hamad. The -fulminate factory presided over by Hassan Zecki had -run short of ingredients, and as the stock of chlorate -of potash ordered from Egypt had not arrived, it was -believed that now the troops held all the country -between Dongola and Abou Hamad, it would have -no chance of getting through. Abdalla Rouchdi, the -chemist of the Beit-el-Mal, had, with Hassan Zecki, -failed to produce chlorine, as had also others, therefore -we were ordered to experiment at once. -Nahoum was sent over to the Beit-el-Mal to collect -all appliances, chemicals, and anything else he chose -to lay his hands upon. Our establishment was growing, -and Hamadan was delighted at having under his -charge people who were to do so much for Mahdieh. -But the chlorine required for the production of the -chlorate of potash refused to appear. Our laboratory -was a dangerous place to visit, for we had jar upon -jar containing mixed acids, and explosions were the -order of the day. Nahoum had a lively time, deaf as -he was. Once, and once only, Hamadan made pretence -of understanding our experiments; he took a -good inhalation from a vessel which had in it a -mixture of various acids with permanganate of -potash. He was almost suffocated, but he was much -impressed, and told the Khaleefa what devoted -<span class="xxpn" id="p233">|233|</span> -adherents he had when we would work in such a -poison-laden atmosphere.</p> - -<p>There was good reason why I should do all in my -power to keep Hamadan interested and hopeful of grand -results. Onoor Issa had sent me word by a messenger -from Berber that he was at that town with letters and -money for me, but that he had been detained by the -Emir; he hoped, however, to be able to get away very -soon and arrange my escape. Then the consignment of -chlorate of potash put in its appearance—about twelve -hundredweight, I was told—and Sirri getting hold of -a small sample of it, we showed it to Hamadan to -prove that we were just succeeding with our experiments. -He was satisfied, as was also Abdullahi, and -we were told to continue our work.</p> - -<p>However, the tales which were coming in every few -days were causing no little anxiety to the Khaleefa. -None of us believed that the troops were coming -across the desert in “iron devils,” and it was some -time before we understood that a railway was being -built. Indeed we could hardly believe it. Whatever -the “iron devil” was, it behoved the Khaleefa to -look well to his arms and ammunition. Sheikh ed -Din was sent on a round of inspection of stores and -arsenals,* and discovered that a large quantity of the -<span class="xxpn" id="p234">|234|</span> -powder had caked with the absorption of moisture, -that other large quantities were of very poor quality, -and that the powder-stores in general were not as he -thought they were. The Khaleefa threatened to cut -a hand and foot off both Abd es Semmieh and Hassan -Hosny, the directors of the factory, if they did not -work the powder up again into a good explosive. -Awwad, as the head of the Beit-el-Mal, came and -asked if it was not possible to make some sort of -machine for pulverizing the ingredients for the -powder; the work was then being done by hand. I -tried to interest Nahoum Abbajee in the work, as it -was about time we got clear of our alchemists’ establishment -on some excuse or another, otherwise I foresaw -trouble if Sheikh ed Din should inquire too -closely into our work. But Abbajee thought that he -had had quite enough of me in connection with -experiments and machinery, and decided to be out -of the affair altogether; he thought his life had been -in enough jeopardy already. Sirri elected to remain.</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn11"> - -<p class="pfn">* A few errors have crept -into the report submitted to the Earl of Kimberley in April, 1895, -after the escape of Slatin. </p> - -<p>On page 4 it is stated that the church of the Austrian Mission -in Khartoum was utilized as the repairing shops of the arsenal. The -church was never put to such a purpose. The account I have given of the -purpose to which it was put is the correct one. </p> - -<p>On page 7 it is stated “Neufeld started the first saltpetre -refinery in Khartoum.” This may or may not be correct, but it is very -misleading. The refining of saltpetre for the Khaleefa was a big -industry in Darfour and the environs of Omdurman and Khartoum long -before I had anything to do with it. The account I have given as to -how I came to be connected with this industry may be relied upon as -being correct, while there are many living witnesses, irrespective of -the stock of my saltpetre still existing, to prove that I deliberately -prevented “the refining of saltpetre” so far as it lay in my power to -do so. </p> - -<p>In the following paragraph to that quoted, it is stated that the -powder-factory was at Halfeyeh. It never was. It was first in Omdurman, -and, after the explosion, was gradually removed to Tuti Island. The -transfer was not complete when I left Khartoum for the Saier in -November, 1897. </p> - -<p>On page 10, when speaking of the coins in circulation, it is said, -“This decrease in the intrinsic value of money is an interesting -indication of the decline of dervish power and government.” The -inference to be drawn from my account of its depreciation is just the -reverse, but is the correct inference to be drawn.</p></div> - -<p>I invented a powder machine on the principle of -the old German “dolly” toy. We spent a few weeks, -assisted by Hamaida, the head of the carpenters, in -making a model, which worked beautifully; and when -it was shown to the Khaleefa, he was so delighted -that he ordered my chains to be removed. The -mortars were put in hand at once, also the beam which -<span class="xxpn" id="p235">|235|</span> -was to lift and let fall the pulverizers, and then it -was discovered that the machine could not be made -to my dimensions. I knew this when I designed it, -but I had hoped that some one would have been sent -south to try and find trees large enough to provide -the beams, and so delay would be assured. Osta -Abdallah and Khaleel Hassanein, jealous maybe of -me, and fearing that their positions were in danger of -being taken by myself, went to the Khaleefa, and told -him that, in their opinion, I was only “fooling” with -him. They also suggested that Awwad-el-Mardi was a -friend of the Government, and was helping me on this -account; but Yacoub, who was present, supported me. -In the course of the interview, the Khaleefa said he -had heard that in my country women and children -made cartridges with machines, and as I must know -all about it, I was to make him such a machine while -the powder-mill was being constructed.</p> - -<p>For ten years I had been so chained and weighted -with iron that it was only with effort I was able to -raise my feet from the ground in order to shuffle from -place to place; the bars of iron connected with the -anklets had limited the stride or shuffle to about ten -or twelve inches. When freed from all this, I ran -and jumped about the whole day long like one possessed; -but the sudden call upon muscles so long -unused resulted in a swelling of the legs from hips to -ankles, and this was accompanied with most excruciating -pains. I had just got the drawings ready for -the cartridge-machine when I was compelled to lie -up. This gave Osta Abdallah and Hassanein another -<span class="xxpn" id="p236">|236|</span> -chance to approach the Khaleefa, and again they -suggested that I was “fooling.”</p> - -<p>Awwad was sent for, and in reply to the Khaleefa, -said that he believed I was doing my best, and would -certainly succeed; that had he not believed in me himself, -he would never have recommended him to employ -me on such important works. Yacoub again took my -part, and said that whoever did not assist me, or whoever -hindered me, would be considered an enemy of -Mahdieh. Although, as he admitted, he did not understand -the machines, yet in his opinion “there must be -something in the head of the man who invented them, -and he was better employed in the arsenal than idling -his time in the Saier.” Awwad also said that if Osta -Abdallah and Hassanein had not and could not find -the materials for the construction of the machines, he -believed that I could make another one with such -materials as they had. This decided the matter—both -machines were to be proceeded with; but the -Khaleefa agreed to my being put into chains to -prevent my escaping, and on the thirteenth day of my -freedom the chains were replaced. Being unable to -move from my house, the joiners, with a lathe, their -tools and material, were sent to me, as the Khaleefa -wished the machine to be completed as rapidly as -possible. Abdallah Sulieman, the chief of the cartridge-factory, -was then employing upwards of fifteen -hundred men, and the Khaleefa wished to release -them for fighting purposes.</p> - -<div class="imctr02" id="fig20"> -<img src="images/i236.jpg" width="528" height="697" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">POWDER-MACHINES.</div> -</div> - -<p>My efforts to obtain either the original models or -photographs of them not having so far been successful, -<span class="xxpn" id="p237">|237|</span> -I have had models of the machines made here. -Those interested in mechanics will discover for themselves -the mechanical defects and unnecessary complications -introduced into them. I was working -under the supervision of fairly good mechanical -engineers, so that defects might not be made too -glaring. Some were detected and rectified, but the -main defects were not seen, being beyond the powers -of calculation of Abdallah; and Hamaida, who could -and did see them, was enjoying the pranks which were -played. The various ideas I had picked up while -associated with Gordon’s old corps were now standing -me in good stead. When the model of the cartridge-machine -was taken over to Abdullahi, instead of being -pleased with it he was furious: Berber had been -taken! He said, “I want cartridges, not models;” and -gave orders that I should be taken from my house, -kept at work all day in the arsenal, and locked up at -night in the arsenal prison with the convicts employed -there as labourers.</p> - -<p>To gain more time, I insisted upon a full-sized -wooden model of the cartridge-machine being first -made for the metal workers to work from. Yacoub -had given orders that all the material and labour -of the arsenal was to be put at my disposition. -While the wooden model was being made, I occupied -myself in selecting the metal required, and in doing -this I laid hands upon everything Osta Abdallah -required for the ordinary works in hand. I appropriated -the paddle axle of one of the steamers, -as I said I required this to be cut with eccentric -<span class="xxpn" id="p238">|238|</span> -discs, and did my best to smash the best lathe -with it, to give me still more time; but the lathe -stood the strain, and four or five discs were actually -cut in the axle.</p> - -<p>It would have taken them another year to cut the -remainder at the rate the work was progressing, and -probably four years to make the machine; then -when it was finished there would have been an -accident, and some people would have been killed -or maimed, for that paddle axle would have come -tearing through the machine with the first revolution. -I was taking a fiendish delight in destroying every -good piece of metal I could lay my hands on under -pretence of its being required for the machine; the -copper and brass which I appropriated interfered -considerably with the production of the cartridges, -and the skilled workmen whom I kept employed -delayed for months the finishing touches to the new -powder-factory on Tuti Island. But there could be no -going back now. Abdallah was my sworn enemy; but I -knew that the more I destroyed under his own eyes, the -less risk there was of his going to the Khaleefa again -to induce him to believe that the whole of my work -was, as he called it, “shoogal khabbass”—all lies, for -Abdallah himself would get into trouble for not having -discovered it before all the damage had been done.</p> - -<p>While still engaged on collecting material for the -machine (for no sooner was one lot cut up when -it was discovered that some mistake had been made -in either length or thickness, so that another raid -had to be made on the stores), the steamer <i>Safia</i> -<span class="xxpn" id="p239">|239|</span> -was brought up and beached opposite Mokran fort -for repairs. Instead of being allowed to settle on a -cradle running the whole length of her keel, she was -supported only amidships, and her bow and stern tore -away. All the boats were at this time in the charge -of the Beit-el-Mal, and when Osta Abdallah condemned -the <i>Safia</i>, and said it was impossible to repair -her, Awwad-el-Mardi, fearing the Khaleefa’s displeasure -at such a time, asked me if it was not possible -to repair her. Taking with us a number of men -discontented with Osta Abdallah, we examined the -boat, and declared that she could be repaired. Awwad -was pleased, and I was appointed superintendent of -this work too. My superintendence consisted in -hiding below and smoking surreptitiously.</p> - -<p>Sometime in August, 1897, Onoor returned to -Omdurman, and sent messages to me through Umm -es Shole. The import of them will be seen from the -following letter, which I was able to write and smuggle -over to him; the letter was to be delivered to the -first officer he came across:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“In accordance with my arrangement with the bearer Onoor, I -succeeded in getting liberated from the Saier, and moved over to -Khartoum, where I have spent two years in the arsenal under surveillance. -Onoor has been unable to meet me personally to consult -over plans for escape, which offers little difficulty provided I had -funds. In May, 1896, Onoor sent me, through his agent, your letter, -and gave me to understand that the money mentioned in this letter -was in his possession, and that he was awaiting an opportunity to -bring it to Khartoum. Now (July-August, 1897) he has come to -Omdurman only to find me in a difficult position, owing to the -progress of the war. He tells me he was ordered to Suakin, where -he was put in prison, and the money he had for me taken from him, -<span class="xxpn" id="p240">|240|</span> -as he had no reply from me to the letter sent, or any evidence to -show that the letter had been sent. He has borrowed some money -here, for which I have gone bail for fifty pounds, and Onoor promises -to be back in three months’ time with news from you and the money -required for my support and escape. The course of the war will -soon deliver us alive or dead from the hands of this savage rabble.</p> - -<p>“The greater part of the arsenal has been moved over to the Beit-el-Mal -at Omdurman owing to the war, and the remaining material will -follow very shortly, and I will go over with it, when I may have an -opportunity of meeting Onoor if nothing occurs to disturb the extremely -good relations existing between myself and my present -masters. Please give Onoor (here follows a list of medicines); -practising medicine facilitates my communication with the outer -world. I hope Onoor will find with you a letter from my family; I -am in good health, as is also my daughter Bakhita, and her mother -Umm es Shole. We send you greetings.”</p></div> - -<p class="padtopc">News was coming each day of the most alarming -description for the Khaleefa; tales of big gunboats -coming to reconnoitre Khartoum, and the “iron -devil” (the railway) creeping forward, decided him on -collecting everything under his eyes. All stores were -hurried over to Omdurman; a hundred and fifty to -two hundred men were sent over to destroy the -mission house, mosque, and other buildings in Khartoum, -as the Khaleefa was determined to leave no -place of shelter for any troops who succeeded in landing -there. I was looked upon with the greatest -suspicion, as there was no concealing, try as I might, -my anxiety to glean every bit of news possible about -the expedition, and I was also in a fever of excitement -expecting the return of Onoor. Each day was -bristling with opportunities for escape, provided there -was a man with a camel ready for me on the opposite -<span class="xxpn" id="p241">|241|</span> -shore. With the dozens of boats and hundreds of -men employed in transferring the arsenal to the other -side of the river, a successful escape was assured; but -Onoor never came. Towards the end of November, -1897, I was taken over with the last of the arsenal -material to Omdurman, and put into the Saier prison, -only until, as I was told, a house could be got ready -for me in the Beit-el-Mal, where we were to complete -the powder-and cartridge-machines.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p242" -title="CHAPTER XX PREPARING TO RECEIVE THE GUNBOATS"> -CHAPTER XX <span class="blksmaller"> -PREPARING TO RECEIVE THE GUNBOATS</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">When -I returned to the Saier in November, 1897, -it was as a visitor—a distinguished one at that. I was -told that I was only to remain there until my quarters -in the Beit-el-Mal were ready for occupation, when I -was to leave the prison and continue the construction -of the powder-and cartridge-machines, to the completion -of which the Khaleefa and Yacoub were looking -forward with no little interest and anxiety. But -once inside the gates of the Saier, Osta Abdallah and -Khaleel Hassanein determined to keep me there, and -succeeded in doing so. When Awwad-el-Mardi again -interested himself on my behalf, these worthies succeeded -in persuading Yacoub that Awwad’s interest in -me was sure evidence of his sympathies with the -Government, and their schemes ended by Awwad also -being sent into the prison with threats of what would -happen to him if he attempted to hold any intercourse -with me.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig21"> -<img src="images/i242.jpg" width="600" height="424" alt="" /> -<div class="caption"> -<div class="fsize6">A GROUP—FROM PHOTOGRAPH -TAKEN AT THE FEAST OF BEIRAM, 1899.</div> - -<div class="csstable fsize7"><div class="tabrow"> -<div class="tabcell cellwtha cellrpad"> -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">1.</span> Mohammed -Sirri, formerly telegraph clerk at Berber. He, -with Hassan Bey Hassanein, cut the Khaleefa’s -communications.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">2.</span> Morgan Torjin. -Imprisoned for two years for telling the Khaleefa -that he insisted on being allowed to smoke -tobacco and drink Marissa.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">3.</span> Khaleel Agha -Orphali.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">4.</span> Said Bey -Gumaa.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">5.</span> Osman Bey Daali, -commandant of Irregular troops in Sennaar.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">6.</span> Hassan Bey -Hassanein.</p> -</div> - -<div class="tabcell"> -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">7.</span> Sheikh Ali -Toulba, formerly of the Khartoum Medrassa -(college).</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">8.</span> Ahmed Riad, -formerly head clerk of Slatin at Dara. He it was -who wrote the letters calling upon Said Gumaa to -submit to the Mahdi, and who accompanied Slatin -to Zoghal when Dara was surrendered.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">9.</span> Mohammad Farag, -former officer of Dara troops.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">10.</span> Rhubrian -Baalbal, clerk to Lupton.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">11.</span> Sheikh Taher -Farrag, Kassala Medrassa (college).</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">12.</span> Ahmed Yusef -Kandeel, clerk to Wad Nejoumi.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">13.</span> Hassan Bey Abdel -Minain, president of the Court of Appeal at -Khartoum.</p></div></div></div> -</div></div><!--imctr01--> - -<p>It was possibly a week after entering the prison that -Umm es Shole came in to say that she had seen and -spoken to Onoor Issa, who had not left -<span class="xxpn" id="p243">|243|</span> -Omdurman—the same Onoor whose return I had looked for so -anxiously during the time of the transfer of the arsenal -from Khartoum, when each day bristled with opportunities -for successful flight! Fearing that he might play -me false, and hand the notes I had given him to the -Khaleefa as an earnest of his loyalty to him, I sent off -Umm es Shole, and told her to say that I had a few -notes to add to the letters which I had given him. -Onoor at once suspected my reasons for sending for -them, and replied that he was not pleased with my want -of confidence in him, that he had a permit to proceed -to Suakin for trade, but, having fallen under suspicion, -he had so far been prevented from leaving, though he -hoped to be able to leave any day. Upon this I -again trusted him, and added the following to my -notes, sending them out to him as soon as it was -written:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“News from here (the Saier); Slatin knows Omdurman prison. -From the Beit-el-Mal to Morrada along the river are six semicircular -forts with flanks; each fort has three guns, but the flanks are loopholed -for musketry only. The parapets are of Nile mud, and appear -to be three metres thick. Most of the forts are situated close under -the high wall. There is a similar fort at the north end of Tuti Island, -two more at Halfeyeh, and the same number at Hugra, north of -Omdurman. Two batteries near Mukran sweep the White Nile and -the arm which skirts Tuti Island, and I have just heard that some -one has offered to lay torpedoes in the Nile to blow up the steamers. -Slatin knows more about the army than I do; Wad Bessir has come -in from Ghizera with about two thousand men. Osman Digna, with -a force I have not learned the strength of, is at Halfeyeh. Onoor -will tell you all about these troops. Ahmed Fedeel is at Sabalooka -(Shabluka), and his strength is better known to you than me. The -whole population left here is in the greatest dread of this savage -rabble and their rulers, and pray God to deliver them out of their -<span class="xxpn" id="p244">|244|</span> -hands, and that you may save them from the fate of the Jaalin. I -pray you to keep this letter an absolute secret. There are traitors -among your spies” (this remark was confirmed a few weeks later); -“if the least inkling of my communications with you reach the -Khaleefa’s ears, it will be all over with me. Answer me in German, -as no one else here understands the language. It is a mistake to -trust any Arab—civilized or uncivilized. Onoor is the only one who -has brought me any news. He is the best man to go between us. -In expectation of an early reply from you, I subscribe myself yours -devotedly, and pray God he may enable me to join you soon. I -have been moved from Khartoum to the Omdurman prison only -until my house is ready in the Beit-el-Mal.</p> - -<p>The Khaleefa has received news that steamers are coming to -reconnoitre Khartoum.”</p></div> - -<p>It was not until the end of December that Onoor -succeeded in obtaining permission to leave Omdurman; -and then hurrying to Suakin, he handed in my notes -to the commandant there, returning six months later -with his thanks for the information given and money -to keep me going. It is passing strange that my -trouble in collecting information about the forts, -writing to the advancing army, and giving what -details I could, should have given those on the way to -Omdurman the impression that it was “Neufeld’s forts” -which were being knocked to pieces. Even my good -friend—that King of War Correspondents—Mr. -Bennet Burleigh, was good enough to tell me that he -believed I had designed and constructed them. They -were all the work, from beginning to end, of Youssef -Mansour.</p> - -<p>At the time I am speaking of, the prison was filled -with suspected sympathizers with the Government; -the presence of Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi and -<span class="xxpn" id="p245">|245|</span> -Awwad-el-Mardi has already been alluded to. Hogal, who -should have accompanied me on the expedition to -Kordofan, was also a prisoner; but it was three months -before I was able to steal an interview with him—about -the time of the anniversary of my capture—and then -I learned, at almost the hour of my release, the real -history of my capture. Our circle of “Government -people” was added to daily; one of the most interesting -additions being a party of sixteen or seventeen -spies, amongst whom was Worrak from Dongola, -Abdalla Mahassi from Derawi, Ajjail from Kassala, -and others from Suakin. They had been betrayed by -other spies; I have forgotten the names of the traitors, -but it is of little moment now, as doubtless the betrayed -settled up their accounts on the taking of Omdurman. -The betrayer or betrayers were Dongolawi—perhaps -the only coterie of thieves on earth who have no -honour among themselves.</p> - -<p>Whatever may have been the excitement and anxiety -in other parts of the world concerning the Sirdar’s -advance, we had our share of both in Omdurman. -Strange tales had reached us of offers of assistance sent -to the Khaleefa to resist the advance of the troops. -Shortly before I left Khartoum, a field-gun had arrived -from the south as a present for the Khaleefa; it -was accompanied by a limited supply of ammunition—brass -cartridges carrying a shell in the same way as -the rifle carries its bullet. One of the cartridges was -sent to the Khartoum arsenal, to see if others could be -made like it. Various tales were told concerning its -origin; but as the gun must have been taken at the -<span class="xxpn" id="p246">|246|</span> -capture of Omdurman, its real history has no doubt -been traced.</p> - -<p>It was only when I met in prison Ibrahim Wad -Hamza of Berber, and Hamed Wad-el-Malek, that I -learned from them what had transpired when the -King of Abyssinia sent an envoy to the Khaleefa asking -his assistance against the Italians. The envoy had -been brought to the Khartoum arsenal to inspect it, -but I was not allowed to speak to him. An arrangement -had been come to by which the Abyssinians were -to open up trade routes from Gallabat, and send in so -much coffee and other articles of food monthly, in -return for the promised assistance of the Khaleefa in -attacking the Italians; but the contributions or tribute -was paid for a few months only, as another envoy -came with offers of assistance against the advancing -armies. He was the bearer of a flag which he asked -the Khaleefa to fly, as the troops might not fire at -it; the conferences, like all conferences between the -Khaleefa and strangers, were held privately, but at -the end of the last conference, the Khaleefa gave his -reply in the presence of the Emirs and others. Handing -back the flag, he said, “My mission is a holy and -religious one; I trust to God for help and success; I do -not want the help of Christians. If ever I required the -help of man, the Mohammedan boy Abbas is nearer -and better to me,” and with this he waved the envoy -and his companions off. The only construction we -could place on the concluding sentence, was that the -Khaleefa wished every one to understand that, sooner -than accept the help of a Christian power, he would -<span class="xxpn" id="p247">|247|</span> -surrender to the Khedive, and this meant never, for he -was looking forward to the day when he would erect -his scaffolds in the Cairo citadel, and haul up the -Khedive and “Burrin” (Lord Cromer) as his first -victims. To the Soudanese, Lord Cromer, or -“Burrin,” as they mispronounced Baring, held the -same relation to the Khedive as Yacoub did to the -Khaleefa.</p> - -<p>From the day Mahmoud started until the arrival of -the victorious army in Omdurman, I was pestered with -questions day and night; the Mahdists wished to -know whether the advancing troops belonged to the -sheikh who sent the troops for Gordon in 1884; those -against Mahdieh wished to know if they belonged to -the other sheikh. From the Arabic papers which -found their way to Omdurman, the Soudanese had -learned that there were two tribes in England, each -led by powerful sheikhs; one, the sheikh of 1884, -and the other the sheikh who had said that when he -started there would be no coming back until he had -“broken up” (smashed) Mahdieh. To the Mahdists, it -was the troops who “ran away” who were coming -again; to the “Government” people it was immaterial -which sheikh was in power; British troops were -advancing, and that was enough. At night our circle -would sift and discuss all the tales we had heard -during the day, and although we were filled with hope, -anxiety and fear got the better of us on most occasions.</p> - -<p>When Mahmoud was sent off, his instructions were -to wait at Metemmeh, and do all in his power to harass -the troops as they crossed the river; if strong enough -<span class="xxpn" id="p248">|248|</span> -to attack them, he was to do so, but if they were -stronger, he was to retire gradually to Kerreri, where -an old prophecy had foretold that the great battle was -to take place. Mahmoud disobeyed these instructions, -and crossed to the east bank, upon which the Khaleefa -sent him orders not to remain in a zareeba or trenches, -but to attack the infidels in the open. Hardly had the -excitement caused by Mahmoud’s defiance of the -Khaleefa’s orders died down, when the news came that -he had attacked and annihilated the English army. -But other news than this followed on its heels; we -learned the truth from a band of about thirty-eight -blacks wearing the Egyptian uniform. They were -dervishes taken at Dongola and Abou Hamad, and -drafted into the army. At the Atbara they deserted to -the dervishes, but suspected of being spies, they were -sent to the Saier. The whole truth came out when -Osman Digna came back to Omdurman to report to -the Khaleefa.</p> - -<p>“What news have you brought me, and how fare -the faithful?” inquired Abdullahi. “Master,” replied -Osman, “I led them to Paradise.” Now, Osman -had been doing this at every battle for years, and -the Khaleefa’s patience was exhausted; he wanted -victories, and not pilgrimages of his best troops to the -next world. “Then why did you not go with them?” -retorted Abdullahi. “God,” replied Osman, “had not -ordained it so; He must have more work for me to -do; when that work is finished, He will call me.” It -was well known to the Khaleefa, and every one else in -the Soudan, that Osman had an excellent eye for a -<span class="xxpn" id="p249">|249|</span> -field of battle, and knew an hour before any one else -did, when to make a bolt for it on a losing day. -Osman’s appearance was quite sufficient to let people -understand that all the tales of victory on the side -of the dervishes were false, and it was useless for the -Khaleefa to try any longer to conceal the truth, but -some explanation had to be given for the terrible -rout of his army. It was all the doing of an outraged -Deity. Mahmoud had disobeyed the orders transmitted -through Abdullahi by the Prophet, and this -was the result! As other stragglers came in, extraordinary -tales were told of enormous steamers with -enormous guns which fired “devils” and “lightning”; -this description probably referred to the rockets, which, -I gathered, had ricochetted all over Mahmoud’s camp, -playing terrible havoc.</p> - -<p>On the fall of Dongola, a Mograbin (from Tunis, or -Algiers), named Nowraani, had offered his services to -Yacoub, as a maker of torpedoes, and with these he -said he could blow up every boat on the Nile. His -offer at the time was refused, as the Khaleefa said -that it was his intention to capture all these boats for -himself; he did not wish them to be destroyed. But the -tales which came in about them after the Atbara fight, -showed that something must be done to secure them. -Abdallah and Hassanein undertook to make a “boom” -of chains across the Sabalooka (Shabluka) pass, and -for this purpose almost every scrap of chain in Omdurman -was collected. Their plan, as described to me, was -as follows: the chains were to be laid across the -stream, their ends made fast to posts on the opposite -<span class="xxpn" id="p250">|250|</span> -banks of the Nile. To prevent them from sinking to -the bed of the stream, a series of large wooden buoys -had been made, and these were to be fixed at intervals -along the boom. It had been calculated that the buoys -would, with the weight of the chains, be sunk just -below the surface of the water, and also keep the -chains in a series of loops; these loops were intended -to entangle the paddles and propellers of the gunboats, -and, while so entangled, Mansour’s picked men were -to shoot every one on board, and then, releasing the -boats, bring them on to Omdurman. That was the -arrangement.</p> - -<p>Employed in the arsenal at the time was a man -named Mohammad Burrai—a Government sympathizer, -and a bitter enemy of Mansour and the others; -he was entrusted with the attaching of the buoys -at the fixed points in the boom. A few days after -the boom was sent down the river, and, while I -was “practising” the healing art at the gates of the -prison, I received an interesting patient; it was Burrai, -his head so wrapped up in cloths as to make him -unrecognizable. He told me first of the arrangements -made for the boom, and how he had succeeded in -destroying it. The chains had been laid over the -sterns of boats anchored in the Nile from bank to -bank, and Burrai had fixed the buoys to them, but -instead of making the buoys <i>fast</i> at these points, he -merely slipped the rings round the boom so that the -buoys could run from one end to the other. The word -was given to slip the boom off the boats. The buoys -with the force of the current were carried to the centre -<span class="xxpn" id="p251">|251|</span> -of the boom, and, with the resistance offered by them -to the stream, the cables snapped and were lost. -Burrai’s object in coming to me will be divined; -having been employed on the construction of the -boom, he might, when the English arrived, be shot as -a Mahdist, and he wished to tell me, as a “Government -man,” what he had done, so that I could speak up for -him. This I promised to do.</p> - -<p>There were no more chains left with which to make -another boom, but those terrible boats must be stopped -from coming to Omdurman, and Nowraani was sent -for to explain his project again. He proposed to take -two large tubular boilers, then lying at Khartoum, -cut them in two, fill them with powder, seal up the -open ends, and fire them by electricity as the boats -passed over them. Sirri, the former telegraph-clerk -at Berber, was asked to design the electrical apparatus, -but he pleaded ignorance of such things. I was next -sent to, to give my opinion as to the feasibility of -Nowraani’s plan. It was explained to me that each -half of the boilers would contain thirty cantars (a ton -and a half) of gunpowder; then it was mines, and not -torpedoes, the man wished to make; however, the -name “torpedo” was always used. I replied that I -had heard, as Nowraani said, of torpedoes being used -in the sea for the destruction of great ships, but had -never heard of them being used in rivers, and I -doubted his ability to make them. The Khaleefa was -not satisfied with my answer, and sent word that he -believed I could assist in the making of them, but -would not. To this, again, I said I should be only too -<span class="xxpn" id="p252">|252|</span> -pleased to help Nowraani in his work, but what he -proposed to do was very dangerous and risky. I said -I felt sure that the only result would be an explosion -while the torpedoes were being made, and that, while -I did not mind being killed myself, I would not like -to meet Allah responsible for the lives of others. -Perhaps I made a mistake in putting forward religious -scruples, for the Khaleefa never believed in my conversion; -he took it for granted that I refused to help, -and told the Saier to load me with an extra chain -and bar.