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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b6361b4 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #53630 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/53630) diff --git a/old/53630-0.txt b/old/53630-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 33b1b0b..0000000 --- a/old/53630-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14023 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The life and letters of Ogier Ghiselin de -Busbecq, Vol. II (of 2), by Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq and Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell and Charles Thornton Forster - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The life and letters of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Vol. II (of 2) - -Author: Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq - Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell - Charles Thornton Forster - -Release Date: November 30, 2016 [EBook #53630] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ, VOL II *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - OGIER GHISELIN - - DE BUSBECQ - - VOL. II. - -(_The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved_) - -[Illustration: CROSS OF BOUSBECQUE. - -THIRTEENTH CENTURY.] - - - - - THE - - LIFE AND LETTERS - - OF - - OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ - - SEIGNEUR OF BOUSBECQUE - - KNIGHT, IMPERIAL AMBASSADOR - - BY - - CHARLES THORNTON FORSTER, M.A. - - _Late Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge: Vicar of Hinxton_ - - AND - - F. H. BLACKBURNE DANIELL, M.A. - - _Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge: Barrister-at-Law_ - - Πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἄστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω - - _IN TWO VOLUMES_ - - VOL. II. - - - LONDON - C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 PATERNOSTER SQUARE - 1881 - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE SECOND VOLUME. - - - PAGE - - LETTERS FROM FRANCE TO MAXIMILIAN—I.-XXXVII. 3 - - ” ” ” RODOLPH—I.-LVIII. 141 - - APPENDIX 265 - - INDEX 311 - - - - - LETTERS FROM FRANCE. - - - - - BOOK I. - - LETTERS TO MAXIMILIAN. - - -In illustrating Busbecq’s letters from France reference is frequently -made to contemporary writers, and it may be useful to the reader to -have some idea of their different characters, and positions, and of the -historical value of their statements. - - (1). J. A. de Thou, the historian, son of Christopher de - Thou, President of the Parliament of Paris. Jurist and - statesman. Busbecq’s intimate friend and warm admirer. - Quoted as _Thuanus_. Edition, Geneva, 1620, &c. - - (2). Pierre de l’Estoile. Audiencier de la Chancellerie - de Paris. A quiet man, who took no part in politics. - He kept a diary which is generally known as _Journal - de Henri III._ and _Henri IV._, but is really _his own - private diary_ during the reigns of those monarchs. - Quoted as _De l’Estoile_. Edition, Paris, 1875, &c. - - (3). Pierre de Bourdeille, Abbé and Seigneur of Brantôme. - Soldier and courtier. Gentleman of the Chamber to Charles - IX. and Henri III. His ideas are those of the French - Court of that period, and consequently his standard of - morality is very low. He was a friend of Alençon, du - Guast, Bussy, de Viteaux, La Noue, &c., and a great - admirer of Marguerite, to whom he dedicated several - of his works. Having been disabled by a fall from his - horse, he devoted his last years to writing memoirs of - the celebrated men and women he had known, a treatise on - duelling, &c. Quoted as _Brantôme_. Edition, Paris, 1822. - - (4). Marguerite de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, - sister of Charles IX., Henri III., and Alençon, wrote an - autobiography which she addressed to Brantôme. Quoted as - _Mémoires de Marguerite_. Edition, Paris, 1842. - - (5). Theodore Agrippa d’Aubigné. Friend and adherent of - Henry of Navarre. He wrote a _Histoire universelle_ and - _Mémoires_. Quoted as _Aubigné, Histoire_. Edition S. - Jean d’Angely, 1616, &c. The _Mémoires_ are quoted from - the Panthéon Littéraire. Paris, 1836. - - (6). Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers. Soldier and statesman. - The compilation known as his Memoirs is quoted as - _Mémoires de Nevers_. Edition, Paris, 1665. - - (7). Venetian ambassadors:—John Michel, sent in 1575 to - congratulate Henri III. on his coronation and marriage. - Jerome Lippomano, ambassador in 1577-1579. Their reports - are contained in _Collection de Documents inédits - sur l’Histoire de France, Première Série, Relations - des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_. Quoted as _Ambassadeurs - Vénitiens_. - - (8). Guillaume and Michel Le Riche. Avocats du Roi at - Saint-Maixent in Poitou. Their Journal is quoted as _Le - Riche_. Edition, Saint-Maixent, 1846. - - (9). Famianus Strada. A Jesuit priest who wrote the - history of the wars in the Netherlands. Motley has drawn - largely from his work. Quoted as _Strada_. Edition, Rome, - 1648. - - - - -LETTER I. - - -Yesterday, August 21, I arrived at Speyer. I stayed a day at Salzburg -and another at Augsburg, on account of my health. For at my third stage -from Vienna an attack of hæmorrhage came on, unaccompanied, however, -by pain, or any great derangement of the system. The physicians I -consulted at Salzburg and Augsburg told me that, if I neglected it, the -consequences might be serious, and ordered me to rest for some days. -For my own part, till now I saw no reason for interrupting my journey -for any length of time, but, as I observe that this trouble, whatever -it may be, is aggravated by heat and motion, I intend to stay here over -to-morrow, for fear of more haste perhaps proving to be worse speed. In -order to save time, I have abandoned my project of passing through the -Netherlands, and intend to go directly to Metz by easy stages, as my -health will not admit of rapid travelling. As to the King of France, I -can learn nothing here; no one knows where he is, but he is said to be -going straight to Rheims, which lies, I imagine, on my road, and I hope -to get there before him. - -When I passed through Munich, the Duchess, the sister of your -Majesty,[1] who had lately returned from a visit, sent to me, and made -particular inquiries about the health of your Majesty, of the Empress, -and your children. She also gave me messages for the Queen of France, -and sent letters to Augsburg next day for me to take to her. - -I was speaking to someone to-day who had come but lately from the -Prince of Orange, and he said that negotiations[2] for peace had been -opened with him through St. Aldegonde, who was a prisoner in the hands -of the Royalists. He represented the Prince as strongly inclined for -peace, but said that the cities, which had called him in, were no less -strongly opposed to it, and would rather suffer the worst extremity -than trust themselves to the Spaniards, or send Orange away. The same -person told me that Leyden was starving, and must soon surrender.[3] -The Prince, he said, was not to blame for it, but the inhabitants, who, -having been repeatedly warned to lay in stores in time, had obstinately -neglected to do so. He also informed me that the Spanish fleet, if it -was really coming, was to sail round Scotland, and that Orange had set -up false beacons and lights on the coast to draw it among the shoals -and sandbanks. - -Perhaps the information I have sent your Majesty is not of much -importance, still I feel sure that it will at least do no harm, and -that with your accustomed graciousness you will not take my sending it -amiss. I pray God to preserve your Majesty, and remain, &c. - - Speyer,[4] August 22, 1574.[5] - - - - -LETTER II. - - -On September 2 I arrived at Meaux, fourteen[6] miles from Paris. My -journey was delayed by want of post-horses, for, as the King had just -gone to Lyons, they had almost all been transferred to that road from -their proper stations, and so for two days and nights I sailed down the -Marne, but, as it winds very much before its confluence with the Seine, -near Paris, I had to change my mode of travelling, and return to land. -As no horses or carriages were to be had, I sent people to Paris to -get some, and also to look for lodgings against our arrival. When the -Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, knew of this, she sent two of her own -carriages, which brought me and my suite to Paris on the 4th. - -On that day the Queen[7] wished me to rest, and did not send for me -till the next day. I found her in excellent health, but her face was -melancholy, and still showed traces of her recent loss. As I was going -through the points mentioned in my instructions, she spoke gratefully -of your Majesty’s thinking of her and sending to console and visit -her in her bereavement. She was not surprised, she added, at the deep -regret expressed by your Majesty, for, indeed, her late Consort had -always felt the warmest affection for you, and had always been most -anxious to meet your wishes. She then made very minute inquiries -about your Majesty’s health. But, when I said that she must wait -patiently till your Majesty should be able to decide, according to the -turn events might take, whether she was to leave or stay, she gently -replied, that all she asked was to be allowed to do that which was most -useful and pleasing to her father. Our conversation then ended, and I -received permission to retire. - -The next day the Queen again ordered me to be summoned, and during -the interview I contrived to introduce the question of her marriage -to the new King (Henry III.) by alluding to the reports now current; -many people set her down as his future bride, I remarked, and if the -union were to take place, it would, in my opinion, harmonise with your -Majesty’s views and policy. Her reply was such as to make it perfectly -plain the suggestion was by no means to her liking; and yet I could see -that she did not intend to be obstinate; she will, I am sure, place -herself in her father’s hands, and further his interests and wishes by -every means in her power.[8] - -I also touched on the Constantinople matter, as your Majesty directed. -She promised to bear it in mind when the Queen Mother returned. I will -then make it my business to remind her of it. - -I went to her a third time to ask that, as your Majesty’s principal -reason for sending me here was that I might look after her interests, -she would kindly give orders to the _maréchaux de logis_ to provide me -with proper quarters in the neighbourhood, and she at once complied -with my request. - -As to other matters, there is no news of any importance. The King is -expected to arrive at Lyons today, where the Queen Mother, Alençon, -and Vendôme[9] have been for some time awaiting him. Disturbances are -still going on in Poitou and the neighbouring provinces. The King, they -say, is preparing to exert his influence, and, if need be, to put them -down with a strong hand. He has hired 5,000 Swiss, besides reiters from -Germany, and some thousands of Italian musketeers. - -With regard to our business, not much, I see, can be done here while -the King is away, and so, if I was not afraid I might transgress the -rules of etiquette, I should like to run home for a few days. But I -cannot make up my mind, as I hardly know what people here might think; -otherwise I see no objection, as I had your Majesty’s permission. - -Montmorency and Cossé[10] are still confined in the Bastille, and both -are so strictly guarded by the people,[11] that passers-by cannot so -much as bow to them without danger. - -Yesterday there arrived here Master John Koch, whose misfortune has -been a great grief to me. Today I took the letters he brought to the -Queen, and she immediately answered them. - - Paris, September 10, 1574. - - - - -LETTER III. - - -A few days ago I sent such news as I had by way of Brussels; I now -write, more because I have a convenient opportunity of forwarding a -letter, than because I have anything particular to tell. - -The King arrived at Lyons on the 6th. His army is besieging the town -of Nove,[12] twelve miles from Lyons, which they think will not be -hard to take, as it is commanded on every side by the adjoining hills. -Still, they are not quite confident, as they know how obstinate the -King’s opponents have hitherto been in defending the places they -have occupied. Montpensier[13] is besieging the town of Fontenay; a -capitulation, they say, was agreed on, but his men refused to accept -it, preferring to risk their lives in storming the place, rather than -forego their plunder, so the result is still uncertain. Great is the -strength of despair, and however things may turn out, their spoils, I -warrant, will be blood-stained. - -They say that the King, before he reached Lyons, asked his Council’s -advice, as to whether he should send back the Italian troops he had -brought with him as a body guard, and that Pibrac,[14] whom your -Majesty saw at Vienna, was for dismissing them. This gave offence to -the Queen Mother, and on his arrival at Lyons she ordered him to return -to Paris, and resume his duties as Advocate of the Kingdom. The Queen -Mother, people think, is in favour of war, because she hopes thereby -to retain her power. - -Damville,[15] they say, received an unfavourable answer from the King, -and consequently remained at Turin; he has now, I hear, been summoned -by the King; a suspicious circumstance, as many think. It will be two -months, it is supposed, before the King gets away from his affairs -at Lyons, and in the meantime business here makes little progress. I -expect the King and the Queen Mother will give your Majesty an account -of what is passing in France. At any rate I feel justified in saying -that everybody is anxiously looking for a marriage between the King and -your Majesty’s daughter—it is the general topic of conversation. - -The Comte de Bailen, after being kept for a long time in Gascony by the -dangers of the road, has at last started for Lyons. - - Paris, September 17, 1574. - - - - -LETTER IV. - - -I have despatched two letters to your Majesty since I arrived here, one -I sent by way of Brussels, the other, dated the 17th, was given to a -servant of the Duke of Bavaria, who was travelling this way from Spain. -Now I have a convenient opportunity of sending despatches by the hands -of Master John Koch. - -The King has determined to continue the war rather than suffer two -religions in his kingdom, or allow the rebels to remain in possession -of the towns they have seized; while they declare that they will -hold them to the death, having no hope of safety left save in their -walls and their despair. Thus the King is again getting entangled in -difficulties, from which he will not easily free himself, and which he -might perhaps have avoided. - -Fontenay, the town about which I wrote lately, fell at the third -assault. There was great slaughter both of besiegers and besieged. -People think Lusignan will be attacked next. It is a fortress of -considerable strength, five miles from Poitiers, and being built on -a rock is not easily accessible.[16] The siege of Lusignan will give -Montpensier’s army occupation for some time, and though less important -places like these may be easily recovered by the King, at any rate the -reduction of Montauban, Nismes, Rochelle, and other towns, which still -hold out, will prove a more difficult task. But who can say what may -happen in the meanwhile? Time brings about many a surprise, and the -result may turn out far other than what it is expected to be. The King -thinks differently; under his mother’s influence, as it is supposed, -he is entering on the war with a light heart. Within the last few days -an Edict[17] was published, by which all who had fled the country are -invited to return home within six months, under promise of an amnesty; -if they do not avail themselves of this act of indemnity within that -time, they are to be considered outlaws and public enemies. This -proclamation, it is feared, will be the signal for those who distrust -the King’s word to take the field—it is the trumpet calling them to -battle. To people’s astonishment some noble families, as, for instance, -those of Rambouillet and d’Estrées,[18] have been ordered to leave the -Court and retire to their homes. - -At his parting from the Duke of Savoy, the King is said to have -made him a present of two towns which are still held by his -garrisons—namely, Savigliano and Pignerolo, if I remember the names -rightly. This arrangement, however, has been interfered with by -the Duke’s wife having died, unfortunately for him, before it was -completed, an event which may possibly make the King change his -intentions.[19] - -I am far from satisfied with the state of the business which is the -principal object of my mission—namely, the settlement of the Queen’s -dower. The King’s return, I suspect, is further off than people think, -and meanwhile nothing can be done here. The Queen is thus left in a -state of uncertainty; she knows not what is to happen, or what her -position is to be, and therefore she naturally feels by no means -comfortable. Some people think the King will go down to Avignon, to -be nearer the seat of the war which is imminent; and, if so, it is -supposed he will not be in Paris for full six months from this. If -this be true, though sufficient provision has been made for her in the -meantime, still perhaps it is hardly creditable that a lady, who is now -practically your Majesty’s ward, should be left dependent on another’s -beck and call, and sit quietly waiting till it pleases him to ask her -to become once more a wife. Such a position is, in my humble opinion, -a highly improper one; nor do I believe that in any other case the -relatives of a widowed queen ever waited so long before taking steps to -protect her interests. I trust your Majesty will consider what is to be -done. Shall I go to the King—which will involve some expense—or shall -I write to him, or shall I wait here for his return, whenever that may -be? - -If I may give my opinion, I think the King is likely to have more -trouble than he expects. For, taking even the most favourable -supposition, and assuming that he reduces a great part of the rebels -to submission, I consider that he cannot possibly complete his task -during the present winter, and that many of them will hold out still. -What then will be the King’s position? His forces will be no longer -what they were at the beginning of the campaign; war, privation, and -winter will have thinned their ranks. On the other hand, we must be -prepared to see the exiled nobles now in Germany come to the succour of -their friends with such troops as they can raise. All France will then -be in a blaze once more; the issue of the contest it is impossible to -foretell, for who can say how many secret allies the rebels can reckon -on? Those who are thoroughly estranged from the King are not a few. - -This forecast of future probabilities is derived in great measure -from a conversation I had, when I was passing through Kaiserslautern, -with an intimate friend of the Palatine and Casimir.[20] The exiles I -speak of have been prevented from invading the country chiefly by two -motives: in the first place, they had some hopes that the King would -be more indulgent to their party, and wished to give him a trial; -secondly, among their chiefs are two sons of the Constable,[21] and -they saw that if they stirred it would be the signal for the execution -of their imprisoned brother, Montmorency; the Queen Mother has openly -threatened and declared as much. Perhaps, too, they are influenced -by the consideration that it would be very bad policy to choose the -moment when the King’s forces are at their best for attacking him, -instead of biding their time. - -To turn to another subject. A few days ago a gentleman, who is one of -the King’s councillors, came to see me, and gave me a book to send to -your Majesty, to whom it is dedicated by the author. It is the work of -François de Foix, Bishop of Aire, and Privy Councillor to the King. He -is an old man of the highest rank, and is a great scholar. He is also a -near relative of your Majesty, for his father, he states in his letter, -was brother of your Majesty’s grandmother on the mother’s side.[22] His -elder brother, the Comte de Candale, is dead. He left a son, who was -killed by a musket-shot in the head,[23] while fighting under Damville, -who was then engaged in some service for the King. He left only two -daughters, the eldest of whom succeeded to the family property, and is -being brought up in the house of her maternal grandmother, the widow -of the Constable, their father having married one of the Constable’s -daughters. To return to the Bishop. He is a man of the greatest -learning, especially in mathematics, and is regarded by the professors -of that science here as one of their most distinguished men. He has -translated Hermes Trismegistus[24]—a writer of such antiquity that -some people make him out to be a contemporary of Moses himself—from -Greek into Latin, and this is the work that is now on its way to your -Majesty. He has also translated him into French, and has dedicated the -translation to the Queen Mother. He has written, besides, five books of -commentaries on the same author in French, which those who have seen -it assert to be a noble work; and this has been published under the -patronage of the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter. I humbly hope your -Majesty, when answering my letter, will condescend to acknowledge the -arrival of the book, and gratify the good old man by thanking him for -the compliment. I will take care to show the passage to his friends, -who brought me the book. - -As to the Queen’s condition, I have nothing to write which your Majesty -will not hear from her own letters. One matter, I think, I should not -omit to mention. Everything here is exceedingly dear, especially the -necessaries of life, such as bread, wine, fire-wood, and lodgings. -With these high prices, I do not see how I am to keep within the salary -allowed by your Majesty. However, I will do the best I can for this -half year, and after that I trust your Majesty will kindly see that I -am properly provided for. - -To conclude. As I perceive there is no immediate prospect of the King’s -arrival, and I can leave Paris for some days without any inconvenience -to the Queen, I have determined, with her approval, to avail myself of -your Majesty’s kind permission, and to make the journey home, which -I have so long intended, to arrange my private affairs. I think of -remaining in the Netherlands till your Majesty’s gracious reply to this -letter arrives at Brussels, which I consider your Majesty will find to -be the most convenient route for sending an answer. I have nothing more -to add except my earnest prayer that God may long preserve your Majesty -to us and to Christendom. - - Paris, September 28, 1574. - - -Montmorency is still detained in the same prison; Cossé, on account of -his illness, is allowed a more convenient lodging, but is guarded there -with the utmost strictness. - -I am not sure if it is worth adding a postscript to say that, if your -Majesty should think fit to send me to the King, any despatches to the -Duke of Savoy could be conveyed at the same time without any additional -trouble or expense, for Turin is not very far from Lyons, and is nearer -still to Avignon—if I mistake not. - - - - -LETTER V. - - -I have but lately sent all the news I had by the hands of Master John -Koch. Since then nothing has happened worth notice, except that letters -from Lyons have reached Paris, saying that the question of the Queen’s -dower has been discussed at Court, and that the Duchy of Berry has been -assigned to her on account thereof. The annual income, however, of -this Duchy, derived from real estate, does not come up to the amount -of her dower; whence the rest is to be provided we do not know, but -it certainly ought to be charged on lands in the neighbourhood. The -Queen herself has not heard a word on the subject, though the King -has written several times to her, and the Queen Mother still more -frequently. The report I mention about the dower prevents my starting -for the Netherlands, as I had intended, for I am afraid of perhaps -being wanted here. - -As to the King’s return, nothing is yet known for certain: some think -it is not near, and that he intends going further away; others regard -his movements as a trick to induce the gentlemen of the Court to start -for the camp, under the notion that the King will shortly follow. I can -make no positive assertion either way; I have not been long in France -and am at a distance from the scene of action; hitherto I have been -unable to do more than chronicle rumours and people’s opinions. Your -Majesty must excuse it, therefore, if I am occasionally wrong in my -facts or mistaken in my predictions. - -One part of the Royal army is besieging Poussin,[25] a castle fortified -by the Huguenots, on the bank of the Rhone, a little below Vienne, -I believe, and not many miles from Lyons. The rest of it is with -Montpensier, besieging Lusignan, which is garrisoned, they say, by -about 600 soldiers and 200 gentlemen. La Noue,[26] the head of the -rebels, is said to be at Rochelle with such a following, that they -think he will be master of the town. As to Damville, some people have a -story that, when he found the King intended to arrest him and put him -to death, he crossed by sea from Savoy to Montpellier, a city in his -government, and that he has induced it with some of the neighbouring -towns to revolt. Of this, however, there is nothing known for certain, -and I suspect it is somebody’s invention. - - Paris, October, 1574. - - - - -LETTER VI. - - -I lately despatched a letter to your Majesty by a running footman, whom -I sent to Brussels to bring back the answer I am expecting from your -Majesty. Since then nothing new has occurred except that the Queen was -threatened with an attack. The symptoms were sickness, accompanied by -general inflammation and irritation of the skin, while at night she -suffered from thirst. Physicians were called in, and they declared it -to be a case of bile in the blood; they said that there was danger of -fever if remedies were not promptly employed. Accordingly, they treated -her with purgatives and bleeding; since then there has been a change -for the better, and the physicians now have great hopes that the attack -has been taken in time, and this is also my view. The Queen herself is -in good spirits, and considers herself as well as before the illness. -Still I should not like to leave your Majesty in ignorance of what has -happened. - -A few days ago the Comte de Bailen arrived from Lyons to offer the -Queen the condolences of the King of Spain; he had already expressed -his master’s regret to the King and Queen Mother at Lyons. He was kept -a long time at Bordeaux by the dangers of the road, and he incurred -serious risks on his way round by Lyons, as parties were watching -at various places on his route with intent to waylay him. He is now -hesitating as to what road he shall choose for his return, and seems -to think the safety of his route a more important consideration than -its length. He has, moreover, a wish to visit the Netherlands and other -countries. - -To-day I was informed that Pibrac is coming here from Lyons; from him -I shall be able to learn how matters stand there. He is also bringing, -they say, the King’s instructions to me with reference to the dower. -Your Majesty shall be duly informed of whatever I hear. - -Poussin, which was being besieged, has fallen into the King’s hands; -the defenders, according to some accounts, sallied out by night and -escaped from the town.[27] Damville’s conduct excites suspicion; two -Vicomtes are said to have come to him at Montpellier to concert plans -for war. One of them, I think, is the Vicomte de Montbrun; the other’s -name I have not heard. Damville is also believed to have tried to take -Avignon by surprise; people think that he will raise the standard of -a fresh insurrection, and thus exasperate the King, who is at present -inclined towards justice and mercy, as your Majesty will see from -the Edict[28] I enclose. There seems, therefore, to be no prospect -that France will see any termination of the woes with which she is -afflicted. One civil war begets another, until there is no end. - -About the King’s coming there are vague reports, which change every -day. I cannot be sure of anything till I have an interview with -Pibrac, and, as soon as I have seen him, I will lose no time in making -my report to your Majesty. - - Paris, October 31, 1574. - - - - -LETTER VII. - - -In my last letter to your Majesty I gave an account of the Queen’s -health; and how her physicians hoped to keep off a fever by timely -remedies. Unhappily, a few days later, though the Queen had felt no -inconvenience in the mean time, there was a return of the complaint, -and it was found necessary to repeat the medicines and to bleed her -again. The blood that was taken was very corrupt, so much so that -her physicians became anxious, feeling sure that her illness would -be serious, and possibly dangerous. They called in some of the first -physicians in Paris, and held a consultation. The attack, however, -never became dangerous, and on the fifth day there was a decided -improvement, and on the seventh, which was Sunday, the fever had quite -subsided. Her physicians are not yet altogether free from anxiety, -as there is still some derangement of the system, which they are -endeavouring to remove; the Queen, however, now the fever has left her, -is not in the least nervous about herself. Thanks to God’s mercy, she -is in a fair way towards recovery. - -There is another matter, as to which it is essential to have explicit -instructions from your Majesty. From the beginning of next January -the Queen, they say, will have her dower assigned to her, and instead -of living as hitherto at the expense of the State, she will have to -maintain herself on her own resources and out of the revenues of her -dower. Consequently there are several points that present themselves -for your Majesty’s consideration. In the first place, your Majesty -will have to indicate the source from which the Queen is to get money -for her maintenance till her own revenues begin to come in; secondly, -your Majesty will have to decide whether she is to remain here for the -winter, so as to have milder weather for her journey, or to return -immediately. If the last course is preferred, your Majesty will have -to settle all the questions relating to her route, the expense to be -incurred, the suite that is to attend her, the road she is to take, and -her ultimate destination. If, on the other hand, there is not time to -make all these arrangements, and it should be therefore decided that -she shall stay some months longer in France, still a decision must be -come to as to whether she is to remain in Paris, or retire to the place -assigned her as dower. For there can be no question that she will live -at much less expense in her own house, if I may call it so, than here -in Paris, where everything is excessively dear. There is a château in -the Duchy of Berry which would just suit her, called Remorantin; the -Queen Mother herself is said to have sometimes thought of retiring -thither. Apart from any questions of economy, a residence in the -country would be more in keeping with her position as a widow. Assuming -this to be settled, your Majesty’s opinion will be required as to all -the arrangements of her new establishment, and the gentlemen and ladies -who are to constitute her household. Nothing can be determined till I -receive your Majesty’s instructions. - -I mentioned in my former letter that the Duchy of Berry is to be -assigned to the Queen, and I have now written that after the first -of January she is to live at her own charges. Both these statements -are founded only upon current report and require confirmation, for -neither the Queen, nor the Comte de Fiesco,[29] nor I have received -any official notice on the subject. However, the fact is in itself so -probable and the rumour has become so general, that neither the Comte -nor myself have any doubt of its truth. I heard from one of Pibrac’s -relatives in Lyons that he would shortly be here to discuss the whole -question with me on behalf of the King. However, he has not arrived -yet, though he is expected every day. I shall lose no time in informing -your Majesty of the result of our interview. In the meantime I have -thought it better to send this letter without waiting for his arrival. - -The report, which was at first very general, of the King’s intending to -marry your daughter, is now universally discredited. Some people, whose -opinion is worth having, ascribe the cause to the Sorbonne or College -of Divines in Paris. When King Henry VIII. of England began to question -the validity of his marriage with his deceased brother’s widow, and -wanted to have it declared null, these divines were consulted as to the -lawfulness of the marriage. At the instigation of King Francis I., who -wished to gratify the King of England, knowing that the dissolution of -the marriage would dissolve the alliance between the Emperor Charles -and Henry, they pronounced the marriage unlawful and incestuous, in -opposition to all the other divines and jurists before whom the case -had been laid.[30] This decision being so contrary to the general -opinion, King Francis thought it sufficient to forward it to England, -and wished it to be suppressed as far as possible in France. But the -King of England, being anxious to support his case, had the decision -printed, and published far and wide. This precedent is supposed to be a -great stumbling-block to the King, and to make him have scruples of the -lawfulness of a marriage with his brother’s widow, as he would thereby -seem to question the authority of his ancestor’s decision. - -This is one version of the story; whether it be the true one, or -simply an excuse, I cannot tell for certain. I fully expect that when -I have had a talk with Pibrac I shall be able to make out more of this -matter, or at any rate to form a tolerably good guess; for even if he -says nothing I shall be able from his very silence to draw my own -conclusions as to the King’s wishes and intentions. - -It is considered certain that the King will go down to Avignon. His -object, I imagine, is to be nearer the scene of action, where his -presence is required. Meanwhile the siege of Lusignan continues. As to -other matters, I cannot venture to make any positive assertion. The -Comte de Bailen will, I understand, leave this to-morrow on his way -back to Spain. He intends going to Nantes, a seaport in Brittany, and -thence taking ship for Bilbao or St. Sebastian. He has chosen this as -being by far the shortest route as well as the safest. - -I most humbly entreat your Majesty for an early answer to this letter, -for, until we have your instructions, we cannot bring this business to -a conclusion with credit to your Majesty. I would suggest sending the -answer to Leonhard de Taxis[31] at Brussels, who has promised to use -all speed in forwarding your Majesty’s letters to Paris. - - Paris, November 9, 1574. - - -I told your Majesty that we were expecting Pibrac in Paris. Well, he -has arrived, and as we were old friends, having made each other’s -acquaintance when the King of France was staying at Vienna, I went -and called on him. He returned my visit. I took the first opportunity -which offered itself in the course of our conversation of introducing -the Queen’s business, and expressed my surprise at the delay in the -assignment of the dower. He replied that affairs of this kind could -not be arranged in a hurry, and that matters would be set right if I -went to the King myself. - - - - -LETTER VIII. - - -I have little to add to what I told your Majesty in my last two letters -of the Queen’s health. She is still confined to her bed by the orders -of her physicians, but she looks well, and is in excellent spirits. -There is no need for me to say more, as she is writing to your Majesty -herself. - -Pibrac arrived three days ago. I lost no time in calling upon him, to -ascertain whether he had any instructions with regard to the Queen’s -dower. He avoided the subject, and talked of Poland, and a message the -King had received from a Diet held at Warsaw, begging him to return -forthwith. He told me that the Turkish Ambassador had been present -at the meeting of the Diet, and informed the Poles that the Sultan -would make it a _casus belli_ if they elected a Muscovite or one of -your Majesty’s sons to the vacant throne: they must appoint one of -their own countrymen, two of whom he specified as proper candidates. -It was supposed, however, that it was at the instigation of these two -gentlemen that the embassy had been sent. Pibrac then observed that -there was one of your Majesty’s subjects who was looking out for the -throne. - -I remarked that an absent king was not likely to keep his crown long. -He agreed, and was of opinion that the Poles would soon be engaged in -fighting with each other. - -The conversation flagged, and as he made no allusion to the subject in -which I was interested, I introduced it myself. I told him that there -was a rumour that the Queen’s dower had been assigned. He informed me -that the report was correct, and represented the settlement which had -been made as most advantageous to the Queen. He said that he understood -your Majesty intended arranging a marriage for the Queen with the King -of Portugal. I replied that I knew nothing of the matter beyond the -fact that the King of Portugal had been most anxious to obtain her hand -before her marriage. At present, I added, he was too much engaged with -his expedition against Fez.[32] - -It appears from my conversation with Pibrac that the Queen will -not receive her dower till January, and I am anxious to know what -arrangement your Majesty proposes for providing her with funds in the -meantime.[33] - - November 13, 1574. - - - - -LETTER IX. - - -On Saturday last I despatched a letter to your Majesty by a gentleman -who paid a visit to the Queen on behalf of the King and Queen Mother, -as he told me that on his return to Lyons the Seneschal of that city -would be sent to your Majesty. The Queen also wrote a letter, which I -enclosed. I wrote in such a hurry that I am afraid my letter is hardly -as clear as it should be; I trust your Majesty will, with your usual -kindness, pardon its shortcomings. - -The purport of my letter was that the Queen was convalescent, and -that her dower was to commence on the 1st of January. She will then -begin life afresh, and her residence and the arrangements of her -establishment will depend upon your Majesty’s pleasure. I humbly trust -that your Majesty will make such provision as the case requires. - -I understand that in similar cases the widows of French Kings have -been sent home with a French retinue at the charge of the royal -treasury; but I see that the Queen’s officials are anxious as to the -source from which funds are to be provided until her revenues shall -begin to accrue, for her debts are already large, and will be still -greater by January 1. At that date she will not owe less than 50,000 -francs. The King ought to pay the money, but I am afraid he will not -do so punctually, and in that case her creditors are likely to become -troublesome. I am also anxious as to her income, for I fear that, -whatever reductions are made in her household, she will have difficulty -in meeting her expenses if she remains in France. - -As to other matters, there is not much for me to say, except that -the King’s affairs are far from prosperous. The besieged garrison of -Lusignan has made a successful sally, and Montpensier has lost so many -men that he is compelled to raise the siege. Some companies also of the -Comte de Retz’s forces, with a detachment of cavalry, have likewise, -they say, been cut to pieces by Damville’s troops. Damville is believed -to be full of confidence, and busy in making preparations for defence. -He holds a commission as Condé’s lieutenant. There are fears that Condé -himself will take the field, and that troops will be raised in Germany. -In confirmation of this, we hear that the people of Rochelle have sold -a large quantity of salt to German traders, whose ships are lying in -their harbour, and that the proceeds are to be placed to the credit of -Condé in Germany, for the purpose of hiring soldiers. If this be true, -it is very serious news for France. - -As to the King’s views with regard to marriage, I cannot speak with -any certainty. Some think that he has set his heart on Monsieur de -Vaudemont’s daughter, who is a very handsome girl. Besides, the King is -devoted to the House and party of Lorraine, and most anxious for its -advancement. - -However, if he marries her he will cause tongues to wag, and give -offence to those who from interest or jealousy are opposed to the -party of Lorraine. Amongst these must be numbered Vendôme, Condé, -and possibly Alençon himself, who will suspect—not without reason -perhaps—that this marriage is only the thin end of the wedge. - - Paris, November 16, 1574. - - - - -LETTER X. - - -I received your Majesty’s two letters dated October 31, and also my -instructions, on November 23. I was at Paris when they arrived, having -abandoned my visit to the Netherlands for reasons with which your -Majesty is already acquainted. - -I informed the Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, and at the same time -delivered the letter. I took the opportunity of ascertaining her views -as to the desirability of my visiting the King in accordance with -your Majesty’s instructions. She thought it advisable, on the grounds -mentioned by your Majesty. I asked her to think the matter over, and -when I had an interview with her the next day she was still of the same -opinion. - -Also I asked her whether the King (Charles IX.) had made a will before -he died? She replied in the negative, telling me that he had only given -verbal instructions on certain points; she was quite sure he had made -no will. I believe the Queen is right, for so far I have not heard from -anyone of his leaving a will. I will, however, make further inquiries. - -A few days after I had written my last letter to your Majesty, the -Bishop of Paris,[34] who is the Queen’s Chancellor, paid me a visit, -and we were shortly afterwards joined by the Comte de Fiesco and -Monsieur de France, the Queen’s first steward. We discussed the -question of the dower; the last two gentlemen expressed their doubts -as to the possibility of getting the pension of 20,000 francs usually -granted to Queens Dowager charged on a good security, quoting the case -of the Queen of Scots, whose pension was settled in such a way as to -be absolutely worthless. - -It would be of the greatest advantage to the Queen, your Majesty’s -daughter, if she could have the command of 10,000 or 12,000 thalers -to meet her expenses until the revenues of her dower shall begin to -accrue. I think we could manage without money in hard cash, if a credit -could be opened at Lyons or Antwerp, so that we might be able to draw -on our agents. My duty to your Majesty and the Queen, my mistress, -renders it incumbent on me to make this suggestion, but I shall gladly -acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be. - -Your Majesty mentions ‘credentials.’ I have not received them, and -I think they would be of some service to me; for if anyone should -challenge my right to act as the Queen’s representative, I have no -authority to produce except my letter of instructions, and I should not -care to have its entire contents made public. - - Paris, November 30, 1574. - - - - -LETTER XI. - - -I set out on the journey which I had undertaken at the desire of your -Majesty, and arrived at Lyons December 12. There I waited a couple of -days for the purpose of making inquiries as to the remainder of my -route, and obtaining what was needful for the road. - -I felt it my duty to have an interview with the Spanish Ambassador -and ascertain from him how matters were going on. His Excellency had -been ordered to remain at Lyons with the other ambassadors, and there -await the King’s arrival; but he had a still more imperative reason for -remaining—to wit, the gout! - -He advised me most kindly with regard to my journey, telling me much -of the dangers to be encountered, both on the river route and that -by land, and recommending me strongly not to go to Avignon. I think -he would have persuaded me, had I not sent for some boatmen who had -lately made the voyage; from them I ascertained that matters were not -nearly so bad as the Ambassador had represented; there was a risk, -but no certainty, of our being attacked. Accordingly, not wishing to -waste my time at Lyons, where no intelligence was to be obtained of the -movements of the King—nor, indeed, any news at all—and thus displease -both your Majesty and the Queen, I determined at all hazards to -continue my journey. - -Accordingly I embarked at Lyons on the 15th, and reached Avignon on -the 17th.[35] By God’s mercy, I encountered no difficulty or danger on -the way, and found the road far safer and pleasanter than I had been -led to expect. Not that it was altogether safe, for at Valence Bishop -Montluc,[36] (the chief negotiator in the Polish business), when he -came on board to pay his respects, advised me to take with me six -musketeers, as people had been stopped in the neighbourhood, and some -had been killed. I followed his advice. - -I had an audience of the King on the 19th of the same month, and was -received most kindly. On my delivering your Majesty’s message and -letter, together with that of the Empress, he answered in very handsome -terms, that for your Majesty’s sake he would do all that lay in his -power for the Queen, and spoke at great length of the attentions -and kind services he had received at your hands. The Queen Mother -(Catherine de Medici), to whose presence I was admitted a few days -later, held similar language; she had been suffering from constant -sickness, which prevented her giving me an earlier interview. I -ascertained later that the King had sent letters to the Queen at Paris -touching the dower, and that, contrary to the usual custom, they had -been registered by the Parliament of Paris before being presented to -the Queen. I called on his Majesty and made some objections to his -proposal. The King said he must refer the matter to his council, and -also wait for an answer from the Queen’s advisers. He spoke of your -Majesty’s kindness at great length, and specially of the assurances -he had lately received, through Vulcob,[37] that he would have your -Majesty’s support if he cared to keep his kingdom of Poland. - -In the course of our conversation I discovered that the King would do -whatever the Queen Mother wished, so I determined to approach her again -and ask for her services on behalf of the Queen. She professed the -utmost willingness and said, she would do her best for the Queen, who -had been an excellent daughter to her. - -A few days later, de Morvilliers,[38] the Bishop of Orleans, and the -Bishop of Limoges called on me and we had a long discussion with regard -to the dower. I must not forget to mention that, when the King told me -that your Majesty had offered to assist him in keeping his kingdom of -Poland, I was much surprised, but made no reply, as I thought it might -possibly be a trap. I wonder also that nothing has been said as to the -non-payment of the marriage portion[39]; I am afraid they are keeping -this argument in reserve. - -I must not forget to inform your Majesty that, in the course of my -interview with the Queen Mother, she told me she felt assured of the -kindly feeling which your Majesty entertained for her, because your -Majesty had continually advised her against war, whereas those who -wished her ill had given the opposite counsel. She had followed your -Majesty’s advice, she said, for a long time, and thereby exposed -herself to severe criticism from not a few. - - Lyons, January 24, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XII. - - -To-day the King set out from Lyons on his way to Rheims, where he is to -be crowned—as he told me himself—on the 13th. - -I will not weary your Majesty with a full description of the state of -France, but content myself with a sketch. - -Ever since the commencement of the civil wars which are distracting the -country, there has been a terrible change for the worse. So complete is -the alteration, that those who knew France before would not recognise -her again. Everywhere are to be seen shattered buildings, fallen -churches, and towns in ruins; while the traveller gazes horror-stricken -on spots which have but lately been the scenes of murderous deeds and -inhuman cruelties. The fields are left untilled: the farmer’s stock -and tools have been carried off by the soldier as his booty, he is -plundered alike by Frenchman and by foreigner. Commerce is crippled; -the towns lately thronged with merchants and customers are now mourning -their desolation in the midst of closed shops and silent manufactories. -Meanwhile, the inhabitants, ground down by ceaseless exactions, are -crying out at the immense sums which are being squandered for nought, -or applied to purposes for which they were never intended. They demand -a reckoning in tones which breathe a spirit of rebellion. Men of -experience, members of the oldest families in France, are in many cases -regarded with suspicion, and either not allowed to come to Court, or -left to vegetate at home. Besides the two parties into which Frenchmen -are divided by their religious differences, there are also feuds and -quarrels which affect every grade of society. - -In the first place, the feeling against the Italians who are in the -French service is very strong; the high promotion they have received -and the important duties with which they have been intrusted, arouse -the jealousy of men who consider them ignorant of French business, and -hold that they have neither merit, services, nor birth to justify their -appointment. Birague, as Chancellor, holds one of the highest offices -in the kingdom; Comte de Retz[40] is a Maréchal; Strozzi is in command -of the infantry of France; Guadagni is Seneschal of Lyons; and in the -same way other Italians occupy most important posts, while Frenchmen -murmur. - -Again, Italians farm nearly all the taxes, and exact their dues -so rigidly as to drive the natives, who are unaccustomed to such -extortion, to the very verge of rebellion; there will be another Saint -Bartholomew[41] if they do not take care, and they will be the victims. - -The feuds which separate the leading families of France are more -bitter than those described in ancient tragedy; this is the state of -feeling which exists between the Houses of Guise, Vendôme and Bourbon, -not to mention that of Montmorency, which, through its alliances and -connections, has a considerable party of its own. - -The Bourbons are the strongest; the Guises have most influence at -Court, but this is an advantage which they may lose any day by the -death of the King, and then their fall is inevitable. - -By his nearest relations the King is feared rather than loved, for, -knowing the designs they entertained before the death of his brother -(Charles IX.), they have no confidence in his mercy and forgiveness, -though he professes to have pardoned them, and think that his vengeance -is only deferred for a time. On the other hand, the King must see -clearly from the flight of Condé what the feelings of his own family -are towards him. - -The district in which the rebellion on religious grounds has struck its -deepest roots begins at Rochelle and reaches to the Rhone, comprising -the whole of Guienne and Languedoc: it includes Saintonge, Poitou, -the Limousin, Perigord, Gascony, the country round Narbonne, &c., &c. -Nor is this all; across the Rhone, in Dauphiny itself, Montbrun has -seized places, as, for instance, Livron, which is now besieged by the -Royalists. - -In making the statement that the rebels are powerful in Languedoc and -Guienne, I must not be understood to say that the principal cities of -those provinces do not obey the King; my meaning is that the insurgents -occupy posts of vantage throughout the country, which enable them to -render both life and property insecure; there is no peace or quiet for -those who are loyal to the King. To drive them from their fortresses -would be a most difficult task, for they have formidable positions -and strong fortifications, garrisoned by veteran soldiers, who have -made up their minds to die rather than trust the King’s word. Such, -undoubtedly, is their determination, for though peace, which is the -only cure for these ills, has lately been freely mentioned, and certain -men were at Avignon from Condé and his party, still, up to the present -moment, no arrangement has been concluded. True, the King is ready -to pledge his word that, if his towns are restored to him, no one -shall be troubled on account of his religion; but the memory of Saint -Bartholomew[42] is a fatal obstacle: they will place no confidence in -his promise, and believe that it is only a stratagem to destroy the -survivors of that night. - -Such acts of treachery, it would seem, never answer in the long run, -whatever the advantage at the time may be! - -Some people have a notion that the idea of peace is not seriously -entertained, but is simply a manœuvre to break up the confederacy by -making overtures to some of its members. - -Ambassadors, it is true, have been sent lately to Rochelle, but in the -meantime both parties are busy fighting: the King is pressing on the -sieges of Livron and Lusignan, while the rebels are using every means -in their power to harass and perplex him. After the King’s departure -from Avignon, they took possession of Aigues-Mortes,[43] where they -found a store of cannon, which will be of great service to them. One -fort, however, still remains in the hands of the Royalists, and the Duc -de Uzes, who commands for the King, does not despair of retaking the -town under cover of its fire. - -It is not that I should regard the situation as hopeless, if there -were a prospect of matters taking a turn for the better, but, bad as -is the present state of things, it is nothing compared to what we may -expect any day to see. - -Having given my ideas as to the state of the country, I will now -give my opinion of the King. Of his character your Majesty has had -opportunities of judging; he is naturally well disposed, and in the -hands of good advisers and councillors of sound judgment might turn out -a pattern sovereign. But his companions are wild young men, the tone of -French society is licentious, and he listens to selfish intriguers who -are seeking their own advantage; under such circumstances, who can say -that he will not go astray? Both he and his brother (Alençon) are of a -weakly constitution and not likely to be long-lived. - -The ambassadors who came from Poland have been ordered to remain at -Lyons, and there await the King’s arrival; it is supposed that his -Majesty will not care much for the despatches which they bring, as they -are couched in rough, not to say threatening, language. It seems that -the King has thoughts of keeping Poland, for, though he is still a -bachelor, he has announced his intention of bestowing it on one of his -future children, and with this view is negotiating for an alliance with -the King of Sweden’s daughter; for my own part, however, I am inclined -to suspect that this is a mere feint. First among the aspirants to the -Crown of Poland stands the Duke of Ferrara, but in France the idea -is that the Transylvanian[44] is the candidate most popular with the -Poles. The King is dissatisfied with the Duke of Savoy’s conduct with -regard to Damville, and it is supposed that, if what is past could be -recalled, he would not be so liberal with his towns.