</p> - -<p>Nowraani insisted that his plans were feasible, and -a small experimental “torpedo” was ordered to be -made; Mansour, Hassanein, and Abdallah superintended -the work, which was carried out in almost -absolute secrecy. When finished, the mine was taken -over to the Blue Nile, made fast under a boat, and -exploded. The result was most satisfactory—the boat -being blown to matchwood, and a large column of mud -and water thrown into the air, which was more -impressive, evidently, than the destruction of the -boat.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig22"> -<img src="images/i252.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">NEUFELD DOUBLY FETTERED.</div> -</div> - -<p>The “torpedoes” were ordered immediately, and -men were kept working night and day for their completion; -the boilers were cut in two, plates fitted to -the open ends, wires and “strings,” as it was described -to me, fitted to mechanism in the interior, and in -maybe a fortnight’s time I learned that four big and -one small torpedo were fastened to gyassas ready to -be lowered into the stream, while others were being -made. Again I received a visit from Burrai; he had -<span class="xxpn" id="p253">|253|</span> -to assist in the laying of the mines, and wanted to know -from me how they might be rendered useless. From -his description of the wires and lines running in pairs, -I came to the conclusion that electricity was to be the -medium for their explosion, especially as Burrai’s -instructions were to take charge of these lines, pay -them out as the torpedoes sank, and make the free -ends of the line fast to posts, which had been fixed -on the land just south of Khor Shamba. I told him -that if either wire or string of the pairs of lines was -broken, the torpedoes could not be fired, and suggested -his giving a hard tug to one of the lines as soon as the -“barrel” as he called the mines, was lowered to the -bed of the stream.</p> - -<p>What happened we know; how it happened we -never shall. Burrai was seen on the <i>Ismailia</i>, which -towed down the stone-laden gyassas with the torpedoes; -the gyassas were to have a hole knocked in -them, and the boat and torpedoes allowed to sink -gradually. One torpedo had been lowered, and an -explosion immediately followed. The boats with -Nowraani and between thirty and forty men were -blown to atoms; the <i>Ismailia</i> was blown in two—the -stern floating a few yards down stream and sinking. -Burrai was picked out of the water with the -whole of the flesh of the calf of his left leg blown clear -away, and also the flesh from his ribs on the left side. -He lingered for seven days, asking repeatedly for me; -but all that I was allowed to do was to send him -carbolic acid for his wounds—I was not allowed to go -and see him. To all inquiries as to how the accident -<span class="xxpn" id="p254">|254|</span> -happened he could, or would, only say that all he did -was to pull in the slack of the lines, to prevent their -becoming entangled.</p> - -<p>Sorry as I am for poor Burrai’s death, I cannot consider -that I am in any way to blame for it; I can only -think that some system of fuse, or detonator, had been -fixed to the “torpedoes,” and that the very action which -I had suggested to render them useless had exploded -them. About the time that the mines exploded, Onoor -returned, or, at least, I received the news of his return, -by receiving the letter and money he had brought -from Suakin. Every one with leanings towards the -Government was now coming to me in prison under -one pretext or another, to give me information as to all -that was going on; it was to their interest to do so, -as to the end I was looked upon as an official. Owing -to this, I was able to send out to Onoor slips of paper -giving as nearly correct details as possible of the -number of various arms possessed by the dervishes, the -stock of ammunition, and the Khaleefa’s plans as far -as they were known. In one of my notes I informed -the army of the explosion of the “torpedoes,” and the -existence of two other mines ready to be sent off, with -details concerning the forts. I asked Onoor to get -away with these as quickly as possible, and he promised -to do so. I do not know who he handed these notes -to, or whether he handed them over himself; he -replies to my inquiries by writing me from Omdurman -saying that he was arrested on the Nile by Osman -Digna, but whether coming or going from the army it -is impossible to say. My own opinion is that Onoor, -<span class="xxpn" id="p255">|255|</span> -not knowing how the day would go, remained in -Omdurman the whole time. If the English won, his -life was safe as a well-known spy; if the dervishes -won, he was among his own people, and could take -credit for having contributed towards the victory. He -was not the only one in the Soudan who debated -chances and probabilities as did Hassib Gabou, and -Hogal when Gabou talked him over on April 1, 1887.</p> - -<p>No sooner had my “latest intelligence” been sent -off by Onoor, than an arsenal carpenter, Mohammad -Ragheb, came to me on the subject of the remaining -torpedoes. He had been ordered to assist in the laying -of them, and was particularly anxious to learn from -me how he might render them useless, and no less -anxious that I should make a mental note of the fact -so that I could say a “good word” for him if ever he -was accused of trying to impede the advance of the -“Government.” Associated with him was a no particular -friend of mine—Ali Baati, and others; but there -was no mistaking their earnest desire and real anxiety -to circumvent all the schemes of Mansour, Hassanein, -and Abdallah in favour of the Government troops.</p> - -<p>Ragheb could give me no more information as to -the firing medium of the mines than could Burrai; all -he could tell me was that the “barrels” had the wires -wrapped two or three times round them to prevent -their being pulled or dragged in removal. I suggested -first that he should chip away any cement which he -thought filled any hole or crevice; this would allow of -the water penetrating. Next I suggested that he -should, as the boats carrying the mines went down -<span class="xxpn" id="p256">|256|</span> -the river, try and “snip” any or all of the wires -running round the “barrel,” but cutting the wires in -different places, so that the trick would not be discovered. -Ragheb must have succeeded, for neither of -the mines exploded, although Mansour had appointed -people to fire them as the gunboats passed.</p> - -<p>It is impossible for me, away from the spot where -association would bring to memory the incidents of -those stirring times, to remember the names of all who -came to me asking what they might do to evidence, -before the arrival of the troops, their loyalty to the -Government, and it must not be forgotten that they -were running risks in fighting Mahdieh. It is but right -that I should record the one or two striking examples -which occur to me, especially in the face of my oft-expressed -opinion that there are one or two released -captives, who should not even be allowed the formality -of a drum-head court-martial.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p257" -title="CHAPTER XXI NEARING THE END"> -CHAPTER XXI <span class="blksmaller"> -NEARING THE END</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">Events -were now following each other in rapid -succession. In the universal excitement prevailing, -sleep was almost unknown, drums were beaten and -ombeyehs blown continuously day and night, days -and dates were lost count of; even Friday, that one -day in the week in Mahdieh, was lost sight of by -most, and the prayers were left unsaid.</p> - -<p>Councils of war were the order of the day—and -night; and what tales we heard! The Emir Abd-el-Baagi -had been entrusted by the Khaleefa and -Yacoub with keeping in touch with the advancing -armies, and sending to Omdurman information of -every movement. Never was a general better served -with “intelligence” than was Abdullahi by Abd-el-Baagi; -his messengers were arriving every few hours -in the early days, and hourly towards the end. It -was with no little astonishment that we heard Sabalooka -was to be abandoned. The boom of chains -which was to entangle the paddles of the gunboats -had snapped, therefore it was the will of Allah that -the boats were to come on. Then the mines exploded. -Again it was Allah, who in this showed that -<span class="xxpn" id="p258">|258|</span> -he would not have His designs interfered with. The -real truth of the matter was, that the troops at -Sabalooka, hearing that the gunboats had guns which -could send one of the “devils” (shells) half a day’s -journey, and over hills too, took upon themselves to -retire out of range.</p> - -<p>There was an old prophecy to the effect that the -great fight would take place on the plains of Kerreri. -Here the infidels were to be exterminated, and all -the waverers on the side of the faithful were to -be killed, the remnant collecting afterwards and then -starting off, a purified army, on the conquest of the -whole world. Again, it was decided that the faithful -were to collect in Omdurman, and allow the infidels -to come on. While attacks were being made against -them on the western flank and rear, a great sortie was -to be made from the town, when the infidels, pressed -back to Kerreri plains, would be caught between three -fires, and exterminated. The gunboats, with their -“devils,” would be afraid to shoot, as they would kill -their own people. But no sooner had this been -decided upon when objections were raised. Those -gunboats could anchor half a day’s journey off, knock -Omdurman to pieces, and bury the faithful under -the ruins.</p> - -<p>Again the prophecy was alluded to, and a move out -to meet the armies finally decided upon. Every man -was to be taken out of Omdurman, so that, if the -infidels should succeed in reaching the town, they would -find only women and children, and instead of their -being the besiegers, they would become the besieged. -<span class="xxpn" id="p259">|259|</span></p> - -<p>Omdurman was overrun by Abdullahi’s spies, who, -professing to be friendly towards the “Government,” -tried to wheedle out of known friends of the Government -expressions of opinion as to the chances of -success to the Mahdists’ arms, and at the same time to -ascertain the general feeling of the populace. Their -favourite hunting-ground was of course the Saier, -where the more influential people were incarcerated. -From the persistence with which these spies pressed -their inquiries as to the chances of success which -might attend large bodies deserting to the Ingleezee -under cover of darkness—their anxiety to learn how -they might approach the camp without being fired -upon before they had been given an opportunity of -evidencing their peaceable intentions—we came to the -conclusion that Abdullahi had been advised to make -a night attack. Few knew better than we did what -might be the result of such a tactic. At close quarters -the dervish horde was more than a match for the best-drilled -army in Europe. Swift and silent in their -movements, covering the ground at four or five times -the speed of trained troops, every man, when the -moment of attack came, accustomed to fight independently -of orders, lithe and supple, nimble as cats -and as bloodthirsty as starving man-eating tigers, -utterly regardless of their own lives, and capable of -continuing stabbing and jabbing with spear and sword -while carrying half a dozen wounds, any one of which -would have put a European <i>hors de combat</i>—such were -the 75,000 to 80,000 warriors which the Khaleefa had -ready to attack the Sirdar’s little army. Artillery, -<span class="xxpn" id="p260">|260|</span> -rifles, and bayonets would have been but of little avail -against a horde like this rushing a camp by night.</p> - -<p>We had heard from the prisoner deserters how, at -the Atbara, the armies had advanced by night and delivered -their attack at dawn, first shelling the zareeba -with their “devils,” which “came from such a great -distance.” With Fauzi, Hamza the Jaalin, and others, -I came to the conclusion that the same tactics would -be employed for the attack at Kerreri; therefore, to -the spies we swore that the English never did things -twice in the same way; that they would on this -occasion march during the day and attack at night, -since the Sirdar would be afraid to let his soldiers see -the Khaleefa’s great army, as they would all run away -if they did. Our advice was that the faithful should -remain in their camp, and await the attack. It would -have been very awkward for me had the Sirdar -planned a night attack, for he would have found the -dervishes on the <i>qui vive</i> awaiting him, and then I -might have been blamed for the advice I had given. -However, I believed that a night attack would be the -very last thing he would resort to, and any tale from -our side was good enough, provided doubts were -raised in the minds of the Khaleefa and his advisers -as to the chances of success which would attend his -attacking by night.</p> - -<p>The population at this period may be said to have -divided itself into three camps; the one praying—and -sincerely, for the victory to Mahdieh; the second -praying openly to the same end, but breathing prayers -to Heaven for just the reverse; the third camp—and -<span class="xxpn" id="p261">|261|</span> -this the bigger of the three, consisting of those waiting -to see which side would probably win in order to -throw in its lot with it. Dozens of people, who really -were friends of the Government, came to me in prison -asking advice as to what they might do before the -troops actually arrived to evidence their loyalty, and it -must not be forgotten that they were risking death at -the hour of deliverance. To most I was still the -“brother of Stephenson el Ingleezee,” and there were -“brothers” of mine coming up with the Government -troops.</p> - -<p>I was able, through these people, to collect the -information I was sending off daily by spies. Abdallah-el-Mahassi, -who had received some message from -Major Fitton, asking about me, and also asking -for all information procurable concerning the arms -and ammunition possessed by the dervishes, sent to -me the spy Worrak, who had been released from -prison, for any information I could give. Worrak, -doubtless looking forward to a reward, decided upon -delivering my messages himself. He was to be accompanied -by two others; so, besides giving him notes -with the numbers of rifles, etc., issued to the troops, -and a last warning about the mines near Halfeyeh, I -gave the information verbally to the three, so that, in -the event of it being found necessary to destroy the -papers, the verbal messages would get through. -Worrak and his companions left, but were intercepted -by Abd-el-Baagi’s scouts. Inflating their -water-skins, they took to the river under a shower -of bullets. Worrak must have been killed or drowned, -<span class="xxpn" id="p262">|262|</span> -as he was not seen again; but the two others reached -the British lines, delivered the messages, and said -that they would be confirmed by Worrak, who they -then thought must have been carried by the current -to the east bank of the Nile. These were the last -messengers I actually sent off.</p> - -<p>One of the Saier gaolers had worked himself into -a state of frenzied excitement in describing, for the -edification of the prisoners—and mine in particular, -the coming destruction of the infidels. He gloated -over the time when the principal officers—their eyes -gouged out to prevent their looking upon the benign -face of his master, would be brought into the Saier, -and there baited for the amusement of the populace. -How little the Sirdar thought, on that September -evening, that one of the gaolers grovelling at his -feet had, but a few days previously, looked forward -to the time when he, blinded and shackled, would -be lashed round the place, and, with the rest of my -“brothers,” spend the nights in the “Umm Hagar.” -This gaoler, in his mad enthusiasm, rushed at me, -and nearly succeeded in gouging out my left eye. -There was a struggle, and getting up almost breathless, -and certainly driven to desperation, I turned -stupidly round, and prophesied, for his edification this -time, that the destruction he had predicted for my -“brothers” was the destruction which was to fall upon -Mahdieh.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig23"> -<img src="images/i263.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">SHEREEF, THE “FALSE FOURTH KHALEEFA.”</div> -</div> - -<p>It was fortunate for me that, for a few days previous, -Idris es Saier had been sending for me, under one -pretext and another, and asking what action he should -<span class="xxpn" id="p263">|263|</span> -take in case the English won the battle. I promised -that if he treated me well, I would say “good words” -for him; but perhaps Fauzi’s tale made the greatest -impression upon him. Fauzi related that when the -English took Egypt there was one gaoler at Alexandria -and another at Cairo. The gaoler at Cairo -treated his prisoners well, and so the English promoted -him; the gaoler at Alexandria killed his -prisoners, and ran away to another country across the -seas, but the English brought him back, and hanged -him in his old prison. Knowing that the troops were -close, Idris took me under his especial care, for he -knew I had sent messages to my “brothers” telling -them I was alive, and he feared that if they came and -found me dead, they would hang him on the same -scaffold with my corpse. Although he warned the -gaolers and spies to say that I was mad, and did not -know what I had been saying, my little speech by some -means got to Yacoub’s ears. I was carefully watched, -and no one from outside was allowed to speak to me. -I should have been taken out of prison to see the -great fight, but I believe that I was the only Christian -not called out to the field of battle. I had asked Idris -not to remove my chains if I was sent for. I had no -wish to be found alive or dead on the field as a practically -free man, and, dressed as a dervish, any attempt -on my part to escape to the British lines during the -fight could only end in my being shot down.</p> - -<p>The Khaleefa had been sitting for eight days in the -mosque in communion with the Prophet and the -Mahdi, and it was either on the Tuesday night or -<span class="xxpn" id="p264">|264|</span> -Wednesday morning immediately preceding the battle -that the decision to move out of town was arrived at. -On the Wednesday afternoon a grand parade of all -the troops was held on the new parade ground, and, -while it was being held, alarming news was brought -by Abd-el-Baagi’s messengers. Instead of returning -to the town as intended, the Khaleefa set off with the -whole army in a north-westerly direction. It was this -hurried movement which accounted for the greater -part of the arms and ammunition he required being -left in the Beit-el-Amana, for Abdullahi had intended -distributing the remainder of the rifles only at the last -moment, when his troops would have to use them -against the infidels in self-defence; he could trust -none but his Baggara and Taaishi. Sheikh ed Din, -with Yunis, Osman Digna, Khaleefa Shereef, and Ali -Wad Helu, moved off first in command of the attacking -army of 35,000 rifles and horsemen. Yacoub followed -in command of a similar number of spear and swordsmen; -in all, the army assembled must have numbered -between 75,000 and 80,000 men. As every male had -been taken from Omdurman, the Khaleefa issued -a hundred rifles to the gaolers with which to shoot -down the prisoners in case of trouble.</p> - -<p>That night the rain came down in torrents, and -the following day the army arose uncomfortable, and -maybe a little dispirited, but Abdullahi restored their -good spirits by the relation of a vision. During -the night the Prophet and the Mahdi had come to -him, and let him see beforehand the result of the -battle; the souls of the faithful killed were all rising -<span class="xxpn" id="p265">|265|</span> -to Paradise, while the legions of hell were seen tearing -into shreds the spirits of the infidels. While this -tale was going its rounds, the gunboats were creeping -up, and a further move to the north was ordered, -for it had been reported that the English were landing -the big guns on Tuti Island, to shell the camp.</p> - -<p>We, too, in prison heard that the gunboats were -approaching, and then we heard the distant boom, -boom of the guns gradually nearing and growing louder. -Before we had time to speculate as to whether the -great fight had commenced or not, a boy whom I -had stationed on the roof of a gaoler’s house, came -running down to say that the “devils” were passing -Halfeyeh. At the same moment we were smothered -in dust and stones; a shell had struck the top of the -prison wall, ricochetted to the opposite wall, and fallen -without exploding in the prison of the women. All -we prisoners hurried off and squatted at the base of -the north wall, believing this to be the safest place. -The air was now filled with what to us chained -wretches appeared to be the yells and screeches of -legions of the damned let loose. We shuddered and -looked helplessly from one to the other. Then I -noticed that the shells were all flying high over us. -Getting to my feet, I rushed—as far as my shackles -allowed—stumbling to the middle of the open space, -tried to dance and jump, called on all to come and -join me. I shouted that my “brothers” had got my -messages; that only one place in Omdurman would -be left—the Saier; my brothers would spare all their -lives for me. Yes, I had gone mad; reason had left -<span class="xxpn" id="p266">|266|</span> -me, and I was raving, laughing, crying, singing, kissing -my hands in welcome to those terrible messengers of -death screeching and yelling overhead; throwing open -my arms, and leaping up to embrace the shell which -a second later was to gather in death seventy-two then -praying in the mosque.*</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn12"> - -<p class="pfn">* The flight of the shells overhead had a most extraordinary -effect; they appeared to compress the atmosphere and press it down to -the earth; we could actually feel the pressure on our bodies, and with -some it brought on nausea.</p></div> - -<p>I was only saved from death at the hands of the -infuriated Baggara prisoners by Idris es Saier locking -them all up in the Umm Hagar, and leaving myself, -Fauzi, the Jaalin, and other Government sympathizers -in the open. Then the tales of the fight came to us; -two of the gunboats had been sunk, and the remainder -had run away again! Fauzi and I sat there distracted, -heartbroken. The attack on Khartoum, in 1885, had -been enacted over again. I sat in a daze; the reaction -from the madness of joy to that of despair was more -than the strongest man could stand, after nearly twelve -years’ captivity, but fortunately I broke down and -sobbed like a child.</p> - -<p>During the night we could hear the pat, pat, pat of -at first a few dozen feet, until eventually we could tell -that thousands were running into the town. It is no -use relating the tales then told us, I will relate what -actually occurred. After the bombardment of the -forts, the Khaleefa sent messengers to bring in all -news from Omdurman. When told that all the forts -had been destroyed, he ordered a salute to be fired in -token of his having gained a victory, and called out, -“Ed deen mansour”—the Faith is Triumphant! But -<span class="xxpn" id="p267">|267|</span> -other messengers were hurrying in, and as they came -with grave faces and asked to see Yacoub before -delivering their news to the Khaleefa, it was soon -noised abroad that the volley from the rifles was only -to try and hide something serious which had occurred. -First, it was learned that, instead of the gunboats -having been destroyed, it was the forts which had -been battered to pieces. Then the more superstitious -lost heart when it was related that one of the “devils” -had entered the sacred tomb of the Mahdi, and -numbers deserted desertwards, afterwards striking -back to town. Later on, it became known that not -only had one of the shells destroyed the Mimbar -(pulpit), but had also destroyed the Mihrab—that -sacred niche in the wall of the mosque giving the -direction of Mecca. What rallying-place was there -now for Mahdieh? And so more deserted.</p> - -<p>Between ten and eleven at night a riderless horse -from the British or Egyptian cavalry came slowly -moving, head down, towards the dervish lines. The -Khaleefa had related how, in one of his visions, he had -seen the Prophet mounted on his mare riding at the -head of the avenging angels destroying the infidels. -This apparition of the riderless horse was too much; -at least one-third of the Khaleefa’s huge army deserted -terrified. When Yacoub told him of the desertions, -Abdullahi merely raised his head to say, “The -prophecy will be fulfilled, if only five people stay near -me,” His Baggara and Taaishi stood by him, but -they too were losing heart, for the Khaleefa, on his -knees, with head bowed to the ground, was groaning, -<span class="xxpn" id="p268">|268|</span> -instead of, as customary, repeating the name of the -Deity. However, he pulled round a little as the -night progressed, and invented visions enough to -put spirits into the remaining but slightly despondent -troops.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p269" -title="CHAPTER XXII AT LAST"> -CHAPTER XXII <span class="blksmaller"> -AT LAST</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">It -will, I believe, surprise but few when I admit that -it is next to impossible for me to remember and relate -the incidents which occurred during my last night and -day in the Saier. Added to the general excitement -shared by every one, I had also to contend against -the mental excitement which, earlier in the day, had -almost deprived me of reason. From where I lay -chained to a gang of about forty prisoners, I could hear -the infuriated Baggara in the Umm Hagar heaping -their curses on the head of that “son of a dog—Abdallah -Nufell,” and promising what would happen -when they laid hands upon me. These were no idle -promises that they made. Apart from the threats -which may not be spoken of, those of “drinking my -blood” at the moment my brothers reached Omdurman -almost froze that blood in my veins.</p> - -<p>The whole night through we could hear the soft pat, -pat, pat of naked feet, and sometimes the hard breathing -of men running a race. Not having heard any firing, -we made all sorts of conjectures. At one moment it was -thought that the troops had rushed one of the zareebas -<span class="xxpn" id="p270">|270|</span> -under cover of darkness, and that these were the fugitives -coming into town; at another moment it was believed -that the Khaleefa had altered his plans, and had -decided to stand a siege in Omdurman. Next it was -thought that the dervishes had rushed the camp of -the troops; but this idea was soon discarded, for the -people running back to town would have still had -breath to yell out the news of victory. I have -already given the reasons for these people returning, -but I only learned them later; to us prisoners, the -night passed in anxiety, and amidst alternate hopes -and fears.</p> - -<p>Daylight was only creeping through the skies when -we heard a low boom, followed by an ever-increasing -volume of yells and screechings as of Pandemonium -let loose, and then a terrific explosion which positively -shook Omdurman. The town could not stand this -sort of thing for ten minutes; we gave ourselves up for -lost, but the bombardment ceased as suddenly as it -began. I asked one of the gaoler’s boys to climb to -the roof of the Umm Hagar to see what the gunboats -were doing, as it was believed that the shells had -been fired by them. He called back that they were -“standing still” near Halfeyeh, and not firing at all. -As we could hear the distant booming still going on, -we knew then that the English were holding their -own if nothing more, and hope returned.</p> - -<p>It did not need the boy to call out when the gunboats -moved down stream that they, too, were opening -fire on the dervish camps; we could almost follow the -tide of battle in that furious artillery duel from the -<span class="xxpn" id="p271">|271|</span> -alternate roars and silence as of waves breaking on a -rock-bound coast. There was no doubt in our minds -now that the tactics of the Atbara had been repeated, -and that the zareebas were being shelled preparatory -to being stormed; the conjecture was wrong, as we -learned later. Then the rattle of musketry was borne -down on the wind; it was not the rattle of dervish -rifles either; we knew the sound of these when fired. -Then followed a long silence, only to be succeeded by -another terrific fusillade; to us prisoners, it was the -reserve zareeba which was now being carried. But the -tale of the battle is old, and who has not heard of that -second fight on the day of Omdurman, when MacDonald’s -brigade withstood the combined attack of -the armies of Sheikh ed Din and Yacoub?</p> - -<p>One must go amongst the survivors of that attack to -learn the details of the fight. Those having glasses in -the British lines must have noticed Yacoub prancing -about on horseback in front of his lines; this was in -imitation of the man he could see on horseback in -front of the brigade which was mowing down his men -by hundreds at each volley. They have learned since -who the man was, and “MacDonald” with “Es-Sirdar” -is now a name to conjure with in the Soudan. -It was not the first time MacDonald had so terribly -punished the dervishes, while commanding troops -which they had expected would throw down their -arms and bolt, as in olden days.</p> - -<p>While all this was occurring on the field of battle, -I in prison, to hide my excitement—and really to -calm my overstrung nerves,—took the Ratib of Ibrahim -<span class="xxpn" id="p272">|272|</span> -Wad-el-Fahel, and occupied myself with “illuminating” -its pages with red-and black-ink designs; this -was an occupation I had often earned a few dollars at, -but Fahel still owes me for my last exploit in “illumination.” -I left the work unfinished about noon to -attend to two young men attached to the prison, who -had come in from the fight, one with a bullet over the -left temple, and the other with a bullet in the muscle -of the left arm. Provided only with a penknife, I -made a cross cut over the spot where I could in one -case see, and the other feel the bullet imbedded, and -pressed them out; both bullets had kept their shape, -and must have been encountered at extreme range, or -rather beyond it.</p> - -<p>Maybe, with a European, chloroform might have -been necessary for the extraction of the bullet in -the arm, but with a Soudanese—have I not already -said that a dervish can continue leaping and stabbing -with half a dozen severe wounds in his body? A -dervish can and will kill at the moment when the ventricles -of his heart make their last contraction. Bodily -pain, as we understand it, is unknown to them. Many a -time have I applied, and seen applied, red-hot charcoal -to sores, with the patients calmly looking on. With -my present patients, after dabbing a little carbolic -acid over the wounds, I asked what news they had -brought. Yacoub, they said, was killed; almost all -the faithful were killed or wounded; the Khaleefa -himself was running back to town, but they had outstripped -him. While still questioning them, Idris es -Saier told me that the Muslimanieh who had been -<span class="xxpn" id="p273">|273|</span> -taken out to fight had made their way back to town, -and were rummaging for European clothes in which to -array themselves to receive the troops when they -arrived.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig24"> -<img src="images/i273.jpg" width="600" height="416" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap"> -<div>THE FLAG OF KHALEEFA SHEREEF.</div> -<div class="nowrap"> -<p class="hangb pleft">Line 1. “In the Name of God, the most - Compassionate and Merciful.”</p> -<p class="hangb pleft">Line 2. “Thou Living, Thou Existing and - most Glorious Source of generosity.”</p> -<p class="hangb pleft">Line 3. “There is no God but God. Mohammad - is the messenger of God.”</p> -<p class="hangb pleft">Line 4. “Mohammad El Mahdi is the Khaleefa - of the messenger of God.”</p> -</div></div></div> - -<p>I should here take up the tales of those who were -fighting in the dervish lines in order to present a complete -narrative. At sunrise on September 2, Sheikh -ed Din determined on attacking with his army of -riflemen and cavalry, leaving Yacoub, with whom -was his father, the Khaleefa, as a reserve. The -shells which fell amongst his men did not knock them -over or mow them down in lanes, they “blew a -hundred men and horses high into the air”; then, -when the rifle fire struck them, it “rolled them about -like little stones.” The carnage was so frightful that -Sheikh ed Din himself led the way to the shelter in -a khor to the west of Surgham hill.</p> - -<p>And now, to understand clearly what followed next, -and in a measure to explain the post of honour being -given to Sheikh ed Din, I must refer to an incident -occurring at the last moment before the army left -Omdurman. Khaleefa Shereef, since his insurrection -against Abdullahi, had not been allowed to exhibit the -white flag made specially for the family of the Mahdi. -It was believed that Abdullahi intended to nominate -his son to succeed him, but this was against the expressed -order of the Mahdi that Wad Helu and then -Shereef should do so. While Sheikh ed Din was -given the principal command, Shereef was not allowed -any command at all, nor was the white flag of Mahdieh -brought out of the Beit-el-Amana. Discontent was -<span class="xxpn" id="p274">|274|</span> -openly expressed at this, and some of the more religious -or fanatic of the Mahdists demanded to know -whether it was Abdullahi or Mahdieh they were to -fight for. Abdullahi was advised to bring out the -white flag, and it was carried at the extreme left of -his army, but Sheikh ed Din Abdullahi had hoped -would return as the victor of Kerreri, and thus his -succession could be assured with the aid of a vision.</p> - -<p>Seeing the repulse of Sheikh ed Din, the Khaleefa -ordered the advance of Yacoub’s army, and, as -they were advancing, Sheikh ed Din collected his -men and joined it. Then it was that the determined -attack was made on MacDonald’s brigade. The -Khaleefa had dismounted, and, sitting on his prayer-skin, -surrounded by his Mulazameen six deep, he -held communion again with the Prophet and the -Mahdi, while his army was being thinned by the -thousands. Yacoub, with his Emirs and bodyguard -of horsemen, rode in front of the troops and did his -best to incite them to a final rush on the brigade. -The white flag of Mahdieh was pushed close to where -the 2nd Egyptian battalion, under Colonel Pink, was -posted, and five standard-bearers in succession were -shot down; others ran to raise it only to be shot -down in turn, until the flag was buried under the slain.</p> - -<p>Almost at this moment a well-aimed shell blew -Yacoub and his bodyguard “high in the air,” and -before the Khaleefa’s eyes; the black flag was -planted, but the dervishes had had a lesson. Yunis, -breaking through Abdullahi’s bodyguard, ran to him, -saying, “Why do you sit here? Escape; every one is -<span class="xxpn" id="p275">|275|</span> -being killed;” but Abdullahi sat still, dazed and -stupefied with what he had seen. With the help of -others, Yunis raised him to his feet, and actually -pushed and bundled him along. Then Abdullahi -started running on foot. He refused to mount a -horse or camel; after stumbling and falling three -times, Yunis persuaded him to mount a donkey. His -army was now in full retreat, and “Where, oh, -Abdullahi—where is the victory you promised?” assailed -his ears. Calling his camel syce, Abou Gekka, -he told him to hurry on a fast camel to Omdurman, -collect his wives, children, and treasures, and conduct -them to the Zareeba-el-Arrda (parade-ground) to the -west of Omdurman, where he would meet them, and -then all were to fly together. On reaching the -zareeba, his household were not visible, and hearing -that there were still thousands of his troops in Omdurman, -he was persuaded to enter the town, and -make a last stand at the praying-ground. When -nearing the mosque, Abdullahi saw Yacoub’s eunuch -waiting there. Telling him to collect Yacoub’s wives, -children, etc., and take them to the zareeba, the -eunuch asked, “Where is my master?” Abdullahi -then probably for the last time exercised his power of -life and death. Turning to one of those near him, he -said, “Who is this slave, to question my orders?” and -the eunuch fell dead at Abdullahi’s feet with a bullet -through his head.</p> - -<p>Reaching the large praying enclosure, Abdullahi -ordered the drums and ombeyehs to be sounded, but -few or none obeyed the summons; some came, looked -<span class="xxpn" id="p276">|276|</span> -at him sitting there mute, and slunk off; some, I have -heard, jibed at him by asking if he was “sitting on his -farwah.” The farwah, or prayer-skin, is what the -leaders formerly stood upon when the day was lost, and -awaited their death. Finding himself deserted by all, -he called for his secretary, Abou-el-Gassim, and asked -what could be done. Gassim, whether in a sarcastic -vein or not, recommended that he should continue -praying where he was, and, maybe, his prayers would -still bring victory; but there being none to join in the -prayers, he asked Gassim to collect his household, and -bring them to him. Gassim went off, and did not -return.</p> - -<p>At this time the Taaishi, Baggara, Berti Habbanieh, -Rhizaghat, Digheem and other tribes, whom -he formerly depended upon for support, were streaming -off to the number of probably fifteen thousand, -from the south of the town. Calling two men, he asked -them to go outside the town, and see how far the -Government troops were distant. The messengers, -on reaching the Tombs of the Martyrs, about twelve -hundred yards from where Abdullahi was sitting, suddenly -came across the Sirdar and his staff standing at -the angle of the great wall; they watched the staff -move off towards the Beit-el-Mal, and returned and -reported this to Abdullahi. Slipping through the door -communicating with his house, he changed his clothes, -collected the remainder of his household, and quietly -slipped off while the Sirdar was making the complete -circuit of Omdurman with the exception of those twelve -hundred yards. It is a thousand pities, as things -<span class="xxpn" id="p277">|277|</span> -actually were, that the staff did not continue in the -direction they were then taking, for a few minutes’ trot -along the deserted street leading to the prayer-ground -would have allowed the Sirdar to lay his hands upon -Abdullahi, as he sat there absolutely alone, on the -spot where he had hoped that his faithful would make -their last stand.</p> - -<p>The sun was falling, and still we in prison did not -know exactly how the day had gone. We had -heard the drums and ombeyehs, which told us that -Abdullahi was calling upon the faithful to assemble at -the prayer-ground; a cloud of dust on the desert and -the gunboats slowly steaming up, meant that the troops -were advancing on the town. Idris es Saier came and -asked me what he was to do—to go to his master -or wait for the English. I advised him to close the -gates of the prison, use his rifles upon any of the -Baggara trying to force an entrance, and wait and see -who would ask for the keys—the expected Sirdar or -the Khaleefa. In all cases, I told him, it was his duty -to protect the prisoners in his charge, and reminded -him of Fauzi’s tale of the two gaolers. When we -heard the shrill cries of the women, we knew that some -one was being welcomed, and guessed correctly that it -was the English at last. Idris, in his anxiety to secure -his prisoners, had us all chained in gangs earlier than -usual, and this linking of my gang to the common -chain had only just been completed when Idris came, -frightened out of his life, as one could tell by his voice, -to tell me that the “place was filled with my English -brothers,” that a big, tall man, who, he was told, was -<span class="xxpn" id="p278">|278|</span> -the dreaded Sirdar, had asked for me, and that I was -to come at once.</p> - -<p>It seemed an age while the chain was being -slipped from my shackles, and then, led by Idris, I -made my way to the gate of the Saier. I was crying -dry eyed; I could see a blurred group, and then I -was startled out of my senses by hearing English -spoken—the only words of a European language I had -heard for seven long years. From that blurred group, -and through the gloom, came a voice, “Are you -Neufeld? are you well?” And then a tall figure stepped -towards me, and gave my hand a hearty shake. It -was the Sirdar. I believe I babbled something as I -received a handshake from one, and a slap on the -shoulder from another, but I do not know what I said. -Looking down at my shackles, the Sirdar asked, “Can -these be taken off now?—I am going on.” I believe -a second’s discussion went on with Idris, and then I -heard the last order I was to receive and obey in -the Saier, “Neufeld, <i>out you go</i>!” It was the Sirdar’s -order, and, half carried by the friendly and strong arms -supporting me, I obeyed. The next thing I remembered -was a British officer slipping off his horse, lifting -me into the saddle, and trudging along at my side -after the terribly trying and arduous day he must -have had.</p> - -<p>I was taken to the “head-quarters’ mess” at the camp; -the Sirdar had, I believe, allowed himself the luxury -of a broken angareeb on which to rest; the staff were -lying in all positions on the sand, fagged out, but hard -at work with despatches and orders by the light of -<span class="xxpn" id="p279">|279|</span> -guttering candles. It was a hungry, thirsty, and deadbeat -head-quarters’ mess I had been invited to on the -night of the memorable 2nd of September. While the -comfort of the troops had been looked to, the Sirdar and -his staff had evidently neglected themselves. Their -canteen and mess were miles away on slow-travelling -camels; one of the most brilliant victories of the -nineteenth century was being celebrated by a supper -of a few biscuits, poor water, some of my prison bread, -which I shared with others around me, and Cairo -cigarettes, with the sand of the desert for seats, and -the canopy of heaven as the roof over our heads.</p> - -<p>Soon after reaching the “mess,” I heard a voice -calling, “Where’s Neufeld?” and the inquirer introduced -himself to me; it was Mr. Bennet Burleigh, of the -<i>Daily Telegraph</i>. I had heard, and yet had not heard, -much English spoken to me, but the flood of language -he poured out when he found me still in chains came -as a revelation to me; it was as picturesque as his -description of the battle which I have since read. -Rushing off, he was back in a few moments with some -farriers with their shoeing implements to try and -remove my chains; off again, he came with some -engineers, and amidst a running torrent of abuse, anent -cold chisels and other implements which he required -and which were not forthcoming, he questioned me. -Every one had a try at those chains; some one I -heard use language concerning the Khaleefa when he -found his thumb between the hammer and the links, -but with a great deal of strong language, and equally -as strong blows, the links connecting with the anklets -<span class="xxpn" id="p280">|280|</span> -were cut through, but the anklets themselves were only -removed, owing to want of appliances, on board -Colonel Gordon’s steamer a few minutes before he led -the way to the troops who were to take part in the -funeral-service at the spot where his hero uncle fell.</p> - -<p>While Slatin’s countryman, Joseppi, was imprisoned -with me, I was able to exercise my mother tongue, and -correct his broken German, which gave me, at all -events, some little amusement; but after his murder, -and the escape of Father Ohrwalder, I never had -another opportunity of speaking a European language -except in my dreams, and when I discovered myself -talking to myself. For seven long years, with the -exception of the word “torpedo,” by which name the -Algerian called his mines, I had not heard a syllable -of a European tongue. The last Europeans I had -spoken to before leaving Egypt were English; the -first language I was to hear on my release was English, -and then a strange thing happened. As far as language -was concerned, my brain became a blank from the -moment I left Wadi Halfa, to the moment when the -Sirdar called out, “Are you Neufeld?” so that when -the German Military Attaché spoke to me in German, -while hearing, and in the main understanding what he -said, I could not, much to his very evident annoyance, -find words in my mother tongue to reply. It -was weeks after my return to Egypt before I was able -to express myself properly in the German language. -While to myself this was not to be greatly wondered -at, yet the fact might be of interest to some scientist, -who has made cerebral affections his particular study.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p281" -title="CHAPTER XXIII THE SIRDAR AND SAVAGE WARFARE"> -CHAPTER XXIII <span class="blksmaller"> -THE SIRDAR AND SAVAGE WARFARE</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">On -the morning following the battle of Omdurman, a -number of the townspeople came out to the camp, complaining -of the rough usage which they had been subjected -to at the hands of the Soudanese troops left in -charge of the town, and of the looting of their houses. -The majority, not knowing that the Sirdar and his -staff were fluent Arabic scholars, brought their complaints -to me, and asked me to interpret for them. In -my then excited and half-dazed state, I rushed off to -report the matters. Colonel Maxwell at once called -up a hundred men, and with an officer and sergeant, -instructed me to proceed to the town and see the men -posted to the houses of the complainants. The real -truth of the matter, of course, only came out later, and -as I do not know of any one else who is in as good a -position as I am to relate it, I submit the following.</p> - -<p>Long before the troops reached the town, the -inhabitants were busily engaged in looting the Mahdieh -institutions and the deserted houses of the fleeing -Baggara and others. Their local knowledge obviated -the necessity of <i>searching</i> for loot; they knew where -<span class="xxpn" id="p282">|282|</span> -there was anything at all worth taking and took it, -anticipating the troops by half a day. Into every -occupied house loot was being carried, if not by the -head of the household, then by the servants and -others attached to the establishment, while the head -mounted guard. True, the soldiers did loot towards -midnight; but what? angareebs (the native seats and -bedsteads combined), on which to rest themselves -instead of lying down on the filth-sodden ground of -Omdurman. Heaven knows they richly deserved the -temporary loan of these angareebs. Wherever residents -were looted, it was their own fault. The victorious -and therefore happy and grinning Blacks kept -an eye on their hereditary enemies—the lighter -coloured population, as they passed backwards and -forwards, always entering their huts loaded and -emerging empty-handed. In their eagerness to collect -all they could, they threw down their loot, and -hurried off for more, and during their absence the -Black “Tommy” annexed whatever he thought -might be useful to him.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig25"> -<img src="images/i282.jpg" width="600" height="378" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">TROPHIES TAKEN AT OMDURMAN.</div> -</div> - -<p>The Sirdar himself could not have made a better -arrangement than that which came of itself. The -troops were enabled to keep at their posts with an -eye open for any lurking Baggara; the looting -was being done for them by the residents, who -knew exactly where to lay their hands upon anything -worth taking, instead of time being wasted -by searching empty houses, while the soldiers were -kept in good spirits by having the fun of the -looting without running the risk of being suddenly -<span class="xxpn" id="p283">|283|</span> -confronted with half a dozen Baggara concealed in -some hut or room. When some one came staggering -along under a particularly heavy load, a Black -would assist him with his burden; some of his comrades -would join in, and when the looter protested -that he did not require any help, a little Soudan -horseplay was indulged in, and later on these little -pleasantries came up as grave charges of assault.</p> - -<p>The only people in Omdurman who had anything -worth looting were the real Mahdists themselves—and -they deserved to be looted of their ill-gotten -gains. In dealing with any claims for compensation -for having been looted, three things should be kept in -mind—the complainant should prove that he was not -a real Mahdist; that what he was looted of on the evening -of the 2nd of September was not the proceeds of his -own looting during the day; and, having got so far, -should reconcile the fact of his having been looted of -property and valuables with his tales of abject misery, -poverty, and semi-starvation.</p> - -<p>It did not take me long to grasp the situation, for -after seeing the soldiers posted to the houses of the -“Government” people, I started on a voyage of discovery -after the houses of the principal Baggara and -others, and having had them pointed out to me, I -recommended the soldiers to take their cleaning rods -and bayonets, and probe the walls of the hareem rooms -for hidden valuables. I am pleased to say that the -suggested operations were not entirely without some -gratifying results; but a very small find indeed gratifies -the native troops. Whoever possessed property -<span class="xxpn" id="p284">|284|</span> -in Omdurman was either a thief or murderer. Most -had bolted with the Khaleefa, and it was through no -fault of theirs that they left a few dollars behind for -people who could make good use of them. I regret -now that I did not organize a looting party, and place -myself at the head of it.</p> - -<p>I have heard of, but I have not read, the article or -articles written by one of the correspondents who -accompanied the Khartoum Expedition, consisting of a -series of wholesale charges brought against the Sirdar -and the troops in connection with “Khartoum Day.” -I gauge what the articles must have been from some -of the letters written in reply. As every one appears -to have criticized and shown how much better than -the Sirdar they could have carried out the reconquest -of the Soudan, as the “oldest resident” I -think I am entitled to express an opinion, and to -criticize also.</p> - -<p>The Sirdar, in my opinion, made one grave error—he -gave quarter; and I have no doubt that, in doing so, -he knew that he was doing a positive injustice to his -Black troops in order to pander to an ignorant public -opinion which he knew existed elsewhere. I know -that some people, profoundly ignorant of the Soudan -and its tribes, and their history, religion, laws, customs, -and legal rights, will hold up their hands in holy -horror, and jump to the conclusion that my long -captivity has engendered a spirit of vindictiveness -against my captors which has deadened in me every -sense of humanity—and in this they will be wrong. -Lord Kitchener of Khartoum made a grave error in -<span class="xxpn" id="p285">|285|</span> -extending to a horde of murderers the advantages of -civilized warfare, <i>and the clemency he felt called upon -to extend to them will cost England the loss of many a -gallant life yet</i>.</p> - -<p>There was not a man in the Black Battalions who -had not, by the old Law of Moses, the laws of his -country in which he was then fighting, the law of the -Prophet, and the religious law, irrespective of the law -handed down from the remotest ages, more right to -take a life on that day than any judge in a civilized -country has to sentence to death a man who has -personally done him no wrong. Every man there -was entitled to a life in retaliation for the murder of -a father, the rape of a mother, wife, daughter, or -sister, the mutilation of a brother or son, and his own -bondage. To prevent, as the Sirdar did prevent, -these soldiers from exercising their rights, was doing -them an injustice, and running a risk as well, when -it is remembered how they had slaved for this “Day -of Retaliation.” There may have been, doubtless -were, many cases of the killing outright of wounded -dervishes; this was no more murder than a judicial -hanging; and looking at the matter from a humanitarian -point of view, would it not have been better to send -those Blacks over the field to put the wounded out of -their misery, and thus kill two birds with one stone? -For let it be remembered, that when a dervish sits and -lies wounded, he is wounded to death, and only by -force of will keeps himself alive until he dies happy -at the moment when he sends his spear through the -heart of his would-be saviour. I repeat, the Sirdar -<span class="xxpn" id="p286">|286|</span> -committed a grave error in extending to the dervishes -the advantages of civilized warfare. I who have lived -amongst the people, who have discussed with their -greatest exponents of the religious law, and made comparisons -between the administration of their and our -laws, consider that I am well qualified to express an -opinion, and better qualified than those who, with a -command of language, can so present their views to -the public that the cant, ignorance, and humbug—not -to say hankering for notoriety which underlies it all—is -hidden.</p> - -<p>You who have held up your hands in holy horror at -the foregoing, prepare to hold them up again.</p> - -<p>The day after the battle of Kirbekan an outpost -was being sent forward. Moving to its position, it -espied a wounded dervish making signs for water. -One of the soldiers slipped off his camel to give him -some, and his comrades moved on. As time went on, -and their chum did not catch them up, they came -back to see what had happened. There he was, still -attending to the wounded dervish, his hand resting on -his shoulder, but there was no movement from either. -Approaching—this was the tale plainly written. The -lines on the ground showed that “Tommy” had taken -the wounded man in his arms, and half supporting -and half dragging him, had placed him in a sitting -posture in the shade, with his back against a rock; -then, taking his water-bottle, he began to pour the -life-giving drops down the throat of the dervish, for -he still grasped the empty water-bottle. With returning -life came, of course, returning strength—sufficient -<span class="xxpn" id="p287">|287|</span> -strength for the dervish to slip off his knife, poise his -hand for a second of time behind “Tommy’s” back, -while he was occupied with his mission of mercy, and -then, plunging it in with sufficient force to divide the -spinal column, the dervish died happy as “Tommy” -fell dead across his shoulder. That dervish was -glorified in the Soudan, and thousands of others were -awaiting the opportunity of dying as gloriously. Do -you like the picture now? These are the sort of -people you howl for the protection of. If you wish -the wounded dervishes to be attended to against their -will, then institute some special decoration for those -who return alive from their mission of mercy, and -when you have discovered that for each decoration -given, a few hundred valuable lives have been sacrificed, -perhaps you will agree to the issue of orders -which I, knowing what I do know, should issue now.</p> - -<p>If I had my say in the matter, when next the -Government troops come face to face with the tribes, -whom Lord Kitchener in his clemency spared to -gather again around the Khaleefa, I should make it -a drum-head court-martialling business for any doctor -who risked the lives of his wounded in hospital by -attempting to throw away his own in attending to a -wounded dervish who does not want to live. He is -wounded to death or would not be lying or sitting -there, and he wants to die—but to die killing; he wants -your life’s blood, not your aid and succour. As he -wants to die—as he <i>must</i> die—then shoot him at once -and put him out of his misery. In doing this, you are -but acting humanely to a dying but still ferocious -<span class="xxpn" id="p288">|288|</span> -animal in the guise of a man. You are not taking a -life needlessly, but in all probability saving a better -one; and as the troops pick their way over the field -of battle, another bullet should be put into the -“dead” and “wounded” from a distance a yard -beyond the point to which a dervish can throw a -spear, to prevent any more accidents. The number of -soldiers killed by “dead” and “wounded” dervishes -is great enough already, and it would be criminal to -add to it. Have you no thought for some English -mother mourning the loss of her brave lad, who threw -away his life in attending to a wounded dervish, when -she had been looking forward to his return as the -hero of the village? How many cottages in England -have been made desolate by the hands of “dead” and -“wounded” dervishes?</p> - -<p>If none of the foregoing suggestions are acceptable, -then let each correspondent accompanying an expedition -into the heart of Africa declare whether he votes -for first aid to the wounded dervishes or not. If he -does not, then let him hold his peace if he sees things -which he would not expect to come across, were he -witnessing the sequel to a fight between civilized -peoples. If he declares for first aid, then give him -a packet of bandages and a water-bottle, and let -him put his principles into practice, while his more -enlightened brother knights of the pen tag on to -their despatches his obituary notice.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p289" -title="CHAPTER XXIV BACK TO CIVILIZATION"> -CHAPTER XXIV <span class="blksmaller"> -BACK TO CIVILIZATION</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">I -must leave it to my readers to try and imagine what -my sensations were as I sailed away from Omdurman -on the first stage of my journey to civilization and -liberty. Remembering the reason which I gave my -wife, manager, and friends, when I was begged to -abandon my projected journey into Kordofan, knowing -that others knew how I had comported myself before -my captors and Abdullahi, I was conscious that I had -nothing to be ashamed of in the production of a worse -than useless saltpetre, which I could easily have -refined—but the real refinement of which I prevented. -Nor was I ashamed of having designed impossible -machines for the manufacture of powder and cartridges, -in order to keep out of that terrible Saier; nor of -the wilful destruction of so much good material for -their construction, especially as there were living -witnesses to bear me out. Thinking, therefore, that -the small, very small, risk I ran in the collecting of -information to send to the advancing armies might -have been appreciated, I built up on my journey what -proved to be a house of cards to be blown down by -<span class="xxpn" id="p290">|290|</span> -a breath as soon as I reached Cairo. I was much -disappointed in the reception awaiting me; so also was -every other released captive, and not a few Mahdists. -Perhaps I am to blame for delaying at Berber for the -purpose I have “admitted” in my chapter “Divorced -and Married,” when my arrival had been announced -by a certain train; but I have been punished for -this, though even now I am too uncivilized to feel -ashamed of the action, or to appreciate the justice of -the strictures passed upon me in consequence.</p> - -<p>When at last I did reach Cairo, it was but to learn -that although I had taken as “jokes” the compliments -which I received on my way down, on the “manufacture -of gunpowder with which to kill English soldiers”—on -the “‘damned clever’ design and construction of -the forts to oppose the advance of the gunboats,” on -my “smartness in galloping away from the field when -I saw it was all over for Mahdieh, and reaching the -prison just in time to get on my chains again before -the Sirdar put in his appearance”—yet these, and a -great many other tales, were implicitly believed in. -Moreover, they had lost nothing in being translated -into the many languages spoken in Cairo, which include -every language of Europe, with a few of the East.</p> - -<p>It was heartrending to me, after what I had gone -through, to return to my own flesh and blood to be -spurned and shunned as the incarnation of everything -despicable in a man. I, who had defied my captors -and had looked for death, wished for it more now that -I was amongst my own people; but fortunately the -persecution I was subjected to, added to my change of -<span class="xxpn" id="p291">|291|</span> -life, caused me to break down completely, and when I -recovered from my delirium it was to find myself in the -hands of a few friends. Do not think that I had -worried myself over what was mere idle gossip; all -the charges were made in sincerity, and this owing to -the influential quarters whence they were emanating.</p> - -<p>A few days after receiving the generous offer of my -publishers, I was told that I was a prisoner of war, -and as such was debarred from entering into any -engagements; moreover, my experiences were said to -be the property of the War Office. Later on, I was -told that, in consideration of the subscriptions raised -by a newspaper group in England for the purpose of -effecting my escape some years ago, I was to write -my experiences for the benefit of the subscribers. -Then, after keeping me waiting weeks for a reply, -they offered me £100—a sum not sufficient to pay the -guides already in Cairo—and asked me to repay them -the moneys they had lent me while in prison. When -in reply to this offer I pointed out the ruined condition -I am in, and offered to repay the subscribers the monies -spent from the money I am to receive for my book, I -was first threatened with an injunction upon the book, -and then with the publication of “interesting” -disclosures (?) concerning me.</p> - -<p>When H.R.H. Duke Johann Albrecht, the Regent -of Mecklenburg, graciously writes to me himself, -instructing me to call at the German Consul-General’s, -in Cairo, for some money sent there to “give me a -new start in life,” I am met, when I do present -myself, with accusations of ingratitude and broken -<span class="xxpn" id="p292">|292|</span> -engagements towards people whose names I had never -heard of. However, these people wrote disclaimers -to the <i>Times</i>, saying that they knew nothing of the -claims made against me in their names; yet, in spite of -the disclaimers, the money was impounded for about -five months in all, and then some claims paid from it, -but on whose account I am still ignorant.</p> - -<p>While all these charges are being levelled at me, I -am warned that if I dare contradict anything published -formerly concerning myself or Soudan affairs, certain -correspondence will be communicated to the London -Press; yet what am I to do but contradict them -wherever I can find a scrap of evidence to support my -contradiction? Surely I cannot be expected to confirm -such reports in the face of the threats made verbally -and in the columns of a newspaper, especially as I and -mine must remain the social outcasts we have been -since my release, until my narrative appears. I am -writing more in grief than in anger; these are all -subjects I should have preferred not to mention in my -narrative, and I am touching on them as lightly as is -possible, but as others have chosen to publish them, by -keeping silence I should be doing myself an injustice. -My hand or tongue has been forced, therefore those -who have taken the initial action against me must be -responsible for the inevitable result which will follow -when, questioned as to the foregoing by those entitled -to ask for the evidence, I hand over for publication the -whole of the correspondence. For the public, having -been led to form opinions about me on the strength of -the reports and explanations printed, have the right to -<span class="xxpn" id="p293">|293|</span> -know the whole truth before pronouncing a second -judgment; but my narrative ought not to be burdened -with such a voluminous correspondence. Surely a -kind Providence kept watch over the few documents -which I have been fortunate enough to find after all -these years, and which are of such value to me in -substantiating my story.</p> - -<p>Amongst the many articles published concerning me, -one printed in the London and Provincial papers on -the 5th and 6th of September last caused me considerable -injury in England and Egypt, and, maybe, -irreparable injury in my native country, to which I -have appealed for the rights of citizenship which my -capture and long captivity precluded my returning to -claim during 1887. To this appeal I have as yet -received no answer—and little wonder. On the -appearance of this article, some of my countrymen -attacked me in no measured terms, and I was shunned -by them as they would shun a pestilence. The -communication made was on the presumable authority -of General Hunter, as his name is mentioned; but so -sure am I that he was no more capable of communicating -such a report for publication than he is of -turning his back in the face of an enemy, that I have -not so much as written to him asking his denial. I -was advised to allow these reports to accumulate and -circulate, and reply to them <i>en bloc</i> in my narrative, -leaving a deceived public to take up the matter. The -article I refer to reads as follows:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Twice had every preparation been made. The relays of camels -to take the exile across the desert were ready. Nothing remained -<span class="xxpn" id="p294">|294|</span> -but for Neufeld to pluck up courage and quit Omdurman. Each -time he backed out at the last moment. At length he confessed the -truth, namely, that he did not care to come away. He had married a -black wife. His friends in Germany were dead or had forgotten him. -He would stay where he was.”</p></div> - -<p>Is it not possible to find some one to swear that -<i>more</i> than two attempts were made during those long -twelve years to extricate me? I have in my narrative -said all that I know of the visits of any guides to -Omdurman. Having been promised the publication -of interesting documents concerning me, perhaps the -proofs of the above will be forthcoming; let it be -proved that on even <i>one</i> occasion relays of camels were -posted to effect my escape, and at the same time let it -be proved that the guide who posted those relays ever -came to me.</p> - -<p>It is quite possible that there are a sheaf of letters -waiting to be published bearing my signature; and -maybe when they are, I shall learn their contents for -the first time. I had to sign many letters the contents -of which I was ignorant of, as is evidenced by -the letter to my manager, and the letter to General -Stephenson, in reply to the one he entrusted me with -when I went on my expedition. This letter was photographed, -and a translation is given on p. <a href="#p338">338</a>. The -reply was dictated by Abdullahi to his secretary, and -handed me to sign. Let the note, letter, or report, on -which my refusal to escape is founded, be produced, and -then see if the date of it does not correspond with the -date of the maturing of one of my many plans for -escape. But do not press me too closely for my reason -<span class="xxpn" id="p295">|295|</span> -for writing or giving such a message. If I gave it I -should be committing as great an injustice as did poor -Lupton, when sending back part of the monies sent -him by his friends at Suakin, who were trying to effect -his escape, wrote. . . . Those friends are still living, -and as they have not chosen to tell the world what they -did for their countrymen, and how it was that their -schemes fell through, I may not do so—at least, not yet.</p> - -<p>If I lied, as I have been told to my face that I -did, when I denied some of the charges made against -me, why should more credence be given me for -sincerity in notes refusing to escape than was given -to Slatin’s protestations of loyalty in his letter to the -Khaleefa when he escaped? If during my capture -and my long captivity my behaviour was unmanly, or -such as I, a European, ought to be ashamed of, then -let the proofs be at once forthcoming. Do not weary -me out and keep the world against me with threats -of coming disclosures; moreover, have I not good -reason to complain of the communication of everything -damaging to me while everything in my favour is -suppressed?</p> - -<p>The sources of information, reference, and assistance -thrown open to Ohrwalder and Slatin when compiling -their experiences have been closed to me. When -Slatin arrived in Cairo, he was handed the statements -of guides reporting his “persistent refusals to -escape,” and allowed to be the first to inform the -world of their existence. When I arrive in Cairo, -I find that similar reports concerning me have been -given wide publicity and believed in. Why, I ask, -<span class="xxpn" id="p296">|296|</span> -should it have been believed that the guides’ reports -were false in Slatin’s case and true in mine? and -why should I not have been given the opportunity -of first announcing their existence to the world? -Perhaps, before I have completed my narrative, people -will come to the conclusion that some of those privileged -to look at all my papers have, for some reason -or another, felt that it was necessary thoroughly to -discredit me, so that, when my story appeared, I -should not be believed in; but then, who could have -foreseen that I should ever be so fortunate as to -collect any evidence in support of it?</p> - -<p>It has been suggested that maybe I have taken too -much to heart the “tales being told about” me; that -they were but gossip. It was no idle gossip for me. -I was persuaded, much against my wish, to attend a -hotel garden-party, my first and last appearance in -public in Cairo, for this was the sequel: One of my -few friends connected with the Press there handed me -some cuttings containing the usual inaccuracies and -slanders, and while sitting down in a corridor, my -amanuensis at my side taking notes as I read -them over, I heard, “Hello, how is that book of -Neufeld’s getting on?” The speaker, when asked if -he knew Neufeld, blurted out, “Know him—no, nor -do I want to know him, considering the number of -English soldiers he has sent to eternity with his gunpowder. -I would not even look at the fellow’s face.” -And as my companion whispered, “This is Neufeld,” I -raised my head just in time to see the representative -of a great news agency hurrying through the doorway. -<span class="xxpn" id="p297">|297|</span> -Maybe, on the appearance of this, Reuter’s Cairo Agent -may not be averse to telling me on what or whose -authority he made this charge in my own hearing. -The incident for the moment is closed, but if it is re-opened, -it must be re-opened somewhere where highly -placed officials may not be successfully appealed to -to go around asking lawyers not to take up my case. -Memo. for that News-Agency representative—“Walls -have ears,” and “Don’t shout till you are out of the -wood.”