[45] - -It seems that the siege of Livron will be a long business; for, -though the wall has been battered with cannon, and there is as wide a -breach as the besiegers could desire for them to mount to the attack, -two assaults have already been repulsed with heavy loss. There are -several reasons to account for these failures: in the first place, the -attacking column has to climb up hill through the rubbish and _débris_, -which crumble away under their feet; secondly, fresh intrenchments have -been made within the circuit of the walls, and the besieged are so -confident of holding the town that they may almost be said to laugh at -the efforts of their enemies.[46] I saw this with my own eyes when I -passed Livron on my way back from Avignon. Thirdly, when they come to -close quarters, not only do they meet with a most stubborn resistance -from the men, but many of them are also wounded by the women, who rain -stones upon them from the roofs and ramparts. I saw six ensigns on the -walls of the town, whence it is assumed that there are 400 soldiers -in the garrison; they have muskets, but no cannon. His son-in-law, -who was in command of the town, having been killed by a cannon-ball, -Montbrun, the night before I arrived, sent four more gentlemen into the -place with a party of soldiers; it is said that they passed through the -outposts of the German horse commanded by Count Nogarola. - -Your Majesty no doubt received intelligence long ago of the death -of the Cardinal of Lorraine.[47] He died of fever, after an illness -of eighteen days. The attack was brought on, people think, by his -walking in a procession of Flagellants, at night. The Queen Mother has -been poorly from the same cause, and her daughter (Marguerite), wife -of Vendôme (Henry of Navarre), had a troublesome cold, which lasted -several days. - -There are four societies of Flagellants at Avignon; the Cardinal -enrolled himself in one of them, and advised the King to do the same; -his Majesty’s example was followed by the whole of the nobility. On one -occasion, when they were walking in procession with these societies -at night, which is the usual time for such ceremonies, there was a -very cold wind, and this is supposed to have been the cause of the -Cardinal’s illness and death, for two or three days afterwards he fell -sick. - -He was a great man, and took a prominent part in the government of the -country. In him we have lost a profound scholar, an eloquent speaker, -an experienced statesman. He was ever anxious to advance the interests -of his party and his family, and I am by no means sure that the State -did not sometimes suffer in consequence. The King visited him during -his illness, and would have gone to him oftener if he had not been -afraid of infection. He has felt his death deeply. When the body was -being removed from Avignon, on its way to Rheims, the King and four -Cardinals accompanied it to the gates of the city. They were attended -by all the nobles of the Court, with the King’s brother and the King of -Navarre (as they style him here) at their head. These last, I imagine, -were by no means sorry to do this honour, not to the Cardinal, but to -his corpse! He died at night, and the Queen Mother was so upset by his -death that the next day she fancied she saw him bidding her farewell, -and could hear him saying ‘Adieu, madame; adieu, madame.’ She tried to -point him out to those who were with her.[48] - -Whilst I was writing, news came that Lusignan had surrendered to -Montpensier. The garrison are to be allowed to retire to Bouteville -and Pons with their arms and property. I hear also that the siege of -Livron has been raised; the attacking force is broken up; the men -being quartered in the neighbouring villages, from which they are to -watch the town and see that no provisions are brought in. They will -have a hard task, methinks, to keep up so strict a blockade, as not to -be sometimes given the slip. - - Lyons, January 24, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XIII. - - -[The whole of this letter is occupied with business connected with the -dower. It is dated Paris, February 9, 1575.] - - - - -LETTER XIV. - - -I received your Majesty’s letter of December 31 on February 5, in which -your Majesty graciously acquaints me with the information touching the -dower given by the Seneschal of Lyons. On this head I wrote at such -length in my former letter that there is no need for me to recur to the -subject again. Your Majesty next informs me that the Seneschal of Lyons -said that the Queen would be treated in the same manner as during her -husband’s lifetime, a statement which, I think, must be considered one -of mere politeness—in short, a French compliment! - -With regard to your Majesty’s questions as to the manner in which the -Queen will return, I understand that the King will see that she is -escorted to Vienna, or whatever her destination may be, by gentlemen -of high rank and a distinguished retinue, following in this respect -the precedent of the Queen of Scots, whom his predecessor (Charles IX.) -sent to Scotland at his own charges. The only expense that will fall -on your Majesty will be the presents that must be made to those who -accompany her, and the cost of their journey when they return. - -Before leaving, I asked what your Majesty’s wishes were with regard to -the cipher I was to use. I was desired to draw up a code on my way, -and forward it to your Majesty. I drew up a code at Speyer, and put it -in a letter, of which I now enclose a copy. If the letter arrived, I -presume that the cipher arrived too; in the other case, they will both -have been lost together. I send another code, which seems to me less -difficult. I am surprised that your Majesty has not received the letter -I wrote at the end of November, before setting out for Avignon. Some -of your Majesty’s despatches to me are also missing—viz. those dated -December 11 and 16. - -As to the state of France, matters are at a deadlock. They would -fain be at peace, for war means ruin, and the very sinews of war are -failing; but still they insist on the restoration of the King’s towns -as a matter in which his honour is concerned. On the other hand, the -insurgents do not care for any peace which does not furnish guarantees -for their safety. As to confidence, which is the very bond of human -society, they have lost it altogether, and will trust nought save walls -and fortifications. - -Such a difference of views it is not easy to reconcile. I think that -anyone who offered to act as mediator would be welcomed by the King, as -he would then be able to patch up a peace by pledging some one else’s -word. His own is absolutely worthless. But who would care to pledge -himself, when there are a hundred ways in which his guarantee may be -set at nought? - -Some, however, wish that a league could be made against the Turk, and -Condé sent to Hungary, with large forces both of foot and horse, by way -of pumping out the water from which, according to their idea, France is -foundering. - -But it is an idle scheme, for the object of the rebels in making war -is to protect their altars and firesides, their children and their -wives; and I fail to understand by what argument they can be induced to -abandon all they hold dear, and allow themselves to be sent to Hungary. -This also is the opinion expressed to me lately by Bellièvre,[49] who -was the late King’s ambassador in Poland. Your Majesty saw him when -the King came to Vienna. He is a man who carries great weight. He -assured me in the most solemn manner that the King, at his suggestion, -had written during his stay at Mantua, and again from France, to his -ambassador at Constantinople, ordering him to support your Majesty’s -interests, and that if he had done otherwise he had distinctly -disobeyed the orders of his master.[50] - -The advice that your Majesty gave the King[51]—viz. that he should -avoid war—is frequently mentioned both by the Catholics and their -enemies. They say the King is sorry he did not adopt it, and preferred -to enter his kingdom with the gates of Janus wide open, instead of -closing them. Accordingly, Pibrac, who was the only man for taking your -Majesty’s advice, and stood alone as the advocate of peace, though -at first evil spoken of, is now praised by all. The whole blame with -regard to the war is laid on the Cardinal and the Queen Mother, the -first of whom allowed his animosity to carry him too far, while the -other was afraid that, if peace were declared, she would be reduced to -the level of a subject and find her reign at an end. - -I have now only to inform your Majesty of that of which your Majesty -must be already aware—viz. that my funds are completely exhausted by -my long and expensive journey to Avignon, and that I have been obliged -to incur some debts. I therefore humbly petition for the payment of my -half-year’s salary to Jerome de Cocq, who will arrange for its being -remitted to me here, in case your Majesty shall consider it advisable -to retain my services for the Queen. - - Paris, February 9, 1575. - - -I trust your Majesty will not take it amiss that I have been -occasionally addressed as ambassador in France; for, in spite of my -protestations, I cannot prevent their sometimes giving me this title. -It matters the less because it is quite clear that I am not your -Majesty’s ambassador. - -The Queen has just sent for me, to say that there is a general report, -which she hears on all sides, that the King is on the point of marrying -the daughter of Vaudemont of Lorraine, and that the ceremony will be -celebrated next Monday, at Rheims. She does not know how she ought -to treat her with regard to precedence, when she comes to Paris. I -trust your Majesty will deign to advise us on this matter. Possibly -your Majesty may think it advisable for the Queen to leave Paris and -go somewhere else—for instance, to her daughter at Amboise, or to any -other place your Majesty may prefer. - -I think I told your Majesty of this love-affair of the King’s—in my -letter dated November 16, if I remember rightly. It is quite certain -that this engagement, which was a secret to all but a very few, and -might almost deserve the epithet of _clandestine_, will cause a -bitter feeling throughout France. Vendôme’s sister,[52] who is now -of marriageable years, is intended for Alençon, so that he will ally -himself with the Bourbons, while the King will be connected with the -Guises. As to the policy of these marriages I am doubtful and fear that -they will only add to the miseries of France. - -I now implore your Majesty to send back the bearer of this letter as -soon as possible with full instructions on all points. - -The future Queen is, if I am not mistaken, the daughter of a sister of -Count Egmont. - -The Queen has sent for me again, and shown me a letter from the Queen -Mother, informing her of the approaching marriage of her son the -King, and telling her that the wedding is to take place next Tuesday; -she requests her to send nearly all her attendants to wait on the new -Queen.[53] Accordingly, many of her people have left, in order to -oblige the King; a few have refused to change their mistress at such -short notice. Among these last are the Comte de Fiesco and his wife. I -should be glad if your Majesty would notice their loyal conduct in your -next letter. - -I trust your Majesty will seriously consider what ought to be done; we -must have a clear and distinct answer. - -Whither is the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, to go? It is impossible -for her to remain in France without seriously compromising her -position, for here all will attach themselves to the new Queen, and, as -usual, worship the rising sun! It is a common saying that if one loses -one’s position in life, life is not worth the having. I will not say -more, as I rely on your Majesty’s discretion, and affection for your -most loving and obedient daughter. - -In the first place, we must have either cash or credit, and for that -reason I am going to the Netherlands. As soon as the messenger shall -have returned to Brussels, I shall be in a position to draw the money -from whatever house your Majesty may please to appoint, and return with -it to the Queen. - -By this means I trust we shall be able to get away from Paris before -the King returns, or at any rate leave soon after his arrival, and thus -save our eyes and ears from a great deal of vexation; for when changes -of this kind take place there is much that is unpleasant. - - The same day. - - -As to the dower question, of which I wrote from Lyons, the Queen’s -advisers at Paris think that it will be impossible to obtain a -settlement on Crown lands for the whole of the 60,000 francs per -annum due to the Queen. They say this was not done for the Queen of -Scots, though France was then much more prosperous, and her uncle, the -Cardinal,[54] was absolute master of the realm. - - Paris, February 9, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XV. - - -I have now been four days in Brussels waiting for your Majesty’s -orders; I am sure your Majesty will see how important it is that I -should have them as soon as possible. When I get them I shall return to -the Queen with all speed. - -Her position I explained clearly in my last letter. I have heard some -remarks which make me uneasy; people warn me that the French are most -liberal in their promises, but very niggardly in their performances, -and think the Queen will have great difficulty in obtaining her -revenues, and not receive more than half the nominal amount. They quote -the case of Queen Leonora.[55] - -I must say I am anxious, but I trust things will not prove quite so -bad. - -With the end of this month the quarter will expire during which the -King is to defray the Queen’s expenses, and she will then be left to -her own resources. I fail to see how funds are to be provided, unless -your Majesty will supply them. For, even assuming that we should -demean ourselves so far as to go begging to the King, we should expose -ourselves to be taunted with holding out on the question of the dower -as an excuse for dipping our fingers into the King’s purse. The only -available remedy is for your Majesty to place 8,000 or 9,000 crowns -to our account, and this I trust will be done. As to the rest, I find -that some people here talk of the Queen for the governorship of the -Netherlands. I should prefer seeing the appointment offered to one -of your Majesty’s sons; still, on the supposition that there should -be an obstacle in the way of such an arrangement—as is by no means -impossible—or in case of the Archduke’s receiving a more tempting offer -elsewhere, people have much to say as to the advantage which the public -would reap from the Queen’s acceptance of the post. - -Within the last few days, negotiations for peace have been opened -at Breda,[56] where both parties are represented by delegates. God -grant they be successful, as many hope and everyone wishes; wise men, -however, shake their heads, for it is certain that the religious -difficulty will prove a most serious obstacle on account of the great -number of Hollanders and Zealanders who have publicly renounced the -Catholic religion. I fail to see how they can be induced to sell their -property and go into exile, especially as they are for the most part -sailors and fishermen, and the loss of their trade would mean to -them absolute starvation. The King, on the other hand, is determined -to allow none but Catholics to remain in his dominions. Most people -despair of a solution. - -After writing my last letter I had some conversation with a gentleman -as to the Queen’s return; he told me that he knew for certain that the -Cardinal of Este[57] had long ago applied for the honour of escorting -the Queen to her destination. The Cardinal holds a great deal of rich -preferment: they say his income amounts to 100,000 crowns. - -There is now, therefore, no doubt on this score: the King will take -care that the Queen is sent to your Majesty with every mark of honour. - - Brussels, March 7, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XVI. - - -I returned to Paris March 21, where I found the Queen in excellent -health, and delighted at the prospect of a speedy return to her august -parents. - -I delivered your Majesty’s letter to the King, and laid before him your -Majesty’s request that the Queen might have what was due to her under -the marriage settlements. He, as usual, gave me a kind answer, and said -he would take the opinion of his council. The Queen Mother has also -kindly offered her services on our behalf. Still, we want deeds and not -words! - -It is quite clear that very little, if any, addition will be made to -the 32,000 francs already secured on Crown lands. The property, even in -the most prosperous days, never produced 60,000 francs. - -You ask whether your Majesty’s granddaughter will be permitted to -accompany her mother to Austria. I am not sanguine, as I know of no -precedent of the kind in the history of France. The end of it will be -that, when they have exhausted their other pleas as to the length of -the journey, the delicacy of the child, and her tender years, they will -fall back on the argument that it is contrary to all the precedents of -France, and I hardly see how we can meet it. If, however, your Majesty -should decide on making a further attempt, I would recommend letters -being sent to the King and Queen Mother, and I myself will leave no -stone unturned to forward the arrangement; but I should advise your -Majesty simply to ask to see the child, and, if this is granted, the -situation will be reversed, and her return to France will depend on -your Majesty’s pleasure.[58] - -As to affairs in this country, they were so bad that I thought it -impossible for them to grow worse; nevertheless they _are_ rapidly -growing worse. Damville, with his friends, is carrying war through -Languedoc and Guienne, and gentlemen are daily flocking to his -standard. - -Words cannot describe how unpopular the King and Queen have become -throughout France. So gloomy is the prospect, that careful, respectable -men, I see, are thinking of leaving the country and emigrating to some -distant land. Nevertheless, peace negotiations are still going on, for -delegates from the rebel party are in Paris, and more are expected. -They demand, I hear, first, liberty of conscience; and, secondly, -the convening of the States General with a view to reforming public -abuses.[59] This last demand is supposed to be aimed at the Queen -Mother and certain Italians of rank who occupy high offices. But, -though everything is in a bad way, the financial situation is worst of -all. It fairly passes belief. The King borrows what he can here and -there from those who have, or are thought to have, money; but even then -he cannot get enough. It was determined to send a large sum of money -with the ambassadors who are going to Poland—200,000 crowns, people -say—but I do not believe such a sum can be raised; they will have to be -content with much less. - -The new Queen has been troubled with constant sickness for several -days, and some fancy she is with child. She is no favourite with the -Queen Mother, who takes little pains to conceal her prejudice. - -The Queen, your daughter, has made up her mind to visit Amboise[60] -after Easter, for the purpose of taking farewell of her child. She is -afraid to let her travel, on account of her delicacy. She will be away -for a month or thereabouts. - -I hope your Majesty will condescend to grant the request which I have -already preferred, and order my half-year’s salary to be paid to Don -Rodolph Khuen,[61] Master of Horse to your Majesty, in order that I may -pay off my creditors, and have something in hand. - - Paris, April 1, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XVII. - - -Finding that Count Nogarola was on the point of returning to Vienna, -I felt I must send a letter to your Majesty, although the Queen’s -business is still on hand, and I am expecting every day to have it -settled. I shall reserve my account of this matter, and send it by -Peter the courier. Peter arrived here on the 15th of last month, -and gave me a letter from your Majesty. On learning your Majesty’s -instructions, I demanded an audience of the King, but he was so much -engaged in the negotiations for peace that he was unable to see me, -and referred me to the Queen Mother and the young Queen. By the King’s -orders, I went first to the Queen Mother. On my laying before her your -Majesty’s request, and delivering your letter, she, as usual, spoke -of the great regard she entertained towards your Majesty, mentioning -the deep obligation under which she had been laid by your Majesty’s -attentions to her son the King. She inquired after your Majesty’s -health, asked where your Majesty was, and whether you would shortly pay -a visit to Frankfort. I made suitable answers, and then began to ask -for her support in the Queen’s business. - -Whilst we were thus engaged, the young Queen (Louise de Vaudemont) -entered the room, and I took the opportunity of offering her your -Majesty’s congratulations (on her marriage). She sent her most humble -thanks to your Majesty, and made offer of her services to the Queen -with many expressions of regard. - -After this the Queens gave me leave to go, and two days later I had -an interview with the King. When I had laid before him your Majesty’s -message, he replied that he on his part would always be glad to be -informed of your Majesty’s views. He had married, he said, in order to -promote the interests of his subjects and gratify their wishes. One -of his inducements, he added, for allying himself with the House of -Lorraine was its connection with your Majesty.[62] For the rest, he -placed his services heartily at your Majesty’s disposal, and concluded -by asking me to let him know when I intended sending back the courier, -as he wished him to take his answer to your Majesty’s letter. When -I mentioned the Queen’s business, he begged me to have patience a -little longer, till the negotiations which were now going on should be -concluded. He would then place the matter in the hands of his Council, -and would himself do everything in his power for the Queen. - -The peace negotiations which the King alluded to have occupied his -attention for some time past, and I hardly yet know what the result -will be. - -Everyone is anxious for peace, specially the King, but the terms -offered by the insurgents are very hard, as your Majesty will see from -the paper I enclose. - -The extravagant nature of their demands will, in my opinion, make it -difficult for the King to grant them. The delegates will shortly be -sent back to their friends with the King’s answer, and are to return -with their reply on St. John’s Day (June 24). Meanwhile there seems -to be a good prospect of peace; everyone is anxious for it, and so -everyone assumes that it is certain. - -Well, I am afraid it will be easier to _make_ peace than to _keep_ it, -and also I am apprehensive that peace for the French means trouble for -their neighbours, for nothing would so calm the atmosphere in another -quarter (the Netherlands) as a tremendous storm in France. - -Frenchmen cannot keep quiet, and many years of war have made them more -restless than ever; consequently it is a matter of the first importance -to France that her adventurous spirits should find a field of action -elsewhere instead of fastening on her own vitals. - -Peace has been concluded between the King and the Queen of England, on -the same terms as before. - -The Ambassador who returned from England brings back a story of a joke -the English Queen (Elizabeth) made at his first audience. - -She at once asked whether the King was married. He replied in the -affirmative, and began telling her who the new Queen was. Her Majesty -broke in—‘Yes, exactly; that was the first clause in the Cardinal’s -will. Dear me, what an unlucky woman I am! What is to be my fate? I -had counted on marrying the Cardinal, and now I have only one hope -left—perhaps the Pope will consent to take me as his wife!’ - -About the 17th of last month the King’s ambassadors, Bellegarde[63] and -Pibrac, set out from Paris; the former was to go by way of Venice, and -your friend through Germany and Bohemia—at least he told me so. - -There are, I believe, financial reasons for Bellegarde’s _détour_, as -they have promised to send 200,000 crowns to Poland, and it would be -easier to draw blood from a stone than to make up such a sum just now -in France. They are said to be sending to the Pope at Rome, the Duke -of Savoy at Turin, and also to the Venetians, to raise funds; they -are supposed to be thinking of selling the marquisate of Saluzzo for -400,000 crowns, or at any rate, pawning it; but I suspect they will get -more in the way of promises than in the way of cash, and will carry -into Poland plenty of _golden_ words, but very few _golden_ coins. I -think also that the Ambassadors are intentionally lingering on the -road, in order that the Diet may be opened before they come. They will -thus be able to gain some idea of how matters are likely to go; and, if -they find that their case is hopeless, they will not have the disgrace -of being defeated through their own shortcomings, or lack of funds. -Again, if the prospect seems hopeful, and the Diet waits for them, they -will be able to employ the interval in sending agents before them to -prepare the way, and despatching letters full of fine promises, which, -with such aid as the lapse of time will afford, may be expected so -to soothe people’s minds as to render the avoiding of the threatened -Diet and election (of a new King for Poland) a matter of no great -difficulty. I give this as my own explanation. - -As I was penning these lines, news came that Pibrac had been waylaid -in the territory of Montbéliard,[64] which belongs to the Duke of -Würtemberg, by some French exiles. They killed two of his party, and -took prisoner the Ambassador himself. The governor of Montbéliard came -to the rescue, the neighbourhood was roused, and Pibrac thus regained -his liberty; but he was in great danger, and lost his plate and his -money—some 7,000 or 8,000 crowns in all. The King was greatly disturbed -at the news, but when he heard that Pibrac had escaped to Montbéliard, -he gave him supplies of money and a fresh equipment, telling him to go -to Soleure, in Switzerland, and there obtain what was needful. This -shows that the King has by no means given up his hopes of Poland. - -If I mistake not, I have before this mentioned to your Majesty that -agents had been sent to Sweden to procure a picture of the King of -Sweden’s daughter.[65] The picture has now come. Strange to say, it -greatly resembles the new Queen in height, complexion, and features; -the resemblance is increased by her having been taken in a French dress. - -I must not forget to add that a number of ambassadors have come from -Switzerland to take part in the negotiations for peace as mediators. - -It is supposed that Vaudemont, the King’s father-in-law, will also -offer his services as peacemaker. He is expected here in the course -of a few days with the Duke of Lorraine. The reason of his coming, -however, is not connected with the negotiations for peace, but with -a wedding, the Marquis of Nomeny, Vaudemont’s son, being about to -marry the wealthy daughter of Sebastian de Luxembourg, the Vicomte de -Martigues.[66] - -May it please your Majesty, Ilsing[67] has just sent word that of the -8,000 crowns required for the Queen’s service he has not been able -to raise one farthing at Augsburg by pledging his own credit or that -of the Ballers, and that he has therefore written to your Majesty to -inquire whether there is any merchant about the Court who would, on -their security, place that amount to the Queen’s credit at Lyons. I am -expecting an answer from your Majesty on this matter. - -The Queen is naturally and justifiably anxious to see her daughter -before leaving France. She has been ready to go to her since Easter, -but has been stopped by want of funds, and will be kept waiting still -longer unless they are provided, so that I am beginning to fear that -she will have to leave without seeing her child, to her great sorrow. -But this is not the only point to be considered, for the Queen may -have many other calls upon her purse, so that it is of the greatest -importance that she should be supplied with money, if she is to -maintain her position, live in comfort, and take advantage of such -openings as may occur. I hope it will not be long before I have more -certain tidings to give your Majesty with regard to the dower, and I -will then write at length by Peter the courier. - - Paris, May 15, 1575. - - -I heard to-day that some one said he would lend the Queen 10,000 -crowns, to be recouped out of her revenues. If this be so, and the -money can be obtained at a reasonable interest, I think the Queen will -accept his offer, since our business may any day take such a turn as -to render the possession of money indispensable, if we are not to be -exposed to delay and loss. For instance, it is essential to have a -valuation made of the revenues of the places offered to the Queen, in -order to make sure that they are not passed off for more than they are -worth. Now, this valuation will cost not less than 300 or 400 crowns, -and so without this sum we cannot conclude the negotiations. Again, -I have had notice that the King refuses to provide for the Queen’s -expenses after the Feast of St. John (June 24), and wishes her to live -at her own charges from her own revenues, and I am afraid of their -pressing the matter in such a manner as to render refusal impossible. -For we must admit that the King, when surrounded with difficulties -himself, has done his utmost for the Queen. It is now more than ten -months since the salaries of the Queen’s household have been paid, and -her people have received only paper cheques, or drafts. How many of -these are ever likely to be paid, God only knows! The Queen’s servants -are so utterly destitute of money that they have often had to undergo a -hardship quite without precedent. On some days there were not funds in -the palace to provide the table of the nobles and courtiers, and those -who did not care to fast had to procure their own dinner. - -Those who understand the arrangements of the Queen’s household declare -that it would be to the advantage of the Queen and her household for -her to live at her own charges, instead of being hampered with the -present arrangement. Bellegarde, the other royal ambassador, who was to -go through Italy, is said to have fallen sick. - - - - -LETTER XVIII. - - -[A business letter with reference to the dower, and therefore omitted. -It is dated June 1575.] - - - - -LETTER XIX. - - -[Another business letter. It is dated June 1575. To it is attached the -following postscript.] - -News has lately come to Paris that Mademoiselle de Bourbon,[68] -daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, who ran away from the nunnery -of which she was abbess, and took refuge in Germany, has married the -Prince of Orange; the report finds credit everywhere. - - - - -LETTER XX. - - -I sent quite lately, by Peter the courier, such statements as seemed -necessary, and I think my despatches must have already reached your -Majesty. - -I now write by order of the Queen. - -To-day she summoned me into her presence and told me she was quite -certain from the present aspect of affairs, and specially from -the greater severity with which Montmorency was guarded, and the -circumstance that the King was levying troops, that there was every -prospect of war, and of all the confusion that must necessarily follow -in its train. - -She instructed me to write to your Majesty, and urge this additional -reason for expediting her journey home. She says she has borne her -position patiently as long as she could, but she foresees that it will -soon become intolerable. I told the Queen that I would humbly obey -her orders, although I felt sure that your Majesty, after reading my -last despatches, would do all that was possible towards forwarding her -return, and that on this account my letter would be unnecessary. - -Having informed your Majesty of my conversation with the Queen, I -consider I have executed her commands, and do not think any petition or -prayer necessary on my part, in order to induce your Majesty to accede -to the natural desire of your most loving daughter. - -If we can trust the news we hear, war is already at our gates, and a -war which holds out no prospect of relief, but, on the contrary, will -aggravate the misfortunes and miseries of France; this is saying a -great deal, for the country is already in so bad a state that to make -it worse seemed a downright impossibility. - -But if the report be true that Condé and the other exiles will bring -strong forces to the support of their friends, there are no bounds -to the mischief that will ensue; in that case the existence of the -present _régime_ will hang on a thread, and be in the utmost danger; -for then the contest will be, not as to whose opinion shall have weight -in council, or who shall stand first in honour and rank, or who shall -administer the affairs of the kingdom, but simply _who shall wear the -crown_. - -If the King should gain the day, it is easy to see that he will stand -upon his rights, and punish the rebels as traitors; while, if the -other party should prove victorious, they will bring the King to trial -for his tyrannical conduct. He must expect no mercy or forgiveness; -he has often tried issues with them, and still oftener broken his -word, until at last none will believe it. It is to be feared also that -the flames of civil war are likely to spread over a wider area than -existing appearances would seem to indicate; for there are many who -smother their grievances at present, though they are disgusted with the -treatment they have themselves received and the miserable condition of -the country, and these, it is to be apprehended, will flock to Condé’s -standard. The voice of the country is undoubtedly on his side, as all -are dissatisfied with the manner in which the government is at present -conducted. - -The case of Montmorency, to which I have alluded, stands thus. His -prospects (of regaining his liberty) appeared to be good, and he was -being treated with much more indulgence than before, when tidings -came of his brother, Damville[69]; then all of a sudden there was a -complete change, and the prison rules were made much stricter: by the -King’s orders all his servants were removed, and, though seriously ill, -he was not allowed to keep so much as his physician or his cook, new -servants being appointed by the King. This alteration in his treatment -has caused the greatest alarm to his mother and other relatives, for -they think that this is a first step towards taking him off by poison. - -The King is so sure of Damville’s being dead that he has already given -away every one of his offices and commands. He is supposed to have died -of the plague fever on the last day of last month. - -His friends refuse to regard him as dead and console themselves with a -vague hope that he is still alive. - -I trust that no delay or difficulty will arise with regard to the -Queen’s journey; still, if it had not been finally settled otherwise, -I am not sure that the route by the Netherlands would not be the most -convenient. In any case, that road will always be open to her, should -the others be blocked. But your Majesty will decide what is best. - -The Portuguese ambassador has arrived and called yesterday on the -Queen. The King was indisposed, but is now better. - - Paris, June 13, 1575.[70] - - - - -LETTER XXI. - - -The Duke of Lorraine and Vaudemont are, they say, expected here in the -course of two or three days. - -The tedious and difficult negotiations about peace have kept Paris in -suspense for a long time. The following appears to be the result: the -deputies from the insurgents have not been able to carry all their -points, and the King, on his part, has not succeeded in inducing them -to accept his terms. They have therefore agreed upon a compromise, -the clauses of which are to be referred to Condé, Damville, and the -confederate towns: should they accept them, peace will be declared; -in the other case, war will be resumed. But it will be much easier to -declare war than to carry it on, as France is terribly reduced, and the -King himself is in the greatest straits for want of money. - -The religious question, which in the Netherlands is the only obstacle -to peace, has not been considered here as a matter of paramount -importance, and the King has made no difficulty about granting liberty -of conscience; there were other points which were more difficult for -him to digest—to wit, that the rebels should have possession of two -cities in each province, in addition to those which they now hold, as -places of refuge in time of trouble. They demand also that members of -their party should be admitted into the Parliaments, and that the King -should pay the wages of the German reiters who have taken service with -them; and, again, that the States-General be convened. If this last -should be granted, the Queen Mother will be in great danger of losing -her authority. There are some other points, which your Majesty will -learn from the enclosed paper. - -Never did France so hunger after peace; never was the country so -unanimous in desiring it. On other occasions it has been sometimes the -Order of the Clergy and sometimes the Order of the People, which has -been averse to a pacification; now all exclaim with one voice that war -means ruin. But the peace, I suspect, will not last long,[71] since it -has been obtained by compulsion, and granted by necessity. - -Moreover, I have observed that the authority of the Crown has -marvellously declined; men have shaken off their respect for the King’s -name, and are like horses who have got rid of their traces and fairly -bolted. The revolutionary spirit is rampant; some people are extremely -unpopular; feuds among the chiefs run high—these feuds are of old -standing and cemented with the blood of slaughtered kinsmen; to settle -and arrange such differences would require much trouble, ample time, -and infinite tact. I see that some people in a high position think -that it would be to the advantage of France if certain illustrious -gentlemen were to quit the country, and all the nobles who wish for war -were to find a field abroad, thereby relieving their country of anxiety -and trouble. From all this we may safely conclude that quiet in France -(if quiet be possible!) means a great disturbance in the atmosphere -elsewhere. On this ground some—not without reason, perhaps—remember -with regret, how useful Milan[72] was as a training-school for the -education of young French soldiers, and also as a means of letting out, -without injury to the rest of the body, that bad blood of which France -has such store. - -The nation desires Condé to be appointed to lead a force into the -Netherlands to the assistance of Orange, for it is thought that it will -be no small gain to France if he is sent beyond the borders. Condé is -himself possessed of considerable resources, and will be well supported -by his party, who wish to see him famous and great; they will the more -readily fall in with this plan because it will remove him from the -scene of danger and place him where he will be safe under the shadow of -that great Prince (Orange). - -Meanwhile the Royalists will rejoice at this opportunity of delivering -France from a troublesome and restless crew, and congratulate -themselves that the quarrel is to be fought out in the Netherlands -instead of France. - -I must explain that nothing is so hateful to your French gentleman as -quiet and repose. He would rather be rolling the stone of Sisyphus -than keep still; he is for ever hunting after an enterprise; he would -fain do something great; if that something be honourable, all the -better, but if there be difficulty on that score, he is not particular; -so long as it affords a field for the display of courage and skill, -and is thought dashing, the question whether it is right or wrong is -absolutely immaterial. These are the ideas which nature has planted in -him, and example confirmed, while long years of lawlessness and licence -have made their practice a habit. - -Hugo de Blot, the Netherlander, is anxious to enter your Majesty’s -service; as no better post is to be had, he has applied for the -comparatively humble position of librarian. He has asked me to -recommend him. - -I am fully aware how little weight my word can be expected to carry, -feeling as I do that I have need to be recommended myself instead of -recommending others; still I trust your Majesty will not be offended at -my mentioning the subject. I know De Blot to be both a good scholar and -an honest man; there are, however, two people who will be able to give -most positive testimony as to his character—Bishop Listhius[73] and -Lazarus Schwendi,[74] for they both selected him to take care of their -boys—he was their tutor for several years in Italy—and if they judged -him fit to take care of their _boys_ (liberos) I conclude he is quite -fit to take care of your Majesty’s _books_ (libros). - -I do not wish to press the matter further. I have now given my -testimony on behalf of an excellent gentleman, and at the same time I -feel I have done my duty to your Majesty in introducing to your notice -a man who will fill the post admirably. Your Majesty will now come to -a decision as to the appointment, and of the wisdom of that decision, -whatever it may be, I entertain not the slightest doubt.[75] - -The Spanish Ambassador told me that the Duke of Medina de Rio Sicco is -coming hither from his Sovereign to congratulate the King of France -on his marriage. An ambassador is also coming from Portugal on the -same errand: I believe he has been six months on the road, although he -arrived a few days ago at Nantes, a town in Brittany. - -The King is suffering from influenza, but is not supposed to be in -any danger. There was a report quite lately that the Duke of Savoy -had taken Savona, but it is not believed to be true. As to Jorneton, -of whom your Majesty writes in the letter dated May 2, your Majesty’s -orders shall be obeyed. - -Madame de Montmorency, formerly wife of the Constable of France, who -was then in such high estate, is now in great misery and affliction on -account of her sons; she has earnestly besought the Queen to procure -letters from your Majesty to the King of France, asking him to release -her son, the Maréchal de Montmorency, from his long imprisonment. The -Queen has given me instructions to write to your Majesty about this -business. I should have had some hesitation in complying with her -wishes, if any ground still existed for the dreadful suspicions which -were at first entertained with regard to his case; but facts have now -transpired which tend to show that these suspicions rested on little -or no foundation, and people are beginning to take a juster view; -indeed, the Queen Mother could not be kept from visiting Montmorency, -and chatted with him for some time. Under these circumstances, I feel -that I cannot do wrong in obeying the Queen’s orders, and that your -Majesty might write to the King on the subject of Montmorency’s release -in perfect confidence that such a suggestion will not be taken amiss -in any quarter. Undoubtedly this great and honoured lady (Madame de -Montmorency) has shown the utmost kindness and attention to the Queen -during the whole of her residence in France; she has never failed to -support her in every way, and on her assistance, advice, and loyalty -the Queen has been always able to reckon; such services may well claim -your Majesty’s kind consideration, and this is a good opportunity of -manifesting your gratitude. - -By adopting the course which I venture to suggest, your Majesty will -not only gratify the Queen, but will also lay the whole House of -Montmorency—which now, indeed, is brought low, but must one day rise -again—under an obligation so great that it can never be forgotten. - - Paris, June 7, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXII. - - -Not long ago I called upon the King of Portugal’s Ambassador, and a few -days later he returned my call. I had a conversation with him which is -perhaps of no great importance, but it is as well that your Majesty -should hear of it. - -He spoke of the Queen in the highest terms, and then let fall some -words of regret at the bereavement she had undergone. Her husband, he -remarked, had died in the flower of life, and she was very young to be -a widow. On my replying that it was God’s will, and we must accept His -decrees without murmuring, the Ambassador interrupted me with a remark -that the Queen would have great difficulty in finding a second husband -of such rank as would justify her in marrying him, seeing that her -first husband had been a very great and powerful King. - -Hereon I remarked that it was by no means an unusual thing for the -queens of great kings, on the death of their husbands, to marry -potentates of inferior rank, and sometimes to take even dukes as their -husbands. I was able to quote, as an instance, Mary, the sister of -Henry VIII., King of England, who on the death of her first husband, -Louis XII., King of France, was, at her brother’s desire, married in -England to the Duke of Suffolk. ‘Still,’ said the Ambassador, ‘if I am -any judge of looks, she is too proud to marry anyone lower in rank than -her first husband.’ Thereon I replied, that I had good reason to know -that any idea of a second marriage was most distasteful to the Queen, -who cherished in her heart the memory of the husband she had lost, -but never could forget. Still, I observed, she was a lady of great -judgment and discretion, one who would, I was sure, always be willing -to take her parents’ advice and submit to their wishes. The Ambassador -expressed his appreciation of such discretion, and we proceeded to -discuss other topics, coming back at last to the old subject, and -talking of the connection between the Houses of Austria and Portugal, -which dates from the time of the Emperor Frederic.[76] He concluded -his remarks by saying that he hoped to see the old alliance renewed by -another marriage between the two Houses. - -By the way, I must not forget to say that just before this he had been -expressing his regret at the Queen’s leaving France, and going so far -away. - -Whatever may be the meaning of his observations, I see no reason for -hiding them from your Majesty. - -As to the other matters, Damville,[77] who was lately reported as dead, -appears to have come to life again; the prayers of his friends have had -more weight than those of his enemies; but, after all, it is a very -common thing in France for people to accept idle rumours as established -facts, without suspending their judgment or giving themselves time to -ascertain the truth. It is quite certain that he was very ill, and some -declare that his symptoms indicated poison. Montmorency is now more -gently dealt with, and receives the same treatment as he did before the -rigour of his confinement was increased. - -The delegates of the insurgents are expected here in the course of a -few days, with the answer of their party as to peace or war. Endless -people have endless reasons to give for expecting that the answer -will be favourable. For my own part, I should be sorry to express an -opinion one way or the other; indeed, so many changes take place, and -so many rumours are about, that I should not like to pledge myself -for anything I had not seen with my own eyes. Meanwhile war is going -on, but it does not seem to promise any decisive result calculated to -affect the issue of the struggle. Insignificant towns and places are -daily lost or recaptured, and the most important news we have had this -long while is of a severe defeat the Swiss received the other day in -Dauphiny,[78] some companies being completely annihilated. - -The Queen is quite well, but cannot help fretting at the delay. She -longs to return home; she is also yearning to see her daughter; her -wish, however, cannot be gratified, as she has not funds for the -journey; indeed, she is so poor that meals are no longer served at any -table save that at which the Queen herself sits. Rations of bread and -wine are issued to the rest of her people, and with this they have to -content themselves as best they may. - - Paris, July 7, 1575. - - -If the King of Portugal wishes for the marriage, and your Majesty is -disposed to consent, advantage might be taken of the opportunity now -afforded of sending the Queen straight from Paris to Portugal without -much expense. - -I see our friends in France have not yet given up all hope with regard -to their claims on Poland, for they are said to be sending thither -200,000 crowns, which they have borrowed from the Duke of Savoy. He -has received the marquisate of Saluzzo as security for his advances. -Pibrac, too, it is supposed, will be able to do some good by visiting -the Palatines[79] one by one, and making an appeal to them in the -King’s name. - - - - -LETTER XXIII. - - -It is not long since I gave your Majesty an account of my conversation -with the Portuguese Ambassador, to be taken for whatever it might be -worth. I have nothing of much importance to add, except that, a few -days after the letter was despatched, the Queen was threatened with -an illness. Fever was apprehended, and there were some premonitory -symptoms, but they passed off without developing into anything serious. -Her physicians attributed the illness to grief and trouble of mind. She -is much distressed at the long postponement of her visit to Amboise, -on which she had set her heart, and also, I imagine, at her detention -in France, from which she has long been panting to fly. I hope to find -on the arrival of the next courier, that your Majesty has made such -arrangements as will relieve the Queen’s anxiety. - -As for other news, the condition of things here is unchanged, except -that Montbrun is said to have been taken prisoner. After cutting to -pieces some companies of Swiss, as I mentioned in a former letter, he -shortly afterwards found himself in the presence of a concentration -of Royal troops. Charging them with more courage than discretion, he -advanced too far, could not cut his way back, and, after receiving -several wounds, was taken prisoner. This event caused great joy here, -as of all the men in arms against the King none was considered more -determined than Montbrun. When all the rest of the party were stunned -by the slaughter of the King’s enemies on Saint Bartholomew’s day, he -came forward as the most valiant champion of the cause; his was the -first sword that was unsheathed, and his the example that roused others -to action. Some think he will be brought to Paris. If so, his doom, I -fear, is sealed; he is too brave to be forgiven; well for him if his -wounds prove mortal, so that he may die a soldier’s death. But he is -not altogether unavenged, for the Royalists were severely handled in -the skirmish in which he was taken prisoner.[80] - -On Tuesday the marriage of the Marquis de Nomeny was celebrated, in -the presence of Vaudemont, his father, and the Duke of Lorraine, his -kinsman. There were amusements of various kinds, and a magnificent -entertainment. None of the Princes were at the banquet, not even -Alençon, the King’s brother, who came only to the ball, and his sister -did not go even to that.[81] I must not forget to mention that, when -the Guises wished to have the honour of serving the King, the sons of -the late Prince de Condé quietly slipped in, and anticipated them. It -is not the first prize they have taken from them. It is strange that -Frenchmen cannot find a more honourable field for rivalry. - -People would fain believe that there are good hopes of the peace -negotiations succeeding. The King, however, they say, after Montbrun -was taken prisoner, ordered 1,000 fresh cavalry to be raised. Why he -has done so, I cannot say, but I am quite certain of one thing, that, -if peace is made, it will not be because he wishes for it, but because -he cannot help himself. - - Paris, July 16, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXIV. - - -A gentleman lately returned from Poland has assured the King (and, for -the matter of that, people here are not scrupulous as to what they -assert) that he had induced the Poles to agree to accept a Viceroy -during the King’s absence. Pibrac’s letters, however, told a different -story; he says there are two policies by which the crown of Poland may -be kept: if the King will go there himself, there is a certainty of -success; and if he will send 200,000 crowns, there is a chance of it. -The last plan will probably be tried. - -The Portuguese Ambassador has taken a house, and is expected to remain -here for some time. One of his suite has been sent to the King of -Portugal, and is likely to return shortly with an answer. Some people -fancy that his mission concerns your Majesty’s daughter. - -It is now nearly six weeks since the courier left, and our friends here -keep asking when he will return, as they want to finish the business -and relieve themselves of the burden of maintaining the Queen. There -is a notion that it will be to her advantage if her affairs are placed -under the protection of a Prince or some prominent man; the Duc de -Nevers[82] is mentioned for the office, which he would readily, I -fancy, volunteer to take. But a serious drawback to such an arrangement -is that it would probably excite the Queen Mother’s jealousy; she would -not like the notion of the Queen being placed under the guardianship -of anyone but herself. I think, therefore, that any application to the -Duke should be made privately; a secret understanding would be best, -but as to its remaining secret, I am doubtful. The Comte de Retz, one -of the Marshals of France, has been most kind in labouring to promote -the Queen’s interests; he has called on me at my lodgings about her -business. - -As regards myself, your Majesty will be graciously pleased to come to -some decision. For my own part, I think the best course your Majesty -can adopt will be to consider me a useless old soldier who has earned -his discharge, and to treat me accordingly. Still, I am inclined to -think it would not be amiss for some one to remain here for a time. For -the people who managed the property of former Queens tell me that many -things happened after their departure which required the presence of -a good man of business on the spot; while Queen Leonora[83] was three -years out of France before the final settlement of her affairs, which -was impeded by various obstacles, could be satisfactorily effected. I -trust, of course, we shall profit by the experience of other Queens, -and so take measures to meet many difficulties beforehand. Still, when -you have a shifty and tricky nation to deal with, it is impossible to -foresee every contingency, and emergencies may often occur requiring -the intervention of a faithful servant. The Queen will have worthy -gentlemen in France, namely, her Chancellor, her Councillors, her -Secretaries, her Procureurs, and her Advocates, all of whom are zealous -for her interests, and to their discretion much, I think, may be safely -trusted. - -At my request on a former occasion, your Majesty sent me credentials, -which were dated, I believe, in February; I have not presented them -yet, because I thought it would be for the Queen’s interest if I said I -had no power to settle anything finally, for under these circumstances -they would be more careful as to what they offered, as they could -easily understand it would be useless to expect your Majesty to accept -anything that was not fair. I should now be glad to have a fresh copy -of those credentials, as they may prove necessary. - -I wrote from Lyons asking your Majesty to send some watches as -presents for friends who have ere now done us good service, and whose -assistance we may need again. I feel I should be wanting in my duty to -your Majesty, if I did not renew my request. One might as well try to -make bricks without straw as to conduct affairs of this kind without -presents. - -We had some hopes of obtaining 10,000 crowns in Paris, but were -disappointed; there is nothing coming in from our friends here, so we -are often at a loss for want of funds. I therefore implore your Majesty -to give this matter your serious consideration, for we have no hope of -bringing back any sum worth mentioning—indeed, I doubt if we shall have -enough for the journey. - -I spoke to the King and the Queen Mother, and they assured me that they -would see the Queen was escorted to the German frontier in the most -honourable manner. Your Majesty, in return, will be graciously pleased -to inform us at the earliest moment to what place you wish the Queen -to be escorted by her French suite, where I trust such preparations -will be made as will show the French escort that your Majesty is not -indifferent to that which concerns the Queen’s honour. It will be well, -too, that the noble ladies and maidens attending her from motives -of duty or affection should feel that they have been well treated, -for they are sure on their return to talk about their reception. The -Queen has been long intending to go to Amboise; she is naturally -anxious to see her daughter before leaving France, but her wish is -still unaccomplished, owing to her want of funds. When this difficulty -is removed she will start on her journey. I think she will be away -twenty-four or twenty-five days. - -On the 23rd of last month a courier arrived with despatches from your -Majesty, from which I learnt your Majesty’s views as to the course -to be pursued with regard to the two proposals made by the King. By -the Queen’s desire the matter was considered by her Council. Her -wisest advisers thought we ought to accept that proposal which offered -the best security, and at the same time tended most to her honour, -following herein the principle adopted by steady fathers of families, -who make it a rule to prefer _good security_ to _high interest_. For, -after all, the proposal we have rejected would inevitably have left a -large portion of the Queen’s income subject to various contingencies -and dependent on another’s pleasure. True, it would have been illegal -to wrong the Queen, but, in the present state of France, people think -more of what they _must_ do than of what they _ought_ to do. The Bishop -of Paris, indeed, continued of the same opinion, but his opposition -appeared to proceed more from prejudice than reason. - -When this was settled, I went to the King and Queen, and having saluted -them in the name of your Majesty, whose letter I presented, I said -that your Majesty had hoped that the marriage contracts would have -been adhered to and fully carried out, but that, as you understood -from Monsieur de Vulcob,[84] who was at your Court, as well as from my -despatches, in what trouble and difficulty France was involved, you -did not wish to press the point, and had frankly accepted the King’s -proposals, in the hope that he would perform his promises in a liberal -spirit, so as to compensate the Queen in some measure for the rights -she had abandoned. I said, further, that it was by your Majesty’s -advice that the Queen had chosen the proposal which offered the larger -settlement on Crown lands, as being the nearest to the tenor of the -marriage contract. Both replied in the most gracious terms. Among other -remarks the King made in speaking of his goodwill to your Majesty, he -declared that he knew your Majesty’s fatherly affection for him from -your having, when he was at Vienna, given him such excellent advice, -telling him to prefer mercy to severity, and to choose peace rather -than war. With these views, he said, he quite coincided, but remarked -that Kings were not always allowed to have their own way. As to the -Queen’s departure, he said, he owed so much to your Majesty, and France -so much to the Queen, that it was alike his duty and his pleasure to -do everything he could for her. If needful, he would provide for her -escort, not merely as far as Nancy, but whithersoever your Majesty -might wish. As, however, your Majesty had chosen Nancy, he would take -care that she should be escorted thither in the most honourable manner -at the date appointed. - -As for Montmorency, the King replied that he had offered to stand his -trial and prove his innocence; that he might be able to do so was -his earnest hope and wish. But if, unhappily, Montmorency should be -found guilty, he would be compelled to act solely with a view to the -interests of his realm, and he thought your Majesty in his position -would do the same. Otherwise, he would most gladly do whatever he could -to oblige your Majesty. - -I concluded by asking that arbitrators might be appointed, according -to precedent, to make a valuation of the Crown lands in the provinces -which he was assigning to the Queen. He agreed to do so, but asked -me, as he was ignorant of such business, either to put my request in -writing or to see the Chancellor and Councillors about it. And so I -left the King. - -I was much gratified during my interview with the Chancellor at the -warm terms in which he spoke of your Majesty’s kindness to him when he -went to Vienna, and the great affection he professed for the Queen. -However, he appeared much surprised at our decision with regard to -the two proposals. De Morvilliers also expressed astonishment, which -has made me feel rather suspicious of the whole business, as I think -there is something in the proposal we have accepted by which we shall -lose and the King gain; for hitherto I have found them anything but -generous, refusing to make the smallest concession to the Queen, or the -smallest sacrifice on behalf of the King. - -As to the state of the kingdom, there is but little difference since -I wrote last. The King has just now assembled a body, which I can -only describe as a shadow of the States-General. He nominated six -persons from each province and city, choosing those on whose support -he thought he could best reckon, the clergy, the _noblesse_, and the -people being each represented by two members. He laid before these mock -States-General the miseries of the country, and the emptiness of the -treasury, and then proceeded to ask for a subsidy. After the Orders of -the clergy and the _noblesse_ had given fairly satisfactory answers, -the representatives of the popular Order said ‘that they would inform -their friends of the King’s request, and would bring back whatever -answer the community at large might decide to give. They could not do -more, as they had not been summoned to deliberate, but simply to learn -the wishes of the King.’ As the latter was much dissatisfied with such -a reply, they were at last induced to agree that every man should pay -to the King the price of one day’s food, and it is supposed that in so -great a country as France this will produce a very considerable sum. -They made this promise, however, only conditionally, and subject to its -ratification by their fellows. All who spoke endeavoured to impress -upon the King that, if he did not conclude peace, ruin was inevitable. - -As regards the prospect of peace, matters are so complicated and -uncertain that it is difficult to judge. There are strong reasons for -desiring it: the country is in a most miserable state, the war is most -unpopular, money is scarce, revolution is raising her head; but again -there are difficulties in the way: the terms offered are hard, there -are old grudges on either side, the King’s word commands no confidence, -the party in power has lost its authority, and royalty its prestige. -Which way the scale will turn it is not easy to tell. Meanwhile there -is no break in the war; they are fighting more fiercely than ever. The -King has lately ordered his troops to burn all the crops in Languedoc -within their reach, causing thereby as much loss to the loyalists as -to his enemies. There is also a report that the King has raised new -levies of cavalry, and that Condé is coming with an army. Some of his -party tried a few days ago to surprise certain towns, among which -were Poitiers, Compiègne, Amiens, and Besançon. From these attempts -it is thought in Paris that peace is probable. As it was agreed that -each party should retain what they actually held at the termination -of the war, this condition is supposed to be the motive for these -attempts. Further, however much inclined for peace the King and Condé -may be, still people think that neither will treat except sword in -hand. As to the credit to be attached to these reports, I am by no -means certain, but I think I can answer for one thing, that, if they -make peace between themselves, they will attack their neighbours, in -order to give an outlet to all those uneasy spirits who if left at -home would be a danger to the State. Genoa seems convenient for this -purpose, and perhaps the Netherlands also; at any rate, one hears -already of speeches made by certain Princes, who say that, if the King -gives permission, they will go to the assistance of Genoa with 1,500 -gentlemen. The journeys of the Fregosi[85] and the Biragues to and from -Italy, and the unusually frequent conferences between the Papal Legate -and the King, make many people suspect that something is brewing. Of -the rebel delegates who were expected with an answer about peace, some -have come back already, and the others are said to be on the road, and -are expected shortly—among them Beauvois de la Nocle,[86] who is sent -back by Condé. If this be so, the issue of the negotiations will ere -long be known for certain. - -As for the affairs of the Netherlands, I do not doubt your Majesty -is fully informed of everything. They do not, therefore, properly -come within my province; still there will be no harm in sending the -following particulars. After the taking of Buren[87] the persons -appointed by the two parties separated without effecting anything or -even concluding an armistice. The Royalists hope to finish the war by -force of arms, and are therefore prosecuting it vigorously by land; -they are also fitting out a fleet once more. Their chances of speedy -success will be considerably increased by their obtaining a supply of -small galleys, which are independent of winds and tides. By means of -such boats Mondragon[88] has ferried his troops over to some islands, -and intends to occupy others as opportunities occur, his design being -thus to cut off Zealand from Holland, and prevent them from helping -each other. However successful the Royalists may be, it will be a long -business, and who can tell what may happen in the interval to create -fresh difficulties for them? Of this much there is no doubt: Orange -has openly declared that, if he finds himself beaten, he will, as a -last resource, enter into negotiations with England or France or some -other power, and place a foreign Sovereign in possession.[89] In spite -of this clear declaration of his intentions, there are people who are -so confident in the present state of affairs that they take no thought -for the future. Three days ago, they say, a gentleman came to Paris -from the Governor of the Netherlands to ask the Duke of Lorraine’s -permission for the passage through his territories of some thousands of -Spaniards and Italians, whom the King of Spain, it appears, is sending -to the Netherlands. If this be so, there are misfortunes yet in store -for that unhappy country. - -The King, whose natural melancholy is increased by the troubles of -the times, in order to divert his thoughts has instituted a club, the -members of which take turns to invite him and the whole Court. At these -entertainments there is much merry-making and dancing. The people -grumble at these festivities; they think it wrong for the King to give -himself up to revels, when the distress of the country is so great and -so wide-spread, as if the miseries of France concerned him not, or -there was nothing more he could do to alleviate them. - -The day after your Majesty’s letter was presented to the King, -Vaudemont paid a long visit to Montmorency; on leaving, he said that he -had little doubt of his innocence, and would not hesitate, if bail were -wanted, to be his surety. He afterwards repeated to several gentlemen -his conversation with Montmorency. The latter had professed to him his -entire innocence. There is no need to trouble your Majesty with an -account of what passed. - -There is a report current that the municipality of Paris was ready, out -of love to the Queen, to defray the yearly expenses of herself and her -household, if she would remain here. The proposal, they say, was not -actually made, because they were afraid that, if the Queen refused, the -King on hearing of it would lay claim to the money and employ it for -his own private purposes. Whether this story is founded on fact or not, -there is no doubt that people are constantly saying that it will be a -bad day for France when the Queen goes away.[90] - -The King’s desire to retain the Crown of Poland will probably be a -powerful motive for making peace, as his advisers consider his chances -are hopeless if civil war continues in France. The Poles, they say, -will never believe that anything is to be got out of people who -have their hands so full at home; but if peace is made, they may be -convinced that the money will be forthcoming, and that the King will -some day return to Poland. - -Your Frenchman will gratify his own desires regardless of the ruin and -destruction he causes to others; all with whom the French have been -concerned have been brought to ruin, or at any rate to the brink of it, -and this, I fear, will be the fate of Poland and Genoa. - - Paris, July, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXV. - - -No provision has as yet been made for the money required for the -Queen’s service, in spite of my reiterated requests; not only were the -former letters of no avail, but the orders of your Majesty’s Chamber, -which were lately sent to Augsburg, have proved equally inefficacious. -Accordingly, we have been fooled not twice, as the proverb says, but -three or four times. Meanwhile the Queen requires ready money for many -purposes, and we can think of no plan for defraying our necessary -expenses without money, or for procuring it without damaging our -character; consequently we are in great difficulties. I send your -Majesty a list of ladies to whom special presents ought to be made -at the Queen’s departure; they must be given, or she will be thought -to have behaved unhandsomely. The list is long, and the expense will -consequently be considerable. Again, as the Queen is not likely, when -she leaves the country, to have a farthing remaining out of her French -allowances, funds will be required for the expenses of her journey from -Nancy to Ratisbon, which must be paid in ready money. It is hardly -necessary for me to point out how closely the matter concerns the -honour both of your Majesty and the Queen. As to the watches, about -which I have received no answer, I again most humbly entreat your -Majesty to send them. If we are left without the means of acknowledging -the kindnesses we have received, your Majesty will hereafter find -people disobliging when their assistance is needed. Matters occur every -day in which the help of faithful friends is indispensable, and there -can be no doubt that these little presents are of great use in securing -such services. I feel so certain that I am right, that I venture once -more to entreat your Majesty to send me three or four watches of the -most elegant workmanship. - -As regards your Majesty’s desire that I should remain in Paris, it is -my duty to obey, though I feel myself almost too old for the work. I -wish, however, to acquaint your Majesty with the fact that my expenses, -including those of the five journeys I have made in the course of the -last twelvemonth or so, will far exceed my ordinary salary. I received -from Monsieur de Morvilliers 500 crowns on condition that they should -be repaid to Monsieur de Vulcob at Vienna. I most humbly beseech your -Majesty to give the necessary orders accordingly, and to charge the -money to the account of my yearly salary. - -The Queen, it appears, has still chances left her, and your Majesty -will probably have plenty of aspirants to her hand, from whom you -may choose a new son-in-law! Duke Eric of Brunswick[91] has sent a -gentleman hither with credentials, Doctor Joachim Gotzen, to offer the -Queen a share in his bed and board. He likewise offers his portion -of the Duchy of Brunswick, such as it is, and 100,000 crowns which -he has in France, and undertakes that, if he dies without children, -his dominions and the rest of his property shall go to the House of -Austria. As the Doctor hinted and suggested instead of using plain -language, the Queen could only make a guess at what he meant. When he -pressed for an answer, she referred him to me. Accordingly he repeated -his story to me, and asked me to get the Queen to give him an answer in -person. I told him that her husband’s death had been a great shock, and -that any suggestion of a second marriage, whoever the person might be, -was most distasteful to her. An answer from herself was therefore out -of the question. I added, that the Duke could write, if he pleased, to -your Majesty, whose ward she had again become by her husband’s death, -and that he would get an answer from you. I treated him throughout -the conversation with all possible courtesy, and contrived to satisfy -him with this reply, which he took back to his master. He only asked -me that the matter might not go further; I promised it should remain -a secret, and I also undertook at his request, should I ever fall in -with the Duke, to bear witness to the care and loyalty with which he -had discharged his commission. The letter was written from Aachen, and -bore the following address, in the Duke’s own handwriting, as I think, -‘De V. R. Mag^d muy fiel y leal servidor hasta à la muerte, qui sus -reales manos besa mas de cien mil vezes, El Duque Erico de Brunswicque -y Lunenburg.’ - -If matters go on as they have begun, the Palace will be as full of -dissension as the rest of France. Every day the discords between the -Princes increase, even between those who ought to be most closely -united by the ties of blood and kindred. Alençon cannot keep quiet: he -is on the watch for an opportunity to upset the Government, and will -probably end by attempting some notable _coup d’état_. Some suspect -him of even aspiring to the throne. It is all the Queen Mother can do -to keep him from throwing off his allegiance. Not that she wishes to -humiliate him, for she is very fond of him, and anxious to advance his -interests in every way. Possibly in this she has an eye to her own -advantage, in order to gain Alençon’s protection against his brother’s -power, in case her influence over the King should ever diminish. There -is also no love lost between Alençon and the Duke of Guise. The former -is supposed to have some secret understanding with the Huguenots, -and people think that he was privy to the attempts recently made on a -number of towns, in which some of his friends lost their lives. His -confidant in all his designs is his sister, who is on bad terms with -the King and the new Queen. For the matter of that, she does not stand -well with her husband, the Duc de Vendôme; there are strange stories -about her. - - Paris, July, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXVI. - - -On the 18th of this month the Queen started for Amboise. On her -departure from Paris the King accompanied her to the gates of the city, -and his brother, Vendôme, and Guise somewhat further, while the Duke -of Lorraine with the Cardinal of Este, the Duc de Mayenne, the Duc -d’Aumale, and the Marquis de Nomeny escorted her to the village[92] -where she dined. As I was sitting at table there with the Duke of -Lorraine and the Cardinal of Este, each of them spoke much of their -affection for your Majesty and the great honour that had been done -them in being chosen, the one to escort the Queen on her journey, and -the other to receive her as his guest. The Duke of Lorraine told me -that in three or four days he was returning home to make the necessary -preparations for the Queen’s arrival; he is also afraid of disturbances -arising in his absence, there being a very general report in Paris that -2,000 German reiters are coming, who are to make their way in light -marching order through Burgundy and Switzerland to join Damville, and -that more will shortly follow, as 8,000 have been hired. This is the -topic of general conversation, and the military preparations which the -King has been making show that he regards the news as well-founded. - -On the 24th of the same month we arrived at Amboise, where I saw your -Majesty’s grand-daughter. The child is not yet quite three years old, -is by no means bad looking, though more like her father than her -mother, and is of a very merry disposition.[93] - -The Queen intends to start for Nancy as soon as possible after her -return to Paris, which she hopes will be about September 8. If it lay -with me to decide, I should prefer her not remaining more than eight or -ten days in Paris. Unfortunately this is not the case, so I can only -do all in my power to hasten her departure. - - Amboise, August 25, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXVII. - - -As regards the affairs of this kingdom, I have not much to tell. The -report that the German reiters are coming has made the Royalists rush -to arms; hopes of peace, however, are not altogether abandoned. They -seem to think they will make peace on more favourable terms if they -are ready for war. The King, passing over his brother, who, according -to precedent, was entitled to that office, has appointed Guise his -Lieutenant and Commander-in-chief. He is now raising troops in the -district of Langres. It is supposed, however, that they are neither -very numerous nor trustworthy, and that there are many among them who -would rather be vanquished than victorious. Although the war is only -just beginning, money is already lacking to carry it on, and the King -has had recourse to a forced loan from the Princes of his Court and the -leading men of the kingdom. The Chancellor contributed 4,000 francs; -Lansac, de Morvilliers, and several others, 3,000 a-piece; while the -Constable—that is, the Duchess Dowager of Montmorency—was assessed at -6,000 francs, which are equivalent to 2,000 crowns. The sums so raised -are said to amount to 100,000 crowns. Such are the straits to which -France is reduced. - -Attempts, they say, have been made by the rebels on several -towns—Tours, Chartres, and many others—in which free use was made of -Alençon’s name. Though matters have gone so far, commissioners from -the rebels for the conclusion of peace are still expected in Paris. -Besme, the German—who was the actual murderer of Admiral Coligny—on -his way back from Spain, fell into the hands of the enemy, and is in -great danger, but Guise leaves no stone unturned in order to liberate -him.[94] Montbrun’s wounds were such that recovery was impossible, -but, anxious that he should not die, save by the hands of the -executioner, they caused him to be beheaded at Grenoble. As the English -Ambassador[95] was suspected of having secret dealings with Alençon -and others, the King has requested all the Ambassadors to quit their -houses in the faubourgs and come into the city, where it will be easier -to protect them; this, at least, is the reason assigned. The new Queen -has had an attack of jaundice, but has been steadily improving for the -last few days. As for other news, desperate atrocities are every day -committed in Paris; murder and lust run riot together. Even into the -King’s own ante-chamber they carry their brawls and quarrels, and come -to blows when they are all but in his presence. No notice is taken -of these outrages, and apparently they are not regarded as offences -against the King. - -I had got to this point in my letter a few days after the courier’s -arrival in Paris, and hoped to send him back without delay, when news -of great importance reached me, of which your Majesty must be informed. -Alençon, the King’s brother, who is eager to upset the Government, -and has long been on bad terms with his brother, has fled from Paris. -Having arranged his plans some time before, he pretended on the evening -of September 15 to be going to certain ladies, whom he had made a habit -of visiting in order to throw the King off his guard. He drove there -in a carriage with only two companions, one of whom he sent back to -the Palace to see what the King and Queen Mother were doing; with the -other he went into the house. But he was no sooner inside than he went -out by a back door, got into another carriage, which was waiting for -him, and drove off to a trysting-place not far away, where horses and -companions were waiting for him.[96] Others joined them on the road, so -that before he reached Dreux, where he arrived in twenty-four hours, -travelling without intermission, he had, it is believed, an escort of -almost 200 men. Dreux is a county forming part of his appanage, not far -from Normandy. He was admitted by the inhabitants, not so much from any -affection towards him, as because they were taken by surprise, and not -prepared to resist so strong a party. - -Meanwhile, the gentleman whom he had sent back to the King returned -to the house, and finding him gone brought the news to the King. The -latter at first hoped he would return. But when time passed, and he -did not appear, suspicion became certainty, and they knew that he had -fled. Parties were despatched to bring him back, but all in vain; he -had got some hours’ start of his pursuers and had lost no time on the -road. Moreover, some of the King’s people had a hint that it might -be dangerous to pursue the chase too far, for they found on the road -the dead body of one of the Royal Guards, whose duty it was to patrol -that district. The man had challenged Alençon, and asked who he was, -and where he was going. His comrade—for there were two of them—would -have shared his fate, but he had the presence of mind, when his horse -was killed by a shot, to lie still and pretend to be dead. After this -warning the pursuers gave up the chase. It would have been madness -for them to continue it, as they knew he was strongly escorted, while -they were mere stragglers hurrying along without any attempt at -organisation, as naturally is the case in a sudden and extemporised -pursuit. Alençon’s flight—or departure, as some may call it—has -produced a deep impression on the King and the Queen Mother, as they -foresee what a serious addition it will make to the other calamities of -France. - -The next day the King ordered Nevers to follow his brother with -some regiments of cavalry to prevent the towns from revolting, and -to protect them against assault. He has fixed his head-quarters at -Chartres, probably in order to cut off Alençon from the Loire, and to -prevent his penetrating into the country on the other side of that -river, where he must retreat if he wishes to join his partisans. A few -days afterwards the Queen Mother followed, in the hope of recalling -him to his senses before he was utterly perverted by intercourse with -rebels; but she was not allowed to see him. Indeed, her coming had the -contrary effect, for Alençon, suspecting foul play, and thinking he -had evidence of something of the kind, set out for the Loire with his -followers by a circuitous route, in order to cross while it was still -fordable by reason of the drought of last summer, and thus ensure his -safety and facilitate his junction with the King’s opponents. Behind -him came the Queen and Nevers—his mother and his foe. The latter would -have attacked him whenever an opportunity presented itself, as was -the case at his passage of the Loire, but was forbidden by the Queen. -She was anxious to avoid an engagement as long as possible, for any -bloodshed might make war inevitable. At last, after crossing the river, -he granted an audience to his mother. She spoke, they say, with great -ability, representing to him the disastrous condition of the country, -and reminding him that the course he was taking would greatly aggravate -existing evils; ‘he, who was the heir presumptive to the crown, ought -to be the last man,’ she told him, ‘to split the kingdom in two.’ -The result of the interview was that an armistice for a few days was -arranged, to give time for the delegates of the different parties to -assemble, and for peace negotiations to be opened. - -Meanwhile, it was decided that Montmorency should be released from -prison, on giving his parole not to leave Paris without the King’s -permission. Alençon is also said to have demanded that certain very -influential persons should be removed from Court. Among them the -Chancellor is included, and some other councillors of the King, who, -Alençon thinks, are hostile to himself and his party. - -But his chief motive for running away, it is supposed, was a desire -to escape from the degrading surveillance under which he was kept; -he remembered that when his brother occupied the same position, he -possessed unbounded influence and had the revenues of some of the -richest provinces to support his rank, while _he_, on the other hand, -was granted but trifling allowances, exercised no influence, and could -scarcely call himself his own master.[97] Charles IX. had appointed -the present King his Lieutenant, and had entrusted him with the entire -management of the war and with the government of the country; while -_he_ had been passed over in favour of Guise. It was not likely that -a young Prince, eager for adventure and thirsting for war and glory, -would patiently submit to such treatment. Hence he was induced to take -this serious step, the consequences of which God only knows. There is -an impression that the King had been warned by letters from several -people of Alençon’s intentions, and had resolved to place him under -closer surveillance, but the Prince escaped the day before the one on -which he was to have been arrested. - -On the 10th of this month news arrived here of the defeat of the German -reiters by Guise. As they were marching into Berry to join Alençon, -Guise came upon them at the passage of the Marne and routed the part -that had crossed, their commander, Affenstein, being killed, and -Monsieur de Clervant[98] taken prisoner. Those who had not yet crossed -were terrified by the disaster, and began to treat for a surrender. -The King was consulted, and decided that their surrender should be -accepted, on condition of their not serving against him for a year. -They were left in possession of their horses, swords, and cuirasses, -and the rest of their accoutrements, having to give up only their -standards and fire-arms, and an escort was appointed to conduct them -over the frontier. Thoré, the son of the Constable, and many Frenchmen -besides, to the number of 200, who were with the Germans, crossed the -river in the middle of the night, and so escaped safe and sound. The -Germans accuse them of deserting them, while they retort on the Germans -that, though the safety of the army depended on its speed, they could -not be induced to leave their baggage behind to lighten them on their -march, and declare that the disaster, in which they lost not only their -baggage but everything else, was due to their wilfulness. They say -that Guise during his pursuit of the Germans often had the chance of -plundering this baggage-train, but that he was deterred by the advice -of an experienced general, who said that it would delay their march, -and finally compel them to fight at a disadvantage. Be that as it may, -the disgrace of these troops is in my opinion greater than their actual -loss. Our friends in Paris are much elated at their victory. The fate -of the Frenchmen who escaped by their speed is uncertain, for there -are plenty to pursue them. Guise, however, himself did not come out of -the encounter scot free; he received a serious wound in the jaw from -a musket ball, and was at first considered to be in great danger; the -King, who loves him very dearly, gave him up for lost, and was much -distressed. Now, however, he is expected to recover. - -The day before the news of this battle arrived, the King set -Montmorency free, and restored him to his former influential position. -Accordingly, he is made acquainted with the chief secrets of State, -as he used to be, and now, in the absence of Alençon and the rest of -the Princes of the Blood, takes precedence next to the King. There -is a notion that he, accompanied by Cossé, will shortly join the -Queen Mother to act as a mediator. Alençon, people think, will return -to-morrow to his mother at Blois to re-open negotiations. To me the -whole story sounds suspicious, and, granted that he does go back there, -I think they will hardly come to terms. But supposing they do, it is -to my mind quite certain that war will presently follow, either in the -Netherlands or in Italy with Alençon as the nominal or, perhaps, the -real commander. - -To-day news has arrived here that Thoré and his followers after routing -those who barred their passage, have reached the Loire. He has, they -say, about 400 horse, among whom are many Germans. Whether he will be -able to cross is uncertain, as a strong force has been collected in -hopes of crushing him. Two thousand of Alençon’s cavalry with some -infantry are reported to be awaiting his arrival on the other side of -the Loire. - - Paris, October 14, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXVIII. - - -On September 12, the day the Queen returned to Paris from Amboise, -the courier arrived and delivered to me your Majesty’s letter and -instructions. On the following day I asked an audience of the King, -but was put off till the next day. After complimenting the King and -the Queen Mother in your Majesty’s name, I laid your request before -them—namely, that the date appointed for the Queen’s departure should -be adhered to. The King answered he would do what he could to meet -your Majesty’s views. I replied that it was of great consequence that -I should have a definite answer to send to your Majesty, as otherwise -the ladies and gentlemen, who were to meet the Queen at Nancy by your -Majesty’s orders, might find themselves in an awkward position. He -agreed that the request was reasonable, and promised to lay the matter -before the Council, and give me a definite answer on the morrow. So -passed away that day and the next, which was the 15th of the month, -the day on the evening of which Alençon fled. I received almost the -same answer from the Queen Mother, except that she added some further -details about the expenses of the journey, saying that the whole sum -could not be paid down in specie, but that an appropriation would be -made for pressing expenses, while for those that need not be paid -on the spot good warrants would be given. The arrangement was not -an unreasonable one, and the Queen’s business appeared at that time -to be in a fair way, but then came Alençon’s flight, which caused a -hitch. For some days the King could not attend to me; at last, on the -19th, in consequence of my pressing applications for such an answer -as would relieve your Majesty from uncertainty, I was granted an -audience. The King at the beginning of our conversation requested me -to inform your Majesty of his unhappy misfortune,—these were the very -words he used—saying, he felt confident from the relationship that -existed between your Majesty and himself, and from the kindness he -had experienced at your hands, that you would sympathise with him. He -remembered that your Majesty had on former occasions advised Alençon -to keep clear of revolutionary designs. His conduct was the more -unjustifiable, he said, as he was not conscious of having done anything -on his part to give him a reason for forming these projects or running -away. It was by the evil counsels of bad people that he had been -seduced from his allegiance, though on his side he had behaved towards -him like an affectionate brother. This unexpected event prevented his -sending back the Queen at the time arranged, and I must see myself -the difficulties that surrounded him. What the King said was only too -true, and accordingly I answered that I would comply with his request -and write as he wished to your Majesty, saying, ‘I felt no doubt that -your Majesty, with whom he was connected by so many ties, would give -him the warmest sympathy in his troubles, and would gladly afford him -any assistance in your power.’ I then used such language as I thought -was likely to comfort him. As to the Queen’s departure, I told him that -your Majesty was most anxious to have her back, and that your plans did -not admit of her prolonged absence, and asked him, if it was impossible -for her to leave at once, at any rate to fix the earliest possible -date. He said he would consider my request, and promised to send me an -answer on the following day together with his letter to your Majesty. -At my interview with the Queen Mother almost the same language was -used on both sides, except that I added that I thought, if the Queen’s -departure were put off much longer, your Majesty would be obliged to -consider how to bring her home at your own expense, for you felt that a -longer separation was unbearable. - -From that time to this I have never ceased pressing the King every day -and demanding an answer, but my efforts have been of no avail. The -truth is, the King has given his ministers instructions to find the -funds necessary for the Queen’s journey, but this is a very difficult -matter, and, until he is sure of the money, he cannot positively fix -the date at which she is to leave. In the mean time due attention has -been paid to all the interests of the Queen. A valuation has been made -of the Crown lands, and also of the other property. A contract has been -drawn up, and a demand has been made that the deficiency in value of -the Crown lands assigned should be made good. For the Duchy of Berry -with the County of Le Forez, the upper and lower parts of La Marche, -and Remorantin did not come to much above 26,000 francs, so that nearly -6,000 were wanting to make up the sum the King had promised. To find -them was no easy task, in consequence of the small amount of Crown -lands available, and the difficulty was increased by the irregular and -unbusinesslike conduct of certain officials of the King, who tried to -make out that the said places had been undervalued, and wanted us, in -consequence of their own fault, to be content with 26,000 instead of -32,000 francs. At last, after some trouble, it was arranged that two -places should be added, to be taken from the Duchy of Bourbon—namely, -the towns of Murat and Gannat—and so a total of 32,000 francs in Crown -lands was made up, and the remaining sums were secured as in the -schedule annexed. All possible care and discretion have been used in -making these arrangements. - -As regards the Queen’s departure, I should not like to promise myself -an answer from the King for many days. The grant of 32,000 crowns is -all very well, but there is enormous trouble in getting them paid down -in hard cash: 20,000 of them, for which a warrant on Rouen has been -given, will begin to come in on November 15, and this sum, I hope, may -be relied on. This leaves 12,000 to be provided; it might have taken -us a long time to procure this sum, and we might have been obliged in -consequence to postpone the Queen’s departure, but fortunately your -Majesty’s bounty has made us independent so far; a large sum has been -remitted by the Nuremburg merchants, and even if we have no answer from -the King, I feel confident that the Queen will be able to set out -about November 25 or 26. For I think it better to risk our money than -to lose our time, lest, in the changes of this mortal life, something -should occur to make us regret deeply the loss of the opportunity; -though I feel no doubt that the 12,000 crowns decreed by the King can -be secured for the Queen even after she has gone. When the day of her -departure draws near, the Queen will send a courier of her own to -bring your Majesty news of the final arrangements. In order to relieve -your Majesty’s anxiety, it has been decided not to detain the present -courier any longer; the Queen would have sent him back some days ago -if she had not been waiting for the King’s letter to your Majesty; he -keeps promising to send it every day, but it does not come. - -One point with reference to the Queen’s journey remains for -consideration, and that is a serious one. More German reiters are said -to be on the point of entering France, and there is danger of the seat -of war being transferred to Champagne and the country through which -her Majesty is to travel; so that it is doubtful whether the road to -Nancy will be safe, or, indeed, if it will be open at all. Of course -no one will do any harm to the Queen, but it would be impossible to -answer for the safety of her French suite, and it would not perhaps be -consistent with the King’s dignity to beg his enemies to grant them a -sort of passage on sufferance, and to place at their mercy Frenchmen -of the highest position, and ladies of exalted rank, especially as -nothing is safe from the lawlessness and insolence of the times. As -to these matters, the King can settle nothing at present, as he does -not know what may be the state of things six weeks hence; but I see -that all the prudent and sensible men of my acquaintance entertain -serious doubts as to the safety of this route. If it should happen to -be closed, I doubt if there is a more convenient way than that through -the Netherlands, by Cambrai, Valenciennes, Mons, Namur, and thence -either to Coblentz or Trier. Here, again, we are met by a difficulty, -for perhaps the Governor of the Low Countries may not care to have -such a number of French people travelling through these territories -at the present time. This may be obviated by the French suite being -sent back from Cambrai or Valenciennes, and by the servants whom your -Majesty will send, such as cooks, butlers, waiters, &c., being ready -to meet the Queen at either of those places. For she is to take none -of her domestic servants beyond Nancy, as your Majesty will have -graciously understood from the list of her retinue which was forwarded -some time ago. There ought to be some gentlemen at the head of each -department; but this whole scheme of going through the Netherlands is -full of difficulties, and is much more inconvenient than the other. -Still, if we are compelled to take it, we must manage as best we can. -I am willing to hope for the best, and that this _détour_ may not be -necessary; but if we are disappointed—and disappointments do come—I -should wish to be prepared for the worst, and to have some arrangement -to fall back upon, instead of having to waste time in making out a -new one from beginning to end. I think it prudent, therefore, to have -our plans ready in case of need; and in the meantime to sound the -Governor’s disposition by letter, so that if we cannot get through by -any other road, at any rate this way may be open to us; but the final -decision will, of course, rest with your Majesty. - -As regards the money forwarded to the Queen from Nuremberg by your -Majesty’s order, I have hitherto received no letter from your Majesty; -but the agent of the merchants informed me that such and such an amount -was to be placed to the Queen’s credit, that the time of payment was -the end of October, and that he would meanwhile collect the money; but, -if there was any need for it sooner, he would pay down part of it. No -doubt we shall soon have despatches from your Majesty, and I shall -then understand the bearings of this business more clearly. I have -also received no answer as yet to my requests about the watches and my -own affairs. As regards the Kinsky question, I will do as your Majesty -orders, when Schomberg[99] returns from the campaign on which he is -now away with Monsieur de Guise; or, if he answers the letter I sent -him, I will inform your Majesty of his reply. I have received from de -Morvilliers, the Bishop of Orleans ... crown pistoles on account of my -yearly salary. I most humbly beg your Majesty graciously to order that -amount to be paid to Monsieur de Vulcob in the usual way. - - Paris, October 23, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXIX. - - -I sent in my last letters by Peter the courier such news as I had. -Since then I received your Majesty’s letter from Prague, dated -September 4, which informed me that arrangements had been made with -a Nuremberg merchant for remitting the money to the Queen. The bills -of exchange will, I trust, shortly arrive. Without this money it is -impossible to guarantee the Queen’s return; for, though magnificent -promises are held out to us, they are not to be relied on in these -troublous times, when the country is so ground down with taxation. The -20,000 crowns are thought to be certain; but there will not be much -left out of them after paying the wages of the household and making -preparations for the journey; 12,000 more are promised, a sum which -would be abundantly sufficient if we could reckon on it, but I am -afraid the prospect of its being paid is somewhat remote, and to wait -for the money would be to subject the Queen to endless trouble and -vexation, and perhaps cause injury to her health. For her anxiety to -return to your Majesty, and to be quit of the troubles and hurly-burly -of France, is unspeakable. I hope, too, your Majesty will remember what -a dutiful and obedient daughter she has always been, and will therefore -comply with her very reasonable request, and, now that she has been -led to count on returning, not let her after all be disappointed. As -regards the route she is to take, I hope your Majesty will graciously -give the question your serious consideration. For here, indeed, there -are continual reports that more German reiters are coming, and, in -fact, are actually ready to march; if this be true, there is also fear -that the seat of war may be transferred to the countries through which -lies the road to Lorraine. - -The Countess of Aremberg[100] has written from Nancy to inform the -Queen of her arrival there, and also to inquire what she wishes her -to do, and what hope there may be of her soon leaving. She tells her -that she has been away for some time, and is much wanted at home, but -will postpone everything if she can be of any use. The Queen replied -that there was not much hope of her leaving before November 25; she -might, therefore, revisit her home in the meantime, provided that -she presented herself at Nancy by that day to give the Queen the -advantage of her society and company on the journey, according to your -Majesty’s desire. To prevent her making any mistake about the day, -she would later on send a letter to inform her fully of the intended -arrangements. It will, I think, take the Countess six or, at the -utmost, seven days to travel from Nancy to her home. - -As for other news, the state of affairs here is much the same as -it was; what little alteration there has been is for the worse, as -Alençon’s last move has made people less hopeful as to peace. Till -lately he appeared to approve of Blois as a safe place for holding -the negotiations, but he is now said to have changed his mind, and to -demand Poitiers, his reason being that none of the King’s opponents -will trust themselves at Blois, as it is too near Paris and they are -afraid of foul play. There is a notion that his real motive is not -peace, but to obtain possession of a strongly fortified town. Time -will show. Montmorency, to whom everybody’s thoughts are turned as the -best mediator between the opposing parties, set out a few days ago -for Alençon’s quarters. When he started from Paris he was escorted -by a multitude of gentlemen and courtiers. He is indeed a remarkable -instance of fortune’s changes, for only recently he was in great danger -and so hated and despised by everyone that his strong prison-walls -seemed scarcely able to protect him from the violence and insults of -the mob and his enemies. His brother, Thoré, with his troops, has got -safe to Alençon, after routing at various places those who tried to -oppose his march, and taking prisoners some who pursued him too eagerly. - -As to your Majesty’s gracious answer about the watches, it is my duty -to be most humbly satisfied with whatever meets with your Majesty’s -approbation. - - Paris, October 23, 1575. - - -I must also humbly beseech your Majesty to give us betimes any -directions about the Queen’s departure and her journey, otherwise we -may be greatly inconvenienced by having to alter our plans at the -last moment. I shall endeavour to adhere to the arrangements already -mentioned, and intend to use my utmost efforts to have the Queen’s -preparations for the journey completed by November 25. Accordingly, -I mean about November 20 to send your Majesty tidings by a private -courier. He will hardly reach your Majesty before the 27th. Again, some -time will be required in order to apprise those who are to escort the -Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, and to enable them to reach Nancy. I -must therefore ask the Queen to postpone her departure to December 1, -so as to arrive at Nancy about the 10th or 11th of the same month. I -send these details in the hope that your Majesty will be graciously -pleased to correct any mistake I may have made. - - - - -LETTER XXX. - - -On the night before November 1, Louis du Guast was murdered in his bed; -he was stabbed in several places. The gates of Paris were kept shut all -the next day, and search was made for the murderers, but they could not -be found. The King’s brother Alençon is supposed to have instigated -the murder, or at any rate to have been privy to it, as he hated du -Guast as much as the King loved him.[101] The cause of their respective -hatred and affection was but trifling; still, for that very reason it -ought, I think, to be mentioned. Some years ago Thoré, the Constable’s -son, had been playing tennis with du Guast, and had lost a considerable -sum to him; on du Guast’s pressing for payment Thoré kept putting him -off and making excuses. Du Guast finally lost his temper, took some -horses out of Thoré’s stable, sold them by auction and paid himself -out of the proceeds. When this came to Thoré’s knowledge, he was -exceedingly annoyed, and quarrelled with du Guast, and ere long they -came to blows. The King, who was then Duke of Anjou (for the late King -was still alive), being informed of this, and fearing that du Guast, -who was his servant, would get the worst of it, as Thoré was the more -powerful man of the two, turned out with his guards to defend his -_protégé_. At the same time word was brought to Alençon that Thoré was -in great danger, as Anjou had come to du Guast’s assistance. Thereupon -he immediately brought up his escort to defend his friend Thoré. A -disgraceful contest seemed inevitable, but the Swiss behaved with great -discretion, and at last they parted without bloodshed. - -However, from that day forth the brothers have been at variance, and -the King has hated Thoré and the whole house of Montmorency. Du Guast, -on the other hand, has always had Alençon for his foe. Moreover, from -his reliance on the King’s favour he gave himself the habit of flouting -Alençon and speaking of him in disrespectful terms. His impertinence -has now cost him dear. - -This du Guast had been appointed by the King commander of the ten -regiments of Frenchmen which he had established after the model of the -Prætorian guard. Among them were many picked privates, serjeants, and -captains, who seldom left du Guast’s side, and generally messed at his -house at the King’s expense. Such was the splendour and sumptuousness -of his table that if any of the Princes, such as the Duke of Guise, or -the titular King of Navarre, chose to drop in upon him unexpectedly, -they never had any reason to regret it. Du Guast was enabled to live in -this magnificent style by the King’s generosity, for it is certain that -since he returned from Poland he has paid him more than 50,000 crowns -for his expenses. He, on the other hand, thought it a point of honour -not to be outdone by the King in generosity, and out of this vast sum -laid by nothing for himself, as is sufficiently proved by his debts, -which amount to 30,000 crowns. The King has taken his murder much to -heart, and there is reason to fear it may serve as a torch and make the -war between the two brothers blaze up more furiously than ever. - - Paris, November, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXXI. - - -On the 24th of last month, Laurence Scuter arrived, and delivered to -me your Majesty’s two letters, from one of which I learn that your -Majesty is anxious for definite information with regard to the Queen’s -departure, while in the other your Majesty graciously advises me of the -bill of exchange drawn on Nuremberg. - -As to the Queen’s departure, it has till now depended so entirely -on other people’s pleasure, and the issue of events on which it was -impossible to reckon, that I could not write with any certainty, either -in the letter which I sent by Peter the courier, or in that which I -despatched a little later by Mola of Augsburg. But now everything -is settled, and your Majesty will find in the enclosed paper a full -account of the arrangements connected with the Queen’s return. - -The only points on which I am still troubled are the weather and the -dangers of the road. Her Majesty will, I fear, find it a very bad time -of year for travelling, and I am also afraid that our best and shortest -route will be rendered impassable by the presence of the new levies of -German reiters. I trust I shall soon receive full instructions from -your Majesty. - -The Queen has decided to send off the messenger without further delay, -for fear your Majesty should, as on a former occasion, be kept waiting -for her answer. She will therefore despatch a second messenger, as soon -as the date of her departure is absolutely certain, to bring word to -your Majesty and at the same time to give notice to Ilsing,[102] in -order that he may write to the ladies and gentlemen whom your Majesty -has commanded to wait on the Queen. By this arrangement I hope we shall -be able to save several days. - -I will now give some account of affairs in France. A few days ago -Alençon, the King’s brother, took possession of Châtelherault,[103] a -town near Poitiers, with the free consent of the inhabitants. The Queen -Mother is endeavouring to arrange with him for a six months’ truce; -but he demands, as a guarantee of his personal safety, the possession -of four most important towns—Bourges the capital of Berry, Angers, -Angoulesme, and La Charité—and I hardly think the King will consent to -such hard terms, as they will be difficult places to retake, supposing -the negotiations for peace to prove a failure. It is evident the Queen -Mother will do her very utmost to prevent her sons from fighting, but -whether she will be able to stop them is more than I can say. - -The Duke of Guise has come back from the wars.[104] He arrived at -Paris the day before yesterday; crowds went out to meet him, and -everyone congratulated him warmly on his success. His wound is not as -yet perfectly healed, but it is no longer considered dangerous. - -Michel[105] has come to Paris as ambassador for the Republic of Venice. -Your Majesty must occasionally have seen him, as he was for many years -residing at Vienna. The King treats him with the highest distinction, -entertaining him splendidly, and causing him to be served as if he were -some Royal personage. For his expenses are assigned 800 francs per -diem. He has come to congratulate the King on his marriage. He called -on me lately, and spoke at great length of the profound respect and -regard which he entertained for your Majesty. - -I hear that the Pope has offered the King 3000 Swiss to assist him in -the war, which is now imminent, against his brother and the Huguenots. - -Pibrac’s relations tell me that they have been expecting to hear from -him for some time past, and, as he has not written, they think he -must be on the road home. In his former letters he had given them to -understand with tolerable plainness that he had little or no hope of -success, and had therefore resolved to take the very first opportunity -of quitting Poland. - -He felt sure that, if he remained in the country, some affront would -be put on him, not by members of the opposite party, but by his own -friends. The latter were not well treated when their influence was used -to dissolve the Diet, Pibrac being unable to keep his promises to them -on account of the failure of those on whom he relied. - -De Morvilliers has ordered 500 crowns to be paid to me; I humbly -beseech your Majesty to order that amount to be paid as usual to -Monsieur de Vulcob. - - Paris, November 9, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXXII. - - -After sending several times to Rouen to demand the money for the -Queen’s expenses during her journey, it was only yesterday that news -arrived of the payment of the last instalment. With these tidings came -also an answer to the Queen from the Queen Mother, expressing her -regret at being prevented by business of the greatest importance from -going to Paris and bidding the Queen farewell in person before she -left. After reading these letters the Queen came to the conclusion -that she was now at liberty to arrange a day for starting on her -journey. December 4 was appointed, with the approval of the King, whom -I thought it advisable to consult; in giving his sanction he expressed -much sorrow at the Queen’s departure being so near, saying he wished -he could have kept her longer in Paris, as he had no doubt that her -presence had saved the realm of France from many a misfortune, and was -afraid that her departure would be the signal for fresh calamities. - -The Queen thought that, as soon as it was definitely settled, she ought -to give your Majesty the earliest possible information as to the date -of her departure. Hitherto she has been afraid to write positively, -on account of the doubts and uncertainties with which we have been -surrounded, especially with regard to money, lest some difficulty -should arise which would prevent her from keeping her appointment with -those who are to meet her at Nancy. Now, however, there is nothing to -prevent her leaving on the day appointed, our funds being sufficient -for the expenses of the journey as far as Nancy. There is a prospect, -if we are willing to wait, of our raising more money, but for this we -shall have to give a charge on the Queen’s future income; to the King, -moreover, who is in great distress for money, this arrangement would -involve serious difficulties, while it would be no great benefit to the -Queen, as her departure must in that case certainly be postponed, and -it is by no means certain that she would after all obtain the money, so -that the funds provided by your Majesty have come in the nick of time -to relieve us of our difficulties. - -Though matters are thus far arranged, I do not think that the Queen can -reach Nancy before December 18 or 19, and I am not at all sure that she -will not be kept there for several days, if the report be true that -preparations are being made for the marriage of the Duke of Lorraine’s -sister to the Duke of Brunswick, in which case the ceremony will -probably take place about that date. - -I have instructed the bearer of this letter to give notice of the date -of the Queen’s departure to the Duke of Lorraine at Nancy, the Bishop -of Strasburg[106] at Saverne in Alsace, and Ilsing at Augsburg. - -The Queen sent forward part of her furniture eight days ago, and also -four waggons of Orleans wine, which she thought would be beneficial -in the present state of your Majesty’s health, in order that, if she -should not reach the Danube herself before it was frozen, at any rate -her luggage might be able to go by water. With the baggage train were -sent some greyhounds, and also a couple of lime-hounds,[107] under the -charge of a young gentleman and two servants, who accompany them by the -orders of the King. This young gentleman is a skilful huntsman, and it -is hoped that your Majesty will be diverted at hearing him blow his -horn, and cheer on his dogs in the French fashion. - -As to John Kinsky’s business, I applied to Schomberg.[108] He maintains -that he does not owe Kinsky a farthing; he admits that he was in his -debt at one time, but declares he paid the money over some time ago to -certain parties by Kinsky’s directions, and maintains that it is no -affair of his if the aforesaid parties have failed to make good the -sum which they received. In proof of his assertion he brings forward -the fact that the bond he gave to Kinsky has been returned. I asked -him whether he could produce a genuine letter from Kinsky directing -him to pay the money to the parties he had mentioned. He told me ‘he -did not remember: he generally tore up letters of this kind; but still -it was possible that he might have it—at any rate, he was quite sure -that Kinsky had given him distinct verbal directions to that effect.’ -He next proceeded to abuse Kinsky for thus maligning him, and accused -him of trying to take away his character, threatening to make him pay -for it if he continued to libel him. I asked him to give me in writing -the statements he had made, that I might send them to your Majesty. He -agreed to do so, but has not kept his promise: I cannot say whether he -failed through want of time or want of will, for two days later the -King sent him out of Paris, and whither he went I cannot say. - -The names of those who are to escort the Queen back I am unable to -ascertain, for nearly every day there is a change of circumstances, and -a corresponding change is made in the list. However, the appointment -of the Cardinal d’Este is certain. Those who are also named are the -Duke of Mayenne, the Bishop of Paris, Monsieur de Luxembourg, and some -others; but whether they will come with us or not, after all, is, to -my mind, by no means certain. As to the ladies whom I mentioned in -a former letter, no change has been made; but some think that the -Comtesse de Retz will be added to the number. - -Pibrac returned from Poland three days ago, after making his way -through the Hanse towns and the Netherlands. - -The Comtesse d’Aremberg has been given notice of the time when the -Queen is to start. - - Paris, November 9, 1575. - - -The Queen Mother has at last succeeded in concluding a truce for -six months on the terms of the King’s surrendering to his brother -(Alençon) certain cities as a guarantee for his safety, viz., Bourges, -Angoulesme, Mézières, Niort, La Charité, and Saumur. At the last two -towns there are bridges over the Loire, so that Alençon can march, when -it pleases him, either into Burgundy or into Brittany; Niort opens -communication for him with Rochelle, while Angoulesme connects him with -the insurgent forces, and is moreover strongly fortified, as also is -Bourges, the chief town of Berry. But he has not obtained possession of -more than two of these places, viz., Niort and Saumur, the other towns -are up in arms and will not consent to the transfer, from a fear that -the most frightful calamities are in store for them if Alençon should -become their master, especially in the event of the peace negotiations -proving a failure. Accordingly, they are preparing to do battle, and -are supposed to have entered into alliance with other towns, Orleans -to wit and Moulins. - -The Queen Mother is said to be thinking of visiting them in the hope -that her presence will recall them to their obedience. Whether she will -succeed or not I cannot say. - -Meanwhile the truce is publicly proclaimed in Paris; but, nevertheless, -on the other side, German reiters are said to have crossed the Rhine, -and to be marching into the interior, and this makes many people think -that no reliance can be placed on the truce. The King, indeed, has -also undertaken to pay Casimir and the soldiers under his command -500,000 francs to go off home without causing further trouble. Not -having sufficient funds for this purpose, he has sent jewels of great -value to the Duke of Lorraine, who is to retain them as a pledge, and -then become security to Casimir for the payment of the money. The -Duke, however, has the option of taking some neighbouring town in pawn -instead of the jewels. I am afraid it is easier to call in German horse -than to send them back; and, even if they leave France, there is fear -of their pouring into the Netherlands. - -Mézières was appointed as the residence of the Prince of Condé, and -the King has also undertaken to pay 2,000 infantry who are to form -Alençon’s garrisons in the towns already mentioned. But the chief -difficulty that is likely to occur with regard to the truce is Condé’s -promise to pay certain sums to the German horse for crossing the Rhine; -such at least is the story, and the King, if he wishes for peace, will -have to make good the money. However that may be, they say that Condé -and Casimir have entered into a covenant to help each other in case -of war; and just as Casimir came to the aid of Condé, so hereafter, -should need require, Condé will lead his party to the assistance of -Casimir. If this report is correct, it is a matter deserving serious -consideration. In any case, the truce has been made after such a -fashion as to render it quite plain that the King consented to it not -of his own free will, but by compulsion. - -What would it have availed him to nurse his wrath, and make plans -for some mighty undertaking, for the accomplishment of which his -resources are totally inadequate, when the only result would be to -make his weakness plain and risk his crown? Being utterly unprepared, -the only other course open to him was to submit to whatever terms his -adversaries thought fit to impose, and this latter alternative he chose. - - - - -LETTER XXXIII. - - -The Queen reached the town of Dormans six days after her departure from -Paris, and there she met the courier with your Majesty’s despatches; -from which I learnt your Majesty’s pleasure with regard to the -arrangements connected with the Queen’s journey, which I will do my -utmost to carry out. With reference to your Majesty’s desire that I -should attend the Queen to Vienna, and act on the journey as her chief -chamberlain, I beg to offer my most humble thanks for the honour thus -conferred. - -The Queen left Paris on the 5th of this month, amid the tears and -regrets of the entire population.[109] Great sorrow was also shown -by the upper classes, who are deeply attached to her. On the 19th she -reached Nancy. Our journey was not unattended with danger, for parties -of German reiters were scouring the country; but our party was not -molested in any way. The Duke of Lorraine, with his Court, came as far -as the first milestone to meet her, and received her with every mark of -honour. - -That same evening was celebrated the marriage of Eric, Duke of -Brunswick, to Dorothea, sister of Lorraine. The Queen was present at -the ceremony, but did not appear at the banquet and other festivities. -On the next day Count von Schwartzenberg came to the Queen with a small -party of Austrian noblemen.[110] Schwendi would have accompanied them -if he had not been confined to his house by sickness; however, he has -written, promising to meet us on the road if his health permits. On the -22nd, William, Duke of Bavaria, and his wife, arrived. The Bishop of -Strasburg has not yet come, and from his letter which Schwendi sent me -I am inclined to think that he has been kept at home through fear of -the German reiters and Swiss infantry, whose road to Nancy lies through -his territory. - -Having heard nothing of Madame d’Aremberg’s coming, on the day after -our arrival the Queen decided to send a courier to her; he found her -at home, waiting for the Queen’s summons. This misunderstanding was the -result of an unlucky accident. Madame d’Aremberg had written to the -Queen at Paris asking for information as to her plans and movements; -the Queen sent back the answer by Madame d’Aremberg’s own messenger, -who promised to deliver it to his mistress within three days. After -all, the Queen’s reply, informing Madame d’Aremberg of the date of her -departure from Paris, and telling her what she wanted her to do, was -lost, and never reached its destination. This accident caused some -delay in the arrival of Madame d’Aremberg, but the Queen’s courier -brought back a letter from her, informing her that she would be here -to-morrow; she will require one day’s rest, so I think the Queen -will fix on Friday, the 30th of this month, for her departure. The -Master of the Order of St. John has not come, and, as I understand, is -not expected. The whole country side is kept in a state of alarm by -wandering parties of horse and foot-soldiers. It was on this account -that the Cardinal d’Este had to leave us in the middle of our journey -and return to Paris; he received a letter from the King informing him -that he had discovered a plot to waylay him on the road. The Bishop of -Paris has had a similar scare, and early last night he set off home -post haste under the escort of a strong body of dragoons. Some others -who are not safe in the neighbourhood of the (German) troops will be -compelled to slip off as best they may. The rest, who have no special -cause for fear, and are furnished with passports from Casimir, will -leave Nancy openly. - -Three days ago Casimir sent one of the chief officers of his -household, whose name, if I mistake not, is Diest von Sterckenburg, to -congratulate the Queen on her arrival, and tender his services; he was -also instructed to offer some explanations and apologies for the course -his master had taken, as your Majesty will learn at greater length -from the Queen’s own letter, for Casimir wished her to represent the -case herself, in the hope that your Majesty would be induced to take a -favourable view of his conduct. - -As I write this letter, bands of reiters are to be seen from the -ramparts marching past Nancy in the direction of St. Nicolas, on their -way to the town of Luneville. The Queen will have to pass through -both these places, but the troops will have moved on before our party -starts, and the only inconvenience we shall suffer from their presence -will be the rise they will cause in the price of provisions; nor is -even this slight disadvantage without its compensation, for this -movement will leave the road open for Madame d’Aremberg, which she -could not hitherto have traversed without danger. As to the destination -of these armaments, and what is to be the upshot of it all, it is not -easy to say. The King indeed is treating for a truce, and Alençon does -not seem unwilling to come to terms, but Condé and Casimir, while quite -prepared to conclude a peace, will not hear of a truce; they say that, -if they throw away this opportunity, it will not be in their power to -reassemble their forces, so that they are in a very different position -from the King, who can raise a fresh army whenever he pleases, and -therefore finds his advantage in a truce. Casimir also demands a large -sum in addition to the 500,000 francs already offered him by the King -for the withdrawal of his army, in order to make up the arrears of pay -due to his troops for their services in former campaigns when fighting -for the insurgents. From this we may conclude that nothing is yet -settled. - -Pibrac, whose return from Poland I mentioned before, is wont to say, -when talking privately, that the only advantage the Poles have gained -from their friendship with France is to catch the diseases which are -ruining the country—dissension and civil war. - -As to other matters, the Queen is in excellent health, and is supported -under all the troubles and fatigue which such travelling involves, -by one hope alone, to wit, the prospect of shortly being with your -Majesties. - -The elder Duchess of Lorraine[111] manifests the greatest pleasure at -the Queen’s arrival, and declares herself amply compensated by this -honour, both for the devotion she has ever felt for your Majesty, and -also for such services as it has lain in her power to render. She -wished me to give this message to your Majesty. - - Nancy, December 27, 1575. - - -_Note by Busbecq._—The letter is missing which I wrote in the village -of Markirch, informing his Majesty that our contract had been -registered by the Parliament of Paris. I also mentioned that ——, a -small town in Lorraine of considerable wealth, had been taken and -plundered by Condé’s soldiers; lastly I complained that the sums I -had obtained from Monsieur de Vulcob had not been repaid to him. This -letter was sent in a portmanteau together with a gold chain, which was -a present from the King, and as far as I know I have not kept a copy of -it. - - - - -LETTER XXXIV. - - -Yesterday the Queen arrived at Bâle, where we are now staying; -to-morrow she will leave it, and in four days we hope to reach -Schaffhausen. As to what is to be her next destination, and what -road she is to take to get there, those who have charge of these -arrangements have not, I see, quite decided, but the question will be -considered after we have reached Schaffhausen. I understand that we -are not to go through Villingen, and, whatever haste we make, I do -not imagine that we can get to Munich before the 27th or 28th of this -month. The Bishop of Strasburg will return home to-morrow. I judged -it well to write these particulars on the chance of my being able to -forward my letter to your Majesty, although I cannot be certain of -finding a bearer. - - Bâle, January 12, 1576. - - - - -LETTER XXXV. - - -The Queen arrived at Augsburg, January 27, and on the same day the -courier brought back letters from your Majesty, from which I learnt -your Majesty’s gracious pleasure with regard to the Queen’s movements, -to wit, that she should come to Vienna by the shortest and most -convenient route. I reported this to her Serene Highness, and she, -being eager to hasten on and join your Majesty at the earliest moment -possible, was in favour of a voyage down the Danube, as this is -supposed to be a good time for sailing. I then referred the matter to -William, Duke of Bavaria, and Count von Schwartzenberg, and they judged -it advisable to keep the courier until they should have laid all the -considerations before the elder Duke of Bavaria, and ascertained his -views as to the relative advantages of the water route and that by -land. In order to prevent delay, Duke William sent his own courier -forward to Munich, that the whole question might be discussed and -settled before the arrival of the Queen. Her Highness arrived at Munich -January 29. Duke Ferdinand with the Margrave of Baden met her at a -considerable distance from the city; they were attended by a large -force of cavalry, handsomely equipped, so that the Queen entered Munich -in great state. The elder Duke’s health was such as to prevent his -going out of doors to receive the Queen; he takes all the expenses of -her Highness and her retinue on himself, and will not allow them to be -at charges for anything; such a liberal reception makes it incumbent -on the Queen not to stay too long. The elder Duke, on being consulted -as to the Queen’s route, was in favour of the river, and said he would -take boat himself if he wanted to go down to Vienna; his opinion -therefore coincided with the Queen’s. She was eager to leave on Friday, -February 3, after a visit of four days, but as the Duke pressed her to -stay six days she decided not to refuse his earnest request, and so -February 6 was appointed for her departure. It will take two days to -get to Wasserburg, and then seven more to reach Vienna, so that, unless -something unforeseen should occur, I trust the Queen will reach Vienna -on the afternoon of February 13. God grant that we may be prospered in -our voyage, as we have been on the road; hitherto, in spite of some -changes and chances on the way, we have had a good journey, considering -the time of the year. - -The Queen herself has enjoyed excellent health throughout, save that -on the day she stopped at Bâle she was troubled with violent sickness; -this, however, served to relieve her stomach, and she has since been -perfectly well. William, Duke of Bavaria, and his wife treated her -with the utmost kindness and consideration, so that she had no need of -anyone else. The Bishop of Strasburg remained at Bâle. - -The noblemen who came to meet the Queen at Nancy attended her as far -as Ulm, where others took their place and have waited on her till now; -they will, however, stop here, or at any rate not follow her further -than Wasserburg. - -Your Majesty being thus informed of the Queen’s route, will now decide -as to any further arrangements that may be necessary. Your Majesty, of -course, knows best, but still I venture to observe that, as the Queen -has settled to go by water, a large body of attendants is in no way -necessary. - - Munich, January 31, 1576. - - -The time for our voyage has been lengthened by two days, as your -Majesty will see from the enclosed route, so that, I think, the Queen -will not be at Vienna before February 15; I have also made out a list, -as best I could, of the Queen’s servants and attendants, which I -thought would be useful in arranging for their lodgings. - - - - -LETTER XXXVI. - - -On the 31st of last month I despatched a letter by Gilles, groom of -the Queen’s bedchamber, giving your Majesty such particulars as I -judged to be necessary; to-day I received your Majesty’s letter of -January 31, being the same date as that on which I wrote myself; this -letter requires no reply, beyond stating that as soon as I received -your Majesty’s orders I lost no time in writing to the Governor of -Upper Austria, informing him of the date of our departure, and giving -him the same route I sent to your Majesty, with a list of the places -at which we intended stopping, and the dates on which we were to -be expected. He will, therefore, now be in a position to make the -necessary arrangements. I have no fresh news to give of the Queen, -except that she is looking forward with great longing to the 6th of -this month, when she will commence the last stage of her long journey -and be hurrying onward to her father’s arms. I asked her if she had -any message for your Majesty. ‘Only my best and warmest love,’ was her -reply.[112] - - Munich, February, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXXVII. - - -Your Majesty’s letter, dated February 4, reached me at the Monastery of -Ebersberg on the 7th, just as the Queen was about to enter her carriage -on her way to Wasserburg. I lost no time in communicating its contents -to the illustrious Duke of Bavaria, and Count von Schwartzenberg, and -they promised to reconsider the whole question of the route when they -got to Wasserburg. Accordingly, when we arrived, they took counsel -with the captain of the boat, but could not prevail on him to alter -his opinion. ‘He would do what he could,’ he said, ‘to reach Vienna -earlier, but the days were so short, the water was so low, and the -mornings were so dark, that it was impossible to promise more.’ -However, I am in great hopes that the Queen will be able to reach home -one or two days earlier than was arranged. - -The reason I did not mention in my former letter that the Duke of -Bavaria and his wife were coming, was that I assumed that he would -obey your Majesty’s commands, as he has always professed to do. But -had it been otherwise, and had some alteration been made so as to -deviate from your Majesty’s instructions, I should have lost no time in -communicating the fact. Under present circumstances, no change having -been made, I did not consider it necessary to write on the subject; -moreover, I believed the Duke had enclosed a letter to your Majesty in -the packet which he gave me to forward to Vienna, containing, I did -not doubt, some reference to his coming; lastly, I thought it probable -that a _maréchal de logis_ would be sent on in front to inform your -Majesty of the number and composition of his household. After all I was -mistaken. - -In accordance with your Majesty’s instructions I have written to -Gienger,[113] the Lord-Lieutenant, giving him such information as -I was able as to the dates of the Queen’s route, the number of her -attendants, &c., &c. I had had a letter from him, asking for this -information. So now, I think, everything has been settled. - - Wasserburg, February 8, 1576. - - - - -LETTERS FROM FRANCE. - - - - -BOOK II. - -LETTERS TO RODOLPH. - - - - -LETTER I. - - -I had to undertake a second journey to Blois, on behalf of your -Imperial Majesty’s sister the Queen of France (Elizabeth), and this -has prevented my writing again as soon as usual, for I was hoping -from day to day that my business would be settled one way or the -other, and I should be free to depart. In this I was disappointed, and -being unable to leave unfinished this business, which is of material -importance to the Queen, I came at last to the conclusion that I must -contrive to despatch a letter from here; and this I am now doing. -When I was admitted to the King on the business to which I alluded, -I took the opportunity of delivering to him your Imperial Majesty’s -despatches; the few words with which I introduced the subject were to -the effect, that your Imperial Majesty had heard on good authority -that he was a party to his brother’s[114] (Alençon’s) expedition -into the Netherlands, and that your Imperial Majesty did not believe -the statement; but that, if it was true, such interference seriously -affected the interests of your Majesty and the Electors of the Empire -and could not be tolerated, as he would learn at greater length from -your Imperial Majesty’s own letter. To this the King answered that he -had no connection with his brother’s proceedings, as might be shown -from the fact that the mischief done in the Netherlands was small -in comparison to what it would have been if his brother had had his -support in his late campaign. His brother, he added, was not in the -habit of asking or taking his advice; besides, he was now causing more -noise than harm; nay, if there was any ground of complaint it affected -rather himself and his subjects, who had for months been harassed and -plundered by his brother’s soldiers,[115] while the farmers of the -Netherlands were left unscathed; he would see what your Majesty wrote, -and would send a reply. - -I refrained from answering at greater length, and in sharper language, -out of regard to the Queen’s interest, which does not allow of my -lightly incurring the displeasure of the French court. The King’s reply -will reach your Majesty at the same time as this letter. - - March 25, 1582.[116] - - - - -LETTER II. - - -There is now no doubt of the Prince of Orange being alive and well; -but his wife[117] has died of an attack of pleurisy. The Prince was at -death’s door through the bursting of the maxillary vein; the loss of -blood was very great, and there seemed no possibility of stopping it, -so that his life was despaired of. For thirty-six hours he held the -wound together, but fresh relays of attendants were needed from time -to time to prop up his elbow with the hand, or otherwise he would have -been unequal to the exertion. - -The Queen of England is said to have supplied Alençon with a large -sum of money, namely, 300,000 crowns. It is also said that a bill has -been laid before the States-General proposing, if they accept him as -their Sovereign, to grant him one-fifth of their property towards -the expenses of the war. If this be carried, it will produce a very -considerable sum, sufficient to feed the war for a long time. The -Prince of Parma is besieging Oudenarde and battering its walls with -cannon; but the garrison are said to have sent word to Alençon that he -need fear nothing on their account for the next two months. Meanwhile, -by the capture of Alost, which is now in Alençon’s hands, a serious -loss has been inflicted on the Prince of Parma, who derived many great -advantages from the possession of the town. In it some gallant soldiers -were slaughtered, who preferred a glorious death to the dishonour of -surrender. - -Fifteen hundred German troopers, hired by Alençon, are reported to be -not far from Cambrai, with more to follow. They are joined by many -Frenchmen, apart from those who are already in the Netherlands, and -they are numerous. Apparently it is Alençon’s purpose to make the -Prince of Parma abandon the siege of Oudenarde by laying waste Hainault -or Artois. - -I hear Alençon has also sent emissaries into Italy to hire horsemen as -big as the Albanians.[118] - - May 30, 1582. - - - - -LETTER III. - - -Sharp fighting is going on. The Prince of Parma, after an unsuccessful -assault on Oudenarde, kept up a roar of cannon throughout the following -night, and battered the walls without cessation, in order to prevent -the townsmen repairing the breaches. This is the last news we have -had, but people do not think the town will be easy to storm, now that -Alençon’s reinforcements are coming up; they are scarcely two miles -from Arras, and if they do no more than burn the ripe crops, it will be -a crushing blow to that town, and also to others whose harvests will be -destroyed. - - April 26, 1582. - - - - -LETTER IV. - - -News has come that Oudenarde, after having been thrice unsuccessfully -assaulted, has surrendered to the Prince of Parma on honourable terms. -On the other hand, they say that Bouchain, a small but strongly -fortified town in Hainault, near Cambrai, has fallen into Alençon’s -hands through the treachery of the commandant appointed by the Prince -of Parma. - -Alençon proclaims himself a great champion of the Catholics, and in -many places has restored their churches to them. Hence some surmise -that his reign in those parts will not be a long one, as no dependence -can be placed in an alliance between parties of different religious -opinions; they think that the enemies of the Catholics wink at these -acts of his, on account of the destruction which now threatens, -but that, as soon as the danger shall have passed by, changes will -immediately follow. It will end, they say, in the Prince of Orange -carrying off the lion’s share of the spoil by securing to himself the -undisturbed possession of Holland and Zealand. - - June 12, 1582. - - - - -LETTER V. - - -The King has set out for Lyons. The reason of his journey is not -certainly known. His anxiety to be blessed with a son and heir, and -his devotion to shrines of high repute, render it probable that he -has gone to Lyons with the object of visiting on his way the shrine -of some saint famous for his miracles, and offering up his vows for -the birth of a son. He will be absent on this tour for more than two -months. The supreme power has in the meantime been vested in his mother -(Catherine de Medici); this will afford her a good opportunity of -favouring Alençon, and assisting him with the ample succours placed at -her disposal. - - July 4, 1582. - - - - -LETTER VI. - - -There is at last no doubt as to the disastrous defeat of the French -at the Azores,[119] letters having come from Spain confirming the -previous account, though differing slightly in some particulars. - -Among other details, we learn that Strozzi, and the man they call -Don Antonio’s Constable, were taken prisoners, but were so severely -wounded that they died soon afterwards. The French declare that poison -was poured into their wounds to hasten their death. Forty nobles were -beheaded as pirates, because they were unable to show any commission -from the King authorising the expedition; for the same reason three -hundred common soldiers were hanged. We hear also that the victory -was won by the Lisbon fleet alone, the cooperating squadron[120] -not having come up in time to take part in the action. Report says -that they owe this great success to the size of their vessels and -the calibre of their guns.[121] The French, burning for revenge, are -so exasperated that I think it will be a long time before it will -be safe for a Spaniard to show himself in France; they will hurry -with redoubled zeal into the Netherlands—whether to avenge their -countrymen’s fall or share it, God only knows. - -At any rate it is quite certain that large numbers of soldiers are -everywhere pouring into the Netherlands, and that Alençon will shortly -have a very large army. The chiefs are the Prince Dauphin,[122] -Rochefoucauld, and Laval, the son of d’Andelot.