</p> - -<p>I trust that when I send up my card to the London -correspondent of the newspaper from whose article -I have quoted, he will, instead of imitating his -brother knight of the pen in Cairo, at least receive -me, and examine the originals of the documents -inserted in my narrative, disproving the charges -which he was the medium of circulating in England -and on the Continent. Then, if satisfied with their -genuineness in the first place, and in the second place -convinced that during my long captivity I was striving -more than any other captive to effect my escape, he -will at least, when next writing to his readers, try to -do what little he can towards repairing the great -injury which he did me in England, though it was -without malice, I admit, and then try to have his error -corrected in the German papers. I ask nothing more -than this. Is it too much to ask?</p> - -<p>But from the sea of slander and uncharitableness in -which I was struggling, there rose some kindly hands -to help me. When pressed by the War Office to repay -the £20 I had borrowed from it on the way -<span class="xxpn" id="p298">|298|</span> -down—with my old guides in Cairo asking me to redeem the -receipts they had for monies lent me while in prison—with -the monies kindly sent me from Berlin to give -me a “new start in life” impounded—with the hand -of every one against me, after calling at one bank and -being refused, I went to Mr. Hewett Moxley, an old -friend of the Bleichröders, of Berlin, and now the -Director of the Imperial Ottoman Bank in Cairo. -Handing him my file of letters and telegrams, I asked -if he thought that they contained sufficient guarantees -for my being able eventually to repay the money which -I wished him to advance to me. He left me for a few -moments, and then returned, and as he went over one -letter after the other, my hopes fell, for he remarked that -my “guarantees were not of the very highest order,” and -that my “credentials were not of a very satisfactory -nature.” But I knew a few moments later that these -were pithy, maybe sarcastic, remarks upon the letters -which he was glancing through, for while engaged upon -these running comments, his clerk was counting out -£150 in gold for my immediate needs, and opening a -credit for a further £250. I thoroughly enjoyed his -joke, so different from those I had so far encountered, -for his action was the first kindly one which I received -in civilization.</p> - -<p>It was late on a Saturday night when, for the first -time, I rose from my bed of sickness to meet the -proprietor of one of those great English papers, which -I had been promised were to hound me. In spite -of the assurances given me, it was with no little -nervousness that I approached him; but instead of -<span class="xxpn" id="p299">|299|</span> -the ogre whom I had expected to meet, I found -myself being supported by a kindly spoken English -gentleman, assisted to an easy-chair, and tucked up in -rugs. A few waiters were in attendance, and the -“ogre” was blaming himself for having asked me to -call and see him, and begging my forgiveness, as he -did not know that I was so ill. The “ogre” was Sir -George Newnes. He listened patiently to all I had -to say, went through my correspondence, ventured the -opinion that certain actions directed against me were -“monstrous,” told me not to believe that the English -Press would attack me without reason, and recommended -me, as soon as I was well, to go ahead with -my book and collect every scrap of evidence which I -could in support of my own story. I have followed his -advice, but the collecting of the little evidence which -I have got has been no light task, groping as I was -in the darkness of a twelve years’ oblivion.</p> - -<p>I must not forget either to acknowledge the handsome -treatment which I have received at the hands of -my publishers, who have kept me in funds, and with -extraordinary patience awaited the completion of my -narrative; but the absolute necessity of collecting -proofs for what I state, in face of the threats dangling -over my head, accounts for the long delay.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p300" -title="CHAPTER XXV HOW GORDON DIED"> -CHAPTER XXV <span class="blksmaller"> -HOW GORDON DIED</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">When -the news of the Sirdar’s splendid victory -reached England, the British nation may be said to -have breathed again, and when the great rush was -made for the cheap edition of “Ten Years’ Captivity,” -which was extensively advertised with my portrait to -catch attention, the few known details of Gordon’s -death became as fresh again in people’s minds as they -had been years before. I was constantly asked to relate -all I had heard concerning Gordon. When I had done -so I was invariably met with quotations and readings -from “Mahdism,” “Ten Years’ Captivity,” “Fire -and Sword,” and other works; for what I had been -told of Gordon’s death by eye-witnesses was an -entirely different history to those published.</p> - -<p>The first to relate the story of Gordon’s death was -a man whose tongue Gordon had threatened to cut -out as the only cure for his inveterate lying, and -when he escaped and reached Cairo, in telling his -tale he sustained his reputation. All accounts of -Gordon’s death have apparently been based upon -this first one received. Gordon, the world has been -<span class="xxpn" id="p301">|301|</span> -made to believe, died as a coward, for what other -construction may be placed on the assertion that he -turned his back upon his assailants, and in his back -received his mortal wound? It is an infamous lie; but, -then, what was to be expected from a man whom -Gordon knew so well, and who, maybe, had good -reason to invent the tale he did? I quote, side by -side, what may be called the three official accounts of -Gordon’s death:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot csstable"> -<div class="tabrow"> - -<div class="tabcell cellrpad cellwthb"> -<div><span class="smcap">M<span>AHDISM.</span></span></div> -<p class="pleft">“He (Gordon) -made a gesture of -scorn with his right -hand, and turned his -back, where he received -another spear -wound which caused -him to fall forward -and was most likely -his mortal wound. . . . -He made no resistance, -and did not -fire a shot from his -revolver.”</p> - -<p class="pleft">“. . . One of them -rushing up, stabbed -him with his spear, -and others then followed, -and soon he -was killed. . . . He -(Nejoumi) ordered -the body to be dragged -downstairs into the -garden, where his -head was cut off.”</p></div> - -<div class="tabcell cellrpad cellwthb"> -<div><span class="smcap">O<span>HRWALDER.</span></span></div> -<p class="pleft">“<i>The first</i> Arab -<i>plunged his huge spear -into his body</i>. <i>He -fell forward on his -face</i>, was <i>dragged -down</i> the stairs, -many stabbed him -with their spears, -and <i>his head was -cut off and sent to -the Mahdi</i>.”</p></div> - -<div class="tabcell"> -<div><span class="smcap">S<span>LATIN.</span></span></div> -<p class="pleft">“<i>The first</i> man up -the steps <i>plunged his -huge spear into his -body; he fell forward -on his face</i> without -uttering a word. His -murderers <i>dragged</i> -him <i>down</i> the steps to -the palace entrance, -and here <i>his head -was cut off and</i> at -once <i>sent</i> over <i>to the -Mahdi</i>.” -<span class="xxpn" id="p302">|302|</span></p></div> -</div> -</div><!--blockquot--> - -<p>It will be noticed that Father Ohrwalder’s account -appears to be a condensation of the first given, while -it is hard to believe that a coincidence only accounts -for Slatin giving the history in almost the identical -words used by Ohrwalder. It is still more extraordinary -that the first account should ever have been -believed and published, and still <i>more</i> extraordinary -that it was not corrected by Ohrwalder and Slatin, for -when I arrived in Omdurman, in 1887, the real details -of the death of Gordon were the theme of conversation -whenever his name was mentioned, and there -are many eye-witnesses to his death—or were until -the battle of Omdurman, who could tell a very -different tale.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig26"> -<img src="images/i303.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">KHALEEL AGHA ORPHALI.</div> -</div> - -<p>Those who knew Charles George Gordon, will -believe me when I aver that he died, as they must all -have believed that he died—in spite of the official and -semi-official accounts to the contrary—as the soldier -and lion-hearted man he was. Gordon did not rest his -hand on the hilt of his sword and turn his back to his -enemies to receive his mortal wound. Gordon drew -his sword, and used it. When Gordon fell, his sword -was dripping with the blood of his assailants, for no -less than sixteen or seventeen did he cut down with it. -When Gordon fell, his left hand was blackened with -the unburned powder from his at least thrice-emptied -revolver. When Gordon fell, his life’s blood was -pouring from a spear and pistol-shot wound in his -right breast. When Gordon fell, his boots were -slippery with the blood of the crowd of dervishes he -shot and hacked his way through, in his heroic attempt -<span class="xxpn" id="p303">|303|</span> -to cut his way out and place himself at the head -of his troops. Gordon died as only Gordon could -die. Let the world be misinformed and deceived -about Soudan affairs with the tales of so-called guides -and spies, but let it be told the truth of Gordon’s death.</p> - -<p>A week before the fall of Khartoum, Gordon had -given up hopes. Calling Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi, he -ordered him to provision one of the steamers, get all -the Europeans on board, and set off for the north. To -their credit be it said, they refused to leave unless -Gordon saved his own life with theirs. Finding him -obdurate, a plot was made to seize him while asleep, -carry him off, and save him in spite of himself; but he -somehow heard of the plot, smiled, and said it was his -duty to save their lives if he could, but it was also his -duty to “stick to his post.” As the troops must be -near, then sail north, he told them, and tell them to -hurry up.</p> - -<p>Each day at dawn, when he retired to rest, he bolted -his door from the inside, and placed his faithful -body-servant—Khaleel -Agha Orphali—on guard outside it. -On the fatal night, Gordon had as usual kept his vigil -on the roof of the palace, sending and receiving telegraphic -messages from the lines every few minutes, -and as dawn crept into the skies, thinking that the -long-threatened attack was not yet to be delivered, he -lay down wearied out. The little firing heard a few -minutes later attracted no more attention than the -usual firing which had been going on continuously -night and day for months, but when the palace guards -were heard firing it was known that something serious -<span class="xxpn" id="p304">|304|</span> -was happening. By the time Gordon had slipped -into his old serge or dark tweed suit, and taken his -sword and revolver, the advanced dervishes were -already surrounding the palace. Overcoming the -guards, a rush was made up the stairs, and Gordon -was met leaving his room. A small spear was thrown -which wounded him, but very slightly, on the left -shoulder. Almost before the dervishes knew what was -happening, three of them lay dead, and one wounded, -at Gordon’s feet—the remainder fled. Quickly reloading -his revolver, Gordon made for the head of -the stairs, and again drove the reassembling dervishes -off. Darting back to reload, he received a stab in his -left shoulder-blade from a dervish concealed behind the -corridor door, and on reaching the steps the third time, -he received a pistol-shot and spear-wound in his right -breast, and then, great soldier as he was, he rose almost -above himself. With his life’s blood pouring from his -breast—not his back, remember—he fought his way -step by step, kicking from his path the wounded and -dead dervishes—for Orphali too had not been idle—and -as he was passing through the doorway leading -into the courtyard, another concealed dervish almost -severed his right leg with a single blow. Then Gordon -fell. The steps he had <i>fought</i> his way—not been -dragged—down, were encumbered with the bodies of -dead and dying dervishes. No dervish spear pierced -the live and quivering flesh of a prostrate but still -conscious Gordon, for he breathed his last as he turned -to face his last assailant, half raised his sword to strike, -and fell dead with his face to heaven. -<span class="xxpn" id="p305">|305|</span></p> - -<p>Even had I not been specially requested, as the last -of the Soudan captives, to relate in my narrative all that -I had heard and learned concerning Gordon, I should -have done so to a certain extent at all events, for he -was no more the hero of the British people than he -was mine, and the belief that he was still alive had no -little to do with my ill-starred journey in 1887. The -truth about his death, which is now published for the -first time, is ample justification for what follows concerning -him while still alive. It is true, as I have -been told, that all I can have to say will be from -“hearsay;” but then all the reports published concerning -Gordon’s last days are from hearsay. I have -the advantage over all others in this—that I was -maybe the one man, captive or not, in Omdurman -whom Mahdist and “Government” man alike could -trust implicitly and confide in, for there was no -questioning what my attitude was towards Abdullahi -and Mahdieh. The consequence was that old “Government” -people and the powerful men who from time -to time became my fellow-prisoners, and, as a consequence, -enemies of Abdullahi, gave me confidences -which, if given in other quarters, might have resulted -in the loss of a head.</p> - -<p>Again, almost all the tales told about the Soudan -may be classed in one of two categories; the first, -tales like mine, related by people interested in putting -their own version upon events and incidents with -which they were personally connected, and the second, -tales told by people with versions for which they -believed their questioners were hankering, so that what -<span class="xxpn" id="p306">|306|</span> -was white to “A” became black to “B,” if it was -considered that this colour pleased “B” best. The -system scarcely puts a premium on accuracy.</p> - -<p>But before proceeding to my comments on the -criticisms, a few introductory remarks are called for to -prevent misconceptions and misunderstandings arising -in the minds of my readers. As an evidence that the -following is not intended—far from it—to lacerate the -feelings of any of those who suffered with me, I might -mention that I have read over the notes of this -chapter to many of my fellow-captives, and have, at -their suggestion, cut out a series of incidents well -known to Gordon, which influenced him in the stand -he took towards certain people, and other incidents -which prove how clear and long-sighted he was, and -how events justified his taking up the stand which -he did. One incident ought to be written, to punish -on this earth, if possible, the man whose escape has not -been recorded, and whose deserted and broken-hearted -wife lies by the side of their unshriven baby-boy in the -sands of the Soudan. However, maybe Gordon, had -he come back alive to meet all the calumnies directed -against him, would have hesitated to help his “clearance” -by stabbing the living with a dead hand, and -out of respect to his memory this incident, with a -number of others, has been expunged.</p> - -<p>I have already told Father Ohrwalder that, in -commenting upon what he says in “Ten Years’ -Captivity,” when speaking of Gordon’s actions, the -remarks I may feel called upon to make are not -intended for him personally, and although I foresee -<span class="xxpn" id="p307">|307|</span> -that I must in the main have to speak as to the -second person, I think Father Ohrwalder quite understands -that the second person in this instance is his -book, not himself. I do not, as I have told him, -consider that he is directly responsible for the opinions -he is credited with in “Ten Years’ Captivity,” and -this notwithstanding the remark, “The reader is -reminded that all opinions expressed are those of -Father Ohrwalder.” Considering that Father Ohrwalder -is a priest and missionary, and has ventured -upon thin ice in attacking Gordon’s memory, such -a statement is hardly fair to him, as in the preface -to the book it is stated, that “Father Ohrwalder’s -manuscript, which was in the first instance written in -German, was roughly translated into English by -Yusef Effendi Cudzi, a Syrian; this I entirely rewrote -in narrative form; the work therefore does -not profess to be a literal translation of the original -manuscript. . . .”</p> - -<p>I should have thought that when Gordon was -being attacked the original manuscript might have -been treated a little differently. Of course it is -easily understandable that when a Syrian, with -Arabic for his mother tongue, translates from -one difficult language which he has picked up into -another equally difficult, and translates roughly too, -when moreover this rough translation is handled in -the manner admitted, errors may have crept in or -been passed unnoticed, whilst salient points were lost -sight of. It is also quite possible that the peculiar -idioms of the Arabic, German, and English languages -<span class="xxpn" id="p308">|308|</span> -got into a hopeless tangle, and were left so. Whatever -the cause, there is no gainsaying the fact that -Father Ohrwalder is credited with the expression of -opinions which he, as a priest and missionary, ought -to be one of the last on this earth to give utterance -to. That he did not appreciate to the full the real -import of the opinions he is credited with, I feel -certain of after my long interview with him, when, -with the Bible in one hand and a copy of “Ten -Years’ Captivity” in the other, we compared the -opinions expressed in the latter with the teachings of -Christ in the former.</p> - -<p>Father Ohrwalder may or may not have been ill-advised -in omitting or suppressing the relation of -well-known incidents, which accounted for Gordon’s -attitude in certain cases. It was only by omitting to -mention these incidents that the criticisms on Gordon -were rendered possible, or I should say that, had those -incidents been included, the criticisms would not have -lived a day. It would have been far better to tell -everything to the generous and sympathetic world -which he and Slatin met when they escaped, and to -leave it to condone, if any condoning was called for, -and to sympathize with them in the parts force of circumstances -compelled them to act, which must have -been so repugnant to them; for to omit, when criticizing -Gordon, the relation of the very acts which -compelled him also by force of circumstances to act -as he did, was, to say the least of it, very unwise.</p> - -<p>In “Ten Years’ Captivity” the reader is led into a -maze of opinions, and left there. Once inside, you -<span class="xxpn" id="p309">|309|</span> -discover that you can neither gain the centre of the -maze or return to the starting-point; you must either -wander round for an eternity, or do as I shall do, cut -your way through the hedges planted to bewilder -you, and thank Heaven when on the outside that -you are clear of the tortuous passages. Compare, for -instance―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“He (Cudzi) added that Gordon should have no anxiety about -Berber as long as Hussein Pasha Khaleefa was Mudir,”</p></div> - -<p class="pcontinue">with,</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“Gordon himself committed a mistake by which he gave a deathblow -to himself and his mission. On his way to Khartoum, he -stopped at Berber, and interviewed the Mudir Hussein Pasha -Khaleefa; he <i>imprudently</i> told him that he had come up to remove -the Egyptian garrisons, as Egypt had abandoned the Soudan.”</p></div> - -<p>Gordon cannot be blamed for confirming, as -Governor-General of the Soudan, the news telegraphed -to his subordinate, the Mudir of Berber, <i>through whose -hands the retiring garrisons must pass</i>, nor can he -be blamed if, when his suspicions were aroused, he -deferred to the opinion of the man who was acting -British Consul, Government representative, and his -own agent, when he wrote and telegraphed as he did, -“Trust in Hussein Pasha.”</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“The catastrophe which had overtaken Hicks filled the inhabitants -of Khartoum with indescribable dismay. Several of them returned -to Egypt, and the members of the Austrian Mission, with their blacks, -quitted Khartoum on the 11th December, 1883.”</p></div> - -<p>I therefore take it for granted that Father -Ohrwalder’s fellow-workers saw that all was hopeless -<span class="xxpn" id="p310">|310|</span> -<i>two months before Gordon’s name had been suggested to -the Egyptian Government</i>, yet, in the face of this, we -are first asked―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“What could Gordon do alone against the now universally -worshipped Mahdi?”</p></div> - -<p class="pcontinue">and then told―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“General Gordon’s arrival in Khartoum gave fresh life and hope -to the inhabitants.”</p></div> - -<p>Then,</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“As it appeared to us in Kordofan, and to the Mahdi himself, -Gordon’s undertaking was very strange; it was just as if a man -were attempting to put out an enormous fire with a drop of water,”</p></div> - -<p class="pcontinue">and,</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“I have not the slightest hesitation in saying that had the Egyptian -Government not sent Gordon, then undoubtedly the evacuation originally -ordered could have been carried out without difficulty.”</p></div> - -<p>One is simply staggered by such an assertion. -When Gordon arrived in Khartoum, the whole of the -western Soudan had fallen. The town was overrun -with the mourning women and children—the widows -and orphans, I should say—of the troops who, under -Hicks Pasha, had been annihilated a few months -before on their way to extricate the garrisons. Slatin -had surrendered Dara to Zoghal. Said Bey Gumaa, -the last man to fight for the Government in the -western Soudan, was compelled to capitulate very -shortly before Gordon’s arrival, and this only after a -second siege when his men were dying with thirst. -<span class="xxpn" id="p311">|311|</span> -Bahr-el-Ghazal fell before Gordon had had time to -turn round, and, for all that he or the Mahdi knew, -the Equatorial province had fallen also. The town -was hemmed in by the Mahdists, and the commanders -of the garrisons which Gordon was expected to -extricate were holding various commands in the -dervish army, while Slatin had taken part already as -a Mahdist in the subjugation of his subordinate, -Said Bey Gumaa of El Fasher, who had refused to -surrender. Am I not justified in saying that only -the suppression of such facts made possible such -attacks upon Gordon?</p> - -<p>We are next told―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Those who escaped massacre in Khartoum have often told me -that they were perfectly ready to leave, and it was only Gordon’s -arrival that kept them back, but Gordon’s arrival without troops had -rather disappointed them. Had he been accompanied by five -hundred British bayonets, his reputation in the Soudan might have -been maintained, and probably the Mahdi would never have left -Kordofan.”</p></div> - -<p>Why did not those perfectly ready to leave leave -with the members of the Austrian mission, or leave -between the date of their departure, December 11, -and the early days of February, when the news -of Gordon’s mission first reached Khartoum? Who -prevented their leaving during that interval of at least -two months from the moment when they were all -thrown into “indescribable dismay” until they heard -of Gordon’s appointment? And if, when he did arrive, -they were so bitterly disappointed at his not being -accompanied with five hundred British -<span class="xxpn" id="p312">|312|</span> -bayonets—much good these would have been against the “universally -worshipped Mahdi” in extricating those who -had surrendered to him—why did they stay on? Did -not Gordon beg them to leave? did he not try and -compel them to do so? did he not put boats at their -disposal to sail north or south as best suited them? -And has not Gordon himself given the real reason for -their staying on?—though to this should be added -their unbounded faith and confidence in Gordon.</p> - -<p>Gordon, I venture to believe, sustained his reputation -in the Soudan up to the end—up to the moment -when, with the hand of Death on him, he fell facing -his last assailant. True, he lost his reputation for -telling the truth, but there are few men in this world -whose telling of an untruth would startle and astonish -a community. The people of Khartoum, their eyes -dry and wearied with looking for a sign of the returning -steamers which Gordon had sent off three months -before to bring up the troops expected to arrive at -the beginning of November, turned to each other, and, -in an amazed whisper, said, “Gordon has told a lie,” -and were startled and afraid at their own words.</p> - -<p>Having dealt as tersely as possible with this curious -collection of contradictions, I proceed to the quotation -of and replies to the criticisms passed upon Gordon in -the book I have already quoted from.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="rnum">1.</span> “Looking back on the events of the siege of Khartoum, I cannot -refrain from saying I consider Gordon carried his humanitarian -views too far, and this excessive forbearance on his part added to -his difficulties.”</p> - -<p><span class="rnum">2.</span> “It was Gordon’s first and paramount duty to rescue the -<span class="xxpn" id="p313">|313|</span> -Europeans, Christians, and Egyptians, from the fanatical fury of the -Mahdi, which was especially directed against them. This was -Gordon’s clear duty, but unfortunately he allowed his kindness of -heart to be made use of to his enemy’s advantage.”</p> - -<p><span class="rnum">3.</span> “Thus, in his kindness of heart, did Gordon feed and support -the families of his enemies. It was quite sufficient for a number of -women to appeal to Gordon, with tears in their eyes, that they were -starving for him to order that rations of corn should be at once -issued to them, and thus it was that the supplies in the hands of the -Government were enormously reduced.”</p> - -<p><span class="rnum">4.</span> “Gordon should have recognized that the laws of humanity -differ in war from peace time, more especially when the war he was -waging was especially directed against wild fanatical savages, who -were enemies to all peace.”</p> - -<p><span class="rnum">5.</span> “He was entirely deceived if he believed that by the exercise -of kindness and humanity he was likely to win over these people to -his side; on the contrary, they ridiculed his generosity, and only -thought it a sign of weakness. The Soudanese respect and regard -only those whom they fear, and surely those cruel and hypocritical -Mahdists should have received very different treatment to civilized -Europeans.”</p> - -<p><span class="rnum">6.</span> “I also think that Gordon brought harm on himself and his -cause by another action, which I am convinced led to a great extent -to his final overthrow. Such men as Slatin, Lupton, Wad-el-Mek, -and others, had offered, at the risk of their lives, to come and serve -him. . . . Gordon would not, however, vouchsafe an answer to the -letters of appeal these men wrote to him.”</p></div> - -<p>In the first five extracts, Father Ohrwalder, from an -initial mistake in forgetting or being unaware of the -presence in Khartoum of the thousands of widows and -orphans of the soldiers of Hicks’ army, flounders on -until, as I have said, he is credited with opinions which -he should be the last to give utterance to. It is passing -strange that any missionary should place limits to -the humanitarian views and forbearance of a military -commander in time of war, who may invariably be -<span class="xxpn" id="p314">|314|</span> -depended upon to err on the wrong side from the -biblical point of view. Gordon, in keeping in mind -the Sermon on the Mount, and acting up to its precepts -as far as the exigencies of a state of war permitted, -performed no act derogatory to him as a -military commander. Gordon was no worse a -Christian than he was a soldier—and the world never -saw a better soldier. And whatever Gordon’s paramount -duty may have been, it certainly was <i>not</i> his -paramount duty to weaken his little garrison by sending -an expedition into Kordofan to rescue, say, a dozen -people who, as far as Gordon and every one else in -Khartoum knew, had disavowed the Christian religion -and adopted that of the Mahdi.</p> - -<p>There is another aspect to the case. Gordon’s -troops were Muslims. The “Christians” had adopted -the “true faith” and become Muslims also. Why, -then, should Muslim lives be sacrificed to “rescue” -them from Islam and bring them back to Christianity? -And it must not be forgotten that Slatin, so far from -denying his conversion, excused himself on the ground -that his religious education had been neglected at -home. Gordon is not to be blamed for having believed -that the “Christians” had sincerely adopted Islam, for -apart from the mere adoption of the religion, people -sworn to celibacy and chastity had entered the matrimonial -state, which was considered a further evidence -of their conversion. While the gardener of the -Khartoum Mission was bewailing the money he had -sent to the “apostates,” Consul Hansal wrote, asking -that the matter be kept secret, to the Austrian -<span class="xxpn" id="p315">|315|</span> -Consul-General in Cairo, informing him of what had occurred. -Had there been any “Christians” to rescue from the -Mahdi, doubtless Gordon’s paramount duty would -have exhibited itself in some action. Nor is there -any evidence that the Mahdi’s “fanatical fury” was -in any single instance especially directed against the -“Christians,” but there is a great deal of evidence to -the contrary. With the exception of putting Slatin -in chains, when he believed that he was playing him -false, I know of no case of wanton cruelty practised -by the Mahdi towards the “Christians,” and I am -not sure whether “clemency” would not be the proper -word to use in Slatin’s case, when it is remembered -what happens to prisoners of war who break their -parole, for Slatin and the others had sworn the oath -of allegiance.</p> - -<p>Extract No. 3, apart from the extraordinary censure -on Gordon for feeding the families of his enemies, and -being moved to pity at the sight of the tears of -starving women, calls for a more detailed reply to the -criticism. Gordon, according to “Ten Years’ Captivity,” -ought to have turned these women out of the -town to be at the tender mercies of the “wild fanatical -savages” and been responsible for the rehearsal under -his own eyes of the hunt for lust which followed on -the fall of Khartoum. Father Ohrwalder can never -have heard of England’s proud roll of heroes who -on land and sea have given their lives to save -those of helpless women and children. In feeding -these women—even had all been the wives of his -enemies, which they were not—Gordon committed -<span class="xxpn" id="p316">|316|</span> -no graver military crime than did the commander of -the troops on board the <i>Birkenhead</i>, when, instead of -seeing first to the safety of the soldiers for whose lives -he was responsible, he placed the women and children -in the boats which could have saved the troops, and -called upon his men to present arms as the boats left -the side of the ship—and to stand to attention as the -vessel sank under them. So much for British principle, -apart from Christ’s teachings, in peace and war; now -for the facts in Gordon’s case.</p> - -<p>When Gordon arrived in Khartoum, he found -wandering—hungry and helpless—the thousands of -widows and orphans of the soldiers who a few months -before constituted Hicks Pasha’s army. Throughout -his journals you will discover constant reference to the -food question, with accounts of his successful search -for the <i>stolen</i> biscuits, which had “enormously reduced” -the supplies in the hands of the Government. Gordon -had calculated that the relieving army would reach -him at the beginning of November, so that we find -him writing on the 2nd of that month that he has six -weeks’ food supplies. In making this estimate he -was allowing for full rations to the troops (who were -also in receipt of the money with which to buy those -rations), and the wants of the poor. On the 11th of -that month he discovers nearly a million pounds of -stolen biscuits. On the 21st he writes, “I do not -believe one person has died of hunger during the -months we have been shut up.” On December -14—that is a month after the latest date he had -estimated for the arrival of the relief expedition, he -<span class="xxpn" id="p317">|317|</span> -says that unless the troops come in ten days the town -may fall, and this because he had on November 12 -written, “Omdurman fort has one and a half months’ -supply of food and water.” With the fall of this fort, -he knew that the end would soon come.</p> - -<p>But up to this date the soldiers, who were not entitled -to rations since they received money for their -purchase, were given full rations, and there is every -reason to believe that the pinch only came when Omdurman -fort fell on January 14 or 15, and the town -was completely hemmed in. Food was short, no -doubt, but, eight days before the fall of the town, -Gordon could spare from the stores fifteen hundred -pounds of biscuits to provision a boat for the Europeans. -One should only be filled with amazement -that Gordon held out so long after the date when he -had expected relief, and it is not only ridiculous but -monstrous to attack him, because he did not calculate -that the expedition would only arrive <i>seventy-eight</i> -instead of seventy-six days late, when we know for -certain that his troops were receiving full rations which -they were not entitled to for at least a month after -the date of the expected arrival of the expedition.</p> - -<p>It is true that Gordon, seeing the food supplies -giving out, recommended people to leave him and -join the Mahdi, but this was only after more days had -slipped away after the “ten days from December 14.” -He had then abandoned all hope, and saw that his -prophecy was to come true—the expedition would -arrive just “too late.” In comparison with the -number of widows whom Gordon had had to support -<span class="xxpn" id="p318">|318|</span> -for ten months, without the slightest assistance or aid -from outside, the number of wives of his “enemies” in -the Mahdi’s camp was so insignificant as to be -unworthy of notice. But even supposing that all the -starving women who went to Gordon crying for the -bread which Father Ohrwalder suggests should have -been represented by a stone, were the wives of his -enemies, his own writing justifies Gordon’s feeding of -them, for he says, “These crafty people thus assured -themselves that, should the Mahdi be victorious, their -loyalty to him would ensure the safety of their families -and property in Khartoum, while, on the other hand, -should Gordon be victorious, then their wives and -families would be able to mediate for them with the -conquerors.”