[123] What they lack is -an old and experienced leader, and people think that this deficiency -will be supplied at the right moment. Biron is no doubt the man they -mean. I mentioned in a former letter that Alençon had asked for him, -and been refused by the King. People think, that when affairs are ripe, -he will avail himself of the King’s absence to leave France secretly -and join Alençon, by order of the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici), -and moreover that his example will be followed by several regiments of -royal cavalry which are quartered on the Netherland frontier; just as -lately happened when Alençon was escorted to Cambrai. - -The Prince of Parma having drawn up his whole army before the gates of -Ghent, there was some desultory fighting between light-armed troops on -either side, who skirmished in front of their respective armies, while -Alençon looked on from the walls. On both sides men were slain, and -the engagement ended without advantage[124] to either party. Alençon -retired with his people to Antwerp. - -The garrison of Lier have commenced a kind of fortification at the -monastery of St. Bernard, which will be a thorn in the side of the -citizens of Antwerp if they succeed in finishing it. Probably Alençon -will employ all his strength to prevent its completion. - -From Scotland also we have news of disturbances, that the Regent[125] -has been put to death, d’Aubigny is besieged, and the young King -himself deprived of his liberty, and that all this has been done in the -name of the Estates. This news is accompanied by sundry _canards_, viz. -that the King of Spain has promised his second daughter to the young -King on condition of his raising war against the Queen of England, -and that this has given such deep offence to the Duke of Savoy that -he is completely estranged from Philip, and altogether in the French -interest, intending to marry the sister of Henry of Navarre. - -Your Imperial Majesty will see in the document I enclose evidence -touching some plot against Alençon and Orange. I can add nothing to -the contents of the document, except that the Salceda[126] who is -mentioned in it is a prisoner here. How it will end I cannot guess, -but I suspect he is kept till the King returns. - -The King has left Lyons to join his wife at Bourbon-les-Bains. - - August 15, 1582. - - - - -LETTER VII. - - -The Prince of Parma has checked the progress of Alençon’s -reinforcements by encamping at Arras. They are obliged, therefore, to -make a _détour_ to Calais, so as to reach their destination by sea. -Alençon has divided the army which he already had in the Netherlands -into garrisons for different places. Thus he has quartered some -in Brussels, some in Mechlin, some in Vilvorde, and some also in -Gelderland and Friesland. - -The Spanish Ambassador having sent one of his people with despatches -to the Prince of Parma, the man had but just left the first stage, -when he fell in with some horsemen, whose names I do not know, and -was compelled to surrender his papers. As the man was a Netherlander, -he was allowed to escape unharmed. The horsemen told him, with many a -threat, that if he had been a Spaniard he would not have got off so -easily, but would have paid with his life for the butchery of their -kinsmen in the Azores. - - September 12, 1582. - - - - -LETTER VIII. - - -The event has justified the conjecture of those who suspected that, -when the time was ripe, Marshal Biron would find his way to Alençon’s -camp. The King made him Governor of the French Netherlands, which they -call Picardy, to protect his interests in that quarter, and take such -precautions as occasion might require. He also issued instructions to -the authorities on that part of the coast to place themselves under -Biron’s orders. - -Great things were expected of him when he set out, for he is considered -the most experienced general in France, having, during his long career, -passed through every grade and rank in the French army. - -One of Alençon’s corps has joined him in Brabant, the other and -stronger corps is with Biron. To these must be added the whole of the -royal cavalry, which, as I mentioned in a former letter, has been -quartered on the frontiers under pretence of guarding them. He has, -nevertheless, asked for more horse, for, while he thinks himself quite -a match for the Prince of Parma in infantry, he considers himself -very inferior in cavalry. Accordingly, seven or eight squadrons of -horse are under orders to join him. Meanwhile, he has garrisoned -Peronne and St. Quentin so strongly as to render them safe against any -hostile attack. For the Prince of Parma has been threatening in plain -terms that, if the French invade any part of his territories, he will -immediately march against St. Quentin. This move of his, therefore, is -now forestalled. Famine is what the Prince of Parma has most to dread, -especially now that he has been cut off from the sea, and supplies are -not allowed to cross the French frontier. - -There are many symptoms of the King’s becoming more favourable to -his brother’s enterprise. Without any notice beforehand, certain -commissioners were lately appointed to inspect the ledgers of business -men generally, and specially those of the Italians, in order to see -whether any moneys could be seized on their way to the Prince of Parma. -The investigation over, two men were ordered to quit France, Capello -of Milan, and Calvi of Genoa, who were both suspected, on very strong -evidence, of having helped the King of Spain by forwarding money to the -Netherlands. At one man’s house were seized 18,000 Italian gold pieces, -which had been deposited with him by a Spaniard. These were confiscated -to the crown, as there is an Edict here forbidding people to have money -of any coinage save that of France; the only exception being in favour -of Spanish money. The coinage of every other country must be brought to -the royal Bank, and changed at a heavy discount. The King melts down -the gold, and issues new coins bearing his own stamp. Thus, not only -have precautions been taken, by the issue of a stringent proclamation, -that Alençon’s opponents should get no supplies from France to relieve -their famished troops, but it is evident that measures are being set -on foot to prevent their henceforth having the means of purchasing -provisions. The roads are everywhere blocked to all who still -acknowledge the authority of the King of Spain, and so closely are they -watched that no one can pass through France without being plundered or -taken prisoner; nor can any remonstrance be made on this score, since -it is easy to pretend that they are the acts of common highwaymen. - -Up to the present date the posts have been permitted to run openly -and without interference into Spain; but now a letter-carrier on his -way to Spain has not been allowed to have relays of horses, except on -condition of his giving security that he carries no despatches but -those of merchants. This order has prevented his going forward, and so -the man is detained in France. - -The disaster which befell their countrymen in the Azores has had so -little effect on the spirit of the French, that it is intended to fit -out a new fleet much bigger than the last, and to place some Prince -in command of it. Ships accordingly have been selected, which they -are beginning to equip, so as to have them ready against next spring. -After all, the future is uncertain; who can tell what may happen in the -meantime? - -Montpensier,[127] father of the Prince Dauphin, has departed this life, -at a good old age. I shall, therefore, for the future call his son -Montpensier, when I have occasion to mention him; for, in spite of his -father’s death, he is carrying out his intention of proceeding to the -Netherlands. - -The man Salceda,[128] whom I mentioned in former despatches, has paid -a heavy penalty for his crime; what that crime was I do not know, -but it must needs have been monstrous to deserve so dreadful a doom. -Only one instance of such a punishment is found in the whole history -of Rome, viz. when Hostilius inflicted it on Fuffetius. Whether he -conspired against the life of Alençon or the King, or both, I am not -certain. He was condemned to be torn asunder by four horses. As soon -as the horses began to pull, he said he had something more to confess. -When his confession had been taken down by a notary, he asked to -have his right hand released,[129] and when this was done, he wrote -something more, or at any rate signed his name. - -When his hand had again been fastened to the traces, and the horses, -being started in different directions, had made two distinct pulls, and -yet failed to pull him in two, he called out to the King, who with his -mother and wife was looking on from a window, imploring mercy. Then his -neck was broken, his head severed from his shoulders, and his heart -torn out. The rest of his body was pulled asunder by the horses. His -head was sent to Antwerp, with orders to have it stuck on the highest -pinnacle in the city. Such was the end of a wretch monstrous alike in -his wickedness, and in his audacity. - -Here is a specimen. He purchased an estate, and paid for it in bad -money which he himself had coined. The vendor discovered the fraud, -brought an action for treason against Salceda, and so recovered his -house and land. Salceda saved himself by flight from the customary -punishment, otherwise he would have been put to death with boiling -oil, but nevertheless he took means to have fire set to the aforesaid -house at night, and the owner was within an ace of perishing with -the building. When the King, who sometimes visited his place of -confinement, upbraided him for his cruelty in trying to destroy by such -a fearful death the man whom he had already cheated. ‘Well,’ quoth -Salceda, ‘when he wanted to have me _boiled_, was it unreasonable that -I should try to have him _roasted_?’ What a fund of wit the scoundrel -must have had, when even at such a time he must crack his jokes! - -I am afraid that Count Egmont’s brother is seriously compromised by -Salceda’s evidence.[130] - - October 1, 1582. - - - - -LETTER IX. - - -Biron has halted on the banks of the Somme, and intrenched himself. -Some think that he will remain there for a time to observe the -development of the Prince of Parma’s plans, and watch the result; for -they say that the daily losses of the Spanish army from famine and -pestilence are very heavy. - -The Netherland letter carrier, who, as I mentioned, was detained here, -having given security through responsible people, that he was conveying -no letters save those of merchants, was allowed to proceed on his way -to Spain. - -The Spanish Ambassador was deeply annoyed at Salceda’s head being sent -to Antwerp with orders from the King that it should be exposed to -public gaze on the highest pinnacle in the city, and reminded the King -in a solemn protest that he (the French King) had no jurisdiction in -Antwerp. The King was taken aback, and had no answer to make except -that he had sent the head to his brother to do with it in Antwerp as he -would; or, to use the French phrase, ‘Qu’il en fist des petits pastez -s’il vouloit.’ - -They say that Schomberg[131] is going to Germany, whether to hire -soldiers I cannot say. - -A messenger has just come from Languedoc with the news that some -Italian nobles, on their way back from Spain, have been captured at sea -by Huguenots, and taken to the town of Aigues-Mortes. A brother of the -Marquis of Pescara is thought to be among the captives, but nothing is -known for certain, as they refuse to give their names. Whoever they may -prove to be, if they are men of rank they are not likely to get their -liberty until La Noue[132] is restored to freedom. - -The King is again on a tour, having undertaken a pilgrimage[133] to -the Blessed Virgin, Our Lady of Joy (they call her Nostre Dame de -Liesse), in the part of Champagne adjoining Picardy, in the hope, we -may suppose, of gaining _joy_ by the birth of a child. - -They say the King has commissioned the Bretons to build fifty galleys. -There are also other signs of a fleet being in prospect. - - November 25, 1582. - - - - -LETTER X. - - -They say that the King has ordered 50,000 gold pieces to be paid -monthly towards Alençon’s expenses, and that over and above this -regular payment extra money is to be sent from time to time. - -No one now has the slightest doubt as to the fact that Montpensier -and Biron have joined Alençon, making their way along the sea coast -north of Bruges. People think that Alençon will take them both -into his service, the former as chief Minister, and the latter as -Commander-in-chief, and that the Prince himself will cross over into -England, and, after having concerted his plans with the Queen, will -return to France for an interview with his brother. - -To the great content of his people the King is said to be calling to -account more vigorously than ever those who are suspected of making -away with Church property. - -The force Biron has taken with him is not numerous, but it consists of -picked troops, the royal cavalry being left to guard the frontiers, -and every one having been sent back whose circumstances or disposition -appeared unsuited to the strain of a long campaign, or whose licentious -habits would render him intolerable to the Netherlanders. He is -supposed to have taken with him 1,000 cavalry and 8,000 infantry. - -Whatever others may think, I am confident that this French invasion -is a very serious matter; the movement will grow and send forth roots -which presently it will be very difficult to get rid of. Whether I look -at its immediate results or more remote consequences, the prospect is -alarming. - -Some assert that the troops of the Prince of Parma are suffering from -disease and famine, more especially the new Italian levies, who are not -yet hardened to the cold of the Netherlands. - -Before commencing his march towards Brabant, the Prince of Parma retook -Cateau Cambrésis; he is said to be at present closely blockading Diest, -which belongs to the Prince of Orange, and unless it is speedily -relieved, its fall is certain. People think his next enterprise will be -an attack on Brussels. - -There are crowds of Swiss ambassadors here, representing nearly all the -Cantons; they have come to renew and ratify their treaty with the King -of France; there are great rejoicings at their arrival, and every day -they are magnificently entertained at State banquets, given sometimes -by the King, sometimes by the city of Paris, or by the Guises and -other Princes of the Court. When these are terminated, and each of the -ambassadors has been presented with a weighty chain of gold, they will -be allowed to depart. - -There is a report that the King and the Duke of Lorraine will arrive -here at the same time. - -Some Frenchmen have lately returned from the Azores, and report their -position there to be perfectly safe; they say there is no want of -anything except clothing, supplies of which are now being forwarded -as fast as possible. It appears, after Strozzi’s defeat, a large -proportion of the French ships and men retreated to the islands. -Meanwhile rumours as to the new expedition are as rife as ever. - -I must now say a word of what is going on in France; the King has -despatched distinguished men[134] of high position into all the -provinces of the realm, under pretence of correcting any errors and -abuses in the administration, and of hearing all complaints; but the -real object he has in view is to lay on the people a new and heavy tax. -The experiment does not appear to be over successful; as to what will -be the issue I could not venture to speak positively, for what the King -has so often wished for he has not obtained![135] - - December 15, 1582. - - - - -LETTER XI. - - -It is hardly worth telling, but still your Majesty may like to hear -of a scene which took place at Antwerp. St. Luc was in Alençon’s -chamber.[136] (If I remember rightly I told your Majesty in a previous -letter that, when he fell under the King’s displeasure, he joined -Alençon’s party.) Some noble or other said something in his presence -that annoyed him, and which he considered to be a personal insult. - -Thereon he gave him a blow in the face[137] before Alençon’s very eyes. -The Prince of Orange, who was present, was indignant at his behaviour, -and, giving vent to his wrath, plainly told Alençon that such -outrageous conduct ought not to go unpunished, and that the Emperor, -Charles the Fifth, had he been alive, would not have put up with it, -but would have punished the offender most severely, whatever his rank -or position might be. He told him that the chambers of Princes ought to -be inviolable and sacred ground, in which brawling was not permissible. - -On this St. Luc rejoined—I give you almost his very words—‘Marry, is it -Charles that you quote to me? Why, if he were still alive, you would -ere this have lost your estates and your head.’ With these words he -flung out of the chamber, leaving all the company dumbfounded at his -outrageous conduct. - - December 18, 1582. - - - - -LETTER XII. - - -The Swiss Ambassadors have left Paris, after receiving each a chain -worth 500 gold pieces.[138] There were twenty-six to whom this honour -was paid. Moreover, the chiefs of the embassy were loaded with special -presents of plate, furniture, &c. I append to my letter a copy of the -speech in which the King bade them farewell. I was unable to learn the -terms on which the treaty was renewed, although I tried my best. It -would seem that our friends do not wish them to be published. By these -arrangements with the Swiss the King has secured a supply of infantry. -Of cavalry he thinks he has abundance in his own realm. The financial -question has yet to be solved; his scheme for coining[139] money I -described in one of my last letters; and, though the plan has not -hitherto met with much success, the provinces turning a deaf ear to -requests of this kind, nevertheless, such efforts are still being made, -that I should not like to pledge myself positively as to what will be -the result. - -Don Antonio has come back to France with a few ships; the reason of his -return I have not discovered; possibly he did not think himself safe -in the Azores; or it may have been that he considered his presence and -influence would be of service in promoting the new expedition. At any -rate, he is here, and has been already on several occasions admitted -to a private interview with the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici). -A lodging has been given him close to the palace, built by the young -Queen, whither she is often wont to retire. - -A few days ago this same Don Antonio set out for Dieppe, in order -personally to hasten the equipment of the fleet, which in his absence -was going on more slackly than he liked. I cannot describe how -exasperated all our friends are against the Spaniards, and how eagerly -they desire war. A book is said to be in the press, in which the claims -of the elder Queen[140] (Catherine de Medici) to the kingdom of -Portugal are set forth at great length. - -When the Prince of Orange was dangerously ill of the fever, from which, -by the way, he is now reported to be convalescent, prayers for his -recovery were offered up, not only throughout the Netherlands, but -also in France, by the churches of the Reformed religion, as they call -themselves. The Prince of Parma has received the surrender of Diest and -several other obscure places. These successes will seriously endanger -Brussels, unless the state of affairs should be changed by the arrival -of the troops under Biron, who is a redoubtable antagonist; it is said -that he is going into the Campine[141] to attack certain places, the -loss of which will derange Parma’s plans. Alençon has prevailed upon -the citizens of Antwerp[142] to have lodgings in the city assigned to -three hundred French noblemen. - -They say that news has come of the death of the Duke of Alva in Spain. -The garrison at Cateau Cambrésis, being strong in cavalry, causes -great annoyance to the French at Cambrai, and is for ever scouring the -surrounding district. The insolence of the French soldiers at Dunkirk -provoked the citizens to rise against the garrison; the attempt was put -down with great slaughter. Everyone here is talking of the troubles at -Cologne;[143] after all this smoke, as I may call it, we must expect a -fire. - -The Duke of Lorraine has arrived here with his two sons; why he came I -cannot tell, but it is commonly supposed that his object is to betroth -his daughter to the Duke of Savoy, and to demand the hand of the King -of Navarre’s sister for his eldest son. - -May God Almighty bless and keep your Majesty through the year we have -now begun, and for many more. At the same time I venture most humbly to -ask for a settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, which has been -standing over for so many years. - - January 16, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XIII. - - -The weather here is dreadful; for many months southerly winds have -prevailed, accompanied by incessant rain and storm; so unseasonable -and unhealthy a winter renders it probable that we shall have a sickly -summer. - -The rivers, overflowing their banks, have spread far and wide over -the fields. By reason of the constant floods the arable lands are so -wet and spongy that the seed is rotting in the ground, and farmers -cherish but little hope of a good harvest. This state of things not -only excites apprehensions of a great future rise in the corn markets, -but its effects are already felt, the price of wheat having risen fifty -per cent. In addition to these misfortunes, ships are constantly being -wrecked, almost in sight, on the voyage to England or Zealand; in -fact, the whole coast line of Aquitaine is said to be piled up with -planks, masts, spars, rudders, and other fragments of wreck, which the -tempest has washed ashore; so that, if nothing else should betide, the -astrologers had good reason for prophesying a powerful combination of -the starry influences and a year of terror to mankind. - - January 19, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XIV. - - -News has arrived from Brabant by way of England, which has thrown the -Queen (Catherine de Medici) and the whole nation into the greatest -alarm. The account is vague, but the purport of the tidings is to the -effect that a quarrel arose at Antwerp,[144] between the French and the -citizens, and that the French force was annihilated. - -The anxiety was greatly increased by the silence of Alençon; and, when -no despatches arrived from him, serious doubts were entertained as -to his safety. In this uncertainty several days passed by; at length -messengers came pouring in, who told us the particulars of the affair, -but still their accounts were defective in several important points, -and differed in details. - -I will relate what I made out as the nearest approximation to the -truth: the points which I do not yet know about, I will fill in -afterwards, and also correct any mistakes I may have made. I think -I wrote to your Imperial Majesty that Alençon intended to travel to -France, by way of England, for the purpose of visiting the King, -and, as we may well suppose, of discussing with him the affairs and -general condition of the Netherlands, and that his intention was to -leave Montpensier and Biron as his lieutenants during his absence. But -when Alençon applied to Biron to undertake this duty, the marshal was -unwilling to accept the command, on the ground that he would have a -restless and turbulent race to deal with, and no place to retreat to in -case of misfortune. He reminded the Prince that such a large assemblage -of French noblemen could not be withheld from committing occasional -excesses and provoking the citizens, who would then immediately rise -and threaten death to every Frenchman; and he thought the best means of -meeting this danger would be for the French to hold some place to which -they could retreat for refuge against the violence of the mob. For -this purpose the citadel (of Antwerp) was admirably adapted; it needed -but a few repairs and a strong garrison; there were now in the city a -great many Frenchmen, both gentle and simple, who could easily seize -the citadel, nor again would it be difficult to gain possession of one -of the city gates, and, his army being so near, to throw into the town -as many men as he chose. Further, the inspection of the forces which -he (Biron) had brought with him, furnished Alençon with an excellent -pretext for going out of the city and not mixing himself up with these -irregular proceedings; all that was needed was the approval of Alençon -and the nobles of his court. - -On hearing Biron’s views, which were so well calculated to please -Alençon’s licentious and lawless nobles, the greater part gave their -adherence to his plan, whilst a sense of shame induced the more -honourable men to agree to it, lest they should be thought cowards for -shrinking from so important an enterprise. Alençon was the last to -yield to the united wishes of his followers. - -On the next day he went out to the camp, but as he passed the gate -several of his body-guard, desperate fellows who had been selected for -this service, halted on the bridge leading across the moat into the -open country, instead of following the Prince. The citizens, who were -guarding the bridge and the gate, warned the Frenchmen to clear the -bridge, either by following their lord, or by returning into the city. -The men listened with apparent deference to what was said, but none the -less remained on the bridge; then the language of the men of Antwerp -grew rougher, and the French retorted in words every whit as bold; so -from words they came to blows; the French, who were all musketeers and -came prepared for action, easily wounded, killed, or drove away the -townsmen, and so took possession of the bridge and gate. They were -joined by others, both horse and foot, who had left Alençon’s escort -and had halted in the neighbourhood for that purpose; they formed a -column, and in one compact mass burst into the town. The uproar alarmed -the citizens stationed on the walls; from both sides of the gate they -hurried to the fray, and climbing down into the road began to fight -with the party who had been left to guard the entrance; the contest -ended in the victory of the townsmen, who succeeded in beating their -opponents and shutting the gate. They say that presently Alençon rode -back and demanded admission, but the cannon’s mouth was the only mouth -that answered! - -Meantime, the French spread themselves through the city; on every -side they could see the townsmen flocking to the fray, but there was -no quailing or fear, for they felt certain that their superior skill -would ensure their victory over a set of untrained civilians. Some -made for the citadel, others, without any thought for that which was -the real object of the enterprise, began plundering private houses; but -it was not long before their ranks were broken by the charge of the men -of Antwerp, and, with a few exceptions, they paid with their lives the -penalty of their rash attempt. - -They say that the Queen Mother, on hearing the news, burst into tears, -and cried ‘Alençon, Alençon, would you had died long years ago, rather -than so many of our nobles should have perished through you, and such -great trouble and distress have been brought upon France! Moreover, -you are also endangering the safety of the realm, for you have brought -yourself, the heir of the throne, into the most imminent peril, and -every effort will be needed if you are to be extricated from your -unfortunate position.’ - -They say that the Duke of Guise has tendered his services to the Queen, -promising, if 3,000 French horse are given him, to find Alençon, -wherever he may be, and bring him home. Round him accordingly the -nobles are gathering, and the clatter of the armourer’s hammer is to be -heard in every street. But I do not myself believe that anything will -come of it. - -This scheme of Biron[145] (assuming that it is his scheme) will go far -to confirm the judgment of those who maintain that, though an active -and experienced commander, he is in all other respects a person of -little discernment. Alençon, being shut out of Antwerp, spent the night -with his army at the monastery of St. Bernard. There he was joined by -the officers of his household. They had remained in their quarters -during the disturbance, and, being held guiltless of any part in the -conspiracy, were sent back to their master by the men of Antwerp. -However, Alençon’s first object was to cross the Scheldt before any -attempt should be made to obstruct the passage; so all night the Swiss -were hard at work building a bridge. As soon as it was finished, he -crossed from Brabant into Flanders, and came to Dendermonde, where he -is supposed to be still lying. The question now is, what is he to do? -Ought he to lead his forces back to France, and abandon all interest -in the Netherlands? Or again, ought he to make up his quarrel with the -people of Antwerp? Now that there is an end of all confidence between -them, I fail to see how this latter alternative is possible; but the -French are wonderful fellows when they set their minds on a thing! - -These details, which I have picked out of several different versions, I -have thought it my duty to place before your Majesty. Time will give us -further particulars, and accounts on which we can better rely. - -Your Majesty and the Archduke[146] Ernest are supposed to have played -a part in this drama. This notion was very rife when the news first -came, and no particulars had as yet transpired. Some people about -the Court, who fancied themselves to be wondrous wise, would have it -that the eldest daughter of the King of Spain was betrothed to your -Majesty, and the younger to the Archduke Ernest, with all the provinces -of the Netherlands as her dowry, and that it was, therefore, of prime -importance to your Majesty and the Archduke that the French in Antwerp -should be cut to pieces, and Alençon driven from the city; that on -this account there had been secret negotiations with the townsmen, -who had been promised an amnesty for all past offences, on condition -of their exterminating the French; and further, that your Majesty and -the Archduke had secured the concurrence and assistance of the Prince -of Orange; for they argue, the townsmen of Antwerp would never have -ventured to go so far had they not been thus aided and abetted. - -The Prince of Orange, it appears, had a presentiment of what was -coming, and when Alençon desired to have his company to the camp, he -steadily refused to go, giving as an excuse the state of his health and -the badness of the weather. His presence saved the lives of several -Frenchmen, among whom was Fervaques, one of Alençon’s favourite -officers. But here in France this gentleman’s life is in danger in -quite another way. They declare that the scheme of seizing the citadel -was his suggestion, and wish him to be tried and executed. It is -thought that a reconciliation between Alençon and the citizens of -Antwerp will be brought about by the intervention of the King, who will -send men of note to conduct the negotiations; the names of Bellièvre -and Pibrac are mentioned as members of the commission. The latter is -also marked out as Alençon’s chancellor. - -So far from blaming the men of Antwerp, the French are actually -beginning to praise them for their kind feeling and politic behaviour, -for it appears that, after the excitement had abated, they showed every -possible attention to their prisoners, and to those of the Frenchmen -who had remained in their quarters. - - February 5, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XV. - - -I felt confident, when I despatched my last letter to your Majesty, -that it would not be long before I should have further news of a more -trustworthy description from Antwerp. After all, I am disappointed; -though several days have elapsed, there has been no fresh arrival from -the Netherlands of anyone able, or at any rate willing, to tell us the -truth of what happened. The few who have come were all sent by Alençon -to the King, to repeat a set story which was put into their mouths, -and hide the blackness of Alençon’s case under a cloud of specious -words. There is no letter-carrier or merchant from Antwerp; indeed, -the wardens of the marches put a complete stop to the travelling -of Frenchmen to Antwerp, and of Antwerp people to France. Of late, -however, the restrictions have been removed, and the merchandise, on -which an embargo had been laid, having been released by both sides, -the old rules, regulating the commercial intercourse between the two -countries, are once more in force. But, in spite of this change, scarce -anyone will run the risk of so hazardous a journey. One letter-carrier, -it is true, has come by way of England, but he has brought no fresh -tidings, except that the number of slain and captured is greater than -was at first reported; in other respects his news differs little from -the account given in my last letter. - -Alençon’s friends, and those who are anxious to save his reputation, -say that, though he is a mild and gracious Prince, yet, being no -longer able to stomach the pretensions of the Prince of Orange and the -independent ways of the men of Antwerp, so distasteful to a Frenchman, -he endeavoured to take possession of the city, as the best means of -freeing himself from his intolerable position, not having any idea that -the enterprise would be either difficult or attended with much loss -of life; but expecting that, after a few citizens had been killed at -the first entry of the troops, the remainder would be so terrified as -to abandon all thought of defence, and, laying down their arms, would -submit to any conditions he might think fit to impose, provided that -their lives were spared, so that he would have an excellent opportunity -of binding down the city of Antwerp to his own terms. But he was -utterly mistaken in his calculations, for he did not find the hearts of -the citizens so tame, or their arms so weak, as Frenchmen would have -them to be. - -Some people put a totally different construction on the whole -affair; but this is Alençon’s explanation. As to what really took -place, it seems needless to write more, for your Majesty is no doubt -in possession of all the facts, since there has been far freer -communication with Germany than with France. In case, however, anything -should be lacking, I enclose three documents. (1) The statement of the -citizens of Antwerp, published in their own language. (2) A paper which -is attributed to Bodin,[147] author of the treatise _De la République_, -published a few years ago. The letter is written in French. (3) A paper -which is the production of some unknown person, but it is plain that he -is a Frenchman, and his account is evidently untrustworthy. - -Mirambeau, the brother of Lausac, was first despatched to Alençon by -the King, and later on Bellièvre. The issue is still uncertain. Some -think Alençon and the States will come to terms, while others are -positive they will not. As to my own opinion, I have determined to -reserve my judgment till time shall bring more certain news. - -In the meanwhile several of the King’s commissioners, who were sent -round to collect money, have returned. They report that nothing is to -be obtained without the risk of an insurrection, and that all reply -that if the King is straitened in any way, they know their duty: but in -their opinion, his only object in asking for money is to lavish it on -his young favourites; they consider such grants unreasonable, and will -have nothing to say to them. - -I am not surprised, for a gentleman in the royal treasury, on whose -word I can rely, told me that since his return from Poland the King has -squandered six million crowns in presents and other useless expenses. -The King having been disappointed of these supplies, people think he -will deprive the Queens Dowager of a large part of their property, to -satisfy the claims of his young favourites. Your Imperial Majesty’s -sister will be one of the sufferers, as, in violation of the marriage -treaty, she has long ago been placed on the same footing as the other -Queens Dowager.[148] - -We have in France, as Governor of Brittany, a brother of the Queen -Consort, son of Vaudemont; his title is the Duke of Mercœur.[149] -News was brought during his absence from home that he had died of -the plague. Two men immediately asked for his post, Nevers[150] and -the Duke of Epernon, who stands well nigh first among the King’s -favourites. Nevers’ application was refused, and the other appointed -Governor of Brittany, conditionally on the office being vacant. - -Though the appointment came to nothing, since news shortly arrived of -the Duke of Mercœur’s recovery, yet Nevers was so indignant that he -then and there gave orders to his retainers to prepare to leave the -Court, and two days later retired home, after first upbraiding the King -for his ingratitude. - -The King’s conduct in this matter is being unfavourably criticised by -many, and especially by the aristocracy. - - March 20, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XVI. - - -We have still no news from Antwerp of Alençon. Most people agree -with Mirambeau in thinking that there is little hope of a friendly -arrangement, the demands of the States being exorbitant; they ask for -the restoration of Dunkirk and Cambrai, and henceforth refuse to permit -any one, who is not a Netherlander born, to hold place in the suite or -service of Alençon. - -The King is moving infantry and cavalry to the frontier, so as to have -them ready should need arise. I doubt whether even with this help -Alençon’s journey is likely to be very rapid, as the district through -which his road lies is deep in mud at this season. - -Meantime the men of Antwerp are said to be exacting money from their -prisoners, and demanding ransom for having spared their lives. Whether -it be so or not, the breach between them and Alençon seems to be -complete, so that they will hardly readmit him into the town. - -Bellièvre stops behind with the hopeless task of trying to arrange -matters; there is an idea that, by his oratorical powers and diplomatic -skill, the wrath of the Netherlanders may be appeased, and the way -paved to an agreement. But it is with the men of Antwerp as it was -with Alençon; success was too much for his ill-regulated mind, and -has proved his ruin; even so some great disaster will overtake the -citizens, if they wax thus presumptuous on the strength of this -unexpected victory. - - April 12, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XVII. - - -This very day it is still uncertain as to what will be the issue -of the affair at Antwerp. Though there are the plainest signs of -the deepest exasperation on both sides, there are some who think an -arrangement possible; they admit that no real peace or friendship can -hereafter exist, now that confidence has received so rude a shock, -with the Netherlanders estranged from Alençon by the recollection of -his dishonourable conduct, and Alençon burning to avenge the heavy -punishment he has received; but still hold that it is to the interest -of both parties that some sort of reconciliation should be patched -up, and the former alliance be preserved, or at least the appearance -of it. To what other quarter, they ask, can the Netherlanders look -for assistance against the powerful foes who surround them, or what -other help have they than their French allies? Or again, what could be -more disastrous to Alençon’s reputation, than thus to withdraw from -Brabant with the disgrace of having lost by his folly the provinces -which had so unexpectedly fallen into his hands, and to have his shame -blazed abroad throughout the world, which is watching the result of -his enterprise? When a man has damaged his reputation, oftentimes, -if he is only patient, an opportunity will come, which will enable -him to restore it. But if, in spite of these considerations, Alençon -must leave the Netherlands at an early date, still, if an interval is -allowed to elapse, he will be able to avail himself of those numerous -excuses for departure which may arise,—or, at the worst, can be -invented,—and thus diminish materially the disgrace of his failure. -Accordingly they hold an arrangement to be possible on the basis of a -general amnesty. But this appears to me to be easier said than done! -Brussels, according to their programme, is to be assigned to Alençon -as a residence, and there also the Estates of the Netherlands are to -meet; a few towns in the neighbourhood are likewise to be given him, -that he may feel more secure. Brussels to be guarded by 1,500 Swiss -and 500 French troops. Orange to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, or -Imperial Vicar. The prisoners at Antwerp to be discharged conditionally -on remuneration being given to their hosts who rescued them from the -violence of the people. In all other matters the late treaty to stand -good. - -In this arrangement the case of Fervaques is the chief difficulty. The -citizens of Antwerp hold him to be the instigator and ringleader of -this atrocious plot, and demand his execution. - -Biron, by the way, has written a letter to the Queen Mother, in which -he completely clears himself of all blame. He says he came too late to -take any part in the discussion, the matter was already decided, and -his share in the business consisted simply in yielding to Alençon’s -wishes and executing his pleasure. - -Some talk of a reconciliation on the terms which I have given; but what -will happen it is impossible to say. It is well known that the other -day, when Orange went into the town hall of Antwerp to make a speech in -favour of reconciliation, a mob assembled in the market place, shouting -and threatening to throw anyone out of the window who ventured to -propose the readmission of the French. Orange, they say, was so alarmed -by this demonstration that he spent the night in the town hall. Though -a considerable space of time has elapsed, scarce a single Antwerp man -has crossed the French frontier, although the road is open, and this, -to my mind, is the surest proof that the prospects of a reconciliation -are dubious; so long as there is a doubt as to the renewal of the -alliance and arrangement of terms, none of them care to risk their -lives by entering France. - -So much for this subject. - -Men, on whose authority I can rely, tell me that the King is pressing -the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter, who is now grown up and a -great heiress, to the Duke of Epernon, but that Lorraine, who loathes -the idea of such a _mésalliance_, is doing his utmost to avoid giving -his consent to so unsuitable a match, taking refuge in a proposition -that, if the King will bring about a marriage between his son, the -Prince of Lorraine, and the sister of the King of Navarre, he in return -will gladly comply with his request. This last is a young lady who, if -her brother, as is not unlikely, should die childless, has very great -prospects indeed. For the King of Navarre’s wife has not yet presented -him with a child, and she is young enough to make it probable that -she will be the survivor. The family feuds, however, which have been -handed down from father to son, between the Bourbons and the Guises -and House of Lorraine, render Navarre’s consent to the match highly -improbable. The Duke of Lorraine sees clearly that Navarre inherited -these feuds when he inherited the Crown, so he protects himself behind -this entrenchment; whether it will be strong enough for his purposes -time will show. - -I must now give a description of Epernon. By the King’s favour he has -been created duke; five years ago, before he became intimate with the -King, he was a poor unknown man, who passed by the name of La Valette; -at the outside his income did not exceed 400 crowns; his father was a -gallant soldier, but his grandfather was a scrivener or notary. Now -this upstart is a duke, and, what is more, a wealthy duke, for he -can always dip his fingers into the royal treasury. But his present -position is nothing to what he has in prospect; he aspires to one of -the great dignities of the realm, and a governorship of the first -rank, such as that of Brittany, touching which I wrote the other day. -If, in addition to this promotion, he should obtain a wife so nearly -connected with the King that no other Frenchman, however high his -rank, would venture to aspire to her hand, he will be one of the most -marvellously successful men that ever lived; and yet neither in birth -nor deserts has he aught to boast of; in the King’s opinion no doubt -he is a man of great promise, but no one else thinks so; whether it be -envy, or his own fault, that causes him to be thus esteemed, I cannot -say, but almost every one detests him on account of his exclusive and -supercilious manners, and there is no one so hated by the Princes of -France. - -His colleague, if I may so term him, who, however, takes precedence of -him, is the Duke (formerly Count) of Joyeuse, husband of the Queen’s -sister; this last, however, has the advantages given by ancient and -illustrious descent, amiable disposition, and natural talent; the other -day he was made Admiral of France, now he has been appointed Governor -of the whole of Normandy; in order to give him this command, three -noblemen of the highest rank, who shared the province amongst them, -had to be turned out. These two young fellows are the men in whose -friendship the King considers himself blessed, and envies not the -success of Alexander the Great! This infatuation of the King’s awakes -the indignation and despair of France. The men who formerly held the -highest positions next to the throne fly from the Court to avoid the -painful sight; the rest are dumbfoundered at the King’s caprices. - -This is the reason the King is always in difficulties, always poor, -never able to reward or honour a good servant; his wealth is being -piled on these young fellows, and they are being fashioned out of -nothing into pillars of the State, so that they may occupy the greatest -places in France. Amongst those who are greatly offended is Alençon; he -is intensely indignant at being assisted with so niggardly a hand in an -enterprise which he considers of the first importance, and complains -that the King thinks more of his favourites than of his brother.[151] - -As I shall often have occasion to allude to these gentlemen, I have -described them at some length, so that, when they are referred to, your -Majesty may have some idea of them. - -Don Antonio is still at Rouen and Dieppe, busily engaged in the -equipment of his fleet, or fleetlet, if I may so term it, for it falls -far short of what was talked of, and will carry scarce 500 soldiers to -reinforce his troops in the Azores. - -Great supplies will be collected of such things as are needed in those -localities. - - May 2, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XVIII. - - -Messengers have lately come from Alençon with the news that the -negotiations for a reconciliation promise well; in confirmation of -this, they produced the terms of an arrangement, which I now enclose. -Alençon refuses Brussels and prefers Dunkirk[152] as his permanent -residence. When he gets there, people think he will cross over to -France, press his grievances upon the King, and ask him why he is more -anxious for the aggrandisement of certain young fellows than for the -prosecution of a most important enterprise. - -Orange has invited from France Teligny’s widow, daughter of Coligny, -some time Admiral of France, with the view of making her his wife; -he is also giving the hand of his daughter, the Comte de Buren’s -grandchild,[153] to Laval, son of d’Andelot, brother of the aforesaid -Coligny; they say that Laval will be Governor of Antwerp. - -The King is instituting a new order of Flagellants, or Penitents.[154] -It is talked of everywhere in Paris, and all the more because lately -when a celebrated preacher,[155] though a most orthodox Catholic, -attacked the order from the pulpit in a sermon full of sarcasm, the -King ordered him to leave the city. - -Touching the Flagellants there is a merry story to be told. The -footmen of the nobles, of whom we have crowds at Paris, out of sheer -wantonness, were mimicking in the palace itself certain rites of the -brotherhood;[156] the King ordered some eighty of them to be carried -off into the kitchen, and there flogged to their hearts’ content, so -their representation of the Flagellants and Penitents was turned from a -sham into a reality! - - May 20, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XIX. - - -The reports of fresh disturbances, which I mentioned lately, are -gaining ground, and worst of all, there is no certainty as to whether -Alençon is concerned in them or not. - -In consequence of these rumours his mother (Catherine de Medici) has -been for some time intending to visit him at Calais, but he has -been detained at Dunkirk by sickness; he is supposed to be suffering -from the French disease, and has placed himself in the hands of his -physicians and surgeons. As soon as he recovers, people think he will -cross over to Calais; but there is no telling, for some maintain that -he will go to Normandy, and others that he will take ship for Brittany. -If war ensues the King will be in great straits, since neither -financially, nor in any other way, is he prepared to meet it. - -Bellièvre has returned from Antwerp; he tells us that concessions -have been made on both sides, and all obstacles to a satisfactory -understanding removed. - -One of the points arranged was the release of the prisoners, amongst -whom was Fervaques; on this gentleman’s rejoining Alençon the latter -presented him with an abbacy[157] worth 6,000 crowns per annum, in -acknowledgment no doubt of his brilliant conception and its admirable -execution! When this was told to the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici) -she lost all patience, and called Alençon a fool and madman, repeating -her words again and again. - -A letter of Biron’s has been discovered in Alençon’s cabinet at -Antwerp, written the day before the disastrous attempt of the French, -in which he does his utmost to induce Alençon to abandon his foolish -scheme. This discovery has made Biron extremely popular at Antwerp; in -fact he stands first in favour of the citizens, and this is the man on -whose head not long ago rested most of the odium! - -Pibrac, who lately joined Alençon, has been despatched by him to -Antwerp as his representative with the States; he is an ambassador who -will, I fancy, cause more mischief than several thousand soldiers. -Endhoven, a little town of Brabant, has capitulated to the King (of -Spain) in spite of de Bonnivet’s defence. On the other hand, Biron has -retaken some small forts. They say that the Prince of Parma is making -preparations for the siege of Alost, thus threatening Brussels. - - June 1, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XX. - - -The King’s inordinate devotion to religious observances is the subject -of general remark; some declare that he will end by changing his crown -for a cowl. The Queen Mother, they say, disgusted with the way he -neglects his duties as Sovereign, roundly rebuked one Edmund,[158] a -Jesuit, who is the King’s chief adviser, for having well nigh turned -her son from a king into a monk, to the great detriment of the realm. - -Meanwhile serious disturbances are taking place in Aquitaine and -Languedoc. In consequence of these movements the King has despatched -Monsieur du Ferrier, whom he employed for a long time as his ambassador -at Venice, to the King of Navarre. He is an old man and reputed wise. - -The Queen Mother would have rushed to meet Alençon at Calais, if he -had not written to stop her, warning her that a visit from her would -wake the suspicions of the States of the Netherlands, and so damage -his prospects. This is the excuse he gives, but most people think his -letter was written to suit the views of the gentlemen responsible -for the catastrophe at Antwerp, who are afraid of meeting with hard -language and reproaches from the Queen, and haply also of being -dismissed from their places. - -Don Antonio was here the other day with the Queen, having run away -from Dieppe and Rouen on account of the plague. He has now left for -a village in the neighbourhood called Ruel, where he is living in a -pleasant house lent him by Alençon. His household consists of some -sixty people, who consume daily a quarter of an ox, two sheep, one -calf, and 150 loaves. - -It is now quite certain that Orange openly assumes the position of -Count of Holland. Flushing,[159] a city of Zealand, he bought with his -own money; so that he commands the communications of those provinces -with the sea. Thus amid the downfall and ruin of others Orange has -secured a success. - -The King is preparing for a journey to Mézières, with the intention of -going on to a château called Foullenbraye, where he will stay to drink -the Spa waters for the benefit of his health. During his absence the -government is placed in the hands of the Queen Mother and the Privy -Council. It is thought he will be away the whole summer. His days, I -fear, are numbered. - -After several feints, by which he kept every one in suspense as to -where he would next strike, Parma has settled down to the siege of -Cambrai. It will be a tedious affair, and success is by no means -certain, still the capture of the town would go far towards deciding -the struggle. He is said, moreover, to have recovered the town of -Diest. Brussels, too, seems inclined to go over. - -People are again beginning to be afraid of the plague. There are -serious signs of its presence in Paris, and also in several other -French towns. - - June 25, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXI. - - -The Queen Mother has been with the King. After her interview she flew -off to Boulogne-sur-Mer to meet Alençon, with Marshal de Retz in -attendance on her. Alençon himself is levying fresh soldiers with the -purpose, I suppose, of sending them to the relief of Cambrai. - -The States and Biron have received a severe check at Steenbergen,[160] -losing a great many men. Biron was wounded, and had difficulty in -protecting himself behind the walls of Steenbergen. - -The Governor of Namur has been sent by Parma to the King. A messenger -also came from Casimir to ask a free passage through France; he is -sending him to the Queen of England about the Cologne business. The -Pope, through his nuncio, is urging the King to accept the decrees of -the Council of Trent, and to publish them throughout the kingdom. I -do not think his representations will have much effect, not because -the King is a supporter of the privileges of the Gallican Church, but -because there is a suspicion that the real object is the introduction -of the Inquisition into France. Fresh disturbances would be the certain -consequence of so unpopular a measure. - -For these reasons people say the King, though personally disposed -to accede to the demands of the Pope, will not grant them, being -determined, as far as in him lies, to avoid all risk of rebellion and -civil war. - -The King was desirous of placing the Duke of Epernon in command of -Metz, but the present governor is an obstacle. He refuses to transfer -his command to any one until he shall have received the reward due -to him for long service in the army and years of honest work. In my -opinion the King has another reason for prolonging his stay in those -parts. Cologne is not far distant, and he may be thinking of making his -own advantage out of the disturbances. - -Then, after conducting his wife to Bourbon-les-Bains, he will make a -_détour_ to Lyons, not returning to Paris till the end of the summer. - -The Duke of Joyeuse is expected back. He crossed the mountains into -Italy with a brilliant train on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the Holy -Virgin of Loreto, in fulfilment of a vow he had undertaken when his -wife was ill. - -On his way he visited Rome to do reverence to the Pope, and possibly -also to give him a private message[161] from the King. - -The men of Antwerp have lost a great deal of their old confidence and -love for Orange, who seems only to care for making his kingdom of -Holland secure, and does not pay sufficient attention to the safety -of the other provinces. From Brussels also there is news of some -disturbance, touching which I am expecting a report from a trusty -correspondent. - -Meanwhile I pray God to grant good health to your Imperial Majesty, -whose most humble servant I remain. - - July 3, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXII. - - -As the Queen Mother was hastening through Picardy to Boulogne, Alençon -met her at La Fère. He did not leave Dunkirk an hour too soon. No -sooner had he gone than Parma’s army sat down before it, and the -siege was so skilfully conducted that the garrison were compelled to -surrender;[162] they were, however, able to obtain honourable terms. -With Dunkirk Alençon has lost all footing in the Netherlands except -Cambrai, and even that is hard pressed and in great want of provisions, -by reason of the garrisons and outposts which encompass it on every -side. However, Alençon, with a relieving army, is not far off, and -stores of wine and corn, collected in Picardy, have been laid up at St. -Quentin to supply the famished town. As to what the end of it will be, -no one knows. - -The ambassadors, who were expected from Antwerp for the ratification -of the terms of reconciliation, did not arrive, in consequence of -which Alençon returned to France in high dudgeon with the States of -the Netherlands. Biron is said to be at Antwerp, with one word and -one word only in his mouth, which he is ever repeating, and that word -is ‘money;’ no one listens to him, for there seems no possibility of -extracting a penny from the townspeople without running the risk of an -outbreak; in good sooth, the funds which the citizens supplied have so -often been wasted that they are sick of the business. - -On the other hand, Orange does what he can to awake the zeal of -Antwerp, but, since Alençon’s disastrous attempt, his influence has -fallen low, and there is a suspicion abroad that he is more anxious for -his own personal advantage than for the welfare of his country. Some -say he has crossed over to Zealand, to make all safe in that quarter, -and transact some pressing business. - -The fall of Dunkirk has been followed by the surrender of Nieuport, -St. Winoc, and other neighbouring towns, so that they are in hopes -of taking Bruges and Ypres. Thus affairs in the Netherlands are -mending;[163] and possibly a little skilful management would induce the -people to come to terms. I was expecting a man from Brabant, who would -have given me accurate information on all these points, but I am afraid -his return will be delayed by the capture of Dunkirk, which has greatly -added to the difficulties of a sea passage. - -There was in Paris a royal messenger, famous for his skill in conveying -to their destination the orders and despatches of his master; nor was -there any one in whose loyalty and discretion the King placed greater -confidence. His Majesty had ordered him to cross the Alps with an -autograph letter, filling two sheets, to the Duke of Joyeuse. He had -not gone far before he fell in with four horsemen, who were dogging his -path; they stabbed him in several places, and carried off the King’s -letter; by this means, it is supposed, several important secrets have -been discovered by the opponents of the Court. Whether it was for this -reason or not I cannot say, but the King immediately hurried back to -Paris, instead of accompanying his wife to Bourbon-les-bains, as he had -intended. However, in a few days he will join her at the baths, going -on to Lyons, but what he intends to do when he gets there is a secret -to most people. - -For myself, I am inclined to think that he wishes to see whether his -presence on the spot will enable him to turn Montmorency[164] out of -the government of Languedoc, and place the Duke of Joyeuse, or one of -his other minions, in possession. - -I am not, I say, certain that he will give it to the Duke of Joyeuse, -since a most handsome provision has been made for him in the -governorship of Normandy, which was refused to Alençon himself. But -perhaps ere long we shall learn the truth. - -Every one in Paris is talking of the news that Don Antonio’s new fleet -has reached the Azores in safety. The commander is Monsieur de Chattes, -a knight of Malta, and also a relation of the Duke of Joyeuse, Admiral -of France. - -Some time ago one St. Hilaire entered your Majesty’s service as a -gentleman cadet. I understand he is now serving in Hungary. This young -gentleman’s eldest brother is dead, and, if I mistake not, he stands -next in succession to the estate; there are several brothers, and, if -he is not present when the property is divided, there is danger of his -not getting his proper share; as the loss to him might be considerable, -his friends have come to the conclusion that he ought to be summoned -home, and have requested me to write to your Majesty, and ask for an -honourable discharge, which request I hereby comply with. It will be a -good occasion for your Imperial Majesty to exercise your kindness by -graciously giving him leave of absence for the transaction of private -business. - -The plague is breaking out afresh in several places, the wind being -unusually steady, and never shifting, unless it be from south to west. - -As to the Greek books, I most humbly repeat my request that your -Majesty would keep the matter in mind. - -There was lately in Paris a gentleman of good family, who was a -notorious duellist. His name was the Baron de Viteaux,[165] and he -had attained some celebrity by the bold and successful way in which -he had killed sundry gentlemen with whom he had differences. The son -of one of his victims was anxious to avenge his father’s death; he -had also another motive, for having lately been discovered in a plot -against the Baron’s life,[166] he knew that unless he killed him his -doom was sealed. Accordingly he determined to take a decided course; so -last Sunday he invited the Baron to measure swords with him in a field -near Paris; the arrangement was that they should have in attendance -only one servant apiece, and a gentleman of rank, the common friend -of both parties, to act as umpire and marshal of the lists; the duel -to be with sword and dagger, no other weapon being allowed, and only -to be terminated when one of the combatants should have fallen. The -Baron accepted the challenge; as soon as they met he ran his opponent -through the arm and stretched him on the ground; not liking to strike -him when he was down, he told him to get up. This act of kindness cost -him dear, for his opponent, in no way daunted by his wound, but burning -to avenge his fall, with one vigorous and skilful thrust, ran the Baron -through the heart; then, as he lay dying on the ground, he stabbed him -again and again, and thus rewarded his folly in sparing an antagonist -whose arm still held a sword. Though scarcely twenty-one, the young man -had for years been devoting himself to the art of fencing, with a view -to this meeting. Thus died the famous Baron, who was looked on here as -a second Mars, and is thought to have frightened the King[167] more -than once. His end was like that of Montal[168] and Bussy,[169] both -of whom died as they deserved to die. ‘Aspiciunt oculis superi mortalia -justis.’ The victor is not yet out of danger. He received two wounds, -one, as I mentioned, in his arm, and the other in his thigh. Even if -he recovers, another duel awaits him, as he will be challenged by a -relation of the late Baron, who is well qualified to avenge his death. - -I thought there was no harm in giving your Majesty a full account of -this affair, though it has but little connection with my business. - - Paris, August 10, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXIII. - - -However famous Africa may have been of old for tales and wonders, it -must yield the palm to modern France. - -Scarcely had our ears recovered from the flood of gossip aroused by the -death of the Baron, which I have already described, when there crops up -another scandal, calculated to produce quite as much astonishment and -conversation. The King, publicly before a large audience, gave a severe -lecture[170] to his sister the Queen of Navarre, reproving her for her -disreputable and immoral courses; he gave her the exact dates at which -she had taken on each new lover; he reproached her with having had a -son of whom her husband was not the father; in each instance his dates -and particulars were so accurate, that one would have thought he had -been an eyewitness. The Queen (Marguerite de Valois) was overwhelmed, -being ashamed to confess, and at the same time unable to refute, the -charges brought against her. The King concluded his lecture by ordering -her to leave Paris forthwith, and no longer pollute the city with her -presence. - -In obedience to this command, the Queen of Navarre packed in haste, -and left Paris on the following day; no one paid her the attention of -escorting her from the city, and she had not even a complete train -of servants. Her destination is supposed to be Vendôme, one of her -husband’s towns. Two ladies of rank,[171] who are at the head of her -household, were arrested on the road, brought back to Paris, and placed -under guard. - -Nor was the King satisfied with the punishment he had inflicted, but -must needs write a letter to the King of Navarre with a full account of -his wife’s delinquencies. People say that, if her husband accepts this -statement, and refuses to receive her, it is the intention of the King -to immure his sister in some lonely fortress, where she can injure no -one by her immorality and intrigues. Nor need this excite surprise, for -there is some fear that, if she should return to her husband, and make -herself out innocent to him, she will be the source of much disturbance -and disquiet to the realm; of will and malice for such work she has -good store, and of ability there is enough and to spare. - -Immediately after the interview between the King and his sister, a -gentleman, named de Chanvallon,[172] fled to Germany; for a long time -he had stood high in Alençon’s favour; but when it was discovered that -he had sent news from Antwerp to the French Court, touching matters -which Alençon wished to be suppressed, he fell out of favour with the -Prince, and was ordered to leave his presence. He returned to Paris -and took refuge with the Queen of Navarre, to the great annoyance of -Alençon, who is now completely estranged from him, if one may believe -what one hears. - -De Chanvallon is a young man whose claims to noble birth are doubtful; -he has, however, the advantage of pleasing manners, and is a handsome -young fellow; he holds a high place among the admirers of the Queen of -Navarre. They say the Queen Mother also is greatly incensed with her -daughter for her indiscretions. How that may be I cannot tell; but at -any rate the Queen of Navarre has, as I told your Majesty, left Paris, -declaring again and again that ‘she and the Queen of Scots are the most -unhappy beings in the world; a little drop of poison would give her -relief, if anyone would help her to it, but she has neither friend nor -foe to do her this service.’ - -This story, which is now current in France, is perhaps hardly deserving -of your Majesty’s attention, or a fit subject for a confidential -despatch; but I was induced to give these details by the circumstance -that I had an opportunity of sending a letter, and the business of the -Queen made it necessary that I should write to her. So, having little -else in the way of news, I have filled my letter to your Majesty with -this gossip. - -The Queen Mother has returned to Alençon at La Fère. The King himself -has set out for Lyons, his chief object being, as he professes, to meet -his dear Duke of Joyeuse, on his return from Italy. - -There is a report that Alençon will marry his niece, the daughter of -his sister and the Duke of Lorraine, and that the sister of the King of -Navarre is intended for the Duke of Savoy. Strange reports, methinks, -and not worthy of much credit as yet. - -The Prince of Parma’s victorious career in Flanders has been stopped at -Ostend; the town was reinforced by the Prince of Orange, and refused -to surrender. Ypres is lost; Dixmude is said to be hard pressed, for -the people of Bruges were obliged to call in the garrison of Menin for -the further protection of the town. Menin was evacuated, and left to be -plundered and sacked. - - August 27, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXIV. - - -At last the gentleman whom I expected from the Netherlands, as I have -already told your Majesty, has returned. The only news he brings is -that the Netherlanders are acting in the maddest way, the citizens -quarrelling, the towns disagreeing, there is no steady policy, and a -reckless spirit prevails. However, in one point they all agree, to wit, -their detestation of the French; who since the outrage at Antwerp have -become positively hateful to the Netherlanders, a sentiment which they -on their part warmly reciprocate. It is on account of this feeling, he -says, that Biron has returned with his forces to France. When he was -embarking, there were not enough transports for the conveyance of the -troop horses, so the men piled straw round a number of them, and burnt -them; others they stabbed or hamstrung, so as to render them useless. -Everywhere Netherlanders are being stopped on the road and plundered by -the French, who tell them that they are returning the favours they have -received in the Low Countries. All this plainly shows how untrustworthy -is a league between ill-assorted allies, however much it be varnished -over with a pretence of friendship, and how quickly ancient national -feuds break out afresh. - -They say that Puygalliard, commander of the royal cavalry in Picardy, -is acting governor at Cambrai for the King of France, Alençon having -handed over the city to his brother, and Biron is on his way to join -him. - -Apparently Alençon’s plan is to throw a strong garrison into Cambrai, -and retake some places in the neighbourhood, while harassing the -cities of Hainault and Artois, and thus proving to the men of Brabant -and the rest of the Netherlanders, who, as he is aware, hate him -cordially, how much protection he could have afforded, and how much he -would have done if they had continued to cultivate his friendship. - -This is supposed to be his only chance of reinstating himself in -their good graces. Towards carrying out this scheme he has received -material assistance, it is said, from the King, who has appointed him -his Lieutenant; but his powers are so far limited, that he cannot -levy money or draw on the royal treasury at his own discretion. Still -his success is in no way assured, for the French are so unpopular in -the Netherlands, that the Prince of Orange himself is roundly abused -for supporting their interests; he does not carry anything like the -weight he once possessed; his influence has declined even among the -Hollanders and Zealanders, who were supposed to be on the point of -making him their Count and Sovereign; now, however, he is compelled to -listen to language from them which is not merely blunt, but actually -rude and insulting. Some go so far as to insinuate that he was privy to -Alençon’s schemes, when he made his disastrous attempt on Antwerp. - -He is consequently living in retirement at Flushing, in a position -hardly above that of a private gentleman. Occupied solely with sundry -family affairs, he is quietly waiting till the storm of unpopularity -shall have spent itself, for well he knows how changeable the masses -are, and that neither their favour nor disfavour is likely to last long. - -The following piece of news I give, but do not vouch for, though the -report is generally current. Those who do not like it explain it away. -All France rings with the story of another defeat at the Azores;[173] -the fleet, they say, is lost; the French cut to pieces; the Portuguese -condemned to the galley and the oar; the commander of the expedition a -prisoner. If this be true, and it does not seem improbable, France will -have paid dearly for her hospitalities to the Portuguese. - -Among other instructions given by the King to the Duke of Joyeuse, when -setting out for Italy, was one of special importance; he was to obtain -the Pope’s permission for the sale of ecclesiastical property to the -value of some hundred thousands of crowns; it is now reported that the -Duke’s attempt to obtain the Papal sanction was a complete failure. So -the King’s hopes in this quarter were frustrated, and the Duke has not -been more successful than the great men whom the King lately sent round -France to obtain supplies. The first debates on the King’s return will -be, I imagine, on the best method of scraping up money! With the lower -orders in this country distress has gone so far that they are like -to hang themselves from sheer despair, consequently they take these -frequent and heavy demands upon their pockets in very bad part. - - September 15, 1583. - - -The aged Bishop of Rimini, the Apostolic Nuncio, has died here of -fever. He was a man of kindly feeling and high character. - - September 20, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXV. - - -I have not much to report. Alençon is at Cambrai, in great want of -many things, especially money, which in his case is all important. His -captains attempted to surprise Le Quesnoy, a strongly fortified town in -Hainault, and were repulsed with great slaughter. - -St. Aldegonde, and a gentleman named Junius, who acted as secretary -to the late Count Palatine,[174] are said to have come to Cambrai -as ambassadors from the States, to treat with Alençon for a -reconciliation; but treat or reconcile as they please, it is plain they -will not be supported by public sentiment, for the Netherlanders loathe -the very name of Frenchman. - -Ypres is still blockaded by the enemy’s works, though there is a story -that the besiegers have suffered some loss at the hands of the garrison -of Bruges. - -The plague, which is now raging at Paris with extraordinary violence, -will, I think, cause the King to defer his return. People expect that -Alençon will meet him here. - -A new religious fashion[175] is in vogue among the French. The townsmen -and peasants of some place, of all ages and all ranks, quit their homes -in a body, and make a pilgrimage of two or three days to some famous -shrine. The pilgrims are generally clothed in white linen robes, and -carry crosses in their hands. Some people think that this movement -had its origin in supernatural warnings, which frightened the people, -and led them to take this means of appeasing the Deity, and saving -themselves; others think that it is to gratify the King that these -pilgrimages are undertaken, and that their object is to ask God to -grant him children. - - October 6, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XXVI. - - -I have received a letter from the Counsellors of your Imperial -Majesty’s chamber, in which they state that the books which I presented -to the library some seven years ago, during the lifetime of the Emperor -Maximilian, of blessed memory, have been valued at one thousand -florins; if your Imperial Majesty regards this sum in the light of a -present in return for my present of books, I shall consider it most -handsome, and humbly offer my best thanks to your Majesty for the -same; but if it is a matter of business and strict account—if this -sum, I say, is to be reckoned as the ascertained value of all those -precious volumes, the antiquity of which renders them so important an -acquisition to the Imperial Library—I must confess that such a price -in no way represents their value. The precious character of the books -and the high regard I have ever felt for them[176] render it incumbent -on me to make this protest. As far as I am personally concerned, I am -ready to acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be. - - October 9, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXVII. - - -The King has at last returned. On account of the plague it was -determined that he should not enter Paris. It was arranged, as the most -convenient plan, that he should stay at Saint-Germain en Laye. On his -arrival, his first care was to summon the gentlemen who, as I told your -Majesty in a former letter, were sent round the provinces and cities of -France to collect money. They are all men of high standing.[177] The -King will now receive an account of the steps they took and the reply -they got. Their report must needs be that all made answer with one -accord, their burden was already so heavy, that if they were to bear it -any longer, it must be lightened rather than increased by the addition -of a fresh tax. - -This will compel the King to consult these gentlemen as to the best -means of raising funds, for, one way or another, money must be had. -As to what course they will recommend there is no certainty; but some -people are disposed to think that the honour of replenishing the -treasury will be assigned to the Church. The King, it seems, desired -the Duke of Joyeuse to open negotiations with the Pope for obtaining -his sanction to a fresh sale of ecclesiastical property to the value of -several hundred thousand crowns; but for some reason or other nothing -came of it. - -These conferences at Saint-Germain would have been brought to a -conclusion had not Alençon made a _détour_ to Château Thierry, some -26 miles[178] from Paris, on his way from Cambrai to his own town of -Angers, where he intends spending the winter; his mother has gone to -visit him, hoping to bring him to the court, in order that he may be -present at the above-mentioned conferences; but whether he will be -persuaded is still uncertain, for he persists in his complaint that he -has not been properly supported in the great work he has undertaken, -and that the King has had more regard for the interests of utter -strangers than for those of his own brother. - -As to other matters, Cambrai is neither safe against attack nor -adequately provisioned. Biron tried to storm Cateau Cambrésis, but, -unluckily for him, the Prince of Parma came to the rescue; the French -army was in great danger, and had to beat a hurried retreat; Biron, -however, managed to save his cannon. - -The rebel States of the Netherlands, having met at Middelburg[179] to -transact federal business, the party of the Prince of Orange urged -strongly the advisability of a reconciliation with Alençon; they were, -however, repeatedly told by other members of the meeting that the late -disastrous affair (at Antwerp) had shown them how impossible it was to -trust the word of Frenchmen. There were some who wished for the King of -Denmark, while several mentioned Casimir, who had the support of the -Queen of England; but the assembly broke up without arriving at any -decision. - - October 29, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXVIII. - - -Alençon has retraced his steps to Laon, whither the Queen Mother has -gone to visit him. Of the reason of this step I am not sure, but -probably his object is to be near Cambrai. It is well known that great -disturbances lately took place there; certain of the citizens conspired -with officers commanding posts in the neighbourhood, and either took -the town or were within an ace of taking it. The French, however, still -hold the citadel. - - November 2, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXIX. - - -The Queen Mother has returned from her visit to Alençon. All her -trouble has been to no purpose, for he could not be induced to -accompany her to Court.[180] The King’s distress at his absence is not -overwhelming! - -The Queen of Navarre has joined her husband; he received her -courteously, but she will live apart from him until the truth be -ascertained concerning the immoralities of which she is charged. It is -on this business that Bellièvre has been sent to the King of Navarre. -He is to make a recantation on the King’s behalf, and reconcile husband -and wife. - -They say the King has been brought to task for allowing himself, in a -fit of passion, to blast the reputation of a member of his own family, -and is now sorry for what he has done.[181] He tries to clear himself -by saying that in a rash moment he believed what certain people told -him. The King of Navarre demands that, if his wife be guilty, she -should receive the punishment she deserves; but that, if she has been -falsely accused, and is innocent, her calumniators should pay the -penalty. It is well known that the King was provoked into this by the -murder of the messenger[182] he sent to the Duke of Joyeuse, of which -I informed your Majesty in a former letter, for he suspected that his -sister had been privy to the assassination. Those who are acquainted -with the character of the lady say that, unless they are greatly -mistaken, she will one day signally avenge the insult she has received. - -The story of a disturbance at Cambrai, which I mentioned at the end -of my last letter, arose from the Seigneur de Goigny, commandant of a -neighbouring place for the King (of Spain), being seen in the city. It -was assumed that he could not be staying in Cambrai without the consent -of the townsmen. The assumption was ill-grounded, as the event proved, -for he had come to Cambrai to have an interview with Alençon, whom he -has followed to France; for aught I know, he is still at his quarters. - -The reason of his visit was the hope that had been thrown out of some -arrangement for recovering Cambrai, a large sum of money having been -promised to Alençon on behalf of the King of Spain. - -The ruined and impoverished condition of the nobles in Alençon’s -train renders it by no means improbable that this scheme may come to -something, as it would provide the means to save them from starvation -and destitution; but in the Royal Court, and throughout France, the -negotiation is held to be most discreditable, and is regarded as a -striking proof of the fickleness of the French. - -A report is current that the King has written a letter to his brother -cautioning him. An arrangement for the exchange of prisoners furnishes -the pretext under which this negotiation is being conducted. - -In spite of all this, some are inclined to think that the States of -Brabant are getting ready a fresh embassy, which will shortly be sent -to arrange the terms of a reconciliation with Alençon. It would appear -that they have been driven to this course by the successes of the -Prince of Parma, who has seized nearly all the country save Ghent and -Antwerp. The Netherlanders, however, have opened the dykes with the -double object of protecting themselves, and making Parma’s conquests of -no avail to him. It is supposed that their next step will be to send a -fresh embassy, since they are determined to suffer the worst that may -befall, rather than submit once more to the authority of Spain. However -this may be, there is news that the Zealanders and Hollanders will -shortly appoint Orange as their Count. - -De Puygaillard has left Cambrai; de Balagny[183] is in command of -the citadel and garrison, and he is not the sort of man to surrender -the town to anyone, even though Alençon himself should give the -order. The latter has changed his plans; it is thought he will not -go, as formerly reported, to Angers for the winter, but will stop in -his present quarters at Château Thierry. He has returned from the -Netherlands with such discredit that he is only thinking of where he -may best hide his dishonoured head. Meanwhile the King is holding his -assemblies, which will continue sitting for at least two months; not -only will the financial question be considered, but also a general -reform of all abuses; it is the purpose of the King, in conformity with -his present strict religious views, to correct all vices and faults -in the administration of his realm and thus promote the welfare of -his people; it is probable, however, that the upshot of these changes -will be to make the King’s interest the paramount consideration. For -instance, the Crown claims the right of conferring Church patronage, -and in consequence you may see children, military men,[184] and women -holding bishopricks and abbacies; well, first there was a debate as -to the advisability of replacing matters on their old footing, and -making these appointments elective, but a resolution was passed that, -inasmuch as the old purity in voting had passed away, and all principle -had been lost, there appeared no reason for depriving the Crown of -the valuable right it had acquired, and that the matter had better be -left on its present footing, with the understanding that the King, -when exercising his patronage, should have regard to the character -and qualifications of the candidates. In many other cases there will -be a similar result—that is, projects will be ushered in with fine -phrases as to the _interests of the people_ and the mitigation of -their burdens, and then in the end the _interests of the Crown_ will -carry the day. The King indeed takes care that the law he enacted with -regard to dress should be strictly observed; it had not been in force -many days when it met with the usual fate of such edicts, and was -disregarded by the Parisians, whereon his Majesty sent the Provost of -the Court into the city with orders to throw into jail all persons whom -he might find transgressing the law. There were several arrests both -of men and women, and a great commotion was the consequence, amounting -almost to an insurrection. ‘Were they to be arrested by the Provost -as if they were highwaymen or burglars? They had their own judges and -magistrates to punish offending citizens. If the Provost[185] continued -to interfere it should cost him his life.’ It seemed likely that the -people would be as good as their word, so the magistrates of the city -came to the King and informed him of what was going on; at first he -took them roundly to task for their laches in allowing these salutary -laws to fall into abeyance, telling them that it was through their -negligence he had been driven to other means of enforcing them; he then -hurried to Paris, went straight to the prison and set free all who had -been arrested on this charge, paying out of his own purse the jailor’s -dues for each prisoner. Since then the law has been more strictly -enforced. - -Cardinal de Birague[186] is dead, at the age, if I mistake not, of more -than eighty years; the Court followed its usual fashion, and gave a -magnificent funeral at death to one whom it loved not during his life. -He held the title of Chancellor of France, but the duties of his office -were discharged by a deputy; he was a man who loved fair dealing, -and consequently a good friend and supporter of the Queen Dowager of -France, your Imperial Majesty’s sister; his successor[187] is his exact -opposite in character, disposition, and intentions. - -Orange is scheming to recover Zutphen, a city of Gueldres, which has -been taken by the Spaniards. The Count of Gueldres is suspected of -having a secret understanding with Parma; there is a report that he -has been sent as a prisoner to Zealand with his children. At Ghent -also a conspiracy[188] of some nobles against the city authorities has -been detected through Imbize, who for a long time was an exile in the -Palatinate; this discovery has placed them all in imminent danger; -among the number is Ryhove, who was ambassador at Constantinople. - -However the others may fare, Champagny, who was the prime mover and -soul of the plot, can hardly hope to save his head. - - December 4, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXX. - - -Nothing of importance, as far as I know, has happened since I last -wrote, unless it be that some men were caught at Alençon’s quarters, -with arms in their hands, under suspicious circumstances; it was -thought that they were waiting to assassinate some one. Alençon was -strongly impressed with the idea that they were cut-throats hired to -murder him. At last, after a careful investigation, it was discovered -that it was not his life they designed to take, but Fervaques’; -moreover, it was ascertained that the man who set them on was at open -feud with the latter, on account of some injury he had received at his -hands. - -The Queen Mother has again set out on a visit to Alençon. She has -several objects in going, but the chief one is to remove whatever -suspicions he may still entertain. People say Alençon is also about -to receive ambassadors from nearly all the rebel States of the -Netherlands, with the exception of Flanders, which has not yet been -induced to sanction his recall. For the aforesaid ambassadors, whose -arrival is expected, eighteen gold chains are being worked up at -Alençon’s quarters. The Hollanders, however, are supposed to have -already sworn allegiance to Orange, or to be on the point of so doing, -with the reservation that the supreme sovereignty be vested in Alençon. -Whatever else Orange may lose, he will always retain his power of -perpetuating disturbances and revolutions. His chief assistant and -adviser, St. Aldegonde, has been made burgomaster of Antwerp. For -many years past I have been unable to see any prospect of a peaceful -settlement for the Netherlands. Parma has, it is true, done much, but I -doubt whether there is not quite as much more to be done. - -We have news of disturbances in Gascony and Aquitaine; in both of these -provinces places have been seized, and attempts are being made to -recover them by force of arms. - -That the year on which we have just entered and many, many coming years -may bring prosperity to your Imperial Majesty is the hope and prayer of -your most humble servant. - - January 9, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXI. - - -The King is bent on a plan for reforming his life, and devoting -himself more exclusively to religion. It was supposed that he would -spend the Carnival at Paris; he used to say that not to be at Paris -at that season was as bad as being in Poland, for he should miss all -the fun and pleasure of the capital, and last, but not least, the -society of certain ladies whom he had been accustomed to meet on that -occasion.[189] - -In his present humour he does not care to leave Saint-Germain, where -he lives like a hermit. Meanwhile the assembly, which was convened -for the purpose of reforming the people and remedying abuses in the -government, is still sitting. Every day it passes a number of wholesome -measures, of which I shall now proceed to give your Majesty an example. -There is no greater burden laid on the realm of France than the -multiplication of official posts, which the King creates to the benefit -of his own pocket and the impoverishment of his people; these are now, -to a great extent, abolished. For instance, the King had as many as -150 chamberlains, all of whom are now dismissed, with the exception -of sixteen, or, according to another version, twenty-four. The same -course, it is supposed, will be followed in all similar cases, to the -great advantage and relief of the nation, on whose shoulders the entire -burden of supporting these sinecures used to rest. - -This reform, however, will draw complaints from individuals who have -purchased such offices with hard cash out of their own pockets. Their -claims, it is true, will be commuted, but they will suffer great -inconvenience and loss by the change. - -Meantime there is a vague idea that France is on the eve of a fresh -civil war, and there are people who assert that Navarre has sent to -Germany to hire reiters. Whether that be so or not, at any rate the -King is raising troops. - -It is supposed that the Queen of Navarre will shortly be reconciled to -her husband, if indeed the reconciliation has not already taken place, -through the mediation of one Pernantius of Lorraine, a notable champion -of Protestantism. The Netherland ambassadors are now with Alençon, -waiting for fuller instructions from the States. Alençon is urging his -claim to be appointed Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, with the same -powers as the present Sovereign held during the reign of his brother -Charles, which were very extensive; but the King objects, and it seems -hardly likely that they will come to terms. This difference, it is -feared, will, in the event of war, be the source of yet more serious -quarrels. - -Every day men[190] are coming over from England to France who have -been concerned in the great conspiracy against the life of the Queen -(Elizabeth). The Earl of Norfolk[191] has been arrested in England for -his part in the plot, and everyone expects that he will lose his head, -but the Earl of Arundel’s case is not regarded as equally desperate, -as the Queen seems more inclined to show him mercy. Even the Queen of -Scots, who is accused of having been privy to all their designs, is -considered to be in great danger. The Ambassador[192] of the King of -Spain, they say, was the prime mover in the conspiracy, and on this -account has been ordered to leave England. There is an idea that he -will pass through France on his way to Spain. - - February 12, 1584. - - -The King has returned from Saint-Germain to Paris, on account of the -illness of the Queen Mother. She had an attack of fever, which lasted -longer than was expected. - - February 15, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXII. - - -Alençon has paid a visit to his sick mother, staying with her some -days before he showed himself to the King. At last, by her advice, -as I suppose, he approached[193] the King in a most respectful and -submissive manner, insomuch that for some time he kept his knee well -nigh touching the ground. When raised by the King, he commenced his -address by imploring forgiveness for any offences he might have -committed against him. - -The King replied there was no need of pardon; he was quite aware that -in certain points he did not agree with his brother, but for his own -part he was prepared to submit such questions to the arbitration of -their mother, and would abide by her decision. - -People say that Alençon was advised to make sure of Joyeuse and -Epernon, through whose eyes the King sees everything, if he wanted -his brother to help his party, and interfere in the affairs of the -Netherlands. The King could be led to anything, if they chose to exert -their influence. This advice he seems inclined to adopt. - -The ambassadors of Brabant and Flanders have now arrived; people say -that they have offered Alençon the right of placing garrisons in any of -their cities with the exception of two, viz., Antwerp and Ghent. They -have also been to Paris to plead their cause before the King. - -Alençon, after spending a few days with the King, returned to his old -quarters at Château Thierry, with the intention of coming again to -Paris before Easter. - -When he left the whole court escorted him out; there was a great fuss, -and none so forward as Joyeuse and Epernon, on whom he bestowed every -mark of favour at parting. - -The King, it seems, is about to take Cambrai under his protection, and -will send some troops thither, which, however, are nominally to be -Alençon’s. - -Everyone is talking of the campaign against Damville, whose present -title is the Duke of Montmorency.[194] He is Governor of Languedoc, -and appointments of this kind are held for life, and not for a term of -years, the holder not being superseded unless he has become a rebel or -been convicted of high treason. The King is determined to bestow the -governorship of the province on the father of Joyeuse, but Montmorency, -it seems, does not intend surrendering his post as long as there is -life in his body. The King has caused Montmorency to be tried before -his Parliament, and pronounced contumacious and rebellious. This -campaign, people say, will be taken in hand after Easter. Alençon is to -act as the King’s Lieutenant in proof of his submission to the royal -authority. The result is anxiously expected. - -Montmorency has great resources in Languedoc, and is supported by a -united and numerous party. Many will suspect that his downfall will -pave the way to their destruction. - -A few days ago the King was within an ace of committing an act in his -own council-chamber hardly consistent with the gracious character -which befits a Sovereign. Among his councillors was a knight of Malta, -the Prior of Champagne,[195] a violent and reckless man. The King was -speaking earnestly on some important point, and the Prior, who took an -opposite view, went so far as to say, ‘If you wished,[196] Sire, to -speak the truth, you must remember, &c.’ The King took his words as -a personal insult, and was furious. ‘What?’ cried he; ‘do you think I -am telling a lie? Down on your knees at once, and beg my pardon.’ When -he had done so, the King forgave him, but at the same time ordered him -out of his sight. When the Prior was somewhat slow in obeying, or, it -may be, said something in reply, the King again lost his temper, and, -drawing his sword, was on the point of running him through, when he was -held back by the gentlemen present. The Bishop of Paris[197] is still -suffering from a wound in the hand, which he received in grasping the -naked blade. Thus the King in his council-chamber all but perpetrated -a crime little becoming his character as a ‘penitent.’ Several people -interceded for the Prior, and the King accordingly pardoned him, but at -the same time required him to leave the Court and enter his presence -no more—a severe punishment to a man who is court bred, and knows no -pleasure elsewhere. - -The Ambassador, who is said to have been an accomplice in the English -tragedy, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, has arrived at Paris, where he is -waiting for an answer from the King of Spain, but on what business I -cannot say. Some think he is seeking the post of ambassador at the -French court. - - March 20, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXIII. - - -Alençon,[198] after his return to Château Thierry, fell seriously ill, -and his life was in great danger. This gave rise to a story that he had -been poisoned. However, he is now said to be better. From his bringing -up large quantities of blood, some suspect that his lungs are affected. -The Queen Mother, who went to see him, has not yet returned. - - March 29, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXIV. - - -When the people from Flanders saw that they made no way with Alençon, -and all hope of help from France was at an end, they returned home, -reversed their policy, and opened negotiations with Parma.[199] Their -ambassadors were entertained courteously by the Prince, and received -presents from him on leaving, while the envoys whom Parma sent with his -reply had like treatment from the town of Ghent. - -Very different is the feeling at Antwerp, where the citizens will -endure the worst sooner than submit to the old yoke, and have therefore -determined to cast in their lot with Zealand and Holland for weal -or woe. This new combination will prolong the war, as they are the -wealthiest people in the world, are girt with fortifications, and have -the keys of the sea in their possession. - -The rest of the towns of Brabant are supposed to be on the eve of -returning to their allegiance to the King of Spain, in company with -Flanders; the men of Antwerp do not object, as they wish to be relieved -of the obligation. Bergen, which the Hollanders have taken under their -protection, is the only exception. Alençon indeed has something else -to think of just now besides the affairs of the Netherlands, aye, and -something that touches him more closely, for there is a report that he -is in a decline, which has reached the consumptive stage. If this be -true—and it is generally believed—he cannot be long for this world, -and then, however little the House of Valois may like it, the Bourbons -will be the heirs presumptive to the Crown—first the Cardinal, and then -Navarre. The Queen Mother is staying in the country at some distance -from Paris, and the report is that she is ill from grief. The King, it -seems, has laid aside the idea of a campaign against Damville,[200] -of which every one was talking, and has issued a proclamation to the -effect that there is nothing he loves so much as peace, no one is to -rise in arms, all are to do their best to prevent an outbreak. This -Edict is construed by the opposite faction to mean exactly the reverse, -and to be proof positive that war is intended; they say this is his -usual trick when he means to attack them. - -Whether they are right or wrong time will show. - - April 10, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXV. - - -Alençon’s[201] life is despaired of. Indeed a day or two ago he was -reported as dead, and not only was the date of his decease given, viz., -the 25th of this month, but also the hour, viz., 10 P.M. For several -hours, it seems, he had lain motionless, so that he was thought to be -dead; afterwards he became conscious, and is still alive, if a man -can be called alive, whose case is hopeless and whose death is hourly -expected. The King’s chief physician has visited him; on his return he -made the Queen Mother quite hopeful by his report, but privately he -told his friends that he did not expect him to last a month. Well, the -matter is in God’s hands, and that He will preserve your Majesty, is -the prayer of your humble servant. - - April 29, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXVI. - - -That Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend have come to terms with Parma is -considered certain; they say indeed that service in the cathedral of -Ghent is already celebrated after the Roman rite; and this is also -the case in three churches in Bruges. In that district Sluys alone -stands out, and holds by its treaty with Flushing. The terms of the -arrangement will, people think, shortly be made public. - - May 3, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXVII. - - -Alençon is still confined to his chamber, or, to speak more correctly, -to his bed; no one is allowed to see him save one or two of his -adherents, who encourage him to hope that he will recover, but -impartial people consider his case desperate; while some think he is -already dead, but that his death is kept secret. - -The greatest anxiety is felt throughout France, and it is indeed a -critical time, for Alençon’s death will be a most serious matter to -the kingdom. For some time past the King has been estranged from his -wife; people trace this estrangement to the rivalry between the Duke -of Mercœur, brother to the Queen, and the Duke of Joyeuse, husband to -the Queen’s sister. The latter has been appointed by the King Admiral -of France with very extensive powers; while the Duke of Mercœur has -been made Governor of Brittany. Now the Duke of Mercœur maintains that -all appointments within the limits of his province belong to him, -and Joyeuse disputes his claim. The King on being informed of this -difference spoke sharply to the Duke of Mercœur, and from that time -forth his manner to his wife has been less kind, from an idea that the -Duke of Mercœur would not be so proud and stubborn, if it were not for -his sister’s countenance and support. This has given rise to a notion -on the part of some people, that the King is thinking of divorcing his -wife, on the plea that she is barren, it being most important, under -present circumstances, that children should be born to the King of -France. - -The Duke of Epernon has been sent into Aquitaine with a numerous and -splendid retinue; his mission is a mystery and has furnished much -material for conversation and conjecture; only one or two, besides the -King, being acquainted with the secret.