</p> - -<p>It is quite evident, then, that these people who -went over to the Mahdi’s camp did so, not from -conviction of his divine mission, but to save the -lives of their wives and families, whom by preference -they entrusted to Gordon even at the last hour, and -nearly a year after the date when his arrival without -five hundred British bayonets is supposed to have -ruined his reputation in the Soudan. I am inclined -to think that the “craftiness” displayed by some in -trying to secure their wives and daughters against -violation and death, was no less justifiable than the -“craftiness” displayed by others for an entirely -different purpose. What a tribute these “crafty” -people paid to Gordon! I mean the crafty people -who left Khartoum in January, 1885, and trusted -Gordon with the lives of their wives and children. -<span class="xxpn" id="p319">|319|</span> -In discussing this food question with Khartoum -survivors, I laid particular stress upon the feeding of -the women and children, and I can do no better than -give the summing-up of it in the words of a native -survivor, after I had translated to him the criticisms I -am replying to—“What! Would Gordon Pasha -send away the hungry women and children of -soldiers who had been killed fighting for the Government?”</p> - -<p>I pass over extract No. 5 for the moment to refer to -No. 6. The use of my portrait in advertising the -book I am quoting from led most to believe that I -approved of the criticisms it contained, and I have -taken this opportunity of showing how thoroughly I -disagree with them. To say that Slatin and others -had offered, at the risk of their lives, to join Gordon -is hardly correct, and if Gordon did not vouchsafe -a written answer to the letters he received, he -probably had good reason for not doing so, especially -as it appears likely that some of Said -Bey Gumaa’s letters addressed to the Governor-General -before Gordon’s appointment had succeeded -in getting through to Khartoum, and from these -and deserters from the Mahdi, Gordon must have -learned all.</p> - -<p>Under pretence of intending to submit, Gumaa -gained time, and tried to hurry up reinforcements, but -this having been suspected, Zoghal ordered Slatin, -Tandal, the President of the Civil Court, Aly Bey -Ibrahim-el-Khabir, Slatin’s head-clerk Ahmad Riad, -and a few others, to send in an ultimatum to Gumaa, -<span class="xxpn" id="p320">|320|</span> -and await his reply. The reply travelled quickly; as -soon as he read the letter, Gumaa opened fire upon the -spot where Slatin and his companions were awaiting -him. During the first siege of El Fasher, Gumaa -must have accounted for at least fifteen thousand -dervishes, and utterly defeated the army which retired -to Walad Birra, from whence a party was sent off to -Dara to bring up the ammunition which, as appears -from Gordon’s Journal, was handed over to the -Mahdists by Slatin when he surrendered the province. -This occupied eleven days, and then the second siege -was laid. The wells were filled up, thus depriving -the garrison of water; but for seven or eight days -they held out, dying of thirst, while the town was -constantly bombarded with Government ammunition. -Said Bey Gumaa has always protested that -had it not been for the ammunition handed over by -Slatin to the Mahdists he could have held out—and -more.</p> - -<p>The knowledge of these things must have influenced -Gordon, especially when Slatin writes to him, through -Consul Hansal, offering to place his services at his -disposal, but only on condition that Gordon should -guarantee never to surrender, for, if he did, Slatin -would be maltreated by the Mahdists when they laid -hands upon him. Gordon was the best judge as to -the value of services offered under such conditions. -For “moral and political reasons,” Gordon considered -it unadvisable to have anything whatever to do with -what he called “apostate” Europeans in the Mahdi’s -camp, but appreciating the enormous responsibility -<span class="xxpn" id="p321">|321|</span> -thrown upon his shoulders, he appealed to the Ulema -for their advice, as these apostates were now -their co-religionists, and they decided to have nothing -whatever to do with their “proposals of treachery,” -as no good could come of it. Matters were made still -worse by Slatin writing to Gordon asking him to be -a party to proceedings very foreign indeed to Gordon’s -nature at all events. Slatin’s request to Gordon was -to write to him personally one letter in French, and -another letter in Arabic, “asking him to obtain permission -from his Master to come to Omdurman and -discuss with him the conditions of his (Gordon’s) surrender,” -which letter he could use in order to obtain -permission to come to Omdurman. If Gordon had -written that Arabic letter. . . .</p> - -<p>If all these facts were not known to Father -Ohrwalder before 1892, six years is quite long enough -time to have learned them, and now I have no -hesitation in saying that to assert that Gordon -brought about his downfall by refusing the services -of people willing to risk their lives in reaching him -is, to put it charitably, pure fiction.</p> - -<p>Irrespective of the opinions expressed in the first -four extracts given, extract No. 5 makes out a very -good case for the Sirdar to write in large letters at the -Soudan Frontier, “No Missionaries Admitted,” for -Father Ohrwalder proves conclusively that they can do -no good. Honestly I believe that for many years to -come the only religious teachers allowed to penetrate -into the Soudan should be enlightened exponents of -the Quoran. Consider that for sixteen years the -<span class="xxpn" id="p322">|322|</span> -Soudan has been in the throes—is still in the throes -of one of the greatest religious upheavals known. -While this revival of Islam has been in progress in -the Soudan proper, the converts at Uganda and elsewhere -have been snicking each other’s throats to -evidence their zeal for the rival Christian creeds. In -the Soudan, missionaries have openly avowed to -thousands their acceptance of the “true faith”—Islam, -the very religion from which they had gone out -to convert the Blacks. I have not the slightest hesitation -in saying myself that for some time to come -religious revivalism in the Soudan will, if permitted to -take place, very soon spell -<span class="smcap">R<span>EBELLION</span>.</span> Time must -be given for the bad (?) effect produced on the native -mind by the conversion of the Soudan missionaries to -die out, and goodness knows the poor country requires -a rest. If missionaries must be sent, then let them -be honest traders, the best missionaries for savage -countries. When the Soudan has again been opened -up, and the natives have become a little more civilized -through their contact with trade, and so Europeanized -that their simple faith, “There is one God, and He -is God,” is not sufficient for them, but they must -needs snarl and fight over creeds, then and only then -remove the “No Admittance” signboard.</p> - -<p>I trust that no religious body or society of earnest -Christians will think from the foregoing that I am -either sneering or scoffing at religion, or that their -disinterested efforts to spread the gospel of peace to -the remotest ends of the earth have not my sincerest -sympathy. I have spoken plainly and to the point, -<span class="xxpn" id="p323">|323|</span> -for I consider that the occasion calls for it. The -missionaries required in the Soudan now are clean-minded, -honest traders, who will do more for you by -a few years’ preparing the ground for “talking” -missionaries than the missionaries can do in a score -of years of preaching. It is men like Gordon who, -though not preaching religion, yet practise it in -their every act, whom the Soudan requires. Ask any -one in the Soudan what is his opinion about Gordon, -and he will reply, “Gordon was not a Christian; he -was a true Muslim; no Christian could be so good -and just as he was,” and I believe that this saying, -or estimate of him, emanated from the Mahdi himself. -I draw your particular attention to the word “just,” -which proves that, in the eyes of the Mahdists and -Soudanese alike, his justice ranked with his goodness. -If any Soudanese or Mahdist ridiculed to Father -Ohrwalder Gordon’s generosity, and considered it a -sign of weakness, it must have been done for a purpose. -During my twelve years amongst all shades of people -of the Soudan, I never heard a single word against -Gordon, nor did I hear one until I came amongst his -own flesh and blood. I cannot do better than relate -another example of the esteem he was held in, and this -example is from a Christian source.</p> - -<p>My friend Nahoum Abbajee, when he reached Cairo, -prepared a petition which he had intended forwarding -to her Majesty the Queen, asking that the British -Government should restore part of the fortune accumulated -by him during his twenty-three years’ residence -in the Soudan. His argument was that, trusting to -<span class="xxpn" id="p324">|324|</span> -Gordon, he had delayed in Khartoum until Stewart’s -departure was arranged for, when, acting on the advice -of Gordon, he sold off his goods, realizing but half their -value, accepted Gordon Bonds in payment, bought a -boat, as no one then would hire one out, set off with -Stewart, and was captured by the dervishes. This -would not have happened, had not the commander of -the gunboat disobeyed Gordon’s orders by steaming -off to Khartoum, instead of bombarding Berber for -three days, and Gordon was consequently responsible -for the delinquencies of his subordinate.</p> - -<p>On being asked what his personal impressions of -Gordon were, he said that his thoughtfulness for every -one, his goodness, justice, and innumerable virtues -would take years to relate; and then when he was told -that his claim could only be sustained on his proving -that Gordon was to blame for the loss of Stewart’s -party, ill as he was, he rose from his couch, tore up the -petition, and, with his hand raised, prayed Heaven that -if the bit of bread to save him from starvation should -be purchased with money obtained through laying a -fault upon Gordon, it might choke him. One had -to witness the scene really to appreciate it. Ruined, -broken down in health, too old to make a new start -in life, his eyes lost their dulness and glistened as -he breathed his prayer and fell back on his couch -exhausted with the effort. Nahoum, I am afraid, will -have joined Gordon by the time this appears in -print.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig27"> -<img src="images/i325.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">HASSAN BEY HASSANEIN.</div> -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p325" title="Appendices.">APPENDICES</h2></div> - -<h3 title="Appendix I. Hassan Bey Hassanein."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> I -<span class="blksame">HASSAN BEY HASSANEIN</span></h3> - -<p class="pfirst">When -Gordon heard of the murder of Colonel Stewart and -his companions, he held a sort of court-martial on himself, -and, after reviewing all the arrangements which he had made -for their safety, he came to the conclusion that Stewart must -have been invited on shore and murdered. Then, as if endowed -with second sight, he almost exactly described what actually -happened. The <i>Abbas</i>, drawing less than two feet of water, -ought not to have stranded, as it was High Nile. Treachery -on the part of the crew he had guarded against by sending -a bodyguard of highly paid Greeks. The cutting adrift of -their boats just after passing Berber contributed to the -catastrophe, for had they been with the steamer at the -time she struck, it is hardly likely that the inhabitants of -the village would have planned the treachery they did. As -interpreter to the party, Gordon gave them the man he could -least spare, and one in whom he had every confidence—Hassan -Bey Hassanein. Gordon himself writes, “thus the -question of treachery was duly weighed by me and guarded -against,” yet, in “Ten Years’ Captivity,” we find the contrary -stated. “It is said that the interpreter, Hassan, arranged the -betrayal.” Moreover, to clinch the matter, and to show that -Gordon had selected a traitor in the very man whom the -<span class="xxpn" id="p326">|326|</span> -lives of the party might depend upon, it is added, “And I -was afterwards told that, when he got into difficulties later, -he sent a petition to Mohammad-el-Kheir, in which he said -that he was entitled to reward for having secured Colonel -Stewart’s death. He is still living in Omdurman.”</p> - -<p>Hassan Bey Hassanein has lived to come back to Egypt -and bear witness to the goodness and virtues of the heroic -defender of Khartoum. The only bit of treachery Hassan -Bey acknowledges is that—with his fellow-clerk, Sirri—he -cut the Khaleefa’s telegraph and telephone communications -as the troops were advancing, to prevent communication -between Omdurman and Khartoum and the outpost at -Khor Shambat. It was Hassan Bey who ran out of the -telegraph-hut as the gunboats advanced and attempted to get -on board in order to warn them of the mines. He succeeded -in attracting attention, and barely got off with his life, for his -shouts in English were drowned by the report of the rifles as -the men “potted” at his dervish dress.</p> - -<p>Hassan Bey Hassanein, speaking English, French, and -Arabic, was sent to Khartoum in July, 1883, for telegraphic -work. When Gordon arrived, in 1884, he wrote an official -letter detailing him for his special service. Orders were -given that he was to have access to him at all hours of the -day and night. It was Hassan Bey who used to mark the -words Gordon required to use at a forthcoming interview, in -his Arabic dictionary. Before giving his version of the -murder of Stewart’s party, a few words concerning him and -his relations with Gordon will prove that, in selecting him -as interpreter to the party, Gordon “well-guarded against -treachery.”</p> - -<p>One of Hassan Bey’s first missions after the arrival of -Gordon was to seek out the widow of Bussati Bey; for, on -arrival at Berber, he had telegraphed to Bussati Bey, not -knowing that he had been killed with Hicks. Having found -the widow and her children in dire straits, he returned with -one of the children to Gordon, and then took the child back -carrying a handkerchief containing a hundred pounds. “Bis -<span class="xxpn" id="p327">|327|</span> -dat qui cito dat” was certainly Gordon’s motto in Khartoum, -from the hundreds of tales which I have heard. On handing the -money to the widow, she brought out her husband’s uniform -and sword, and, handing them to Hassan Bey, said, “As you -take the place of my husband at Gordon’s side, then take -his sword and uniform.” Hassan Bey took it to Gordon, who -asked what it was worth, and being told “perhaps ten pounds,” -sent twenty pounds to the widow to make sure, and told Hassan -Bey to keep the uniform, as it might yet come in useful.</p> - -<p>Later on, when Hassan Bey, who was then but “effendi,” -had had a particularly hard spell of night and day work, -Gordon asked him which he would prefer—an increase of pay -or a rank. Hassan Bey left the matter to Gordon, and he -gave him both, writing the “firman” himself. On the -Friday following, Hassan Bey presented himself to Gordon -in Bussati’s uniform—for uniform was worn on Fridays and -feast days. Gordon was evidently much amused at his interpreter -and telegraph-clerk appearing in the uniform of a -lieut.-colonel, although the rank he had bestowed upon him -was nothing more nor less. Telling Hassan Bey that such a -uniform did not look well without a decoration, he pinned on -to his right breast one of the decorations he had had struck -to commemorate the siege of Khartoum, and Hassanein -walked off a proud man to delight the eyes of his wife, then -nearing her confinement. Fifteen days before the departure -of the <i>Abbas</i>, he presented himself to Gordon, and told him -that he was the father of a boy. “No, I am the father,” -replied Gordon, and, knowing Hassan Bey’s house, he hurried -off at a quick walk, which Hassan Bey had to run to keep up -with. Pushing his way through the women assembled in the -outer room, he tapped gently on the door where mother and -child were lying, and asked, “Mary, tyeeb-tyeeb?” (“Is all -well?”) and then, as the child’s “father,” he insisted upon -entering, took the child in his arms, crooned to it, kissed it, -and then hurried off and wrote a note to the Finance Office -to pay a hundred pounds <i>from his salary</i> “to his boy.” -Mother and child were to meet with a tragic death. -<span class="xxpn" id="p328">|328|</span></p> - -<p>Two days before the departure of the <i>Abbas</i>, Gordon told -Hassan Bey that he had selected him to accompany Colonel -Stewart as interpreter. He was to accompany the party as -far as Dongola, at all events, but there was the possibility of -Stewart requiring him as far as Cairo, therefore his wife -collected a number of presents for her relatives in Cairo, -which Hassan Bey was to present in uniform and decorations, -so that all should understand how highly she had married. -I must now, having given an idea of the relations existing -between Gordon and the man who “betrayed” Colonel -Stewart, and who had left with Gordon his wife and fifteen-day-old -boy, give his account of what actually occurred. I -purposely leave out all the incidents of the voyage until the -boats reach the island opposite the village of El Salamanieh.</p> - -<p>A discussion arose between the two Reises (pilots) as the -island was neared, as to what course to take; the river -was running strong, and between the island and mainland -resembled a mill race. One reis contended for the left bank -and the other for the right. Stewart, who spoke Turkish and -Arabic, asked what was the matter, and decided that judgment -was to rest with the oldest of the reises, and he selected the -right bank. Instead of coming through the race stern first, -it was decided to put on full steam and “shoot” what might -be called the rapids. While the decision was being given, -the steamer had come end on with the island, and when full -steam ahead was signalled, she steamed ahead at an angle of -about seventy-five degrees to the southern spit, and before -reaching the race proper, struck—swung round, and struck -again. Colonel Stewart took down his revolver, and threatened -to shoot both reises, upon which they dived overboard and -swam to the right bank of the Nile, but thirty or forty yards -distant. Colonel Stewart did not fire at them as they swam -off. This occurred about an hour before mid-day.</p> - -<p>About an hour later, the two reises—Mohammad el Dongolawi -and Ali el Bishtili—returned to the vessel, said they had -spoken to the people of the village, who had declared they -acknowledged the authority of Mustapha Pasha Yawer, the -<span class="xxpn" id="p329">|329|</span> -Mudir of Dongola; they at the same time begged that -Stewart would not molest them in any way, and they would -provide camels to take the whole party to Dongola. Colonel -Stewart spiked the cannon, and threw it overboard along -with the ammunition. He then ordered Hassan Bey, with -one of Gordon’s cavasses, and the clerk Mahmoud Ghorab, -to go on shore and interview the people. At first they -demurred, as, being Egyptians, they felt sure they would be -murdered, and asked that the small boat should be sent as -far as a village near Derawi, where it was certain “friends” -would be met with. Colonel Stewart, after first threatening -to throw them into the river, took his revolver again and -threatened to shoot all three if they did not obey instantly. -They obeyed, and went on shore to meet the men awaiting -them—a blind man named Osman, and two men of the -Wadi Kamr tribe. On reaching the reception-room of the -Sheikh-el-Belad (headman of the village), a copy of the Quoran -was produced, and upon this Osman and his companions -swore loyalty to the Government. Osman remained behind -while the other two accompanied Hassan Bey and the others -to the island where Stewart’s party had then landed. Here -again the oath of allegiance to the Government was taken, -and the men left, promising to send for camels to be ready -on the following morning.</p> - -<p>At about ten o’clock the next day they returned, and -suggested that all should come to the right bank and pack -up their effects, to be ready for the camels when they -arrived. About two hours after mid-day, while all were -either seated on the bank or fastening up their effects, -a man came, said that the Sheikh-el-Belad had arrived, -and invited the “Pasha” and the Consuls to his house. -Colonel Stewart ordered Hassan Bey to accompany him as -interpreter. On reaching the reception-room, they found -about forty or fifty people assembled to receive them. -The Sheikh-el-Belad was seated in the centre of the room on -the left. Two angareebs were placed at each side of the -doorway: Stewart and Power seated themselves on the -<span class="xxpn" id="p330">|330|</span> -angareeb on the right, and Hassan Bey and Herbin on -the angareeb to the left. Some minutes were taken up in -the usual salutations, and before they had time to speak -about the journey, the natives rose, and, saying the camels -were approaching, left the room, only to rush back a few -minutes later shouting, “Salaamoo tisslaamoo ya kaffarah” -(“Become Muslims, you infidels, and you will be spared”); -but at the same moment Herbin had his head smashed in -with an axe, and Hassan Bey was stabbed in the right arm -with a crease knife, and, as he was falling, received a large -spear wound in the left leg. He fell unconscious, and did -not see how Stewart and Power were killed. While the -bodies were being dragged out of the room, some time after -sunset, Hassan Bey was found to be still alive; it was -proposed to kill him, but the brother of the Sheikh-el-Belad, -he heard afterwards, pleaded for him, as his -“stomach felt sick.”</p> - -<p>After the murder of Stewart and the others, the party -made their way to the river, and a long fight ensued between -them and the crew of the vessel, the latter being killed -to a man. Hassan Bey was given some engine-oil from the -steamer with which to dress his wounds, and, when he -recovered, was sent to attend the flocks of the tribe. About -fifty to sixty days later, he was sent to Berber on the -orders of Mohammad-el-Kheir, and there imprisoned for four -months, and, on the death of the Mahdi, was, with other -prisoners, sent to Omdurman, to take the oath of allegiance -to Khaleefa Abdullahi.</p> - -<p>In 1889–90 he was sent to Kassala, and, on the breaking -out of the famine, he, with his wife and child, and many others, -made up a party to return to Omdurman. Hassan Bey’s group -consisted of his family, a man named Ismail, with his wife -and daughter, and a man with two women. They ran short -of water, and, leaving the others, who were worn out, to rest -under some shrubs, Hassan Bey and Ismail set off in search -of water. In about four hours’ time they reached some pools -near the Atbara, and filling their water-skins, set off to rejoin -<span class="xxpn" id="p331">|331|</span> -their families. On reaching the spot, they found that they had -been devoured by lions; the heads of Hassan’s wife and boy—then -between six and seven years of age—and the heads of -Ismail’s wife and daughter were all that remained. No trace -was left of the heads of the man and the other two women, and -it is surmised that they must have escaped, for the lion never -eats the head of its victim. Half mad, the two wandered on, -living on roots and leaves, until, on reaching the village of -El-Mughetta, on the banks of the Atbara, they were taken -prisoners and made slaves. Ismail had to work at the ferry, -but Hassan Bey, being weak and ill, was allowed to wander -about until, meeting with a caravan bound for Geddaref, -he joined it, and then made his way to Omdurman, being -employed, first, as clerk under Abdallah Sulieman, the head -of the cartridge-factory, and then transferred to the telegraph -service.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="p332" title="Appendix II. Orphali."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> II -<span class="blksame">ORPHALI</span></h3></div> - -<p class="pfirst">The -account which I have given of how Gordon died differs -so very little in essentials from the account which I have since -received from Khaleel Agha Orphali, and which has been read -to Khartoum survivors with the idea of comparing the statements -made with what was related at the time, that I think it -advisable to allow my account to stand, and to append that -of Orphali, giving a few details concerning Orphali himself. -I might mention that Gordon was credited with having killed -a much greater number of dervishes than I have given, but -the error arose from his being credited with the killing of -the dervishes on the “Gouvernorat” (E) staircase; but these -were killed by the guards. The fact of his having killed so -many as he did, is to be accounted for in two ways; first, the -people who first assailed him on the private staircase were -unaccustomed to the use of the small spears they carried—indeed, -it is safe to say that they had only been dervishes -outwardly for half an hour or so; and, secondly, as they were -packed on a narrow staircase, every shot told on the mass. -To assist the reader in following Orphali’s narrative, I have -drawn from memory a rough plan of the palace as I remembered -it while it stood intact, and, with the assistance of -Fauzi Pasha and others, have been able to name each of -the rooms.</p> - -<p>Khaleel Agha Orphali joined the army for service in the -Soudan in the Coptic year 1591 (1873–74). After taking part -in a number of engagements, he was promoted to the rank -of Bulok Bashi (commander of twenty-five men), and when -<span class="xxpn" id="p333">|333|</span> -Gordon reached Kulkul, in 1878–79, Orphali and his men had -been without pay for months. They presented themselves to -Gordon and clamoured for their pay; he recommended them -to go to Khartoum for it, upon which they became abusive, -and Gordon drew his revolver. Orphali followed suit, but -neither fired. Gordon quietly ordered the cavasses to remove -their chief in custody, which they did. Shortly afterwards, -Gordon sent for Orphali, told him he was a “man,” gave him -a present of money, and offered him the post of cavass to -himself, which Orphali at once accepted, accompanying -Gordon to Khartoum, and remaining with him until he left.</p> - -<p>On Gordon’s return, in 1884, he found Orphali then in -Khartoum, and made him his chief cavass. Orphali is one -of those men who know but one master, and believe that -master to be the ruler of the universe. He, therefore, was no -great favourite with some in the administration, as, during the -siege, he was never away from Gordon’s side, and his cavasses -were allowed to do nothing but keep their arms clean, and be -ready to surround Gordon in case of trouble. They were -strictly forbidden to leave their posts to carry coffee, bread, -run messages, or perform all the other little services which -they had been accustomed to perform for the katibs (clerks). -Orphali’s ideas as to the duty of his cavasses were the cause -of constant bickerings, which came to a climax about twenty -days before the fall of Khartoum, when he espied one of -them carrying an ink-bottle behind Geriagis Bey—the head-clerk, -who succeeded Rouchdi Bey. This was too much -for Orphali. Grasping the brass inkstand, he drove it with -all his force against Geriagis’ chest, and this assault Gordon -could not pass over. Orphali was in disgrace for eight days, -and “confined to barracks,” that is to say, the palace precincts, -but he slept at Gordon’s door as usual. Twelve days before -the fall, he was re-instated in favour, and never again left -Gordon’s side for a moment.</p> - -<p>Orphali—as Gordon is not alive to speak for him, and as so -many knew from Gordon himself of his threat to shoot him -many years before—has been afraid, since his return, to talk -<span class="xxpn" id="p334">|334|</span> -about his relations with Gordon, and was not a little surprised -when I assured him that, if he appeared in “Londra,” he need -have nothing to be afraid of from the English people. -Having introduced the man, I now give his description of the -night of the 25th January, keeping as much as possible to his -own words, and only, to give a complete account, mentioning -the incidents occurring in other parts of the palace while -Gordon and he fought the upper floor:―</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="figplans"> -<img src="images/i334.jpg" width="600" height="798" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">PLANS OF PALACE AT KHARTOUM -ILLUSTRATING THE DEATH OF GORDON.</div> -<div class="imglg"> - <a href="images/i334lg.jpg">see better image</a></div> -</div> - -<p>His excellency was not an early sleeper, and on the night -the dervishes entered Khartoum he was in his room. At -eight o’clock, Consul Hansall, Consul Leontides and the -Doctor, Abou Naddara (he of the spectacles), came to see -him, and remained until midnight. After their departure, he -did not go to sleep, but sat reading and writing letters, and -sometimes pacing the room. At one o’clock in the morning, -he sent me to the telegraph-office to inquire about the -enemy’s movements, as he had received confirmed news of -the intended attack, and his excellency had issued general -orders to the soldiers and employés to be on guard to attack -and withstand the dervishes. Ali Effendi Riza, Mohammad -Effendi Fauzi, and Youssef Effendi Esmatt were on duty, also -the messenger Mohammad Omar. They reported all was -quiet, and this news I gave his excellency. Half an hour -later, perhaps, firing was heard from the land side (<i>i.e.</i> to the -south); I was sent to seek information. Bakhit Bey, from -Buri, telegraphed that a few dervishes had attacked, but had -been driven off, and when I told his excellency, he prepared -to sleep, and gave me the customary order to bolt his door, -and this I did. Then I closed the door of the terrace (I, plan), -then the door of the Gouvernorat (H), near Rouchdi Bey’s room, -and returning along the corridor leading to the private apartments, -closed the door in the middle (B), and then went down -the private staircase (D), gave the usual orders to the guards, -and returned to my sleeping place opposite the pasha’s room -(K), after I had told the telegraph-clerks to bring information -as soon as any news came from the lines. About three -o’clock, Mohammad Omar, the messenger, with Cavass Ali -<span class="xxpn" id="p335">|335|</span> -Agha Gadri, roused me and said that an attack was being -made at Kabakat (boats) on the White Nile. I informed the -Pasha, who told me to run to the telegraph-office for more -news, and there I met Hassan Bey Bahnassawi, who was on -duty, and we heard that an attack had been made, but had -been repulsed.* On informing the Pasha, he told me to close -the door of his room again, which I did, and sat down to -make coffee. Then we heard more firing from the White -Nile, and the cavasses, having run to the terrace, called to -me that the dervishes were coming into the town. I ran -down to Buluk Bashi Ibrahim El Nahass, who had twenty-four -men; fifteen we placed at the windows (rooms on right -ground-plan), and nine on the terrace overlooking the garden -(G). There were also twenty-four cavasses and ferrashes; -thirteen were placed at the windows (left of ground-plan) -under my second, Niman Agha, eight on the terrace (F), and -three at the door of the palace (B). Each man had ten dozen -cartridges, besides which, each party had a spare case of -ammunition. All these arrangements did not take five -minutes, as each knew his place. I then ran up to the -Governor-General’s room, and informed him of the arrangements. -The day had now come (dawned). The dervishes -who ran to the front of the palace were killed by the fire -from the steamer. About seventy were killed in the garden -by the soldiers firing on them from the terrace, and then we -saw the dervishes coming over the rukooba (vine-trellis A), -and they were met with the fire from the windows and terraces. -They came in great numbers very quickly. Some ran to the -entrance (B), killed the guards and opened the door; then -they all ran to the Gouvernorat door and killed the telegraph-clerks, -all except Esmatt, who hid among the sacks in the storeroom; -they then went to the terrace (G) and killed the soldiers, -and Nahass, seeing the massacre, jumped from the window. -Four men were on guard at the private stairs, but when the -<span class="xxpn" id="p336">|336|</span> -dervishes came back from the Gouvernorat door (E) they -were soon killed, and some of the dervishes ran to the terrace -(F), and killed the soldiers there; others came up the steps -to the private apartment, and broke the door; Gordon Pasha -met them with his sword in his right hand and his pistol -(revolver) in his left, and killed of them two who fell at the -door, and one who fell down the stairs,† and the others ran -away. Then we heard the dervishes breaking the private -door (B), while the Pasha was loading his revolver. I went -forward and received a little wound in the face, and when the -Pasha came, he received a wound in the left shoulder; the -man who wounded him was a half-blood slave. We followed -them to Rouchdi Bey’s room, killing three and wounding -many, and the others ran away and fell down the stairs. We -went back to the Pasha’s room and reloaded, but the -dervishes came back, and I received a slight wound in my -right leg from a sword, but I warded the blow, and the cut -was nothing. We attacked the dervishes on the private -stairs (D), and while we were passing the door a native of -Khartoum, dressed as a dervish, stabbed the Pasha with a -spear on the left shoulder; seeing this man’s hand coming -from behind the door, I cut at it, and he ran and fell on a -spear held by one of his companions on the steps, and was -killed. At this time more dervishes were coming along the -corridor (from H), and we returned to meet them; I received -a thrust in the left hand, but the Pasha cut the man down -with his sword, and kicked him on the head and he died; -then the dervishes ran into the clerks’ offices (5, 6, 7, upper-floor -plan), and while we were standing in the corridor, a tall -negro fired a shot from the door (H) near Rouchdi Bey’s -room, and the bullet struck the Pasha in the right breast, and -the Pasha ran up and shot the man dead. The dervishes -then came out of the offices, and we turned, and they ran to -the private stairs, and we fired into them, but the Pasha was -getting weak from loss of blood. We fought these dervishes -down the stairs till we reached the last one, and a native of -<span class="xxpn" id="p337">|337|</span> -Katimeh speared the Pasha in the right hip, but I shot him, -and the Pasha fell down on the cavasses’ mat at the door, and -he was dead, and as I turned to seek refuge in the finance-office -(F plan), I was struck down and lost my senses, and I -was lying down with the dead. In the afternoon, a man of -El Katimeh—Abd-el-Rahman, whom I knew, helped me to -go to the river for water, and I saw the body of the Pasha at -the door (D), but the head was not there. I was helped to -my house, and found my wife and children and property all -missing. . . . I was taken by a friend and Abd-el-Rahman to -El Dem-el-Darawish, and left on the plain all night, and in -the morning I was taken before Wad en Nejoumi . . . and I was -stripped to see if I had any money and papers, but I had not; -and when I said that I was ignorant of any treasure, I was -heavily beaten, though much wounded, and was very ill for -seventeen days, and my wife found me.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<p id="fn13" class="pfn">* This is a literal translation. What Orphali intends to -convey is, that on telegraphing to the lines, Bahnassawi Bey, who -was on duty, was at his post, and replied to the inquiries sent by -telegraph. The distance between the palace and Bahnassawi’s post was -about two and a half miles.</p></div> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<p id="fn14" class="pfn padtopc">† That is to say, fell dead or wounded.</p></div> - -<p class="padtopa">All who were taken to see the steps where Gordon fell -remarked upon the number and extent of the blood stains, -for they could not believe that all had come from one body. -These stains were shown to me in 1887. It has been stated -on good authority that “Stains of blood marked the spot -where this atrocity took place, and the steps from top to -bottom for weeks bore the same sad traces.” Here is what I -choose to consider not only a confirmation of Gordon having -died fighting, but a confirmation of Orphali’s narrative, for -there were only two people on the upper floor—Gordon and -Orphali, and all the fighting must have been done by them. -It is quite impossible that the steps “from top to bottom”—four -flights-could have been stained as they were stained -with large patches of blood left by a body which had been -dragged downstairs some time after death. The steps <i>were</i> -stained with the blood of the dervishes through whom I -have said Gordon shot and hacked his way in his heroic -attempt to reach his troops.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="p338" title="Appendix III. Translation of Letter."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> III -<span class="blksmallerb">Translation -of the letter which the Khaleefa dictated in -reply to the letter given me by General Stephenson, in Cairo, -before leaving for Kordofan.</span></h3></div> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“In the name of God the Most Merciful, and thanks to God the -Omnipotent and Generous, with prayers on Mohammad our Lord -and his descendants; Greeting.</p> - -<p>“From the servant of his Lord Abdallah-el-Muslimani-el-Brussi -(the Prussian), formerly named Karl Neufeld, to Stephenson the -Englishman, at Cairo.</p> - -<p>“We have to inform you that, in conformity with your letter, dated -March 1, 1887, addressed to us, and recommending us to Sheikh -Saleh Fadlallah-el-Kabashi with regard to your projects,</p> - -<p>“We started from Halfa, with his men bearing the arms and -ammunition and other things sent him by the Government.</p> - -<p>“We proceeded on our course, and were constantly on guard on -ourselves and our property, until we arrived at a well called Selima, -from where we took the water supply, and continued our way to our -destination.</p> - -<p>“It was our fate to be met in the desert by six fakirs, followers of -the Mahdi, who attacked us, so that we and Saleh’s men had to -defend ourselves, our number being fifty-five men.</p> - -<p>“The six fakirs were later reinforced by others, all of them being -men of Abd-el-Rahman en Nejoumi. Thus there remained for us -no way of escape, and in the space of half an hour we were defeated, -many being killed, and the rest taken prisoners. The rifles, ammunition, -and things destined for Saleh were seized, and I, my servant -Elias, and my slave-girl, Hasseena, were among the prisoners, and -<span class="xxpn" id="p339">|339|</span> -we were thus conducted to Abd-el-Rahman en Nejoumi, to Ordeh -or Dongola.</p> - -<p>“From this place we were sent to the Khaleefa of the Mahdi, on -whom be peace, at Omdurman, to whom we were presented. We -were certain that we were to be killed, taking into consideration our -great crime against him.</p> - -<p>“The Khaleefa of the Mahdi, on whom be peace, however, pitied -our condition, and proposed to us to avow the Mohammedan faith. -We accepted, and became Muslims by pronouncing the two declarations -in his presence, and by publicly professing that there is no God -but God, and that Mohammad is the Prophet of God, and I then -added that I believed in God and his Prophet Mohammad, and in -the Khaleefa of the Mahdi. We then asked him for his clemency -and pardon, which was granted. He thereupon embraced me, and -named me Abdallah. I was then accepted of the Mohammedan -religion.</p> - -<p>“It was on these conditions that the Khaleefa of the Mahdi, on -whom be peace, pardoned me and spared my life, which was already -forfeited.</p> - -<p>“This was done to the honour and glory of the Mohammedan -religion.</p> - -<p>“We further inform you that although Dufa'Allah Hogal deceived -us, notwithstanding his perfidy, we cannot sufficiently thank and -reward him, as his treachery turned to our great benefit, and he has -allowed us to enjoy great prosperity.</p> - -<p>“Finally, we inform you confidentially that Saleh Fadlallah Salem -has lost all his power and influence, and has taken refuge in the -desert. This is the truth. I write this for your advice.</p> - -<p class="psignature">“The 17th Shaaban, 1304.”</p> -</div><!--blockquot--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="p340" title="Appendix IV. Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi-gordon’s -Favourite Officer."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> IV -<span class="blksame">IBRAHIM PASHA FAUZI-GORDON’S FAVOURITE -OFFICER</span></h3></div> - -<p class="pfirst">When -Gordon arrived in Khartoum, in 1874, Ibrahim Pasha -Fauzi was then a second-lieutenant. Gordon had applied -to the then Governor-General of the Soudan, Ismail Pasha -Ayoub, for four companies of soldiers to accompany him to -the Equatorial Provinces. Ayoub was not at all pleased at -Gordon’s mission, as he took it as a slight upon his administration, -so that when Gordon’s application for troops was -received, Ayoub selected for the purpose his most worthless -men, with the double object of getting rid of them, and -making Gordon’s mission a failure. Fauzi, anxious to see -some service, had volunteered to accompany Gordon, and, for -doing so, Ayoub placed him under arrest. Gordon, hearing -of the matter, sent to Ayoub demanding that the officer who -had volunteered his services should be sent to him immediately. -Fauzi was sent to Gordon’s head-quarters, when -Gordon first asked him, “Are you the officer who volunteered -your services?” following up the question, when Fauzi in reply -said, “Yes, sir,” the only two words he then knew of English, -by asking why he had done so. On learning that Fauzi -wished to see service, he promised that his wish should be -gratified. “But,” added Gordon, “I wish you to answer me -as an officer—why did the Governor place you under -arrest?” Fauzi gave the reason—Ayoub was afraid that -<span class="xxpn" id="p341">|341|</span> -Gordon would discover, before departure, that he had been -sent the worst troops. Sending back the four companies, he -requisitioned four companies indicated by Fauzi, and, Fauzi -being too young for a command, he appointed him commandant -of his body-guard, and a sort of adjutant-major to -the little force.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig28"> -<img src="images/i340.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">FAUZI PASHA IN UNIFORM.</div> -</div> - -<p>Fauzi accompanied Gordon to the Albert Nyanza, returned -with him to Khartoum, was gazetted major in consideration -of his services, and appointed Mudir (Governor) of Bohr, -but given two months’ leave of absence before taking up his -post. Gordon left for England, and Fauzi came to Cairo -for his leave, on the expiration of which he set out for the -Soudan, but, on reaching Berber, he found a telegram awaiting -him from Gordon telling him not to go further than Khartoum, -as he (Gordon) was returning as Governor-General. -When Gordon reached Khartoum, it was to hear that Darfur -was in revolt, and that the Bahr-el-Ghazal province was -joining the rebels. A council of war was held, when Gordon -asked the officers present to select one of themselves to head -an expedition to the Bahr-el-Ghazal province, while he took -another into Darfur; he had expected all of them to volunteer -for the command, but they believed that such an expedition -had more the elements of defeat and death in it than of glory -and distinction. Told that they must name an officer, they -named Fauzi, who was not present, and Gordon at once -accepted him, sending him off with 4000 troops and the -clerks for the civil administration. Fauzi succeeded in -setting the province to rights without fighting, and while -travelling about setting the administration right in the -districts, he often met, and assisted with food and money, -a holy man then living as a sort of hermit at Abba and the -neighbourhood. The man’s name was Mohammed Ahmed—whom -the world was to hear of six years later as the Mahdi.</p> - -<p>Breaking down in health, Gordon ordered Fauzi to -Khartoum, for rest, promoted him to the rank of full colonel, -and named him Governor of Equatoria, in which province he -spent about a year carrying out Gordon’s instructions to the -<span class="xxpn" id="p342">|342|</span> -letter, and making a host of enemies amongst the officials -whose peculations and interest in the slave-trade he put a -stop to. He accompanied Gordon to Cairo in 1879, and -when Gordon decided upon resigning, he asked Fauzi whether -he would prefer to remain in Cairo or return to the Soudan. -Fauzi saw that, without Gordon to back him up, his tenure of -office would be but of short duration, unless he engaged himself -in the maladministration of the provinces; he elected to -remain in Cairo, where, at Gordon’s request, he was gazetted -Colonel commanding the 1st Regiment of the 3rd Brigade. -Gordon made it a point to be present at Fauzi’s first parade, -congratulated him on the handling of his men, and bidding -him farewell, gave him three hundred pounds as a souvenir of -their days together in the Soudan. At the outbreak of the -Arabist rebellion, Fauzi’s regiment, with others under the -command of Kourschid Pasha, was ordered to Rosetta, and -after the defeat of Arabi, at Tel-el-Kebir, he was, with other -colonels, ordered to surrender to Sir Evelyn Wood at Kafr -Dawar. Sent to Alexandria, he was tried, degraded, and then -dismissed in disgrace.</p> - -<p>Some days before the arrival of Gordon, in 1884, H. E. -Nubar Pasha and Sir Evelyn Wood sent for Fauzi, and told -him to be in readiness to proceed to the Soudan, as Gordon -had asked for his services. When Fauzi said that he had -been dismissed, and was no longer on the army-list, Nubar -Pasha replied, “General Gordon will see to the matter.” -It had not been Gordon’s intention to call at Cairo, and -Fauzi was to have gone to Suez or viâ the Nile, as Gordon -might decide. However, Gordon was stopped at Port Said, -and asked to come through Cairo; Fauzi went to the station -to meet him, and Gordon, on alighting, went up to his old -Soudan lieutenant, and asked how it was that he was not in -uniform. Fauzi detailed his dismissal, upon which Gordon -turned to Sir Evelyn Wood, and asked him how it was. It -appears that when Gordon saw Fauzi’s name amongst the -names of the colonels to be tried, he wired, or wrote—or both—to -Sir Evelyn Wood, asking him to look after Colonel -<span class="xxpn" id="p343">|343|</span> -Ibrahim Fauzi. General Wood did do so, but there was -another Colonel Ibrahim Fauzi; and while Gordon’s Fauzi -was dismissed in disgrace, the other Fauzi retired in glory -and with a pension.</p> - -<p>Gordon had some difficulty in seeing Fauzi reinstated, for -his enemies were powerful; but, not to be thwarted, he took -Fauzi direct to His Highness the Khedive, and carried his -point. Two days later, Fauzi took his seat in the carriage -with Gordon and Stewart, and left Bulac Dacroor station on -that journey from which he only was to return alive, and that -fourteen years later.</p> - -<p>On the way to Khartoum, Gordon named Stewart sub-Governor-General -of the Soudan, and Fauzi Director of -Military and Marine, and, in communicating these appointments -to Cairo, he wrote of Fauzi, “I especially recognize in -Fauzi Bey the desired activity which he has displayed with -me while previously in the Soudan; he has already given -proof of his abilities, and I am more than ever satisfied -with him.”</p> - -<p>Soon after his arrival at Khartoum, Fauzi was entrusted -with the clearing out of the rebels from Khor Shambat and -Halfeyeh, and the restoring of the telegraphic communications -which they had cut. Fauzi won his dual victory, and -restored the line, but, in leading his men, he was hit in the -right leg with a bullet fired from an elephant-gun, which split -and shattered the bone. Owing to want of skill on the part -of the Greek doctor, the broken bone was allowed to overlap, -and a suppurating wound set in from the unextracted fragments, -which kept Fauzi confined to his official residence for -about six months, although he was able to transact the executive -part of his duties. On the departure of Stewart, Gordon -named Fauzi Governor of Khartoum and Commandant of -Troops, calling a special parade for the occasion. Fauzi Pasha -must be left to relate, at some future date, the incidents of -the siege of Khartoum; I pass on to January 25, 1885.</p> - -<p>About three o’clock in the afternoon, Gordon called Fauzi -to the roof of the palace, to see the activity taking place in -<span class="xxpn" id="p344">|344|</span> -the dervish camp. He had a large tripod telescope fixed -on the roof immediately over his room.*</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> -<p id="fn15" class="pfn">* It has been repeatedly stated that Gordon had a gun on -the roof of the palace, with which he used to shell the dervish camp. -In one account of the fall of Khartoum, it is averred that Gordon, in -his sleeping suit, served this gun for an hour until it was rendered -useless, as it could not be depressed sufficiently to bear upon the -dervishes surrounding the palace. There never was a gun on the roof of -the palace, for the roof would not have supported its dead weight, much -less the shock of its recoil.</p></div> - -<p>About 3.30, Fauzi, riding a donkey, accompanied Gordon -on what proved to be his last visit to the lines. Most of -the troops were lying down exhausted and hungry; as -they saw Gordon approach, they wished to present arms, but -he kept calling out to them, “Rest, rest; but keep your eyes -open.” At sunset they regained the palace, and walked up -and down for some time discussing the situation. As the -dinner-hour approached, Gordon told Fauzi that he was sorry -he could not invite him to dinner, as he had nothing to eat. -Fauzi said he had, for himself and guards, the hearts of four -date trees, and would send one to the palace, upon which -Gordon ran in and brought out his dinner—also the heart of -a date tree. This was the last Fauzi was to see of Gordon.</p> - -<p>At midnight, Fauzi Pasha, as usual, went his rounds of the -posts in the town, reaching his guards at about 2 a.m. While -giving orders in the courtyard of his official residence, a sound -as of shouts in the distance was heard. This was towards -dawn. Fauzi went to the roof, and, through his binoculars, -could faintly make out hand-to-hand fighting going on in the -lines. Hurrying down, he drew up his men, and set off for -the palace, being joined by ten Greeks who had been on -duty. On coming in sight of the palace, they were met by -two bands of dervishes, but succeeded in cutting their way -through one, only to be met by a troop of dervish horse. -The little party was forced back, fighting every step, and -when close to his house all rushed inside, closed the doors, -and commenced to fight through the windows, but for every -shot they fired, a score came back in reply. The little -garrison assembled in the courtyard for a last stand as the -dervishes were then beating down the doors. Fortunately, -the sight of other dervishes rushing past with loot drew the -<span class="xxpn" id="p345">|345|</span> -besiegers off on a similar errand, and the party was able to -hold its own against successive parties until the Mahdi sent -word to stop the massacre. When Fauzi was taken before -the Mahdi, he was asked, “Why is it that you, a good Muslim, -have never written to me when every one else has done so, -expressing their loyalty? Have you forgotten the days at -Abba, and the instruction I gave you? If you have, I have -not;” and, kissing him, the Mahdi told him to “go in peace.” -The Mahdi was very wroth at the death of Gordon, for he -really admired and respected him, and he had given strict -orders that he was not to be harmed in any way.</p> - -<p>As, during his captivity, Fauzi used to receive moneys from -Cairo, he had, to explain his being able to live, to engage in -some occupation, and took to lime-burning, a business which -cost him more than he ever got out of it. As an Egyptian, he -was under the surveillance of Youssef Mansour, who, after the -escape of Slatin, refused to be responsible for Fauzi any longer. -Failing to get him executed for having assisted in Slatin’s -escape, he succeeded in getting him committed to the Saier, -where he remained as a prisoner for four years, until released -by the Sirdar.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="p346" title="Appendix V. Ahmed Youssef Kandeel."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> V -<span class="blksame">AHMED YOUSSEF KANDEEL</span></h3> -</div> - -<p class="pfirst">Ahmed -Youssef Kandeel, though actually a civilian -employé, held the rank in Khartoum, where he was born, of -Lieutenant in the 3rd Soudan Artillery. He took part in -many of the attacks on the dervishes during the siege, and -fought with Bakhit Bey on the night the town was taken. -He managed to fight his way to his house, and held out until -the Mahdi’s orders came to stop the massacre of the inhabitants, -when he gave himself up. His father, uncle, and -brother had already been killed fighting. For some time he -supported himself at Omdurman by cutting firewood, living -in a state of semi-starvation. Being a good clerk, he offered -his services to Wad Nejoumi, who, it appears, would employ -no one but old Egyptian employés as “katibs” (clerks). -He was with Wad Nejoumi when I was taken prisoner to -Dongola, and throws an interesting light upon Nejoumi’s -attitude towards Mahdieh, which more than confirms the -impressions I had formed, and which I have given expression -to in Chapter VI.: “Dongola to Omdurman.”</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig29"> -<img src="images/i346.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">AHMED YOUSSEF KANDEEL.</div> -</div> - -<p>Kandeel tells me that, on the arrival of our party at -Dongola, Nejoumi called a meeting of emirs, and asked what -should be done with us. All voted for instant execution, but -this Nejoumi would not sanction. Among the emirs was a -Taaishi wakil (spy or agent of Abdullahi)—a similar wakil -being appointed to each army not actually led by one of -the Khaleefa’s relatives. This wakil’s name was Messaad -Geydoom-el-Taaishi. When Nejoumi insisted upon saving -<span class="xxpn" id="p347">|347|</span> -my life, and, as an alternative, sending me to the Khaleefa, -leaving him to decide what should be done with me, he instructed -Kandeel to write a letter saying that, as I was a -“hakeem” (doctor), I might be useful to him (Nejoumi) -and also to the army. Geydoom, having his suspicions about -Nejoumi’s loyalty to Mahdieh, used his sparing of my life as -a proof of his sympathies with the Government, and Nejoumi -was ordered to Omdurman, and kept a prisoner in his house -for some months.</p> - -<p>Geydoom’s treatment of the army during Nejoumi’s absence -caused so much discontent that Abdullahi determined to send -Nejoumi back to Dongola, but with strict instructions to at -once commence the march for the conquest of Egypt. He -was given a hundred and twenty rifles only, and very little -ammunition.</p> - -<p>When General Grenfell sent the letter to Nejoumi, calling -upon him to surrender, Nejoumi called a council of emirs, -said that the army could not possibly fight, as they were -tired, hungry, and thirsty, and suggested surrender, for they -must either be killed upon the field or die in the desert on -the way back. The emirs, being of the Taaishi family, first -accused Nejoumi of cowardice and then of treachery. They -threatened to report him to the Khaleefa when the fight was -<i>won</i>, and to ask that one of themselves should be given the -command when the further advance into Egypt was ordered. -There appears to be but little doubt that, had it not been for -the Taaishi emirs, the army would have followed Nejoumi -unarmed to the lines of the Government troops. The emirs -dictated the reply which Nejoumi was to send to General -Grenfell, and when Nejoumi dashed down into the plain as -the dervish army was in retreat, it was doubtless with the -object of reaching the Government lines, but under pretence -of rallying the few remaining troops, so that they should not -shoot him down if they thought he was deserting them—or -follow him if they thought he was charging, for this would -have drawn the fire of the brigades upon them. After the -death of Nejoumi, spies reported to the Khaleefa that he had -<span class="xxpn" id="p348">|348|</span> -attempted to open up negotiations with the Government -troops, and Kandeel, being suspected as Nejoumi’s “katib,” -was loaded with chains and sent to Omdurman, where he was -imprisoned for fourteen months, and then released to become -the clerk of Yacoub, the brother of Abdullahi.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="p349" title="Appendix VI. The Soudan: Its Past, -Present, and Future."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> VI -<span class="blksame">THE SOUDAN: ITS PAST, -PRESENT, AND FUTURE</span></h3> -</div> - -<p class="pfirst">To -the present generation the history of the Soudan may -be said to commence with the date of its partial conquest by -Mohammad Ali Pasha, the Viceroy of Egypt. To go further -back than this is to compile from various sources, all more or -less inaccurate, a mass of information which, where not misleading, -would be next to useless to the would-be correct -historian. Even the recent history of the benighted country -has from force of circumstances been compiled from sources -not the most reliable, and it is extremely difficult for the -moment to sift the facts from the legends. The Soudan is -still an unknown and unconquered land. Small tribes have -been magnified into nations, and petty chiefs and sheikhs into -kings and sultans who evidenced their exalted position in the -possession of a few more sheep, goats, donkeys, and slaves, -than their neighbours. No single tribe or sheikh ever held -general supremacy over the others; Zubeir was within an ace -of making himself the Sultan of the Soudan, when he accepted -an invitation to visit Cairo; that was twenty-five years ago, -and he is still here. The Soudan was nothing more nor less -than a collection of little commonwealths; occasionally a -number of these would acknowledge allegiance to one particular -headman, and, in such instances, the “nation” might -have boasted almost as great a population as some small and -obscure provincial town. But that such instances were rare -<span class="xxpn" id="p350">|350|</span> -is proved by the facility with which Mohammad Ahmed and -Abdullahi set the various sections of tribes fighting among -themselves.</p> - -<p>When Mohammad Ali established his government, and -when later Ismail Pasha attempted to extend his empire, they -each took advantage of the chronic anarchy reigning in the -Soudan to further their schemes, but the tribes soon found -that they had but stepped from the frying-pan into the fire, -and waited patiently for the strong man who was to rid them -of the thraldom of the now hated and detested Turks, from -whom they had hoped so much. From the time when, what -the Soudanese call the “Turk” rule, was established, until the -rebellion of 1882, nothing whatever was done to develop -the natural resources of the country—indeed, the reverse. The -only trade the officials fostered was that of slaves, and these -were invariably drawn from peaceful and agricultural districts; -the adult male population of whole districts was swept away -in those raids organized to supply the hareems of Arabia, -Algeria, Egypt, and Turkey, with eunuchs and concubines. -The mineral wealth of Sennar, Darfur and Kordofan was -neglected, as when the soldiers reached the gold, silver and -copper mines, they discovered that the precious metals did -not exist in the pure blocks they had expected to find, and -that to extract the metals meant work.</p> - -<p>The population of the half-conquered provinces was robbed -in every conceivable manner by tax-collectors, who were -seldom or never paid their salaries of from twenty-five to -thirty shillings a month, and they were assisted in the duties -of tax collecting by companies of irregular soldiers whose -salaries also were never paid. Where money was not forthcoming, -the taxes were collected in kind, and it may be -imagined what the result of tax collecting was. The people -were driven farther and farther away from the cultivated -lands and watercourses. The “Sudd,” that rank growth of -weeds which obstruct the navigation of the Nile and its -tributaries, was left to accumulate year after year, the little -clearances which the inhabitants themselves made formerly, -<span class="xxpn" id="p351">|351|</span> -being abandoned as they but aided the passage of boats conveying -soldiers on tax collecting or conquest of territory -expeditions.</p> - -<p>Admitting, for the sake of argument, that some of the -Soudan tribes may have risen to the dignity of independent -kingdoms, their history may be written with one word—“anarchy,” -and when the “Turk” government was established, -general rebellion was rife from the beginning until it culminated -in the rising of Mohammad Ahmed.</p> - -<p>The population of the Soudan was, and still is, divided into -three great classes, (1) the pure Arab to whom manual labour -has been unknown since the day his ancestor Ishmael mixed -the mortar with which to cement the stones of the Kaaba or -House of God, which Abraham built at Mecca; (2) the -Negroid, who will perform a few light duties, but who has -absorbed all the worst to the exclusion of the few better -qualities of his progenitors,—and, (3) the Black—naturally -indolent and too lazy to work,—without ambition, and whose -presumed avarice only extends to the possession of a little -more than he can eat. For centuries the Black has been the -slave of the Arab, and performed all the manual labour, such as -the collection of gum and senna leaves, indiarubber, ivory, the -cultivation of cereals, and the navigation of the rivers; but -taking it all in all, the lot of the black slave might be envied -by millions of workers in other parts of the world. With the -introduction of the “Turk” government, all three classes were -considered as “prey”; the slave proper had to work harder -so that his master might be able to satisfy the rapacity of <i>his</i> -master—the official, and the slave knew this; the negroid, -who believed in cultivating only so much dourra as was -requisite for his needs, found that he had to cultivate enough -to feed the soldiers quartered in his province, and to pay -taxes not only on what he grew for himself, but on what he -grew for nothing for the soldiers. It is no wonder, then, that -the three waited the coming of some strong man to rid them -of the common enemy.</p> - -<p>Although a religious element was introduced into -<span class="xxpn" id="p352">|352|</span> -Mohammad Ahmed’s movement, many fail to grasp the fact that -religion here takes the place of politics in Europe, and when -the Arabs rise against the powers that be, they are backed up -by some “religious” question, for their laws are based entirely -upon the Quoran. Mohammad Ahmed had for years been -preaching against the extortions of the Turk officials, and had -it not been suggested to him, it is unlikely that he would ever -have assumed the <i>rôle</i> of Mahdi, though as a holy man only, -it is almost certain that his crusade would have succeeded -equally as well as it did. The country was ripe for rebellion, -and when the followers of Mohammad Ahmed overcame the -first “Turk” sent against him, and against whom he had been -preaching for years, success was assured, and thousands -flocked to him. His crusade, therefore, in the beginning, was -not a religious movement pure and simple as we understand -such; it was the rising of an oppressed people against a -government that had but lately tried to establish its authority -over them. It is true that once having had the <i>rôle</i> of Mahdi -forced upon him, Mohammad Ahmed did his best to act up to -it; his miracles—in the way of annihilating successive armies -sent against him were very real indeed, and if thousands flocked -to his banner in consequence of them, they should not be too -severely criticized and charged with fanaticism and unreasoning -superstition, for while they flocked to see the worker of these -very real miracles, just as many thousands of people in more -enlightened climes were making pilgrimages to caves, grottoes -and shrines in the belief that the miracles they were praying -for would be performed. Nor, considering that the faith in -dreams and visions is almost as strong in the east as it was -when Pharaoh had his dreams interpreted by Joseph, should -Mohammad Ahmed and his successor be blamed for taking -advantage of the credulity of the most credulous people on -earth in the relating of visions, when but a little time since -thousands of people in a highly civilized country were flocking -to the doors of one who pretended to be the mouthpiece on -earth of the angel Gabriel—a much more mythical being than -either the prophet Mohammad or the Mahdi. -<span class="xxpn" id="p353">|353|</span></p> - -<p>Had Mohammad Ahmed lived, there is no doubt but that -he would have succeeded in establishing some form of government -which, if not better, would certainly have been no worse -than the one he had overturned. With the Mahdi’s death, -Abdullahi found himself with a trust which, as he saw immediately, -only a powerful military despotism could enable him to -keep. Threatened with attack from all points of the compass, -he had also internal dissensions to combat, and met them -unflinchingly. While his atrocities have been made much -of, he invariably went through the farce of trying people for -disobedience during his reign of martial law before carrying -out the capital sentence; perhaps, if Abdullahi’s atrocities -were placed side by side with those associated with revolutions -in other countries, his list would be found not the -longest. Oppression doubtless was great, but it was concentrated -in one place, and being more seen, was as a consequence -more felt. Still opinions may be said to be equally -divided as to whether oppression was any greater during the -worst days of the reign of Abdullahi than it had been under -the old government. The foregoing is not written in defence of -Mohammad Ahmed or Abdullahi—and I have little reason to -say a single good word for the latter, but it is time that the -Soudan should be seen through clear glasses. Jealousy of -power was Abdullahi’s besetting sin, and to this must be -attributed the swift punishment meted out to those who in the -slightest degree exhibited disobedience of orders. To this -jealousy must be added vanity of his power also. I have -heard since my release, from people of the Muslimanieh -quarter, some of the reasons for Abdullahi’s sparing of my -life. I had forgotten the incident, but am reminded that -when on my arrival at Omdurman I was taken to the gallows -in chains to be hanged, I turned to the Emirs and shouted -“Has your Mahdi (I used this name at the time) no other -way of exhibiting his power but by hanging a bound man -before all his soldiers? Take off my chains, and I will fight -you, or else get on with your work.” Abdullahi was told this -while I was still being played with, and said, “A man who will -<span class="xxpn" id="p354">|354|</span> -talk like that when he is going to be hanged is a man! He is -a big man; I will not hang him; a man who is not afraid of -me is not to be hanged; I will keep him.” This was said to -the Muslimanieh and others. Abdullahi had not made up his -mind whether I was a merchant, spy, medicine man or general. -Then, again, he kept me alive in order to prove that he was -more powerful than my Malek (the Emperor of Germany). I -am told that he very often said to people, “You have heard of -Abdalla Nufell; he is not afraid of me; his Malek has -millions of soldiers like him, but he dare not bring his armies -to release him; he is afraid to meet my ansar.”</p> - -<p>There are other stories of Abdullahi’s many references to -me, but, as they are of a complimentary nature, I must leave -others to relate them; the above are only given for the -purpose of affording a slight insight into the man’s complex -character, and to give an idea of the small actions which -could influence him.</p> - -<p>The Past of the Soudan may be said to close with the -battle of Omdurman; the Present may be given in one word—Transition. -Its Future is still in the future; but from -what I have written, those intending to make a rush to the -Soudan as soon as it is declared open for trade, will understand -that a settled government has yet to be established. -The Soudan has had but one government, and I have given an -idea of what that government was to the inhabitants; the -next government established will, as a matter of course, -be looked askance at. Although the Khaleefa’s army was -smashed up at Omdurman, his influence still remains with -great numbers, and time must be given for the Soudanese to -learn that there are governments <i>and</i> governments. All they -are conscious of now is, that the Government they turned out -has come back again, and they expect from it no better treatment -than they received formerly, if they do not expect worse -as a punishment for their rebellion. The possession of slaves -will be forbidden, and this will give umbrage to the Arabs, -while the slaves will no more appreciate or enjoy their freedom -than would so many cage-bred birds theirs. There is a -<span class="xxpn" id="p355">|355|</span> -considerable amount of ignorance in Europe on the subject of -slavery in Mohammedan countries, but I must confine myself -to the Soudan on this question. Slave raiding should of course -be put down with a strong hand, and there should be, when a -raider is captured, no other formality than that of loading -the rifles or affixing the rope; the trial might take place at -some future date, so that the fact of his execution might be -recorded. I wish to speak now only of those who are already -<i>called</i> “slaves,” for, in the majority of cases, it is but a name.</p> - -<p>I have remarked that the Black is naturally lazy, and will -do no more work than he is compelled to; if liberated unconditionally, -he will, unless drafted into regiments, loaf about, -and occasionally do a little work for the sake of a meal; but -he will refuse to keep to any work long unless some sort of -pressure is brought to bear, and he will be only too glad if it -is. As a slave, his master must keep him in food and clothes, -and also support his wife and children in return for his services, -and, being “property,” he is well looked after; he is, as I -have said, a slave but in name, but the name has an ugly -sound to Europeans. The new Government might open a -slave register, have a few inspectors to go round and “ask -for complaints,” and either give an age, or name a date, when -all holding of slaves would be a breach of a law yet to be -made. Treaties are all very well when dealing with countries -boasting a civilized Government, but it is not an easy matter -to compel petty chieftains in the heart of Africa to agree -to laws which upset the whole political economy of their -domains—and this only to please people who know nothing of -the existing conditions. However the whole question bristles -with difficulties and with arguments for and against leaving -matters as they are—only suppressing raiding as I have said -already—but as those difficulties do exist, it would be well not -to be rash, or to burden the still unconquered and unsettled -country with revolutionary laws. Far better to make haste -slowly, for laws are of little use unless a breach of them -is quickly punished, and the Soudan Arabs have yet to be -taught to respect laws emanating from a “Government.” -<span class="xxpn" id="p356">|356|</span></p> - -<p>These few remarks on the unsettled state of the country are -intended for those who may be going out as entire strangers -to the Soudan. They must be prepared to meet with difficulties -great and small, disappointments, much discomfort, and many -annoyances big and little; but it is to be hoped that they -will endure these for a time, and not pester the little and still -half-formed new administration with big complaints about -petty quarrels or troubles. Any reprisals asked for in case -of small annoyances or unpleasantnesses, can but bring in -their train much bigger ones; you want but to earn the respect -of both Arab and Soudanese to earn his devotion, and you -may have both by at least treating him as a man and not as -a beast. When speaking of my having borrowed money from -the guides whom I entrusted with the arrangements I made -for my escape, I drew attention to the strange fact of my -borrowing money from them. This was putting the principle -I have pointed out into practice; I required their aid. I -went further, and gave evidence that I was entirely in their -hands—a weakling, but they understood that if they helped -me in my weakness, I would help or protect them in my -strength; above all, they valued my trust and confidence. -There are limits, I know, to both, but you must learn those -limits.