[202] The King also himself, -they say, is intending to visit Lyons shortly; no doubt there is some -important reason for this visit, but what it may be, there is no one -who can explain with such accuracy and clearness as Time! - - June 5, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXVIII. - - -That Alençon’s case was desperate has been proved by his death. He -breathed his last on the tenth of this month, almost at the same hour -and minute as his brother Charles some years ago; it is certain that he -died of the same complaint, tubercular consumption, as your Imperial -Majesty will have already learnt from the King’s own letter. - -Some people declare[203] his death is a far greater benefit to the -world than his birth; they say he had fallen under the influence of -worthless satellites, and was incapable of distinguishing between -friends and flatterers; he made notoriety his object, but the notoriety -he sought might more correctly be described as infamy; he lightly -undertook, and yet more lightly abandoned that which he had undertaken. -His life was in accordance with his character; fickle, unstable, -restless, his one great object was to destroy concord and promote -disorder. His mother’s grief for him is genuine, the tears of the rest -are constrained tears, I fancy, and their sorrow a sham. A magnificent -funeral, people say, is being prepared, but the mourning will not -last beyond St. John’s Day, which is now near at hand. The corpse is -to come to Paris. The King has put on black; this is unusual, for on -former occasions it has been the custom for Kings of France to wear -violet when in mourning. Some prognosticate that Alençon’s death will -give rise to great changes in France, and I think they are not far -wrong, for the chief provinces and cities of the kingdom will not be -disposed to accept any Sovereign whose religion differs from theirs, -neither will they lack leaders when they rise, for the governors of the -provinces will come forward, and others to boot. - -Some take such a hopeless and gloomy view of the future, that they are -already thinking of emigrating. The King indeed is heaping honours -on Navarre;[204] he has presented him with the duchy of Alençon, and -in his letters gives him the title of distinction which is by custom -assigned to the heir presumptive to the throne;[205] moreover, a way -has been discovered of perpetuating the miseries of the Netherlands in -spite of Alençon’s removal, for they say he has bequeathed Cambrai[206] -to his mother; this legacy will probably carry with it all his other -acquisitions in the Netherlands, and his interests in that quarter; it -is thought that the Queen Mother will make all this bequest over to -Navarre. In this way she will be able to carry out all her schemes in -the Netherlands, without giving the King of Spain ground for complaint -against the King of France. Meanwhile Cambrai is a thorn in the side of -Artois and Hainault, for the garrison pursues its forays far and wide, -burning and harrying the country. - -The town of Bruges has received a garrison of the troops of the King -of Spain; Ghent has admitted Orange’s forces, but there was such -want of forage that shortly afterwards the cavalry were obliged to -leave. People have a notion that the departure of the cavalry may lead -the men of Ghent to resume their negotiations with Parma; another -reason assigned is the alarm inspired by the arrival of the Spanish -reinforcements. - - June 18, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXIX. - - -On the festival of St. John and the two following days the last rites -were paid to Alençon; there was nothing in the ceremonies to call -for remark, except that in the funeral speech no mention was made of -his connection with the Netherlands, nor were the banners of any of -the provinces of the Low Countries introduced into the procession. I -have appended to my letter a copy of what is commonly supposed to be -Alençon’s will. - -To his Majesty’s great delight, the King of Navarre treated the Duke of -Epernon, on his arrival, with every mark of consideration and honour; -but Navarre’s wife (Marguerite de Valois) refused to admit him to her -presence. Epernon is supposed to be going through the province of -Narbonne, and so to Lyons, where the King will meet him. - -Marshal de Retz is busy in Picardy strengthening the garrisons of -forts and towns, where needful, so that they may be ready in case of -attack or sudden emergency. Strong bodies of infantry and cavalry are -being stationed in different parts of the country, with the object, as -I suppose, of having a relieving army at hand in case Cambrai shall -be hard pressed. The Hollanders and Zealanders have raised a fleet -to prevent any supplies being introduced into those ports of the -Netherlands which are in the occupation of their adversaries, and this -will probably cause a rise in the price of corn. - - July 10, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XL. - - -The news has come of Orange’s death; there is no doubt as to the -accuracy of the report. He was shot with a pistol.[207] The assassin -has been taken and tortured, but refused to confess at whose -instigation he committed the murder. His only statement consisted of -a paper in his own handwriting to the effect that he was prompted to -the deed by the desire of delivering the Provinces from so despotic a -master. - -The ambassadors from the Netherlands have come to Paris, in the hope, I -suppose, of inducing the King to give them his support, but his answer -was not favourable. They are now importuning the Queen Mother, and if -she refuses they will probably apply to the King of Navarre and the -Bourbons for assistance. - -Fort Lillo, which is one of the outworks of Antwerp, is closely -besieged by Parma; three attempts have been made to take it, but in -each case the assailants were repulsed with great slaughter.[208] - -The King has set out for Lyons; his chief object, people think, is to -supersede the present governor and appoint Epernon, or the Duke of -Joyeuse’s father, in his place.[209] The King has asked Navarre to come -to him, and offered to make him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. - -The party of the Guises are striving to make themselves masters of the -State. There is an anxious feeling abroad, but why or wherefore no -one exactly knows. Time will solve the riddle. It is said that Marshal -de Retz has made the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen -Mother. - - July 23, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLI. - - -The Netherland ambassadors are trying hard to induce the King to give -them his support. This is the only fact worth recording in my present -letter. Their appeal is strongly supported by the Queen Mother, and her -influence is said to have had some weight with the King. One of the -ambassadors has been sent back to the Netherlands in company with the -gentleman[210] who was formerly Alençon’s representative at Antwerp. - -They are the bearers, people say, of a favourable answer to the -States from the King, promising to give them advice, countenance, and -reinforcements with a liberal hand. The terms which the States offer -in return are extravagant, and almost past belief. The result of the -negotiations is awaited with the deepest interest. Some people are -sounding the war-note right lustily. What, say they, would the King -wait for, or what better opportunity could he find for commencing a -struggle which must inevitably come before many years are out? Why -does not he take the initiative, when such an opportunity and such -advantages are placed within his reach? It is folly to keep longing -for that which it is in one’s power to possess. Granted, that the -Netherlanders at the bottom of their hearts distrust the French, and -will not submit to them, still, is it a small advantage to withdraw -them from their allegiance to their ancient lord? Let them live in a -state of semi-independence, and not as subjects of France, so long as -they remain the bitterest foes of Spain. Assuredly the estranging of -so many provinces will be a heavy blow to the King of Spain, even if -the King of France should not succeed in subjecting them to himself. -No sensible man can fail to see that the Spaniards, who are naturally -greedy of empire, when they have consolidated their position, will -not allow their vast powers to lie dormant, but will endeavour to -make themselves masters of the whole of Christendom. But how little -remains for them to win, compared with what they have already secured! -Henceforth there will be no liberty in Europe, and all other princes -and states will be placed in a humiliating position. Everything will -depend on the pleasure of the Spaniard—a most miserable and degrading -prospect! No time, therefore, must be lost in encountering this attack -on the liberties of Europe, before the Spanish power is consolidated. -There is no doubt that all kings, princes, and states who have any -regard for their own safety and reputation would gladly join their -forces and unite in extinguishing a conflagration which is dangerous to -everyone.[211] - -My own opinion is that these views are popular, and that they are only -waiting for the death of the King of Spain, as the most favourable -opportunity for a general movement. - -Parma has transferred his camp from Lillo to Dendermonde, after great -losses, if we may believe the report. He retains, however, the fort of -Calloo, which enables him to cause much trouble to the ships as they -sail by. They hope to take Dendermonde[212] without much difficulty, as -the larger part of the garrison has been cut off from the town. - -Marshal de Retz is at St. Quentin, and trying hard to induce -Balagny,[213] the governor of Cambrai, to surrender the town to -the King and the King’s nominee. Balagny’s tyrannical conduct has -rendered him most unpopular at Cambrai, and there are hopes that some -arrangement may be made. Marshal de Retz has proved himself a skilful -and sagacious diplomatist in affairs of this kind. - - Paris, August 18, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLII. - - -I have hardly any news, and yet I feel I ought not to allow a longer -time to elapse before writing. - -The King has returned from Lyons without achieving anything worth -notice, as far as I know. He stayed for some time at the castle of _le -Bois de Vincennes_, in the neighbourhood of Paris, where he is building -a church, to be held by the order of St. Jerome, for the benefit of -himself and his society of Penitents.[214] At the same time he is -carrying on his campaign against vice by punishing heinous offences, -especially those which are connected with malversation of public -moneys, whether they belong to the privy purse or the exchequer, -France being full of offenders of this kind. - -In dealing with these matters he does not spare even men of high rank; -consequently there is a panic, and people are leaving the country. He -will next attack the Parliaments, it is supposed, and require them to -give an account of the way they have administered justice, and the -sentences they have pronounced, for these courts of justice are, it is -considered, full of corruption and in great need of reform. In France -the Parliaments have powers almost equal to the King’s; in them justice -is sold, or given as a matter of favour. - -Though well stricken in years,[215] the Cardinal de Bourbon is -apparently unwilling to surrender the right of succession to the throne -to his nephew Navarre, and therefore inclines to the Guises, whom a -numerous party regard as their leaders; nay, a little while ago it was -stated that he intended to resign his orders, surrender his Cardinal’s -hat, and marry the widow of Montpensier, sister to the Duke of Guise. -The report is still current. - -Marshal de Retz is still in Picardy, strengthening fortifications -and garrisoning posts, for the Queen Mother has, it appears, set her -mind on keeping Cambrai, and some of the household troops have been -despatched thither with that object. The Queen herself has left Paris -for the banks of the Loire, and is going from place to place in the -hope of arranging an interview with Navarre, but the probability of -his meeting her is not great, as he is afraid of treachery, and will -not trust either her or the King. That his wife may meet her mother -is not impossible. The King too has set out for the Loire, and will -stop some time, should the plague, which keeps him from Paris, allow -him to remain. At Paris it is still doubtful as to what the King’s -destination really is. - -Matters in the Netherlands have taken a turn very favourable to the -King of Spain. Ghent[216] has made its peace with him. If report says -true, the terms are as follows: they are to pay him 200,000 crowns, -restore the churches, allow two citadels to be built, and give up any -six men who may be demanded. - -Moreover, the men of Brussels are also talking of surrender. In spite -of this Antwerp does not lose heart, nor are the Hollanders and -Zealanders abandoning any part of their programme. The Queen Mother’s -Ambassador has arrived from the Netherlands, and talks much of the -highly favourable terms on which they are willing to conclude a bargain -with the King of France. The result is doubtful. Meantime, that God -Almighty may preserve your Imperial Majesty is the prayer of your -humble servant. - - October 4, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLIII. - - -I have allowed an unusually long interval to elapse, partly because I -was every day expecting Sancerre to leave, and partly because I had no -news worth sending. - -The King, who had been dodging the plague from place to place, at last -stopped at Blois; the plague,[217] however, gave him notice to quit by -carrying off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bedchamber, so after all -he has returned to Saint-Germain en Laye, where he intends prosecuting -his social and legal reforms. I saw him at Blois, whither I went to -express to him and the two Queens, his mother and his wife, the grief -and sorrow of the Most Christian Queen, your Majesty’s sister, at the -death of Alençon. - -There was some talk of disturbances in the south of France, but they -seem to have subsided. - -Don Bernardino de Mendoza, whom I mentioned as travelling from England -to Spain by way of Paris, has returned to these parts. He comes to -express his master’s grief at the death of Alençon, and also to -supersede Tassis[218] as ambassador to France. Tassis has gone to the -Netherlands _en route_ for Spain. If laying out large sums be the proof -of a good ambassador, Don Bernardino must be the best in the world, for -they say he intends spending as much as 16,000 crowns a year. I hope -the rest may be in keeping, and that he may prove in every way as good -as Tassis. - -The Duke of Epernon, who is the King’s second self, is ill with a -severe attack of scrofula, a disease which the Kings of France profess -to heal by a touch of the hand,[219] so the King has an admirable -opportunity of putting his power to the test! I write this because I -have nothing else to say. Everything is at a standstill from the frost, -but this pause will probably lead to greater movements in the spring. - - December 10, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLIV. - - -Ambassadors have again come from the rebel States of the Netherlands, -with very extensive powers, they say, to induce the King to take them -under his protection. The result is, to my mind, extremely doubtful. -There are men about the King who would fain lead him into war. - -Meanwhile Antwerp is said to be strictly blockaded, the navigation of -the Scheldt being almost entirely stopped. - - December 15, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLV. - - -A numerous deputation has again come here from the insurgent States of -the Netherlands with very full powers and large offers. On condition -of the King’s receiving them into his protection, they undertake -to hand over to him twelve towns in which his authority shall be -supreme; they promise to contribute 100,000 crowns a month towards the -expenses of the war, one-half to be paid by themselves, and the other -by the Queen of England. An English ambassador is expected here, with -a large and numerous train, to take part in these negotiations; the -ostensible object of the embassy is to convey the Order of the Garter -to the King of France. Meantime the Netherland ambassadors have been -ordered to stop short at a neighbouring town,[220] but for all that -they are treating with the King by means of letters and memorials; -their expenses are defrayed by the French treasury. They assure the -King of an easy success, if he will only cut off the enemy’s supplies -by stopping all exports from France. If this is done, they declare -that in a year’s time there will not be a single foreign soldier in -the Netherlands, for the Spaniards must needs be starved out, their -supplies by sea being already cut off; even now, they say, though there -is nothing to interrupt their communications with France, provisions -in the enemy’s camp are scarce and dear. What the King’s decision will -be it is hard to say. If he shall espouse their cause, he will thereby -involve himself in a serious war; if he helps rebels against their -Sovereign, he supplies the rebels in his own kingdom with an awkward -precedent; lastly, he must take up arms for heretics, when he hates and -loathes the heretics in his own realm, and endures them only because he -cannot help himself. Such a policy would be inconsistent; but, however -that may be, he will not, people think, openly espouse the cause of the -Netherlanders, the ostensible leadership in the war being assigned to -the Queen Mother, while the King is to support her with his forces, -and countenance the undertaking; but as to who is to have the conduct -of the campaign is more than I can make out. The King of Navarre or -Condé would, it is true, be well qualified for the post, but neither of -them will place himself in the King’s power, as they have not forgotten -the wedding and massacre of Saint Bartholomew; notwithstanding, some -say that Navarre will give the hand of his sister, who is the sole -heir of his kingdom, to Condé, with the view to securing his own -safety, as well as the Prince’s, since in that case, if either of them -be murdered, there will be a survivor to avenge his death.[221] The -decision arrived at must be known before long. - -The Monsieur de Selles,[222] whom your Majesty knew in Spain, has died -in his prison in Zealand. - -The proclamation touching the reform of abuses, which has been so long -under consideration, has at length been published, but save in a few -particulars it is not of the description generally expected; I enclose -a copy for your Imperial Majesty. - -That God may long preserve your Majesty is the prayer of your most -humble servant. - - January 25, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLVI. - - -The King has granted a private audience to the Netherland ambassadors; -I cannot give the terms of their address, but it is easy to guess what -they were. As to the King, they say, he replied that he would not fail -in his duty as a good neighbour. The ambassadors are fifteen in number, -and their retinue comprises some sixty gentlemen; they have been joined -by the Prince of Espinoy,[223] who, with his brother, the Marquis of -Richebourg, was for some time resident at the Court of the late Emperor -Maximilian. - -It is generally reported that ambassadors, or at any rate despatches, -are also coming from the King of Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of -Savoy, to remind the King of his engagements and to call on him to -fulfil them; but, for my own part, I incline to think that neither -letters nor ambassadors from the King of Spain or Duke of Savoy will -have much influence; as to how much weight will be attached to the -Pope’s remonstrance, I cannot say. The expenses of the Netherland -ambassadors are being defrayed by the French treasury. Lastly, the -English Ambassador, who was expected, has arrived with a numerous and -gallant following. His name is the Earl of Derby[224]; he is of royal -blood the French say, and the English confirm the statement. He was -met and escorted into Paris with the utmost pomp; a house next the -Palace was appointed for his use, and 200 crowns a day assigned for his -expenses. He is the bearer of the Order of the Garter from the Queen -to the King of France. This is the ostensible object of his mission, -but the real and more important reason is supposed to be connected -with the affairs of the Netherlands. On the last day of last month the -King was invested with the insignia of the Order in the Church of St. -Augustine during vespers, in the presence of the whole Chapter of the -Knights of the Holy Ghost; all the ambassadors attended the ceremony by -invitation; amongst them were the envoys from the Netherlanders, but -their coming gave deep offence to the Spanish Ambassador. - -To-morrow has been appointed for giving audience to the aforesaid -ambassadors, in company with the English Ambassador, but, as to what -the issue is likely to be, people differ. There is no doubt that the -King is entering into the business without much heart, and is even -dissatisfied with certain terms in the proposed arrangements, which do -not go so far as he would like; but the Queen Mother, whose hatred to -anything Spanish is unbounded, is exerting her influence in the matter. -People think that the King will give way to his mother, and take up the -cause of the Netherlands, giving them secret support, even if he does -not openly adopt their quarrel. If so, war, I am afraid, will be the -consequence. The most important part in this adventure, people say, -will be assigned to Don Antonio[225]; by their account, he is to be -given the command of the French forces. In a business of this kind we -can be certain of the past, but of nothing else! - -These are our troubles here; still, mischief is not confined to -Paris. A man tried to poison the King of Navarre, but failed in the -attempt, either by reason of the strength of the King’s constitution, -or the weakness of the poison; the assassin then had recourse to -open violence and levelled a pistol at the King. He failed again, -was arrested, and is being tried in chains.[226] The King is greatly -distressed at the affair, as indeed he has good reason to be, for -his own reputation is seriously affected. He has therefore sent a -distinguished judge to be present at the trial and examination of -the assassin under torture; he is to bring back a true and accurate -report as to whether the fellow was suborned by some one, or acted from -motives of personal malice. - - March 6, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLVII. - - -Positive news has come from Brabant that Brussels[227] has been -compelled by famine to surrender to Parma, and Antwerp is hard pressed, -being debarred from all use of the Scheldt by the completion of the -bridge. These tidings in all probability will rouse up the French -Court, and compel them to come to some decision with regard to the -Netherlanders, for, unless these last receive some support, their -defence must collapse. Indeed, the ambassadors of the rebel States -assume an air of despondency, being disappointed at the King’s handing -over the responsibility to his mother, instead of declaring war on his -own account. - - March 7, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLVIII. - - -The English Ambassador left on the fourteenth of this month, after a -visit of twenty days, during which he was treated with high honours, -and received every mark of respect. On leaving he was presented -with plate of the value of 4,000 crowns, and the chief gentlemen in -his train had also the honour of receiving presents. A little later -the Netherland ambassadors took their leave, when each of them was -presented with a gold chain of the value of 200 crowns; their visit -has produced little or no result; at any rate, if any arrangement has -been made, it is a complete secret. The King’s public answer was that -he did not intend to break the peace which subsisted between himself -and the King of Spain; the Queen Mother said, she was deeply concerned -for their preservation, but was prevented by the King’s wishes from -giving them assistance. Whether any secret understanding is implied in -these ambiguous phrases, I cannot say. The ambassadors have done their -utmost to draw the King into open war; this appears also to have been -the object of the English Ambassador, but he does not seem to have had -much success. Some people think the King has undertaken to give them -considerable succours as soon as his present troubles shall have blown -over, and meanwhile to furnish them with some little assistance. As -regards the troubles of which the King spoke, fresh storms are without -doubt brewing in his kingdom. The Guises are levying war; the popular -account is that they are angry[228] with the King for not recognising -their own and their family’s services, while a couple of young -fellows, distinguished for nothing save impudence and conceit, are -loaded with high offices and honours. But this is not all; they wish to -have a Catholic successor appointed in case of the King’s death, and -they are again putting forward the Holy League and Confederacy against -heretics, in which they claim the leadership. The meaning of all this -is, that knowing there will be no room for them in France, should -Navarre, on the death of the King, ascend the throne, they wish betimes -to grapple with this danger, and thus consult their own interests, -regardless of the great troubles they must bring on the country. And, -to be fair, there is everywhere in France a feeling of great anxiety, -as people cannot tell what the position of the Church will be after -the King’s death. Many believe that their ancient ritual, services, -and sacraments will be profaned and put down by Navarre, and that the -Catholics will be in the same position as the Protestants have hitherto -been, if indeed they be not in a worse case. These fears give an -excellent handle to those who are desirous of a revolution, and men who -have been true to the old religion are in a peculiarly good position -to take advantage of it. Among these stand the Guises, who are most -popular in France, so much so that one may hear them spoken of with -greater deference than the King himself. The family of Guise, they say, -can trace its descent in an unbroken line from Charlemagne,[229] has -ever been the bulwark of the Church, ever loyal to King and country, -in spite of the neglect with which it has been treated, and the -bestowal on others of the honours it has earned, and now is justified -in unsheathing the sword, exercising the Royal prerogatives, and -undertaking the defence of the Church.[230] - -The Cardinal de Bourbon also has deserted his family and takes part -with the Guises. The King has warned them by letters and messengers to -have a care of whither the road leads on which they are travelling; to -which they replied, they had no designs against him, they had never -swerved from the paths of loyalty and duty, so that he ought not to -believe the calumnies of their enemies. - -In spite of these protestations, reports are gaining ground of German -reiters being brought to France; they say they are already on the -borders of Lorraine, and Guise will shortly have some 20,000 men under -arms. - -If one inquires whence the money will be forthcoming for the campaign, -everybody has an answer ready to the effect that, with the Pope and -the King of Spain[231] at their back, funds cannot be lacking, and -that there is an understanding between them and the Guises is a matter -beyond all doubt. Indeed, if one considers who is to profit by these -disturbances, it is difficult to fix on any save the Pope and the -King of Spain; for the pacification of the latter’s provinces in the -Low Countries, and the successful accomplishment of his plans are -impossible so long as France is quiet and united. The King of Navarre -is quite alive to what is going on, and completely on his guard; indeed -he also is making ready to defend himself against any murderous attack; -he likewise offered the King his services against the enemy. The King -tells him not to be uneasy; he is to make no movement, but simply to -keep his towns in readiness to repel any sudden assault, and leave the -rest to him. - -I cannot say how far Navarre believes the King, for some are disposed -to suspect him of knowing and approving of all the plans of the Guises; -others again hold that, while hitherto he has not been privy to their -schemes, he will in no long time adopt their ideas and join their -party; not that he loves them, but because he hates Navarre still -more, on account of their old quarrels and the difference of their -religious views. For my own part, I have no doubt that the King would -sooner have anyone than Navarre as successor to his throne, since he -can have no confidence that after his accession his policy will not be -reversed, the position of his connections and relations be impaired, -and his friends cast down from their high estate; lastly, it is most -annoying to feel that after one’s death people will be exalted, whom -during one’s life one has desired to keep down. However, it is not easy -to trace the workings of the heart, and so it is better to suspend our -judgment till time makes all things clear. - -Not long ago the rumour was very general that a fresh attempt against -the life of the Queen of England had been discovered. - -The Hollanders and Zealanders are busy preparing a fleet, which is to -break through the bridge and relieve Antwerp; should this attempt fail, -they intend opening the dykes between Antwerp and Bergen, and flooding -the country as far as Antwerp, so as to bring their fleet, in spite of -the bridge, up to the walls of the town; this plan, however, must cause -great suffering throughout the neighbourhood, and proves how obstinate -they are; their own account is that they have no other course. - - March 26, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLIX. - - -People are becoming seriously alarmed. Suddenly and unexpectedly France -finds herself on the brink of a great war; the King himself hardly knew -of its approach before it burst upon him. Two months ago the Duke of -Bouillon[232] wrote cautioning him to be on his guard, as the Guises -were preparing for a campaign. People say he is for ever deploring his -imprudence in disregarding this warning. - -Nominally the chief mover in these disturbances is the Cardinal de -Bourbon, but, if I am not very much mistaken, the real leaders are -the three brothers—the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, and the Cardinal -de Lorraine, with their cousins the Duke of Aumale and the Marquis of -Elbœuf; they have also on their side the Queen’s brother, the Duke of -Mercœur, Governor of Brittany; there are besides in the ranks of the -insurrection many gentlemen of less mark, with whose names I need not -trouble your Majesty. - -The reasons of offence are numerous, but the chief one is jealousy. -For a long time the Guises have felt bitterly their position at the -Court, where they do not hold the influence and station to which they -consider themselves entitled.[233] Others are loaded with wealth and -honours, while they are held of no account, and are left crippled by -the debts, which they and their ancestors have saddled themselves -with in the service of the State. The King, they complain, has picked -out a couple of young fellows on whom he lavishes his affection and -caresses, treating them like sons, squandering on them the public -revenues, living with them in the closest intimacy, while the Guises -are not merely kept at a distance, but are actually insulted by having -the doors shut in their faces when they seek to enter into the royal -presence. - -Besides these causes for complaint, there is a notion, I fancy, which -is not altogether groundless, that the sister of Navarre, the heir of -his kingdom and extensive possessions, will marry the Duke of Epernon, -who is generally supposed to have been appointed by the King Constable -of France, and that the King, who is not at present favourably disposed -towards Navarre, will be reconciled by this alliance, and support his -claims to the succession. In all probability the object of the Guises -is to put a stop to this arrangement, which would be most disastrous to -their interests, as it is quite clear that, with Navarre or Condé on -the throne, their influence in France would be obliterated. - -The Cardinal de Bourbon[234] assumes the title of successor to the -throne, and is indignant at the preference given to the claims of his -nephew; he has thrown off his Cardinal’s robes and fancies himself so -much in a soldier’s coat, that people think he must be childish. He is -fully convinced that he owes it to the Apostolic See, to the faith he -professes, to his family, and to himself, not to allow a Protestant -to ascend the throne on the death of the King. He therefore considers -himself the Chief of the League, and demands the first place in it. -The Church, the Commonwealth, the convening[235] of the Estates, the -security of the country, the safety of honest people, the common pleas -of all revolutionists, are pressed into their service as a cloak for -their designs. - -Again, there was a report of a Bull[236] coming from the Pope, which -might arrive at any moment, pronouncing Navarre and Condé incapable -of ascending the throne, as unfit and unworthy. For my own part, I -question the policy of such a step, showing as it does the disunion -of Christendom at a time when the Turkish victories over the Persians -render an invasion more probable than ever; for there is no doubt -that the ultimate object of the Turks, in prosecuting their long -struggle with the Persians, is to prepare the way for the extinction of -Christianity. As soon as they have secured their rear, by destroying or -crippling their Asiatic foe, they intend to concentrate their forces -for a struggle with us; they will fight with us for existence and -empire, and the chances are greatly in their favour.[237] - -But yet the movement I have described is so popular that I cannot tell -what the result will be. To the King, indeed, this outbreak is a most -untoward and unexpected event, as he has neither forces nor funds -wherewith to meet the emergency. There is hardly a Catholic nobleman -in France who is not suspected of being concerned in the designs -of the Guises, and secretly favouring the movement; almost all the -provinces are wavering in their allegiance; of the great cities some -are disloyal, while others refuse to receive garrisons from the King. -Thus he hardly knows which way to turn, surrounded as he is with open -enemies, while his friends are few and weak. Whatever efforts he may -make to muster his troops, it will be too late, for he has to deal with -an enemy near at hand and well prepared. - -The only man I am surprised at is the Duke of Mercœur;[238] I cannot -understand his taking up arms against the King, when he is brother to -the Queen, and has lately received great promotion from the King. He -has, however, had some provocation, inasmuch as he has been deprived -of certain privileges which his predecessors in the government of -Brittany enjoyed, these having been transferred to the Duke of Joyeuse -as Admiral of France.[239] - -Orleans, the most important town after Paris, has declared for the -Guises. Caen, on the coast of Normandy, which is commanded by the -strong fortifications of its citadel, is in the hands of the Marquis of -Elbœuf; the citadel is held by d’O, who was formerly one of the King’s -mignons, but has now attached himself to the party of the Guises. -The Duke of Aumale has seized several other places, and the Duke of -Joyeuse is on the march to recover them. The younger Lansac, who is -also a Guisite, has garrisoned Blaye, near Bordeaux, and will prove a -thorn in the side of that town if it remains loyal to the King.[240] De -Brissac[241] holds the citadel of Angers. And thus, through the length -and breadth of the country, numbers are revolting and bidding defiance -to the King. An attempt has also been made to seize Marseilles, but -it proved unsuccessful. These changes in the aspect of affairs have -made the Duke of Epernon a little more courteous; he used to be so -supercilious that when members of the royal family spoke to him and -removed their hats, he kept his on his head; but now he has the grace -to put his hand to his hat. This has given rise to a popular joke, that -Epernon has at last found out where his hat is! - -The King has sent deputies all round the country to calm the storm, but -they do not bring back any offers of a compromise. - -The Queen Mother is still staying with Guise, and is oftentimes obliged -to hear him speak of her son in terms of bitter complaint. The Cardinal -de Bourbon is also with the Duke of Guise. Previous to his arrival the -latter used to protest against any application being made to himself -with reference to the rising, declaring that he was not in command, but -simply a private gentleman fighting for the Holy League. The Archbishop -of Lyons is[242] also there, as the King’s representative, with very -extensive powers. Unless they come to terms the prospect for France is -desperate, and we are therefore anxiously awaiting the Queen’s[243] -return, which will either mark the happy conclusion of a peace with -the party of the Guises or furnish the date for the commencement of a -disastrous war. According to some, one of the terms of peace will be -the restoration of Cambrai to the King (Philip), which shows how little -the Guises care to hide the fact that in taking up arms they are acting -in concert with Spain. - -The Queen of England, who sees the serious effect of this movement to -herself, is, they say, offering the King 6,000 horse, to be hired at -her expense, and to consist of Englishmen or Switzers, as the King -shall decide. The King of Navarre also offers a strong force of his -partisans, fearing, as he well may, that he is the real object of -attack. - -Without doubt your Imperial Majesty will have heard that the Marquis -of Richebourg and sundry others were killed at the Antwerp bridge;[244] -they say that the Seigneur de Billy is also amongst the slain. - -I am afraid I shall not be able to send despatches as freely as -before, since the roads to Metz and Nancy are occupied by the soldiers -of the two contending parties, who examine and tear to pieces all -communications; indeed, I have my doubts as to whether this very letter -will be able to get through safely. - - April 25, 1585. - - - - -LETTER L. - - -Guise has taken the town of Verdun,[245] slaying several of its -defenders. It is believed that Lyons and Nantes have also gone over to -the Guises. - -There is news from England of a fresh conspiracy. The Earl of -Arundel,[246] who was concerned in it, has been arrested. - - April 28, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LI. - - -The war is thickening apace, yet nothing has happened deserving special -mention. The clergy are said to be furnishing the King with 100,000 -crowns a month, on condition of his shortening the term within which, -according to his previous decree, the Huguenots must leave the country. -He has acceded to this demand, as your Majesty will see by reading -the enclosed proclamation;[247] but even this has failed to convince -the people that the King really and honestly shares the views of the -League, and has joined the party; for, according to some, it is only a -device to extract money, and when he has gained his object he will turn -his coat! Time will show. - -A small party of Huguenot soldiers, not twenty in number, created -a panic by seizing the citadel of Angers;[248] the excitement was -increased by the news that the Prince of Condé was coming; he had -crossed the Loire, they said, and quartered his soldiers in the -suburbs. All the troops that could be got together were hurried off to -Angers, as well as the Swiss guard, and thither went all the leaders, -Joyeuse, Epernon, Mayenne, and Biron. - -But Condé, finding himself surrounded by such powerful forces, and -seeing that he would not be able to reach the citadel, abandoned his -design and retired across the Loire; he then broke up his army, and -sought safety in the country occupied by his own garrisons. Meanwhile -it was the common talk, and generally believed, that he had been taken -prisoner while crossing some river or other, but it soon became clear -that the story had no foundation. Shortly after this affair the King -recalled his forces, which have suffered severely from the incessant -rains and the hardships of an autumn campaign; neither have they -altogether escaped the epidemic which is now raging. - -The inhabitants of Auxonne, a town in Burgundy, have accused their -commander[249] of high treason, charging him with intending to admit -a Spanish garrison into the citadel, and under cover of this assertion -they are pulling down a large part of the fortifications. - -The men of Lyons levelled their citadel to the ground some time ago, -and people say the King has given orders that the citadel of Angers -shall be treated in the same way. So there is a great dismantling of -fortifications in France, while in other parts new ones are being built. - -I shall enclose the Papal Bull[250] declaring Navarre and Condé -incapable of succeeding to the throne of France. What effect it will -have God only knows; for my own part, I am afraid it will be the signal -for greater disturbances. Still the King, they say, _has_ confiscated -all the property of Navarre on which he could lay his hands, and placed -it in the custody of the Cardinal de Vendôme,[251] the owner’s cousin. - -The Bishop of Paris has gone to Rome, as the King’s Ambassador, to -treat for the appropriation of ecclesiastical property to the service -of the State, and, no doubt, concerning other matters as well. - -Again, a new Ambassador[252] of high rank is on his way to -Constantinople; his policy, I imagine, will be anything but favourable -to the peace of Germany. There is nothing they are so much afraid of -here as German reiters, and they have apparently come to the conclusion -that the best way of keeping them employed elsewhere is to threaten -their country with a Turkish war. - -I understand that one packet of the despatches I wrote in May is -missing. I cannot tell where it was stopped. I sent it by way of -Brussels as the safest route. My present letter will also go by the -same road, but I shall take further precautions to ensure its safety. I -trust that the missing packet will also eventually reach your Majesty. - - Paris: November 15, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LII. - - -Although nothing worth recording has happened since I last wrote, -nevertheless I take up my pen because I have a chance of sending a -letter, which does not often occur now-a-days. - -The Duke of Mayenne’s forces are now in close contact with the enemy, -and we shall soon see in what direction he is moving, and his prospects -of success in the campaign. - -The King has made up his mind not to allow a single Huguenot, or indeed -anyone who is not a Catholic, to remain in France; consequently all -who do not care to change their religion are leaving the country. -A few days ago a petition was presented to the King on behalf of -certain women and girls, imploring leave to remain in France under his -protection, and promising that they would live in retirement and give -offence to no one. The King would not grant their request, but took -care that they should not be injured, and sent them to England under -his safe conduct. - -As to the rest, the King is wrapt up in his new religious services, -and lives like a hermit. People are afraid his health will be affected -by the austerities he practises, or that he will become the victim of -some superstitious craze. - -The Queen of England is openly taking Holland and Zealand, with certain -towns besides, under her protection, and has issued a proclamation to -that effect. I cannot say whether she will give much help to places at -a distance from the sea, but the maritime position of England renders -it probable that the towns on the coast will derive great assistance -from her powerful navy. - -So, at any rate, the war will be prolonged, with all its sufferings and -all its uncertainties, while the blockade by sea will bring the other -provinces of the Netherlands into danger of starvation. - - December 6, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LIII. - - -There is a report that German cavalry is already on the march for -France. The King has despatched the Duke of Epernon to his command at -Metz, where there have been great Protestant disturbances. - - December 8, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LIV. - - -Navarre, having shaken off the enemy, determined to assault the -faubourgs of Paris. I lately hinted at the probability of such a -movement. Marching with all his forces on the capital, he stormed -and sacked the four faubourgs of the Université,[253] each of which -is as big as a good-sized town. The garrison, which consisted of -citizens, was severely handled, as Navarre’s men contrived to slip -in between them and the city walls, and thus cut off their retreat. -Many of them were taken prisoners, and more of them killed, no quarter -being given except to those who could convince their captors that -they had the amount of their ransom in hard cash in their houses. The -number slain and captured is believed to be at least 2,000. The day -after this defeat Mayenne entered the city. Navarre, after halting -for a time and offering battle, retreated a few miles from Paris with -his booty and prisoners. He next retook Etampes, which the enemy had -occupied; although it is an open town, the position is important from -its commanding the road to Paris from the principal corn-growing -districts. Mayenne, they say, can still muster a considerable force, -but, as he has not the means of paying his troops, his presence is -more a burden to the Parisians than an advantage. Whatever the enemy -has either not found out or not thought worth taking, becomes their -booty. Thus the Parisians suffer equally from friend and from foe. No -wonder provisions get scarce, and Paris begins to feel the effects -of war in all their bitterness. Perhaps winter and the difficulty of -finding money will bring the first act of this tragedy to a close, and -then each party will endeavour to support their cause by convening the -Estates of the Kingdom. The Lorraine party, the towns, and the Order -of the Clergy will meet at Paris; Navarre and the leading nobles at -Tours. He will there, probably, do all he can to have some kind of -Coronation service performed, in order to increase his authority, and -justify his assumption of the title of ‘Royal Majesty.’ He will not -however remain quite idle in the meantime, but will carry on operations -in Berry, the Orleanais, Brittany, and elsewhere, as opportunities may -occur. At Tours he will be able, should it prove desirable, to treat -with the young Duke of Guise, the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the other -prisoners,[254] with a view to a general pacification. Many are sure -that negotiations will be opened, and that steps have already been -taken in this direction with some prospects of success. I remain your -Imperial Majesty’s most humble servant. - - November 13, 1589.[255] - - - - -LETTER LV. - - -Navarre has retaken Vendôme by storm. This strong town, which forms -part of his hereditary possessions, had been lost by the governor’s -treason. The governor, who was a man of noble birth, was captured. -In order to mark the heinousness of his offence his throat was cut, -while a prior of a Dominican monastery, who had been sent from Paris -to preach there, was hanged.[256] He next received the surrender of Le -Mans, a rich and famous town; such at any rate is the report, but it is -not positively confirmed. It is certain that money is being secretly -sent to Paris by the King of Spain, but I am afraid not as much as they -require. When people have to supply their allies with money they soon -get tired! Six loaded waggons are starting from Antwerp for Paris; -large supplies of gunpowder are also said to be coming by the same -channel. - - November 29, 1589. - - - - -LETTER LVI. - - -There is a rumour that Navarre has been crowned at Tours by Cardinal -de Lenoncourt, the Archbishop of Rheims,[257] four other bishops -being present or assisting at the ceremony. Some people add that he -attended divine service according to the Catholic rite. Others deny -this; but admit that, in the speech which he made on the occasion, -he declared that as regarded religion he would soon give them such -satisfaction that no one would have any just ground for complaint left. -They say that he has appointed Montmorency Constable of France; he is -expected to come to Tours and do homage to the King on his Coronation. -There is no longer any doubt of the capture of the town of Le Mans, -nor does the mischief stop there, for some assert, that Chartres, -a wealthy and fortified city, has gone over to Navarre. He has for -some time been master of the territory of Bourges, and negotiations -are now in progress, they say, for the surrender of the town itself. -There is the same news about Melun, which lies on the Seine above -Paris; the position is important for preventing the introduction of -provisions into the capital. Further, some would have it believed -that the governor of the port of Havre de Grâce in Normandy is ready -to come to terms with Navarre. If even a part, and much more if all, -of these rumours be true, it is serious news for the Parisians. They -are now busy counting the Spanish money, which, they say, amounts to -300,000 crowns. Still, I cannot see that they have any trustworthy -resources to support their resistance, and I am consequently afraid -that, when Navarre returns, Paris will fall. According to some he is -to be expected shortly, others say not till spring. I have great fears -for the town where I am now staying, and am therefore obliged to look -out for a new hiding place, as I would fain avoid the horrors which -occur when a city is taken by storm. The Marquis of Pont-à-Musson[258] -has crossed into Flanders, intending to return from there either -through Brabant or through Hainault and Namur. The Council at Paris, -which was called the Council of the Union,[259] is said to have been -dissolved, and the supreme authority again restored to the Parliament, -which issues decrees in the name of Charles X. i.e. the Cardinal de -Bourbon. It is to be feared, however, that the Parliament, which was -removed to Tours by the late King Henry, is the stronger of the two. -The Duke of Parma is said to be suffering from illness. I do not know -the exact nature of his complaint, but it is certainly a dangerous -one. The troubles of the times will greatly hinder the Queen of France -(Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of Charles IX.) from receiving and -enjoying her property and rents in this kingdom as usual. At the utmost -they will be barely sufficient for half the necessary expenses of the -maintenance of herself and her household. I have already ventured, I -think, to call your Majesty’s attention to the Queen’s position in this -respect, and now that this curtailment of her income is at hand I have -judged it to be my duty to repeat the warning. I trust your Majesty -will consider how the Queen is to be provided for, until this storm has -passed by. - - December 14, 1589. - - - - -LETTER LVII. - - -A meeting of the States-General of the kingdom has been summoned at -Tours by Navarre to consider the state of the country, and to take -measures for punishing the King’s murderers. The 15th of March is -the day appointed for their meeting. The Pope’s Legate,[260] who has -been long expected at Paris, stopped at Dijon on the way. Thither he -summoned the people of Langres, and invited them to abandon Navarre -and acknowledge Charles X. (the Cardinal de Bourbon) as King. On -their refusal, he laid them under an Interdict, and transferred their -bishopric to Dijon.