</p> - -<p>The great want of the Soudan at the present time is means -of communication; there are enormous tracts of land on which -cereals can be raised with the minimum of cost and labour, -but without means of transport they might as well not -exist. Some talk has been made of a line of rail connecting -Khartoum with the Red Sea, and this, certainly, would provide -the means of transport and enable the Soudan to compete -with almost any other country in cereals, but it is a question -whether it would be worth while to construct a railway for -the sake of the grain trade, if the trucks which take it to the -seaboard have to be hauled back empty, and, maybe, left idle -for the greater part of the year. It is possible that during -the last fifteen years Nature has to a great extent repaired -the enormous damage done to indiarubber and gum trees, -<span class="xxpn" id="p357">|357|</span> -when the plants and trees were destroyed in order to obtain -a big enough crop to satisfy the rapacity of the “Turk” -officials. The forests abound in ebony and other hard -woods, but power to saw them into beams or planks of -suitable dimensions for transit is requisite before this valuable -industry can be developed. From what prisoners from the -south told me, in places an almost pure iron is found on -or near the surface; this the Shilluks and Dinkas smelt in -mud furnaces about six to eight feet high and three to four -feet in diameter. The spear heads of the Shilluks and -Dinkas, beside their shape being different from all others, are -readily distinguishable from their peculiarly deep black shade, -while the spear heads made from imported iron are many -shades lighter, and in comparison, when polished, have a -tinny appearance. If coal is found, and I believe it will be, -if the description I was given of “black stones” which took -fire is correct, then one might say that there is no limit to -the development of the country. Should the Nile and its -tributaries be cleared of the “sudd,” considerable development -would be immediately possible, but the whole country -must first be studied, and its present condition with its existing -means of transport thoroughly grasped, before people will -be justified in subscribing for big ventures, for the failure of -one means the failure of others, and a retarding, for want of -new capital, of present possibilities in the way of development.</p> - -<p>It is quite impossible to compile any statistics of the former -import and export trade of the Soudan, that is to say reliable -statistics, and as the whole trade of the country was governed -by the slave trade—now abolished—a new condition of things -has been introduced but not yet established. Barter must, -for some time to come, be the medium of trade and exchange, -and, here again, new conditions are certain to be met with. -Formerly the principal imports were cheap cotton goods, -earthenware, ironware, dried and preserved provisions, sugar, -perfumes, and such like, which generally came in the category -of things which are “cheap and nasty.” There are two -great reasons why all this must now be changed; with almost -<span class="xxpn" id="p358">|358|</span> -20,000 regularly paid troops in the country, and troops, too, -who have, in a measure, been living in the lap of luxury, -since 1882, their demands must be met. The sight of well-fed, -well-housed, and well-clothed troops, will excite the admiration -and cupidity of the Soudanese for similar luxuries, and a -demand for articles formerly unknown to them will at once be -created. I hesitate to specify some of the goods which I -know there will be a demand for, not that I am in any way -interested in the subject for the moment, but only to guard -against numbers of people exporting large quantities of -merchandise of the same class far in excess of the actual -demand. I cannot too strongly advise manufacturers to -study on the spot the requirements of the people, and to -comply with their requirements, whatever the article might -be. Disappointment and loss can only ensue if articles -they do not want, or which do not meet with their requirements, -are attempted to be forced upon them, for while -engaged upon this suicidal policy, some one else will certainly -be studying the question with the intention of meeting the -wishes of his prospective customers. I would strongly deprecate -the formation of big syndicates and companies for the -exploitation of the Soudan; the country, granted certain -facilities for transport, has a great future, but it would be very -unwise to lock up large capitals, the greater part of which -would be lying unused. Small companies, with all the capital -employed, will pay best for the time being, and the pioneers -of such companies might be accompanied by a mineralogist, -to examine the gold, silver, copper, lead, and other mineral -deposits. That gold exists is well known, but the richness of -the quartz I cannot speak of; one thing, though, is certain, -gold can be obtained with little or no difficulty and labour, -otherwise the small bags of gold I saw at Khartoum and -Omdurman would not have been brought in. Lead and -copper will be found to the west and south-west of Darfur—and -possibly silver also, but whether it would pay to work -the mines can only be ascertained after an examination of -the districts. -<span class="xxpn" id="p359">|359|</span></p> - -<p>To sum up. The Soudan is a country which for nearly -a century has been fighting against the establishment of any -foreign government; its experience of a “benevolent” administration -is of the very worst; the inhabitants sank all or -nearly all differences between them when they rose to turn -out the hated Turks; their experience of Christians has -evidently not been of the best, else why the saying concerning -Gordon? Large numbers are still loyal to the Khaleefa -Abdullahi, and it will require but a very little mistake -to make the inhabitants flock to his banner, or, what is -worse, they will retire to the west and leave the country -denuded of the population it stands in so much need of. -Strangers are not wanted—they will be looked upon with -suspicion until they have given evidence of their honest -intentions towards the villagers; traders, before they may -look for success, must overcome the prejudice of the people -against European traders, a prejudice based upon experience -of them formerly. And it is necessary for me to say that, after -recent experience, it will take some time before the Muslim -will believe that the Christian religion is anything but what -he believes it to be, and he will be convinced that the boasted -superiority of the European over the Arab does not hold good -in the Soudan at all events. If those going to the Soudan -will bear these points in mind, they will save themselves -and others an infinity of trouble, and all barriers will be -surmounted, if they keep in mind always the reputation -Gordon made for himself for “Goodness and Justice,” and -make Goodness and Justice their motto.</p> - -<ul class="chapter" id="ulindex0"><li> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p361">INDEX</h2> -<ul id="ulindex"> -<li>A -<ul><li>Abbas, - <a href="#p246" title="go to p. 246">246</a></li> -<li><i>Abbas, The</i>, - <a href="#p325" title="go to p. 325">325</a>–<a href="#p328" title="go to p. 328">328</a></li> -<li>Abdalla Rouchdi, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>, - <a href="#p333" title="go to p. 333">333</a>–<a href="#p336" title="go to p. 336">336</a></li> -<li>Abdallah Sulieman, - <a href="#p236" title="go to p. 236">236</a>, - <a href="#p331" title="go to p. 331">331</a></li> -<li>Abd el Kader Bey, - <a href="#p161" title="go to p. 161">161</a>, - <a href="#p189" title="go to p. 189">189</a></li> -<li>Abd es Semmieh, - <a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a>, - <a href="#p234" title="go to p. 234">234</a></li> -<li>Abou-el-Gassim, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a></li> -<li>Abou Hamad, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>, - <a href="#p248" title="go to p. 248">248</a></li> -<li>Abyssinian embassy, - <a href="#p246" title="go to p. 246">246</a></li> -<li>Abyssinian expedition, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>, - <a href="#p221" title="go to p. 221">221</a></li> -<li>Adultery, punishment of, - <a href="#p136" title="go to p. 136">136</a>, - <a href="#p137" title="go to p. 137">137</a></li> -<li>Ahmed Abdel Maajid, - <a href="#p086" title="go to p. 86">86</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a></li> -<li>Ahmed Youssef Kandeel, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a>–<a href="#p348" title="go to p. 348">348</a></li> -<li>Aid to wounded, - <a href="#p286" title="go to p. 286">286</a>–<a href="#p288" title="go to p. 288">288</a></li> -<li>Ajjab Abou Jinn, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a>, - <a href="#p102" title="go to p. 102">102</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a></li> -<li>Ali Khaater, - <a href="#p180" title="go to p. 180">180</a>–<a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a></li> -<li>Alti, - <a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a></li> -<li>Ansar, the, - <a href="#p042" title="go to p. 42">42</a>, - - <a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a>, - - <a href="#p097" title="go to p. 97">97</a>, - <a href="#p100" title="go to p. 100">100</a>–<a href="#p102" title="go to p. 102">102</a>, - <a href="#p130" title="go to p. 130">130</a>, - <a href="#p354" title="go to p. 354">354</a></li> -<li>Arab tribes― -<ul> -<li>Ababdeh, - <a href="#p009" title="go to p. 9">9</a>, - <a href="#p153" title="go to p. 153">153</a></li> -<li>Alighat, - <a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a>, - <a href="#p030" title="go to p. 30">30</a>, - <a href="#p031" title="go to p. 31">31</a>, - <a href="#p050" title="go to p. 50">50</a>, - <a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a></li> -<li>Baggara, - <a href="#p212" title="go to p. 212">212</a>, - <a href="#p217" title="go to p. 217">217</a>, - <a href="#p230" title="go to p. 230">230</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>–<a href="#p269" title="go to p. 269">269</a>, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a>, - <a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a>, - <a href="#p281" title="go to p. 281">281</a>–<a href="#p283" title="go to p. 283">283</a></li> -<li>Bedawi, - <a href="#p040" title="go to p. 40">40</a>, - <a href="#p055" title="go to p. 55">55</a></li> -<li>Dabaanieh, - <a href="#p083" title="go to p. 83">83</a></li> -<li>Danagli, - <a href="#p048" title="go to p. 48">48</a></li> -<li>Dar Hamad, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p013" title="go to p. 13">13</a>, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p055" title="go to p. 55">55</a></li> -<li>Digheem, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a></li> -<li>Dinkas, - <a href="#p357" title="go to p. 357">357</a></li> -<li>Fellati, - <a href="#p171" title="go to p. 171">171</a>, - <a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a></li> -<li>Gawaamah, - <a href="#p098" title="go to p. 98">98</a>, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, - <a href="#p188" title="go to p. 188">188</a></li> -<li>Habbanieh, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a></li> -<li>Hadendowas, - <a href="#p088" title="go to p. 88">88</a>, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a></li> -<li>Hammadah, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a></li> -<li>Jaalin, - <a href="#p037" title="go to p. 37">37</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p231" title="go to p. 231">231</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p260" title="go to p. 260">260</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a></li> -<li>Kabbabish, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>, - <a href="#p005" title="go to p. 5">5</a>, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p011" title="go to p. 11">11</a>, - <a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, - <a href="#p053" title="go to p. 53">53</a>, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a></li> -<li>Rhizaghat, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a></li> -<li>Shilluks, - <a href="#p357" title="go to p. 357">357</a></li> -<li>Shukrieh, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a></li> -<li>Taaishi, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a>, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a>, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a></li> -</ul></li> -<li>Ardagh, Colonel, - <a href="#p005" title="go to p. 5">5</a></li> -<li>Arsenal, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p212" title="go to p. 212">212</a>, - <a href="#p226" title="go to p. 226">226</a>, - <a href="#p237" title="go to p. 237">237</a>–<a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a></li> -<li>Assouan, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>–<a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p052" title="go to p. 52">52</a>, - <a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a>, - <a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a>–<a href="#p162" title="go to p. 162">162</a></li> -<li>Atbara, battle of, - <a href="#p248" title="go to p. 248">248</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a></li> -<li>Austrian Consulate-general, - <a href="#p164" title="go to p. 164">164</a>, - <a href="#p168" title="go to p. 168">168</a>, - <a href="#p314" title="go to p. 314">314</a></li> -<li>Austrian mission, - <a href="#p164" title="go to p. 164">164</a>, - <a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a></li> -<li>Awad el Kerim, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a>; his three sons, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a></li> -<li>Awwad el Mardi, - <a href="#p226" title="go to p. 226">226</a>–<a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>, - <a href="#p242" title="go to p. 242">242</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>B -<ul><li>Bakah Wells, - <a href="#p053" title="go to p. 53">53</a></li> -<li>Bakhita, - <a href="#p240" title="go to p. 240">240</a></li> -<li>Beit-el-Amana, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a></li> -<li>Beit-el-Mal (Treasury), - <a href="#p013" title="go to p. 13">13</a>, - <a href="#p033" title="go to p. 33">33</a>, - <a href="#p034" title="go to p. 34">34</a>, - <a href="#p036" title="go to p. 36">36</a>, - <a href="#p051" title="go to p. 51">51</a>, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a>, - <a href="#p087" title="go to p. 87">87</a>, - <a href="#p100" title="go to p. 100">100</a>, - <a href="#p125" title="go to p. 125">125</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>, -<a href="#p157" title="go to p. 157">157</a>, - <a href="#p171" title="go to p. 171">171</a>, - <a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a>, - <a href="#p179" title="go to p. 179">179</a>, - <a href="#p206" title="go to p. 206">206</a>, - <a href="#p210" title="go to p. 210">210</a>, - <a href="#p214" title="go to p. 214">214</a>, - <a href="#p241" title="go to p. 241">241</a>, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a>; Amin or Director -of, - <a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>, - <a href="#p049" title="go to p. 49">49</a>, - <a href="#p064" title="go to p. 64">64</a>, - <a href="#p145" title="go to p. 145">145</a>, - <a href="#p147" title="go to p. 147">147</a>, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>, - <a href="#p210" title="go to p. 210">210</a>, - <a href="#p226" title="go to p. 226">226</a>, - <a href="#p234" title="go to p. 234">234</a></li> -<li>Berber, - <a href="#p086" title="go to p. 86">86</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>, - <a href="#p165" title="go to p. 165">165</a>, - <a href="#p193" title="go to p. 193">193</a>, - <a href="#p198" title="go to p. 198">198</a>, - <a href="#p237" title="go to p. 237">237</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a></li> -<li>Blackmail (<i>see</i> Nebbi Khiddr)</li> -<li>Black population of Soudan, - <a href="#p351" title="go to p. 351">351</a>, - <a href="#p355" title="go to p. 355">355</a></li> -<li>Burleigh, Bennet, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p279" title="go to p. 279">279</a></li> -<li>Bussati Bey, - <a href="#p326" title="go to p. 326">326</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>C -<ul><li>Cairo, start from, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>–<a href="#p007" title="go to p. 7">7</a>; return to, - <a href="#p001" title="go to p. 1">1</a>, - <a href="#p290" title="go to p. 290">290</a></li> -<li>Caravan, constitution of, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p011" title="go to p. 11">11</a>, - <a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>; betrayal of, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p021" title="go to p. 21">21</a>, - <a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, -<a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p106" title="go to p. 106">106</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>, - <a href="#p168" title="go to p. 168">168</a></li> -<li>Catarina, - <a href="#p114" title="go to p. 114">114</a>, - <a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a></li> -<li>Coinage, - <a href="#p171" title="go to p. 171">171</a>, - <a href="#p210" title="go to p. 210">210</a>–<a href="#p215" title="go to p. 215">215</a>, - <a href="#p223" title="go to p. 223">223</a></li> -<li>Cromer, Lord, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>D -<ul><li>Dara, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a></li> -<li>Darfur, - <a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a>, - <a href="#p203" title="go to p. 203">203</a>, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a>, - <a href="#p358" title="go to p. 358">358</a></li> -<li>Derawi, - <a href="#p007" title="go to p. 7">7</a>–<a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>, - <a href="#p329" title="go to p. 329">329</a></li> -<li>Dervishes, horsemanship of, - <a href="#p041" title="go to p. 41">41</a>, - <a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p049" title="go to p. 49">49</a>; treachery of, - <a href="#p285" title="go to p. 285">285</a>, - <a href="#p288" title="go to p. 288">288</a></li> -<li>Desert routes, - <a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>–<a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a></li> -<li>Divorce laws, - <a href="#p123" title="go to p. 123">123</a>, - <a href="#p180" title="go to p. 180">180</a>, - <a href="#p190" title="go to p. 190">190</a>–<a href="#p192" title="go to p. 192">192</a></li> -<li>Dongola, - <a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p039" title="go to p. 39">39</a>–<a href="#p043" title="go to p. 43">43</a>, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p066" title="go to p. 66">66</a>, - <a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a>, - <a href="#p328" title="go to p. 328">328</a>, - <a href="#p329" title="go to p. 329">329</a>; capture of, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>, - <a href="#p248" title="go to p. 248">248</a>, -<a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>E -<ul><li>Earle, General, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a></li> -<li>Egyptian War Office (Intelligence Department), - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>, - <a href="#p168" title="go to p. 168">168</a>, - <a href="#p197" title="go to p. 197">197</a>, -<a href="#p291" title="go to p. 291">291</a>, - <a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>, - <a href="#p298" title="go to p. 298">298</a></li> -<li>El Agia, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>, - <a href="#p016" title="go to p. 16">16</a>, - <a href="#p019" title="go to p. 19">19</a>–<a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a></li> -<li>El Etroun, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>, - <a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a></li> -<li>El Fasher, - <a href="#p203" title="go to p. 203">203</a>, - <a href="#p311" title="go to p. 311">311</a></li> -<li>El Fun, - <a href="#p143" title="go to p. 143">143</a>, - <a href="#p144" title="go to p. 144">144</a></li> -<li>El Kiyeh, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>, - <a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, - <a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a></li> -<li>El Obeid, - <a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p220" title="go to p. 220">220</a></li> -<li>Elias, clerk to Neufeld, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>, - <a href="#p014" title="go to p. 14">14</a>, - <a href="#p024" title="go to p. 24">24</a>–<a href="#p029" title="go to p. 29">29</a>, - <a href="#p035" title="go to p. 35">35</a>, - <a href="#p036" title="go to p. 36">36</a>, - <a href="#p043" title="go to p. 43">43</a>, - <a href="#p050" title="go to p. 50">50</a>, - <a href="#p066" title="go to p. 66">66</a></li> -<li>Elias Pasha, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a></li> -<li>Emirs― -<ul> -<li>Abd-el-Baagi, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a></li> -<li>Ahmed Fedeel, - <a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a></li> -<li>Ali Wad Saad, - <a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a></li> -<li>Makin en Nur, - <a href="#p037" title="go to p. 37">37</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a></li> -<li>Mohammed Hamad'na Allah, - <a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>–<a href="#p179" title="go to p. 179">179</a>, - <a href="#p186" title="go to p. 186">186</a></li> -<li>Mohammed Hamza, - <a href="#p027" title="go to p. 27">27</a>, - <a href="#p037" title="go to p. 37">37</a>–<a href="#p040" title="go to p. 40">40</a>, - <a href="#p043" title="go to p. 43">43</a>, - <a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a></li> -<li>Mohammed Taher, - <a href="#p088" title="go to p. 88">88</a></li> -<li>Nur Angara, - <a href="#p070" title="go to p. 70">70</a>, - <a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a></li> -<li>Wad Bessir, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a></li> -<li>Wad en Nejoumi, - <a href="#p027" title="go to p. 27">27</a>–<a href="#p034" title="go to p. 34">34</a>, - <a href="#p039" title="go to p. 39">39</a>, - <a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>–<a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p064" title="go to p. 64">64</a>–<a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a>, - <a href="#p078" title="go to p. 78">78</a>, - <a href="#p118" title="go to p. 118">118</a>, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>, - <a href="#p337" title="go to p. 337">337</a>, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a>–<a href="#p348" title="go to p. 348">348</a></li> -<li>Wad Eysawee, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a></li> -<li>Wad Farag, - <a href="#p027" title="go to p. 27">27</a>–<a href="#p035" title="go to p. 35">35</a>, - <a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>–<a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p173" title="go to p. 173">173</a>, - <a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a></li> -<li>Wad Umma, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a></li> -<li>Yacoub, - <a href="#p148" title="go to p. 148">148</a>, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>, -<a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>, -<a href="#p186" title="go to p. 186">186</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a>, - <a href="#p221" title="go to p. 221">221</a>, - <a href="#p235" title="go to p. 235">235</a>, - <a href="#p242" title="go to p. 242">242</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, - <a href="#p263" title="go to p. 263">263</a>, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a>, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a>, - <a href="#p348" title="go to p. 348">348</a></li> -</ul></li></ul></li> - -<li>F -<ul><li>Famine, - <a href="#p112" title="go to p. 112">112</a>, - <a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a>–<a href="#p119" title="go to p. 119">119</a>, - <a href="#p147" title="go to p. 147">147</a></li> -<li>Fettering, method of, - <a href="#p072" title="go to p. 72">72</a>, - <a href="#p079" title="go to p. 79">79</a>, - <a href="#p080" title="go to p. 80">80</a>, - <a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a>, - <a href="#p093" title="go to p. 93">93</a>, - <a href="#p229" title="go to p. 229">229</a>, - <a href="#p235" title="go to p. 235">235</a>, - <a href="#p279" title="go to p. 279">279</a></li> -<li>Fitton, Major, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a></li> -<li>Flogging, - <a href="#p041" title="go to p. 41">41</a>–<a href="#p043" title="go to p. 43">43</a>, - <a href="#p126" title="go to p. 126">126</a>, - <a href="#p127" title="go to p. 127">127</a>, - <a href="#p129" title="go to p. 129">129</a>–<a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a></li> -<li>Forts, - <a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p254" title="go to p. 254">254</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>G -<ul><li>Gebel Ain, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a></li> -<li>Gebel Ragaf, - <a href="#p111" title="go to p. 111">111</a>, - <a href="#p220" title="go to p. 220">220</a></li> -<li>Gebel Roiyan, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a></li> -<li>German Consulate, - <a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a>, - <a href="#p162" title="go to p. 162">162</a>–<a href="#p165" title="go to p. 165">165</a>, - <a href="#p168" title="go to p. 168">168</a>, - <a href="#p291" title="go to p. 291">291</a></li> -<li>Germany, Emperor of, - <a href="#p354" title="go to p. 354">354</a></li> -<li>Gordon, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p212" title="go to p. 212">212</a>, - <a href="#p218" title="go to p. 218">218</a>, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a>, - <a href="#p300" title="go to p. 300">300</a>–<a href="#p324" title="go to p. 324">324</a>, - <a href="#p325" title="go to p. 325">325</a>–<a href="#p328" title="go to p. 328">328</a>, - <a href="#p332" title="go to p. 332">332</a>–<a href="#p337" title="go to p. 337">337</a>, - <a href="#p340" title="go to p. 340">340</a>–<a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a>; -relief expedition, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a>, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p229" title="go to p. 229">229</a>, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a>, - <a href="#p316" title="go to p. 316">316</a>–<a href="#p321" title="go to p. 321">321</a></li> -<li>“Gordonizing,” - <a href="#p159" title="go to p. 159">159</a></li> -<li>Grenfell, General, - <a href="#p347" title="go to p. 347">347</a></li> -<li>Guides― -<ul><li>Abdallah, - <a href="#p197" title="go to p. 197">197</a>–<a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>, - <a href="#p214" title="go to p. 214">214</a></li> -<li>Ali el Amin, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>, - <a href="#p017" title="go to p. 17">17</a>–<a href="#p024" title="go to p. 24">24</a>, - <a href="#p031" title="go to p. 31">31</a>, - <a href="#p036" title="go to p. 36">36</a>, - <a href="#p049" title="go to p. 49">49</a>, - <a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a>, - <a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a></li> -<li>Darb es Safai, - <a href="#p021" title="go to p. 21">21</a>–<a href="#p029" title="go to p. 29">29</a>, - <a href="#p049" title="go to p. 49">49</a>, - <a href="#p050" title="go to p. 50">50</a></li> -<li>Hassan, - <a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>–<a href="#p024" title="go to p. 24">24</a>, - <a href="#p030" title="go to p. 30">30</a>, - <a href="#p050" title="go to p. 50">50</a>, - <a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a>–<a href="#p062" title="go to p. 62">62</a>, - <a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a></li> -<li>Hassib el Gabou, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>–<a href="#p016" title="go to p. 16">16</a>, - <a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, - <a href="#p048" title="go to p. 48">48</a>, - <a href="#p052" title="go to p. 52">52</a>–<a href="#p058" title="go to p. 58">58</a>, - <a href="#p064" title="go to p. 64">64</a>, - <a href="#p106" title="go to p. 106">106</a>, - <a href="#p107" title="go to p. 107">107</a>, - <a href="#p255" title="go to p. 255">255</a></li> -<li>Hawanein, - <a href="#p196" title="go to p. 196">196</a>, - <a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>, - <a href="#p207" title="go to p. 207">207</a>, - <a href="#p214" title="go to p. 214">214</a></li> -<li>Ismail, - <a href="#p011" title="go to p. 11">11</a>–<a href="#p026" title="go to p. 26">26</a>, - <a href="#p057" title="go to p. 57">57</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a></li> -<li>Mohammad Ali, - <a href="#p153" title="go to p. 153">153</a>, - <a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p156" title="go to p. 156">156</a>, - <a href="#p163" title="go to p. 163">163</a></li> -<li>Moussa Daoud Kanaga, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p156" title="go to p. 156">156</a>, - <a href="#p163" title="go to p. 163">163</a>–<a href="#p166" title="go to p. 166">166</a></li> -<li>Onoor Issa, - <a href="#p223" title="go to p. 223">223</a>, - <a href="#p226" title="go to p. 226">226</a>, - <a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a>, - <a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>–<a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p254" title="go to p. 254">254</a></li> -<li>Zecki, - <a href="#p220" title="go to p. 220">220</a></li> -</ul></li> -<li>Gunboats, - <a href="#p240" title="go to p. 240">240</a>, - <a href="#p250" title="go to p. 250">250</a>–<a href="#p256" title="go to p. 256">256</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, - <a href="#p265" title="go to p. 265">265</a>, - <a href="#p270" title="go to p. 270">270</a>, - <a href="#p290" title="go to p. 290">290</a>, - <a href="#p326" title="go to p. 326">326</a></li> -<li>Gunpowder manufacture, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>–<a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a>, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>–<a href="#p241" title="go to p. 241">241</a>, - <a href="#p289" title="go to p. 289">289</a>, - <a href="#p296" title="go to p. 296">296</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>H -<ul><li>Halfeyeh, - <a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>–<a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p198" title="go to p. 198">198</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a>, - <a href="#p265" title="go to p. 265">265</a>, - <a href="#p270" title="go to p. 270">270</a></li> -<li>Hamad Wad el Malek, - <a href="#p246" title="go to p. 246">246</a></li> -<li>Hamaida, - <a href="#p234" title="go to p. 234">234</a>, - <a href="#p237" title="go to p. 237">237</a></li> -<li>Hanafi, - <a href="#p110" title="go to p. 110">110</a>, - <a href="#p151" title="go to p. 151">151</a></li> -<li>Hassan Bey Hassanein, - <a href="#p325" title="go to p. 325">325</a>–<a href="#p331" title="go to p. 331">331</a></li> -<li>Hassan Hosny, - <a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a>, - <a href="#p234" title="go to p. 234">234</a></li> -<li>Hassan Zecki, - <a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a>, - <a href="#p177" title="go to p. 177">177</a>, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a></li> -<li>Hasseena, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>–<a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>, - <a href="#p025" title="go to p. 25">25</a>–<a href="#p029" title="go to p. 29">29</a>, - <a href="#p032" title="go to p. 32">32</a>–<a href="#p036" title="go to p. 36">36</a>, - <a href="#p040" title="go to p. 40">40</a>–<a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>, - <a href="#p050" title="go to p. 50">50</a>–<a href="#p052" title="go to p. 52">52</a>, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p072" title="go to p. 72">72</a>, - <a href="#p081" title="go to p. 81">81</a>, - <a href="#p102" title="go to p. 102">102</a>, - <a href="#p103" title="go to p. 103">103</a>, -<a href="#p108" title="go to p. 108">108</a>, - <a href="#p109" title="go to p. 109">109</a>, - <a href="#p118" title="go to p. 118">118</a>, - <a href="#p135" title="go to p. 135">135</a>, - <a href="#p185" title="go to p. 185">185</a>–<a href="#p194" title="go to p. 194">194</a>, - <a href="#p195" title="go to p. 195">195</a></li> -<li>Hassib Allah, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a></li> -<li>Hicks Pasha, - <a href="#p088" title="go to p. 88">88</a>, - <a href="#p101" title="go to p. 101">101</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a>, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a>, - <a href="#p313" title="go to p. 313">313</a>, - <a href="#p326" title="go to p. 326">326</a></li> -<li>Hogal Dufa'allah, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>–<a href="#p014" title="go to p. 14">14</a>, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p058" title="go to p. 58">58</a>, - <a href="#p062" title="go to p. 62">62</a>, - <a href="#p078" title="go to p. 78">78</a>, - <a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>, - <a href="#p255" title="go to p. 255">255</a></li> -<li>Hunter, General, - <a href="#p293" title="go to p. 293">293</a></li> -<li>Hussein Pasha Khaleefa, - <a href="#p308" title="go to p. 308">308</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>I -<ul><li>Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>, - <a href="#p208" title="go to p. 208">208</a>, - <a href="#p218" title="go to p. 218">218</a>, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p260" title="go to p. 260">260</a>, - <a href="#p263" title="go to p. 263">263</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a>, - <a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a>, -<a href="#p303" title="go to p. 303">303</a>, - <a href="#p332" title="go to p. 332">332</a>, - <a href="#p340" title="go to p. 340">340</a>–<a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a></li> -<li>Ibrahim Wad Adlan, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a>, - <a href="#p143" title="go to p. 143">143</a>, - <a href="#p145" title="go to p. 145">145</a>–<a href="#p159" title="go to p. 159">159</a>, - <a href="#p165" title="go to p. 165">165</a>, - <a href="#p166" title="go to p. 166">166</a>, - <a href="#p170" title="go to p. 170">170</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a></li> -<li>Ibrahim Wad Hamza, - <a href="#p246" title="go to p. 246">246</a>, - <a href="#p260" title="go to p. 260">260</a></li> -<li>Ismail Pasha Ayoub, - <a href="#p340" title="go to p. 340">340</a>, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>J -<ul><li>Jinns (spirits), - <a href="#p170" title="go to p. 170">170</a>–<a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a></li> -<li>Joseppi, - <a href="#p141" title="go to p. 141">141</a>, - <a href="#p156" title="go to p. 156">156</a>, - <a href="#p157" title="go to p. 157">157</a>, - <a href="#p179" title="go to p. 179">179</a>, - <a href="#p200" title="go to p. 200">200</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>K -<ul><li>Kadis Hassein Wad Zarah, - <a href="#p222" title="go to p. 222">222</a> -Ahmed - <a href="#p221" title="go to p. 221">221</a></li> -<li>Kassala, - <a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a></li> -<li>Kerreri, - <a href="#p248" title="go to p. 248">248</a>, - <a href="#p258" title="go to p. 258">258</a>, - <a href="#p260" title="go to p. 260">260</a>, - <a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a></li> -<li>Khaleefa, Abdullahi― -<ul><li>His cruelty, - <a href="#p069" title="go to p. 69">69</a>, - <a href="#p073" title="go to p. 73">73</a>–<a href="#p075" title="go to p. 75">75</a>, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a>, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a>, - <a href="#p110" title="go to p. 110">110</a>, - <a href="#p353" title="go to p. 353">353</a>; his -superstition, - <a href="#p099" title="go to p. 99">99</a>, - <a href="#p103" title="go to p. 103">103</a>, - <a href="#p120" title="go to p. 120">120</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, - <a href="#p263" title="go to p. 263">263</a>, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a>; -respect for Neufeld, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p143" title="go to p. 143">143</a>, - <a href="#p204" title="go to p. 204">204</a>, - <a href="#p230" title="go to p. 230">230</a>, - <a href="#p353" title="go to p. 353">353</a>; -objection to traders, - <a href="#p149" title="go to p. 149">149</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>; encouragement of -marriage, - <a href="#p123" title="go to p. 123">123</a>, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, - <a href="#p186" title="go to p. 186">186</a>–<a href="#p189" title="go to p. 189">189</a>, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>; relations with -Slatin, - <a href="#p204" title="go to p. 204">204</a>–<a href="#p208" title="go to p. 208">208</a>; his flight, - <a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a>–<a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a>; opposition -to him among Mahdists, - <a href="#p066" title="go to p. 66">66</a>, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a>, - <a href="#p146" title="go to p. 146">146</a>–<a href="#p148" title="go to p. 148">148</a>, - <a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>–<a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a>, -<a href="#p254" title="go to p. 254">254</a>–<a href="#p256" title="go to p. 256">256</a>, - <a href="#p305" title="go to p. 305">305</a>, - <a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a>, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a></li> -<li>Ali Wad Helu, - <a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a></li> -<li>Shereef, - <a href="#p146" title="go to p. 146">146</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a></li> -</ul></li> -<li>Khaleel Agha Orphali, - <a href="#p303" title="go to p. 303">303</a>, - <a href="#p332" title="go to p. 332">332</a>–<a href="#p337" title="go to p. 337">337</a></li> -<li>Khaleel Hassanein, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p098" title="go to p. 98">98</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a>, - <a href="#p212" title="go to p. 212">212</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a>, -<a href="#p235" title="go to p. 235">235</a>, - <a href="#p242" title="go to p. 242">242</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p252" title="go to p. 252">252</a></li> -<li>Khartoum, - <a href="#p029" title="go to p. 29">29</a>, - <a href="#p047" title="go to p. 47">47</a>, - <a href="#p083" title="go to p. 83">83</a>, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a>, - <a href="#p212" title="go to p. 212">212</a>, -<a href="#p218" title="go to p. 218">218</a>, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a>, - <a href="#p284" title="go to p. 284">284</a>, - <a href="#p303" title="go to p. 303">303</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a>, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a></li> -<li>Khedive, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a></li> -<li>Kirbekan, battle of, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p286" title="go to p. 286">286</a></li> -<li>Kordofan, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p007" title="go to p. 7">7</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p146" title="go to p. 146">146</a>, - <a href="#p289" title="go to p. 289">289</a>, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a>, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a></li> -<li>Korosko, - <a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>L -<ul><li>Lupton, - <a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>, - <a href="#p313" title="go to p. 313">313</a></li></ul></li> - -<li>M -<ul><li>Macdonald, Colonel, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a>, - <a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a></li> -<li>Mahdi, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p066" title="go to p. 66">66</a>, - <a href="#p069" title="go to p. 69">69</a>, - <a href="#p078" title="go to p. 78">78</a>, - <a href="#p086" title="go to p. 86">86</a>, - <a href="#p098" title="go to p. 98">98</a>, - <a href="#p103" title="go to p. 103">103</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a>–<a href="#p318" title="go to p. 318">318</a>, - <a href="#p330" title="go to p. 330">330</a>, - <a href="#p341" title="go to p. 341">341</a>, - <a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a>, -<a href="#p351" title="go to p. 351">351</a>–<a href="#p353" title="go to p. 353">353</a></li> -<li>Mahdieh, - <a href="#p070" title="go to p. 70">70</a>, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a>, - <a href="#p088" title="go to p. 88">88</a>, - <a href="#p099" title="go to p. 99">99</a>, - <a href="#p101" title="go to p. 101">101</a>, - <a href="#p110" title="go to p. 110">110</a>, - <a href="#p145" title="go to p. 145">145</a>, - <a href="#p205" title="go to p. 205">205</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, - <a href="#p260" title="go to p. 260">260</a>, - <a href="#p262" title="go to p. 262">262</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a></li> -<li>Mahdi’s Ratib, - <a href="#p094" title="go to p. 94">94</a>, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a></li> -<li>Mahdi’s Tomb, - <a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p070" title="go to p. 70">70</a>, - <a href="#p151" title="go to p. 151">151</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>–<a href="#p157" title="go to p. 157">157</a>, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a></li> -<li>“Mahdism,” - <a href="#p300" title="go to p. 300">300</a></li> -<li>Makkieh, - <a href="#p141" title="go to p. 141">141</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p185" title="go to p. 185">185</a>, - <a href="#p192" title="go to p. 192">192</a></li> -<li>Mankarious Effendi, - <a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, - <a href="#p152" title="go to p. 152">152</a>–<a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a>, - <a href="#p195" title="go to p. 195">195</a></li> -<li>Marriage customs, - <a href="#p086" title="go to p. 86">86</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a>–<a href="#p123" title="go to p. 123">123</a>, - <a href="#p126" title="go to p. 126">126</a>, - <a href="#p135" title="go to p. 135">135</a>–<a href="#p138" title="go to p. 138">138</a>, - <a href="#p189" title="go to p. 189">189</a></li> -<li>Maxwell, Colonel, - <a href="#p281" title="go to p. 281">281</a></li> -<li>Mecklenburg, Duke of, - <a href="#p291" title="go to p. 291">291</a></li> -<li>Mehkemmeh, the, - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>, - <a href="#p110" title="go to p. 110">110</a>, - <a href="#p163" title="go to p. 163">163</a></li> -<li>Metemmeh, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a></li> -<li>Mihrab, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a></li> -<li>Mimbar, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a></li> -<li>Mohammad Ali Pasha, - <a href="#p349" title="go to p. 349">349</a>, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a></li> -<li>Mohammad Effendi Rafai, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a></li> -<li>Möller, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p153" title="go to p. 153">153</a>, - <a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a></li> -<li>Moxley, Hewett, - <a href="#p298" title="go to p. 298">298</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>N -<ul><li>Nahoum Abbajee, - <a href="#p114" title="go to p. 114">114</a>, - <a href="#p186" title="go to p. 186">186</a>, - <a href="#p188" title="go to p. 188">188</a>–<a href="#p190" title="go to p. 190">190</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a>, - <a href="#p226" title="go to p. 226">226</a>–<a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>, - <a href="#p323" title="go to p. 323">323</a></li> -<li>Nebbi Khiddr, - <a href="#p101" title="go to p. 101">101</a>–<a href="#p104" title="go to p. 104">104</a>, - <a href="#p112" title="go to p. 112">112</a>, - <a href="#p113" title="go to p. 113">113</a>, - <a href="#p120" title="go to p. 120">120</a>, - <a href="#p128" title="go to p. 128">128</a>, - <a href="#p173" title="go to p. 173">173</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a></li> -<li>Negroid population, - <a href="#p351" title="go to p. 351">351</a></li> -<li>Neufeld― -<ul><li>Official accounts, - <a href="#p001" title="go to p. 1">1</a>–<a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p053" title="go to p. 53">53</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>; -newspaper accounts, - <a href="#p001" title="go to p. 1">1</a>, - <a href="#p079" title="go to p. 79">79</a>, - <a href="#p134" title="go to p. 134">134</a>, - <a href="#p166" title="go to p. 166">166</a>, - <a href="#p169" title="go to p. 169">169</a>, -<a href="#p291" title="go to p. 291">291</a>–<a href="#p299" title="go to p. 299">299</a>; as trader, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p009" title="go to p. 9">9</a>, - <a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>, - <a href="#p047" title="go to p. 47">47</a>, - <a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a>, - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>, -<a href="#p149" title="go to p. 149">149</a>, - <a href="#p168" title="go to p. 168">168</a>; as Government spy, - <a href="#p037" title="go to p. 37">37</a>, - <a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>, - <a href="#p047" title="go to p. 47">47</a>, - <a href="#p053" title="go to p. 53">53</a>, - <a href="#p145" title="go to p. 145">145</a>, -<a href="#p156" title="go to p. 156">156</a>, - <a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>; letters to his manager and Mankarious, -<a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, - <a href="#p152" title="go to p. 152">152</a>–<a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a>–<a href="#p165" title="go to p. 165">165</a>, - <a href="#p199" title="go to p. 199">199</a>; letter to General -Stephenson, - <a href="#p294" title="go to p. 294">294</a>, - <a href="#p338" title="go to p. 338">338</a>, - <a href="#p339" title="go to p. 339">339</a>; named Abdallah, - <a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, -<a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a>, - <a href="#p102" title="go to p. 102">102</a>, - <a href="#p151" title="go to p. 151">151</a>, - <a href="#p269" title="go to p. 269">269</a>; interview with the Khaleefa, -<a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a>, - <a href="#p079" title="go to p. 79">79</a>, - <a href="#p090" title="go to p. 90">90</a>, - <a href="#p092" title="go to p. 92">92</a>; practises medicine, - <a href="#p106" title="go to p. 106">106</a>, - <a href="#p124" title="go to p. 124">124</a>, -<a href="#p130" title="go to p. 130">130</a>, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>, - <a href="#p197" title="go to p. 197">197</a>, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>, - <a href="#p240" title="go to p. 240">240</a>, - <a href="#p250" title="go to p. 250">250</a>, - <a href="#p272" title="go to p. 272">272</a>; plans to -escape, - <a href="#p107" title="go to p. 107">107</a>, - <a href="#p143" title="go to p. 143">143</a>, - <a href="#p152" title="go to p. 152">152</a>–<a href="#p157" title="go to p. 157">157</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a>–<a href="#p169" title="go to p. 169">169</a>, - <a href="#p198" title="go to p. 198">198</a>–<a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>, -<a href="#p227" title="go to p. 227">227</a>, - <a href="#p293" title="go to p. 293">293</a>; floggings, - <a href="#p127" title="go to p. 127">127</a>, - <a href="#p131" title="go to p. 131">131</a>; relations with -Hasseena, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p040" title="go to p. 40">40</a>, - <a href="#p108" title="go to p. 108">108</a>, - <a href="#p109" title="go to p. 109">109</a>, - <a href="#p118" title="go to p. 118">118</a>, - <a href="#p135" title="go to p. 135">135</a>–<a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, -<a href="#p185" title="go to p. 185">185</a>–<a href="#p194" title="go to p. 194">194</a>, - <a href="#p290" title="go to p. 290">290</a>; conversion, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p150" title="go to p. 150">150</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>, - <a href="#p205" title="go to p. 205">205</a>, -<a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>; not a German subject, - <a href="#p162" title="go to p. 162">162</a>, - <a href="#p293" title="go to p. 293">293</a>; native -wives, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>, - <a href="#p186" title="go to p. 186">186</a>–<a href="#p189" title="go to p. 189">189</a>; English wife, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p163" title="go to p. 163">163</a>, -<a href="#p166" title="go to p. 166">166</a>–<a href="#p169" title="go to p. 169">169</a>, - <a href="#p194" title="go to p. 194">194</a>, - <a href="#p289" title="go to p. 289">289</a>; furnishes information to -Government, - <a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>–<a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>, - <a href="#p254" title="go to p. 254">254</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a>, - <a href="#p289" title="go to p. 289">289</a>; employed -under the Khaleefa (<i>see</i> Coinage, Arsenal, and -Gunpowder Manufacture); offers from publishers, -<a href="#p291" title="go to p. 291">291</a>, - <a href="#p299" title="go to p. 299">299</a>; reception in Cairo, - <a href="#p290" title="go to p. 290">290</a>–<a href="#p299" title="go to p. 299">299</a>; relations -with Gordon, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a>, - <a href="#p305" title="go to p. 305">305</a>; views on -missionaries, - <a href="#p321" title="go to p. 321">321</a>–<a href="#p323" title="go to p. 323">323</a>; views on trade, - <a href="#p356" title="go to p. 356">356</a>–<a href="#p359" title="go to p. 359">359</a> -</li></ul></li> -<li>Newnes, Sir George, - <a href="#p299" title="go to p. 299">299</a></li> -<li>Nubar Pasha, - <a href="#p342" title="go to p. 342">342</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>O -<ul><li>Ohrwalder, - <a href="#p006" title="go to p. 6">6</a>, - <a href="#p114" title="go to p. 114">114</a>–<a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a>, - <a href="#p119" title="go to p. 119">119</a>, - <a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a>, - <a href="#p187" title="go to p. 187">187</a>, - <a href="#p223" title="go to p. 223">223</a>; his -escape, - <a href="#p183" title="go to p. 183">183</a>, - <a href="#p280" title="go to p. 280">280</a>, - <a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>; his book, “Ten Years’ -Captivity,” - <a href="#p300" title="go to p. 300">300</a>, - <a href="#p306" title="go to p. 306">306</a>–<a href="#p323" title="go to p. 323">323</a>; criticisms of Gordon, -<a href="#p306" title="go to p. 306">306</a>–<a href="#p323" title="go to p. 323">323</a>, - <a href="#p325" title="go to p. 325">325</a></li> -<li>Ombeyehs (war-trumpets), - <a href="#p072" title="go to p. 72">72</a>, - <a href="#p073" title="go to p. 73">73</a>, - <a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a>, - <a href="#p158" title="go to p. 158">158</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, -<a href="#p275" title="go to p. 275">275</a>, - <a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a></li> -<li>Omdurman, - <a href="#p001" title="go to p. 1">1</a>–<a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p062" title="go to p. 62">62</a>–<a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a>, - <a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a>, - <a href="#p069" title="go to p. 69">69</a>, - <a href="#p071" title="go to p. 71">71</a>; battle of, -<a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p258" title="go to p. 258">258</a>, - <a href="#p265" title="go to p. 265">265</a>–<a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a>, - <a href="#p281" title="go to p. 281">281</a>, - <a href="#p326" title="go to p. 326">326</a>, - <a href="#p354" title="go to p. 354">354</a>; looting of, - <a href="#p281" title="go to p. 281">281</a></li> -<li>Osman Digna, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>, - <a href="#p248" title="go to p. 248">248</a>, - <a href="#p254" title="go to p. 254">254</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a></li> -<li>Osta Abdallah, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>, - <a href="#p235" title="go to p. 235">235</a>–<a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>, - <a href="#p242" title="go to p. 242">242</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p252" title="go to p. 252">252</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>P -<ul><li>Perdikaki, - <a href="#p177" title="go to p. 177">177</a>–<a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a></li> -<li>Pink, Colonel, - <a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a></li> -<li>Prison (Saier)― -<ul><li>Horrors of, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>, -<a href="#p081" title="go to p. 81">81</a>, -<a href="#p093" title="go to p. 93">93</a>–<a href="#p096" title="go to p. 96">96</a>, - <a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a>–<a href="#p119" title="go to p. 119">119</a>, - <a href="#p218" title="go to p. 218">218</a>; -Idris es Saier, - <a href="#p082" title="go to p. 82">82</a>, - <a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a>, - <a href="#p098" title="go to p. 98">98</a>–<a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>, - <a href="#p112" title="go to p. 112">112</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a>, - <a href="#p127" title="go to p. 127">127</a>, -<a href="#p130" title="go to p. 130">130</a>, - <a href="#p135" title="go to p. 135">135</a>, - <a href="#p138" title="go to p. 138">138</a>, - <a href="#p158" title="go to p. 158">158</a>, - <a href="#p171" title="go to p. 171">171</a>–<a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a>, - <a href="#p262" title="go to p. 262">262</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a>, - <a href="#p272" title="go to p. 272">272</a>, -<a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a>, - <a href="#p278" title="go to p. 278">278</a>; the Umm Hagar, - <a href="#p094" title="go to p. 94">94</a>, - <a href="#p095" title="go to p. 95">95</a>, - <a href="#p106" title="go to p. 106">106</a>, - <a href="#p113" title="go to p. 113">113</a>, - <a href="#p128" title="go to p. 128">128</a>, -<a href="#p218" title="go to p. 218">218</a>, - <a href="#p262" title="go to p. 262">262</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a>, - <a href="#p269" title="go to p. 269">269</a>; the Bint Umm Hagar, - <a href="#p221" title="go to p. 221">221</a>; -escape from, - <a href="#p096" title="go to p. 96">96</a>, - <a href="#p107" title="go to p. 107">107</a>, - <a href="#p120" title="go to p. 120">120</a>–<a href="#p123" title="go to p. 123">123</a>; food, - <a href="#p112" title="go to p. 112">112</a>, - <a href="#p113" title="go to p. 113">113</a>, -<a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a>–<a href="#p119" title="go to p. 119">119</a>, - <a href="#p143" title="go to p. 143">143</a>; subordinate gaolers, - <a href="#p123" title="go to p. 123">123</a>, - <a href="#p127" title="go to p. 127">127</a>–<a href="#p129" title="go to p. 129">129</a>, -<a href="#p173" title="go to p. 173">173</a>, - <a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a>, - <a href="#p262" title="go to p. 262">262</a>; women’s prison, - <a href="#p125" title="go to p. 125">125</a>, - <a href="#p126" title="go to p. 126">126</a></li></ul></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>R -<ul><li>Rossignoli, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p134" title="go to p. 134">134</a>, - <a href="#p197" title="go to p. 197">197</a>–<a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>, - <a href="#p205" title="go to p. 205">205</a></li></ul></li> - -<li>S -<ul><li>Sabalooka, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a></li> -<li>Said Abdel Wohatt, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>–<a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a></li> -<li>Said Gumaa, - <a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a>, - <a href="#p203" title="go to p. 203">203</a></li> -<li>Selima Wells, - <a href="#p011" title="go to p. 11">11</a>–<a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>, - <a href="#p019" title="go to p. 19">19</a>–<a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p078" title="go to p. 78">78</a></li> -<li>Sennar, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a>, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a></li> -<li>Shayba (yoke), - <a href="#p038" title="go to p. 38">38</a>, - <a href="#p219" title="go to p. 219">219</a></li> -<li>Sheiks― -<ul><li>Ahmed Nur ed Din, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>–<a href="#p109" title="go to p. 109">109</a>, - <a href="#p111" title="go to p. 111">111</a>, -<a href="#p127" title="go to p. 127">127</a></li> <li>Ed Din, - <a href="#p130" title="go to p. 130">130</a>, - <a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a>, -<a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a></li> <li>Hamad El Nil, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a>, - <a href="#p102" title="go to p. 102">102</a>, - <a href="#p103" title="go to p. 103">103</a></li> -<li>Mahmoud Wad Said, - <a href="#p083" title="go to p. 83">83</a>, - <a href="#p090" title="go to p. 90">90</a>, - <a href="#p118" title="go to p. 118">118</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a>, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a></li> -<li>Saleh Bey Wad Salem, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>–<a href="#p006" title="go to p. 6">6</a>, - <a href="#p011" title="go to p. 11">11</a>–<a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, - <a href="#p028" title="go to p. 28">28</a>, - <a href="#p031" title="go to p. 31">31</a>, -<a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>–<a href="#p049" title="go to p. 49">49</a>, - <a href="#p055" title="go to p. 55">55</a>–<a href="#p057" title="go to p. 57">57</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a></li></ul></li> -<li>Shereef Hamadan, - <a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a>, - <a href="#p231" title="go to p. 231">231</a>–<a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a></li> -<li>Shwybo, - <a href="#p171" title="go to p. 171">171</a>–<a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a>, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a></li> -<li>Sirdar, - <a href="#p225" title="go to p. 225">225</a>, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a>, - <a href="#p262" title="go to p. 262">262</a>, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a>, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a>–<a href="#p279" title="go to p. 279">279</a>, - <a href="#p290" title="go to p. 290">290</a>, - <a href="#p321" title="go to p. 321">321</a>, -<a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a>; rumours concerning, - <a href="#p097" title="go to p. 97">97</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>, - <a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a>, - <a href="#p259" title="go to p. 259">259</a>; -advance of, - <a href="#p240" title="go to p. 240">240</a>, - <a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a>; charges against, - <a href="#p284" title="go to p. 284">284</a>, -<a href="#p286" title="go to p. 286">286</a></li> -<li>Sirri, - <a href="#p230" title="go to p. 230">230</a>, - <a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a>, - <a href="#p251" title="go to p. 251">251</a>, - <a href="#p326" title="go to p. 326">326</a></li> -<li>Slatin, - <a href="#p006" title="go to p. 6">6</a>, - <a href="#p070" title="go to p. 70">70</a>, - <a href="#p071" title="go to p. 71">71</a>, - <a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a>, - <a href="#p079" title="go to p. 79">79</a>, - <a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a>, - <a href="#p110" title="go to p. 110">110</a>, - <a href="#p280" title="go to p. 280">280</a>; his -escape, - <a href="#p087" title="go to p. 87">87</a>, - <a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>–<a href="#p207" title="go to p. 207">207</a>, - <a href="#p214" title="go to p. 214">214</a>, - <a href="#p220" title="go to p. 220">220</a>, - <a href="#p223" title="go to p. 223">223</a>, - <a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>, - <a href="#p315" title="go to p. 315">315</a>, -<a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a>; kindness to Neufeld, - <a href="#p119" title="go to p. 119">119</a>; Austrian Consul’s -letter, - <a href="#p164" title="go to p. 164">164</a>; his letter to the Khaleefa, - <a href="#p202" title="go to p. 202">202</a>, -<a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>; position with the Khaleefa, - <a href="#p204" title="go to p. 204">204</a>; conversion, -<a href="#p205" title="go to p. 205">205</a>; his wives, - <a href="#p206" title="go to p. 206">206</a>; reception at Cairo, - <a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>, -<a href="#p308" title="go to p. 308">308</a>; his book, “Fire and Sword,” - <a href="#p300" title="go to p. 300">300</a>; relations -with Said Bey Gumaa, - <a href="#p203" title="go to p. 203">203</a>, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a></li> -<li>Slave Trade, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a>, - <a href="#p354" title="go to p. 354">354</a></li> -<li>Soudan, future of, - <a href="#p322" title="go to p. 322">322</a>, - <a href="#p323" title="go to p. 323">323</a>, - <a href="#p349" title="go to p. 349">349</a>–<a href="#p359" title="go to p. 359">359</a></li> -<li>Spies― -<ul><li>Government, - <a href="#p062" title="go to p. 62">62</a>, - <a href="#p106" title="go to p. 106">106</a>, - <a href="#p150" title="go to p. 150">150</a>, - <a href="#p158" title="go to p. 158">158</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p250" title="go to p. 250">250</a>, - <a href="#p255" title="go to p. 255">255</a>, - <a href="#p256" title="go to p. 256">256</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a>, - <a href="#p305" title="go to p. 305">305</a></li> -<li>Mahdist, - <a href="#p062" title="go to p. 62">62</a>, - <a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a>, - <a href="#p066" title="go to p. 66">66</a>, - <a href="#p082" title="go to p. 82">82</a>, - <a href="#p097" title="go to p. 97">97</a>, - <a href="#p150" title="go to p. 150">150</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p259" title="go to p. 259">259</a>, - <a href="#p305" title="go to p. 305">305</a>, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a></li></ul></li> -<li>Stanley, Emin, expedition of, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a></li> -<li>Stephenson, General, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>–<a href="#p006" title="go to p. 6">6</a>, - <a href="#p047" title="go to p. 47">47</a>, - <a href="#p048" title="go to p. 48">48</a>, - <a href="#p056" title="go to p. 56">56</a>, - <a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a>, - <a href="#p145" title="go to p. 145">145</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a>, - <a href="#p294" title="go to p. 294">294</a>, - <a href="#p338" title="go to p. 338">338</a></li> -<li>Stewart, Colonel, - <a href="#p324" title="go to p. 324">324</a>, - <a href="#p325" title="go to p. 325">325</a>–<a href="#p330" title="go to p. 330">330</a>, - <a href="#p343" title="go to p. 343">343</a></li> -<li>Sulieman Haroun, - <a href="#p153" title="go to p. 153">153</a></li> -<li>Surghani hill, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a></li></ul></li> - -<li>T -<ul><li>Toki, battle of, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, - <a href="#p156" title="go to p. 156">156</a></li> -<li>Torpedoes, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p251" title="go to p. 251">251</a>–<a href="#p256" title="go to p. 256">256</a>, - <a href="#p280" title="go to p. 280">280</a></li> -<li>Tuti island, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a>, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>, - <a href="#p265" title="go to p. 265">265</a></li> -<li>Typhus fever, - <a href="#p108" title="go to p. 108">108</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>U -<ul><li>Umm es Shole, - <a href="#p188" title="go to p. 188">188</a>–<a href="#p190" title="go to p. 190">190</a>, - <a href="#p193" title="go to p. 193">193</a>, - <a href="#p198" title="go to p. 198">198</a>, - <a href="#p217" title="go to p. 217">217</a>, -<a href="#p222" title="go to p. 222">222</a>, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>, - <a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>, - <a href="#p242" title="go to p. 242">242</a></li></ul></li> - -<li>W -<ul><li>Wadi El Kab, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>, - <a href="#p019" title="go to p. 19">19</a>, - <a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, - <a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a>, - <a href="#p033" title="go to p. 33">33</a>, - <a href="#p056" title="go to p. 56">56</a>–<a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a>, - <a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a></li> -<li>Wadi Halfa, - <a href="#p005" title="go to p. 5">5</a>–<a href="#p013" title="go to p. 13">13</a>, - <a href="#p030" title="go to p. 30">30</a>, -<a href="#p031" title="go to p. 31">31</a>, - <a href="#p042" title="go to p. 42">42</a>, -<a href="#p048" title="go to p. 48">48</a>–<a href="#p051" title="go to p. 51">51</a>, - <a href="#p057" title="go to p. 57">57</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a>, - <a href="#p071" title="go to p. 71">71</a>, - <a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p141" title="go to p. 141">141</a>, - <a href="#p280" title="go to p. 280">280</a></li> -<li>Wakih Idris, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p135" title="go to p. 135">135</a></li> -<li>Wass, Count, - <a href="#p164" title="go to p. 164">164</a></li> -<li>Wilson, Sir Charles, - <a href="#p069" title="go to p. 69">69</a></li> -<li>Wingate, Major, - <a href="#p223" title="go to p. 223">223</a></li> -<li>Wood, Sir Evelyn, - <a href="#p342" title="go to p. 342">342</a></li> -<li>Worrak, - <a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>Y -<ul><li>Youssef Jebaalee, - <a href="#p114" title="go to p. 114">114</a>, - <a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a></li> -<li>Youssef Mansour, - <a href="#p205" title="go to p. 205">205</a>, - <a href="#p220" title="go to p. 220">220</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p250" title="go to p. 250">250</a>, - <a href="#p252" title="go to p. 252">252</a>, - <a href="#p256" title="go to p. 256">256</a></li> -<li>Yunis, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a></li></ul></li> - -<li>Z -<ul> -<li>Zecki Tummal, - <a href="#p221" title="go to p. 221">221</a></li> -<li>Zobheir Pasha, - <a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>, - <a href="#p202" title="go to p. 202">202</a></li> -<li>Zoghal, - <a href="#p203" title="go to p. 203">203</a>, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a></li> -<li>Zubeir, - <a href="#p349" title="go to p. 349">349</a></li> -</ul></li></ul></li></ul> - -<div class="padtopa">THE END</div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<div class="fsize7 padtopa">PRINTED BY</div> - -<div class="fsize7">WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,</div> - -<div class="fsize7">LONDON AND BECCLES.</div> -</div> - -<div class="transnote chapter">TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE -<p>This transcription is based on the first edition of this book, -page scans of which are available from archive.net; search for -<span id="plongword"><i>prisonerofkhalee00neuf</i>,</span> for example. -Original spelling and grammar are generally retained, with a few -exceptions noted below. The original page numbers are shown like -this: |97|. ¶ Illustrations have been moved from within paragraphs -to between. I created the cover image by editing -an image of the original, and it is in the public domain. Larger -images with better resolution are provided only in the html -edition, for three illustrations—the Map (p. 15), the Sketch -(p. 23), and the Plans (p. 334). -¶ Blank pages, numbered or not, have been removed. Footnotes -have been moved from within paragraphs to between paragraphs. -Ditto marks have been removed, with associated text rearranged as -necessary to retain the same meaning.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#p078" title="go to p. 78">78</a>. -In “is his prophet; and then, ‘I believe”, a right single -quotation mark was added after <i>prophet</i>, to match the earlier left -mark.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#p165" title="go to p. 165">165</a> note. -The double quotation marks do not seem to be balanced, but have been -retained as printed.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#p294" title="go to p. 294">294</a>. -The author refers to a translation of a letter appearing on -“p. 336”. This seems to be an error, and has been corrected to point to -page <a href="#p338" title="go to p. 338">338</a>, Appendix III.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#p352" title="go to p. 352">352</a>. -In original “to the doors of one who pretented to be the -mouthpiece”, <i>pretented</i> is changed to <i>pretended</i>.</p> -</div><!--transnote--> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Prisoner of the Khaleefa: Twelve -Years Captivity at Omdurman, by Charles Neufeld - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA: *** - -***** This file should be named 52226-h.htm or 52226-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/2/2/2/52226/ - -Produced by Roberta Staehlin, RichardW and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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