[261] People think he entered Paris three days -ago. There is a report going about here of the arrival of a Turkish -fleet, but it is doubtful, and does not rest on any good authority. -The Sultan, they say, has written to Navarre, undertaking to supply -him with whatever he may want against Spain.[262] People are anxiously -waiting to see at what point Navarre will make his next attack. He has -taken several important cities in Normandy. Some think he intends to -besiege Rouen,[263] which is already exhausted by the calamities of -war. Things, however, are not yet ripe for this, nor has he troops -enough for such an undertaking, but for us forces are being raised, -and will soon be ready. The result of Mayenne’s enterprises remains -to be seen. His plan seems to have been to demolish all the forts of -the enemy on the Seine, and so free the navigation of the river from -Rouen up to Paris. This he will not find an easy task, especially with -Navarre so near at hand. In proof of this the fort of Meulan,[264] -before which, as I mentioned, he sat down, shows no signs of alarm, and -does not seem likely to yield easily to his attacks. The reputation of -both generals is at stake; the question being, whether Mayenne shall -abandon his enterprise, or Navarre allow his friends to be destroyed -before his eyes, or either commander refuse to engage when offered -battle by the other. - -I hear, to my great astonishment, that the King of Scotland has married -the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, as I thought Navarre’s -sister was intended for him. In the Netherlands the Duke of Parma, -they say, has taken offence at something or other, and has therefore -withdrawn himself from almost all the duties of his position, and -avoiding the crowded Court has for some time past allowed himself to -nurse his vexation, and that Councillor Richardot has on that account -been sent to the King of Spain. - -To the other cities that Navarre has taken in a short time, they think -Evreux will soon be added. Though it is not a strongly fortified town, -it is the seat of a bishopric and a county. It is ten miles from here. -He has already occupied the suburbs. Both this town and the whole -neighbourhood were greatly terrified at the news, fearing a similar -fate, but he seems to intend to direct his march against Rouen, for he -sent a trumpeter thither to summon them to surrender, and to threaten -them with destruction, if they refused. At the crash of so many towns -falling all around it, Rouen appears to be horror-struck, and therefore -to desire peace at any price. On this Navarre builds his hopes. -Meanwhile the siege of the fort of Meulan, of which I spoke, goes on -very languidly.[265] - - - - -LETTER LVIII. - - -Mayenne has arrived at Meaux with his army. He is, however, too weak to -raise the siege of Paris, or to engage the King with a fair prospect -of success. When offered battle he declined it, and withdrew to a safe -position. The King thought this an additional reason for pressing the -siege. Though he had effected a lodgment in the suburbs, yet the parts -of them which were nearest the city were more in the citizens’ power -than his own. He therefore resolved to push forward his entrenchments -to the walls of the city. This operation was executed in a single -night, the breastwork of the besiegers being carried up to the very -gates. Thenceforth no one was able to enter or leave Paris without his -permission. Meanwhile the famine was growing so sore, that it seemed -impossible for them to hold out much longer, and more than 12,000 -perished of hunger. The inhabitants, however, bore their sufferings -patiently, and preferred to hold out to the bitter end rather than -abandon the cause for which they were fighting. They were sustained in -this resolve by the promises of the Spanish Ambassador and the Papal -Legate, who declared that the Duke of Parma himself was on the point -of coming with a mighty army to their relief, an assertion which was -soon afterwards verified. Parma arrived at last, after negotiations for -peace had actually been opened. On the 6th of this month the Cardinal -de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons, the Primate of Gaul,[266] went -under a safe-conduct to the King. They failed to come to terms, but the -negotiations were adjourned, in the hope that a further interchange -of views might lead to peace. Finally, it was agreed that three -commissioners on each side should meet at the fortress of Nanteuil[267] -and the mansion of Schomberg, nine French miles from Paris.[268] The -prospects of peace thus appeared to be improving, when letters of -Mayenne to his mother and wife were intercepted, in which he exhorted -them to hold out a little longer, and told them that he was actually on -the march to their relief; there was no fear, he added, that _he_ would -demean himself by acknowledging a heretic as his King, or by coming -to terms with him. The King showed these letters to the Cardinal and -Archbishop, and was on the point of breaking off negotiations, but at -their entreaty he finally consented to await the day which had been -fixed for the termination of the armistice, namely, the 26th of this -month. He did not sacrifice much by this concession, as he had already -decided to wait for a picked body of horse and foot, under Nevers -and the Vicomte de Turenne, whom he expected in a few days. He only -withdrew his cannon from the gates of Paris, and deposited them in St. -Denis with his other heavy baggage, that he might have his hands free, -if he were obliged to fight or should be summoned elsewhere, it being -his usual practice to leave his baggage behind, when he undertakes any -operation. Apart from this he made no change, and did not move a single -soldier from his position under the ramparts of Paris. - -In case of an engagement taking place, the news will in all probability -reach your Majesty before my account of it arrives. Therefore, in order -that your Majesty may be in a better position to estimate the value -of such reports, I feel it my duty to submit for your consideration -a sketch of both generals, the King and Mayenne, and their several -forces. The contest will be one between two famous leaders, in the -prime of life and at the height of their renown, one of whom, Mayenne, -will give up the command to Parma, and will fight as his subordinate. -The King is a thorough soldier, and a general of the greatest -experience. When all his forces are concentrated, he will have, it is -thought, some 20,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry. The latter for the -most part is composed of gentlemen, well armed and splendidly mounted. -Of French infantry people think he will have 13,000, and of Swiss, with -whom are a few Germans, 7,000. The _élite_ of his foot consists of a -body of four or five thousand Gascon veterans. All his troops, horse -and foot alike, are devoted to their King, by whom they are accustomed -to be led, and whose presence inspires them with confidence. Moreover, -the King has with him veteran generals of great experience, whose -advice and assistance are invaluable; namely, Biron, d’Aumont, La Noue, -and many others. Round him too have gathered the Princes of the Bourbon -blood, with the leading gentlemen from every part of France. - -With regard to Parma and Mayenne, in point of generalship there is not -much to choose between them, but it must be admitted that the latter is -a most unlucky commander, while the former is a favourite of fortune, -as is proved by his long list of successes in the Netherlands, and in -this respect he may fairly be considered a match for the King. Their -united infantry, as report goes, amounts to 17,000, while their cavalry -is a little under 5,000 strong. Among their foot the Spaniards and -Walloons are considered the best, and these, with the addition of some -Italian companies, are not much over 4,000 strong. Next to these come -the Germans; the French and Lorrainers are the worst. - -The King and Parma are now wholly engaged in concocting devices against -each other, the object being to inflict the maximum of damage with the -minimum of loss to their own troops. To enable his men to resist the -charge of the French cavalry, Parma encloses his infantry with a fence -formed of ropes of the strongest and thickest description, which are -supported by stout stakes at regular intervals. Immediately behind the -ropes he posts his musketeers, who can thus fire on the French horse -in perfect security. All the musketeers have a store of double bullets -fastened together with copper wire, which will be very effective -against horses. The cannon also are loaded with chain-shot, and masked -batteries are planted in good positions, with troops drawn up in front -so as to conceal them from the enemy; at the critical moment they -will open fire, and pour a withering volley among the horses of their -assailants. - -Meanwhile the King is not idle. Every day he takes counsel with his -craftiest and wisest captains, to see if they cannot devise a new mode -of attack. Some weapon is to be invented or some wonderful manœuvre to -be executed, which is to discomfit the enemy. - -On each side, therefore, is a distinguished general and a powerful -army. The King’s forces are supposed to be somewhat larger than -Parma’s, and he has also a decided superiority in the composition of -his troops, for, with a few exceptions, they are all men of the same -nation and his own subjects, whereas Parma’s forces have been recruited -from various nations, and are to a large extent made up of raw levies, -on whom not much reliance can be placed. Again, the King has the great -advantage of fighting on his own ground, that is to say, on ground -which he has previously chosen and fortified, while Parma, by the -circumstances of his position, is compelled to attack at a disadvantage. - -Such are the premises; whether they are sufficient for forming an -opinion as to what the result of a battle would be, is more than I can -say. They are valuable only in the same sense as the warnings of a -sunset are valuable in enabling us to guess what weather we shall have -to-morrow. Besides, it is mere guessing, and no more; victory does not -depend on scythed chariots, or horses, or on the number of soldiers, or -the abundance of munitions, but solely on the will of God. - -If I have lingered longer over this subject than has been agreeable, I -trust I may be pardoned. That God may long preserve your Majesty is the -prayer of your most humble servant. - - Mantes, August 27, 1590.[269] - - - - -APPENDIX. - -CONTENTS OF APPENDIX. - - - PAGE - - I. SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY 267 - - II. ITINERARIES 284 - - III. EDITIONS 288 - - IV. ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS:— - - i. Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin 292 - - ii. Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq 295 - - iii. Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque 300 - - iv. Copy of the Sauve-garde 303 - - v. Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of - Charlot Desrumaulx 305 - - vi. Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert - du Mortier 309 - - -I. - -_SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY DURING THE REIGN OF SOLYMAN._ - -IN order that the reader may be able to appreciate the circumstances -under which Busbecq’s Turkish letters were written, and to understand -many of the allusions they contain, it is necessary that he should have -the power of referring easily to the leading events of Hungarian and -Transylvanian history during the reign of Solyman. For Busbecq’s French -letters, Motley’s ‘Dutch Republic’ and ‘United Netherlands’ may be -consulted, but no such works in English upon Hungarian history exist. -The narratives of Robertson and Creasy are meagre in this respect, and -contain only scattered and incidental notices of Hungarian events; -while Von Hammer, and the Austrian and Turkish histories in Heeren’s -Series, valuable as they are, have not been translated into English, -and besides are not easily accessible. None of these works give a -connected narrative of Hungarian affairs, the notices of which are -mixed up with the general Turkish and Austrian history, and have to be -picked out from it with much time and trouble. It is hoped that this -sketch will to some extent supply the deficiency, and furnish a clue to -the intricate maze of Hungarian politics. Some curious facts have been -gleaned from Katona’s ‘Critical History of Hungary,’ a rare book, which -is mostly composed of original documents, including numerous letters -written by Busbecq’s colleague, Verantius, after he had returned from -his embassy, and long extracts from Busbecq’s own letters. - -During the sixteenth century Hungary formed the Debatable Land between -Christendom and Islam. The picture which the ‘Lay of the Last Minstrel’ -and the ‘Monastery’ give of the condition of the English and Scottish -border, will suggest a faint notion of the state of things all along -the frontier between the Turkish and the Christian dominions. Upon both -sides continual forays were made, villages were plundered and burnt, -castles surprised, cattle driven off, and, worst of all, prisoners -were carried away into hopeless slavery.[270] Every few years these -desultory hostilities broke out into open war, and, notwithstanding -occasional successes of Ferdinand’s party, the tide of Turkish invasion -rose steadily higher and higher. In addition, the unfortunate country -was distracted by civil war, waged with varying success between -Ferdinand and the House of Zapolya, the rivals for the throne, while -the magnates of the kingdom went over from one side to the other, -according as they thought they could thereby gain any advantage for -themselves. - -Solyman, the greatest Sovereign of the House of Othman, was born in -1494, and succeeded his father, Selim I., in September 1520. The first -year of his reign was marked by a campaign against Hungary, and the -fall of Belgrade,[271] the bulwark of that kingdom. Louis, the King -of Hungary and Bohemia, was then a minor, and, in the party strife of -the different factions of the nobility, the defence of the country was -neglected. For several years Solyman’s attention was diverted to other -enterprises, of which the most famous was the siege and capture of -Rhodes in 1522, but in 1526 he again invaded Hungary. On August 29, -the anniversary of the capture of Belgrade, he defeated King Louis -with great slaughter at Mohacz,[272] the King himself perishing in the -flight, and then advanced on Buda, which surrendered on September 10. -Thence he crossed to Pesth, where he received the Hungarian nobles, -and, after promising them to make John Zapolya, Count of Zips and -Voivode or Viceroy of Transylvania, King of Hungary, returned laden -with booty to Constantinople. - -Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. and his successor as Emperor, and -Zapolya were rivals for the crown of St. Stephen. The first relied -upon family compacts, and upon his connection by marriage with King -Louis.[273] Zapolya, on the other hand, was supported by a strong party -among the nobles, who disliked Ferdinand as a foreigner. Zapolya’s -partisans took the initiative, and convened a diet at Tokay, at which -he was elected King, and he was duly crowned at Stuhlweissenburg by -the Archbishop of Gran. Mary, however, the widowed Queen, with the -Palatine Bathory, assembled another diet at Presburg, which declared -Zapolya’s election void on the ground that the diet of Tokay had not -been summoned by the Palatine, and elected Ferdinand King, who, after -defeating his rival at Tokay in 1527, and near Kaschau in the following -year, drove him out of the country. Zapolya then threw himself on -Solyman’s protection, offering to hold Hungary and Transylvania as his -tributary, and a treaty of alliance was signed between them in -February 1528. In the following year Solyman invaded Hungary for the -third time, and took Buda on September 9. A few days afterwards Zapolya -was again installed on the throne by the first lieutenant of the Aga -of the Janissaries, and did homage for his kingdom. Leaving a Turkish -governor in Buda, the Sultan then marched on Vienna, and besieged it -on the 27th, but was obliged to abandon the siege on October 16, in -consequence of the lateness of the season and the gallant resistance of -the garrison and inhabitants.[274] - -In the winter of 1530 Ferdinand’s troops besieged Buda unsuccessfully. -In the campaign of 1532 Charles V. came with the forces of the Empire -to the assistance of his brother, and Styria and Austria were the seat -of war. The Sultan was detained for three weeks before the little town -of Güns by the gallantry of the commander Jurischitz, who at last -surrendered on honourable terms.[275] The delay, however, prevented -the Sultan from accomplishing anything considerable, though his army -ravaged Styria and Austria, and penetrated as far as Gratz and Linz. - -In June 1533 peace was concluded between Ferdinand and Solyman on the -basis of Ferdinand’s retaining what he actually held in Hungary, the -Sultan reserving to himself the ratification of any arrangements that -Ferdinand and Zapolya might make between themselves. - -For some years afterwards Solyman’s attention was devoted to his wars -with Persia, and no invasion of Hungary on a large scale occurred; -but, notwithstanding the peace, the Pashas of Bosnia and the adjoining -districts continued their inroads. To check these incursions Ferdinand, -in 1537, assembled at Kaproncza, on the Drave, an army of 16,000 foot -and 8,000 horse, under the supreme command of Katzianer. He advanced on -Essek, intending to besiege it, but was surrounded by clouds of light -cavalry, who cut off his supplies and forced him to retreat. After -losing his siege-guns at the passage of the Vouka, he encountered the -enemy on December 1, and, after an unsuccessful engagement, fled in the -night with some of the other generals. The troops that were left were -cut to pieces the next day with their gallant commander, Lodron.[276] -Katzianer was accused of causing the disaster by his cowardice, and -was thrown into prison at Vienna. He escaped by bribing his gaolers, -and fled to one of his castles in Croatia, where he entered into -negotiations with the Turks, promising to betray the strong fortress -of Kosthanitza. However, his treasonable designs were cut short; Count -Nicholas Zriny, during an interview with him at one of his castles, -treacherously stabbed him, and despatched him with the assistance of -his servants. His body was flung from a window into the castle ditch, -and his head was sent to Vienna. - -In 1538, under the mediation of Charles V., the treaty of Gross Wardein -was concluded between Zapolya and Ferdinand. Zapolya was to retain -the title of King during his life with Transylvania and the part of -Hungary which was then in his actual possession, on his death his male -issue was to succeed to Transylvania only, and by the same treaty both -parties united in a league for mutual defence against the Turks. - -Zapolya had then neither wife nor child; but he immediately afterwards -married Isabella, the King of Poland’s daughter, and, dying in July -1540, left by her a son—John Sigismund—who was born a fortnight before -his father’s death. - -Ferdinand then claimed that, according to the terms of the treaty, he -should be placed in possession of the whole of Hungary; but Isabella, -as guardian of her infant son, and the party opposed to Ferdinand, -under the leadership of Martinuzzi, Bishop of Gross Wardein, refused -to adhere to the treaty, caused the infant to be crowned, and appealed -to the Sultan for protection. Ferdinand then entered the country, and -besieged Buda, which was relieved by the Pasha of Belgrade. - -Solyman again invaded Hungary in 1541. On August 29 his troops -occupied the gates of Buda, and he annexed that city to his dominions, -making it the seat of a Pashalic, and placing a strong garrison in -it. He declared, however, that he held it merely in trust for John -Sigismund during his minority, and in the meantime appointed the -latter Sanjak-bey of Transylvania, under the regency of Martinuzzi and -Petrovich. The House of Zapolya held, in addition to Transylvania, most -of the country to the north as far as the river Theiss. - -In 1543 Solyman again invaded Hungary, and took the cities of Gran and -Stuhlweissenburg, or Alba Regia, the former being the primatial see -of Hungary, and the latter the burial-place of her Kings. At the end -of 1544, Jerome Adorno, provost of Erlau, was sent by Ferdinand as -internuncio to Solyman, with John Maria Malvezzi, a member of a noble -family of Bologna, as secretary; but he died shortly after his arrival -at Adrianople, in March 1545. Malvezzi, aided by Nicholas Sicco, who -was sent by Ferdinand as a new ambassador, and Veltwick, the ambassador -of Charles V., then undertook the management of the negotiations, -and concluded in November an armistice for eighteen months between -Solyman on the one side, and Ferdinand and Charles on the other.[277] -This was followed, in June 1547, by a peace for five years, in which -the Emperor, the Pope, France, and Venice were included, on the -basis of _uti possidetis_, Ferdinand paying the Sultan 30,000 ducats -a year, part of which sum was an equivalent for the territories of -some of the nobles, who had formerly adhered to the Turkish side, and -had afterwards gone over to Ferdinand, and part was termed by him a -present, but was more justly considered by the Turks as tribute for the -portion of Hungary which still remained in his possession. - -The Sultan’s motive for concluding this treaty was his desire to turn -his arms against Persia. Elkass Mirza, a brother of Shah Tahmasp, the -reigning monarch, had taken refuge at his court in 1547,[278] and in -1548 Solyman led his troops into Persia, and obtained considerable -successes. In the following year Elkass was captured by his brother in -an expedition he had undertaken, and was confined in a fortress for the -rest of his life. - -In July 1551, at Martinuzzi’s instigation, Isabella ceded Transylvania -and the part of Hungary that remained in her hands to Ferdinand, in -exchange for the towns of Ratibor and Oppeln in Silesia, and the -Austrian troops, under the command of the Spaniard Castaldo, took -possession of these territories.[279] When Solyman heard this news, -he summoned Malvezzi before him, who pledged his life that there was -no ground for this report; but, as he could not give satisfactory -explanations, and fell back on the insufficiency of his instructions, -he was thrown into prison in the Black Tower of the Castle of Anatolia -on the Bosphorus,[280] the Sultan excusing this violation of -international law by the argument that an ambassador was a hostage for -the good faith of his master, and should suffer for any breach of it. -From this incident it appears that the post of ambassador at the Porte -was by no means unattended with danger. - -Ferdinand rewarded Martinuzzi by procuring for him a Cardinal’s -hat, and appointing him Archbishop of Gran. Not content with these -dignities, that wily politician made overtures to the Turks, with the -object of gaining the sovereignty of Transylvania and Hungary for -himself; but he was assassinated by Castaldo’s officers acting under -Ferdinand’s orders, or, at any rate, with his connivance, at Alvincz, -December 18, 1551. - -In 1552 the Turks recommenced their attacks on Hungary, which were -attended with almost uniform success. In February they gained a victory -at Szegedin; in April, Wessprim was taken by Ali, the Pasha of Buda; -and in July Temeswar fell. Its capture was followed by the loss of -the rest of the Banat. On August 11, Ali Pasha defeated an army of -Ferdinand’s at Fülek, to the north of Buda, Sforzia Pallavicini was -taken prisoner, and Sbardellatus Dudich, the Bishop of Waitzen, whom -Busbecq calls by mistake the Bishop of Fünfkirchen, was killed.[281] -Erlau, however, was besieged by Ali unsuccessfully. - -In April 1552, Ferdinand wrote to Roostem, the Grand Vizier, asking -for Malvezzi’s release, and for a safe conduct for two more envoys. -In consequence, Malvezzi was removed to the Seven Towers, and his -allowance was increased; but he was still kept in close confinement. - -Fortunately for Ferdinand at this critical juncture, a Persian -invasion and the Sultan’s domestic troubles created a diversion in his -favour. In 1553 the Sultan, on account of the mutinous disposition of -the army, which had been sent to defend Armenia against the Persians, -was obliged to take command of it in person. The most notable event -of the campaign was the tragical end of Mustapha, Solyman’s eldest -and most promising son. The story of his cruel murder is narrated -in pathetic words by our author in his first letter,[282] though he -is mistaken in placing the scene of it near Amasia, as Eregli, in -Karamania, where it really happened, is about 250 miles from that -city. To appease the indignation of the soldiery at the death of -their favourite, the Grand Vizier Roostem was deposed, and his office -conferred on Achmet Pasha. Busbecq, during his visit to Amasia, in -1555, witnessed the conclusion of peace between the Sultan and the Shah. - -The Persian war relieved for a time the pressure on Hungary. Solyman -granted a six months’ armistice, and Francis Zay and Antony Wranczy -or Verantius, then Bishop of Fünfkirchen, and afterwards Bishop of -Erlau, were sent as envoys to Constantinople.[283] They arrived in -August. They were instructed to offer a tribute of 150,000 ducats for -Hungary Proper, and 40,000 for Upper Hungary and Transylvania. The -Viziers, however, told them that the abandonment of all claims to -Transylvania was an indispensable preliminary to opening negotiations. -Malvezzi was accordingly released, and sent to Vienna to receive -further instructions from Ferdinand; and it was arranged that the peace -should be prolonged for five years, and that on account of the loss -of territory Ferdinand had sustained in Hungary the annual present or -tribute should be reduced to 15,000 ducats. The peace was not to be -ratified till Malvezzi’s return, but the truce was prolonged in the -meanwhile. - -In May, 1554, Malvezzi was ordered to return, but he was prevented -by illness, and Busbecq was sent in his stead.[284] He arrived at -Constantinople on January 20, 1555, and proceeded in March, with -Verantius and Zay, to the Sultan’s headquarters at Amasia. They -brought him a present of gilded cups, and 10,000 ducats as tribute for -Transylvania. They complained of the numerous breaches of the armistice -on the part of the Turks, but, although they promised 80,000 ducats to -the Sultan and large sums to the chief viziers, they could only obtain -an extension of the armistice for six months, and a letter from Solyman -to Ferdinand, with which Busbecq was sent to Vienna. - -On September 28, 1555, Achmet was executed, and Roostem reappointed -Grand Vizier.[285] - -Notwithstanding the truce of Amasia, guerilla raids on both sides -continued all along the Hungarian frontiers. To check the incursions -of the Heydons, Touighoun, the Pasha of Buda,[286] attacked and took -Babocsa; and Ali, his successor, the victor of Fülek, with the same -object, commenced the siege of Szigeth, on May 24, 1556, and assaulted -the place a month later, but was repulsed with heavy loss. In the -meantime the Palatine Nadasty had besieged Babocsa, and Ali hastened -with a detachment to relieve it, but was defeated with great loss on -the river Rinya (July 25). Babocsa was then abandoned by the Turks, and -fell into the hands of the Hungarians, who burnt it, and blew up the -citadel. Ali resumed the siege of Szigeth, but was so weakened by his -defeat, that he was obliged to raise it, retreating to Buda, where he -died soon afterwards.[287] The fall of Szigeth was thus postponed for -ten years, when it was destined to be associated with the termination -of a more glorious career, and the extinction of a more famous -name.[288] - -Meanwhile Transylvania had again passed into the possession of -Isabella and her son. She had at first gone to the Silesian duchies, -which Ferdinand had given in exchange for Transylvania; but she -was dissatisfied with them, and returned to her brother’s court in -Poland, where she entered into correspondence with her partisans in -Transylvania. The current of feeling there ran strongly in her favour. -The Spaniard, Castaldo, Ferdinand’s governor, was ignorant of the -national laws and usages. His troops were left unpaid, and supported -themselves by plundering the country. At last one corps after another -mutinied for their pay, and marched out of Transylvania; and Castaldo -himself, unable to check the dissolution of his army, withdrew to -Vienna. For a time anarchy prevailed in Transylvania; but in June, -1556, the inhabitants resolved to recall Isabella and her son. The -envoys found her at Lemberg, and invited her to return. The Voivodes of -Moldavia and Wallachia entered Hungary to protect her passage, and on -October 22 she and her son entered Klausenburg in triumph.[289] - -Meanwhile Bebek, the representative of Queen Isabella, was using every -means in his power to thwart the efforts of Busbecq and his colleagues. -The latter returned home in August, 1557. Verantius was rewarded with -the bishopric of Erlau. As far back as June, 1555, allusions to the -prospect of his appointment may be found, and the see had been kept -vacant for him for more than a year before his actual translation in -November, 1557. His office was no sinecure. He was perpetually occupied -in providing for the defence of his diocese, in writing to the Pasha of -Buda to remonstrate against the continual invasions of the neighbouring -Sanjak-beys, and in counterworking the intrigues of Zapolya’s party. -His remaining time and energies were devoted to attempts to check the -spread of Lutheranism in his diocese. It may be remarked here that John -Sigismund was much assisted by his patronage of Lutheranism. His court -was the refuge of many Lutheran, and even of Socinian, teachers. An -anecdote Verantius gives in one of his letters will show what a hold -Lutheranism had obtained in parts of Hungary. When a fire, supposed to -be the work of an incendiary, broke out in the monastery of Jaszbereny, -most of the inhabitants of the town refused to help to extinguish -it, declaring that they would rather the Turks had the monastery -than the monks. Zay, the other ambassador, was appointed Governor of -Kaschau.[290] - -In 1558 the fortress of Tata, near Komorn, eight miles from the -right bank of the Danube, was surprised by Hamza, Sanjak-bey of -Stuhlweissenburg. - -Throughout the negotiations the Sultan insisted on the cession of -Szigeth, but was induced in the winter of 1557 to grant a fresh -armistice for seven months. In 1559 Ferdinand sent by Albert de -Wyss[291] four projects for a treaty, the first of which demanded the -restoration of Tata and Fülek, but the last omitted these conditions. -The last was presented by Busbecq in the camp at Scutari to Solyman, -but was not accepted by him; and the Sultan, on his return to -Constantinople, placed Busbecq in a sort of confinement in his house. - -In the beginning of 1559 the health of Queen Isabella began to fail, -and Melchior Balassa, a great Transylvanian noble, wrote to Ferdinand -proposing, on her death, to place Transylvania in his hands. This -letter was intercepted, and sent to Isabella, who, having such a -proof of the treachery of one of her most trusted adherents, thought -it advisable to open negotiations with Ferdinand herself, and, with -the Sultan’s approval, did so through her brother the King of Poland. -It was proposed that one of Ferdinand’s daughters should marry John -Sigismund, and that the latter should have Transylvania and Lower -Hungary (the north-eastern part of Hungary, between Poland and -Transylvania), but should abandon the title of King. These negotiations -were broken off by her death, which took place at Karlsburg in -September, and an attempt in the following year to renew them also came -to nothing, as John Sigismund refused to renounce the title of King. - -In the winter of 1561 Andrew Bathory persuaded his brother Nicholas -and Melchior Balassa to go over to Ferdinand’s side.[292] As soon as -Ferdinand had recovered the town of Munkats, Balassa was to receive -it for his life, with the right of maintaining a certain number -of soldiers at Ferdinand’s expense, and, in return, to give up to -Ferdinand various towns immediately to the north of Transylvania -Proper, which were his possession. - -Roostem died in July 1561, and was succeeded by Ali, who proved much -more pliant in his negotiations with Busbecq, and the latter at -last succeeded in obtaining a peace for eight years. The principal -stipulations of the treaty were as follows:[293] - -1. Ferdinand to pay an annual tribute of 30,000 ducats, and also the -arrears due in respect of the last two years. - -2. The Sultan engaged not to attack Ferdinand either directly, or by -furnishing assistance to John Sigismund. He also undertook that John -Sigismund should respect the territories of Ferdinand. - -3. Melchior Balassa and Nicholas Bathory, and others in a similar -position, who had returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, to be -included in the peace with their property and lordships, and to be the -vassals of Ferdinand and John Sigismund conjointly. - -4. If any of Ferdinand’s subjects had been expelled from his property -by the adherents of John Sigismund, or _vice versâ_, no suits or -proceedings to recover such property to be taken during the peace. - -5. If new and otherwise irreconcilable differences should arise -between the contracting parties with regard to the limits of their -jurisdiction, as a provisional arrangement the _de facto_ subjects of -each party at the commencement of the peace to remain so during its -continuance, and, in particular, certain villages near the Danube and -the fortress of Tata, some of which were in Ferdinand’s and some in the -Sultan’s possession, to remain respectively as they were, and those in -Ferdinand’s possession not to be molested by the garrison of Tata. - -6. Any Turkish nobles who were in the power of any of Ferdinand’s -officers, either as fugitives or otherwise, to be released without -ransom. - -7. Runaway slaves with any property they might have stolen to be -mutually restored. - -8. Ferdinand’s officers to be allowed to fortify and provision castles, -towns, and villages on the borders of Hungary within their own -territories. - -9. Disputes about boundaries or the like between the subjects of the -two parties to be settled by arbitration, and the persons at fault -punished as truce-breakers. - -10. The treaty to be in force for eight years, and to be binding -upon all the officers and subjects on both sides, particularly the -Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia, and on John Sigismund, and none of -Ferdinand’s subjects or their property to be molested or injured in any -way. Any property taken contrary to this stipulation to be restored to -its owners, and any person taken prisoner to be released uninjured. - -11. Ambassadors and envoys to be granted full permission to travel in -the Sultan’s dominions, with liberty of ingress and egress to and from -his court, and to be supplied with interpreters. - -On the arrival of Busbecq at Frankfort with Ibrahim, the first dragoman -of the Porte, important differences were found to exist between the -Turkish and Latin texts of the treaty. The former only included the -barons who had already returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, and -not those who might afterwards do so; it stipulated for the extradition -of refugees, as well as that of brigands and rebels, and included -the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia. The Emperor demanded that -these points should be corrected; but his demands seem to have been -ineffectual, and the Turkish incursions on the Hungarian frontier -continued. - -Ferdinand died on July 25, 1564, and was succeeded as Emperor by his -son Maximilian, who had been elected King of Hungary and Bohemia in -his father’s lifetime. Fighting still went on between him and John -Sigismund on the frontiers of Transylvania. Szathmar was taken by the -latter, and Tokay[294] and Serencs by the former. The Grand Vizier -Ali, who was inclined to peace, died in July 1565, and was succeeded -by the more warlike Mehemet Sokolli. During 1565, the Sultan was -fully occupied with the siege of Malta, but in the beginning of the -following year war was declared against Hungary, Albert de Wyss, who -had succeeded Busbecq as ambassador, was thrown into prison, and on May -1 Solyman started from Constantinople on his last campaign. His age and -infirmities obliged him to quit the saddle for a carriage. - -On June 29 he received John Sigismund at Semlin, and intended to -march on Erlau, but, hearing that Count Nicholas Zriny, the commander -at Szigeth, had surprised and killed the Sanjak-bey of Tirhala, -he resolved to make Szigeth the first object of attack. The siege -commenced on August 5. Two furious assaults on the 26th and 29th were -repulsed with great slaughter. On September 8, Zriny, finding he could -hold out no longer, set the fortress on fire, sallied forth, sword in -hand, at the head of the garrison, and met a soldier’s death. The Turks -poured into the citadel, intent on murder and plunder; but the fire -reached the powder-magazine, which blew up, burying in the ruins more -than three thousand men. Solyman did not live to witness his triumph. -His health had long been failing, and he died on the night of the 5th -or 6th of September. His death was concealed by the Grand Vizier for -three weeks, to give his successor, Selim, time to reach Constantinople -from Kutaiah. - -The death of Solyman seems to form a fitting termination to this -sketch. With the exception of his successor, Selim, he is the last -survivor of the personages who figure prominently in Busbecq’s pages. -The Emperor Ferdinand, the Grand Viziers Achmet, Roostem, and Ali, and -the unfortunate Bajazet, have passed away. The greater part of Hungary -and Transylvania continued subject to the successors of Solyman, either -immediately or as a vassal State, till near the close of the following -century. In 1683 Vienna was once more besieged by the Turks, under the -Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha, but was relieved by John Sobieski. The -reaction from this supreme effort was fatal to the Turkish dominion in -Hungary. In 1686 Buda was recaptured by Charles of Lorraine, and by -the Peace of Carlowitz, concluded in 1698, the whole of Hungary and -Transylvania was ceded to the Emperor Leopold. - - -II. - -_ITINERARIES._ - -IN describing his first Turkish letter as an ‘iter,’ or itinerary, -Busbecq places it under a class of composition of which there are -several examples still extant. In Busbecq’s days it was a common -practice for scholars to write an account in Latin verse of any journey -they might happen to make. These itineraries are generally extremely -amusing, the writers being men of keen observation, with a great sense -of humour, and condescending to notice those trifles which are passed -over by the historian. - -As an example, Nathan Chytræus gives an account of his trip to England -during the Long Vacation of the University of Paris. He lands at Rye, -and, going to an inn, eats his first English dinner, which he hugely -enjoys, noticing at the same time the handsome faces and dignified -bearing of the waitresses. On his way to London he is struck with the -comfortable appearance of the country seats, and specially with the -belts of laurel with which they were surrounded. As he passes over -London Bridge he is delighted with the handsome shops full of every -kind of merchandise which lined its sides. He visits Westminster Abbey, -and wonders at not finding the tomb of Dr. Linacre, the celebrated -physician, who, though a canon of St. Peter’s, Westminster, was buried -at St. Paul’s. He goes eastward, and visits the Tower of London, -noticing the menagerie, and specially two lions at the entrance of the -Tower. Of the collection of arms he says that a visitor would imagine -it to be the greatest in the world if he had not seen the Arsenal at -Venice. He has a word for Southwark across the river, telling us that -it was covered with small houses, and the home of numerous dogs and -bears, which were kept for baiting. He visits Hampton Court, Nonsuch -Park,[295] and Windsor; at the last place Elizabeth was staying, with -all her court. The Queen is duly complimented on her learning, but he -can spare a couple of lines also for the rabbits which then, as now, -were scampering fearlessly about the Park: - - Quin et in effossis habitare cuniculus antris - Assuetus prodire solet camposque vagari. - -It will be seen that the itinerary of Nathan Chytræus is written very -much in Busbecq’s style, while there are other itineraries which -require notice as taking us over nearly the same ground as our author. - -Among the companions of Veltwick (vol. i. page 79), when he went as -Ambassador to Constantinople, was Hugo Favolius, who has left us an -account of the expedition in Latin hexameters. Having ingeniously -introduced the date 1545 into his verses, he tells us that was the year— - - Cum decus imperii Romani, Carolus ingens, - Pertæsus belli tandem, metuensque tumultus - Hellespontiacis qui forte fremebat in oris, - Principiis prudens sic obvius ire parabat. - Ergo a consiliis regi fidissimus unus - Deligitur sermone potens Veldvicius heros, - Quicum partitus curarum ingentia dudum - Pondera tractandas rerum committit habenas; - Atque illum ad celebrem Byzanti destinat urbem, - Præstanti eloquio et placido sermone Tyranni - In melius si forte queat convertere mentem. - -After this humiliating confession of the power of the Turk, Favolius -tells us how they sailed across the Gulf of Venice and landed at -Ragusa. After a short rest the party travelled over the mountains to -Sophia, and thence to Constantinople. In returning Veltwick made the -journey to Vienna by land, taking, no doubt, the same route as was -afterwards traversed by Busbecq, while Hugo Favolius and some of the -younger members of the party obtained leave to go back to Venice by sea. - -It seems strange that in a piece of this kind the writer should so -frankly admit the superiority of the Turkish power; it would appear to -be but an ill compliment to the sovereigns from whom Favolius must have -looked for advancement. In order, however, to gauge the real amount of -terror which the Turks inspired it is necessary to take the account of -P. Rubigal, the Hungarian, who was attached to an embassy sent shortly -after the death of John Zapolya[296] by the leading nobles of his -party to convey their tribute to Solyman. Rubigal’s itinerary may be -considered to furnish us with an idea of the position of a Hungarian in -the middle of the sixteenth century. His description is ludicrous, no -doubt, but it is no less horrible. - -He begins thus:— - - Tempore concedens quo rex in fata Joannes - Liquerat Hungaricæ regia sceptra domus, - Inque patris titulos natus successerat infans - Et dubia imperii forma recentis erat, - Turca ferox, Medo qui cinctus acinace gaudet, - Ad proceres regni plurima scripta dedit, - Pannoniæque petens perfricta fronte tributum, - Terruit innumeris tristia corda minis. - Quid facerent? ratio sic temporis ipsa ferebat, - Quamlibet inviti ut pacta tributa darent. - Nec mora, magnatum venerando ex ordine lectos - Verbetium mittunt Essetiumque pium; - Hosque jubent regni Turcis offerre tributa, - Flectere et immitis pectora dura Getæ. - -The party started from Szegedin, on the river Theiss, going by boat to -Belgrade, and thence by land to Constantinople. - -They were entertained at a banquet by Solyman, and were much disgusted -at two things: first, he gave them sherbet instead of wine; and -secondly, at the conclusion of the banquet he caused the ghastly heads -of men who had been recently executed to be set before them. The grim -pleasantry could not be misunderstood. The heads, no doubt, were those -of Hungarians, whom Solyman was pleased to regard in the light of -rebels. Whilst at Constantinople Rubigal had an opportunity of seeing -the Turkish fleet, which was then commanded by the famous Barbarossa. -The Hungarian was evidently horribly frightened at the formidable -preparations of the Turks, for immediately afterwards he gives his -readers plainly to understand that his tastes are of a domestic turn, -and that he has no hankering after— - - the perils which environ - The man who meddles with cold iron. - -Oddly enough, however, he gives us an account of two Germans he met -with fetters on their legs, who beg him to tell their friends at home -that it will be the easiest thing in the world to drive the Turks into -the Bosphorus. He gives their message, but cautiously refrains from -either endorsing or contradicting their opinion. - - -III. - -_EDITIONS._ - -THE following is a list of the various editions and translations of -Busbecq’s works, with which we are acquainted. - - -DATE. _In Latin._ - - 1581. Printed by Plantin, at Antwerp. _Editio Princeps._ - It contains only the first Turkish Letter, under the - title of _Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum_, and - the _De Acie contra Turcam Instruenda Consilium_. - - 1582. Also printed by Plantin. At the end of the contents - of the first edition the second Turkish Letter is added, - under the title of _Ejusdem Busbequii Secunda in Thraciam - Profectio_. - - 1589. _Paris._ Contains all four Turkish Letters and the - _De Acie._ - - 1595. _Frankfort._ The same as the previous one. - - 1605. _Hanau._ The same as the last, with the addition of - the Speech of Ibrahim to Ferdinand at Frankfort, and the - text of the treaty of peace. - - 1620. _Munich._ Edited by Sadoler. The same as the last. - It contains portraits of Busbecq and Solyman. - - 1629. _Hanau._ The same as the edition of 1605. - - None of these editions contain any but the Turkish - Letters. - - 1630. _Louvain._ Edited by Howaert. It contains the - letters to Rodolph from France, 1-53 inclusive. - - 1632. _Brussels._ Also edited by Howaert. This edition - contains the letters to Maximilian from France. Then - follow the letters to Rodolph as in the last edition, and - at the end come five more letters to Rodolph. - - 1632 (?). Evidently struck off from the same type as the - last. There are, however, a few alterations, and there is - no date on the title page. - - 1633. _Leyden._ The Elzevir edition. Two editions with - slight variations appeared in the same year. They contain - the four Turkish Letters, the _De Acie_, the Speech of - Ibrahim, the Treaty, and the Letters to Rodolph, 1-53. At - the end of the third Turkish Letter there are variations - from all the preceding editions. See vol. i. page 305, - note. - - 1660. _Amsterdam._ Elzevir. A reprint of the last. - - 1660. _Oxford._ The same contents as the Elzevir. - - 1660. _London._ The same contents as the Elzevir. There - is also an _Epitome de Moribus Turcarum_, not written by - Busbecq, which follows the Treaty. - - 1689. _Leipsic._ The same contents as the Elzevir. - - 1740. _Bâle._ The same contents and characteristic - readings as the Elzevir, except in one passage. - - -_In German._ - - 1596. _Frankfort._ It contains the four Turkish Letters - and the _De Acie_. The translator was Michael Schweicker, - Master of the School at Frankfort. - - -_In English._ - - 1694. _London._ ‘The Four Epistles of Augerius Gislenius - Busbequius, concerning his Embassy into Turkey, with - his Advice how to Manage War against the Turks. Done - into English.’ It contains a dedication to the Earl of - Bolingbroke by Nahum Tate, from which it appears that - the translator died before the book was published. The - English is racy, but the book is full of mistakes and - misprints. - - 1761. _Glasgow._ It contains only the Turkish Letters, - and is said to be the third edition. It is a reprint of - the last with some of the mistakes corrected. - - -_In Bohemian._ - - 1594. _Prague._ Translated by Leunclavius. It contains - the First and Second Letters and the _De Acie_. - - -_In French._ - - 1649. _Paris._ A translation by Gaudon. - - 1718. _Amsterdam._ - - 1748. _Paris._ A translation in three volumes of the - Turkish Letters and the Letters to Rodolph, by the Abbé - Louis Étienne de Foy, Canon of Meaux. - - 1836. _Paris._ A translation of the Letters to Rodolph, - 1-53, is contained in ‘Archives Curieuses de l’Histoire - de France, Première Série,’ tome 10, by MM. Cimber and - Danjou. - - -_In Flemish._ - - 1632. _Dordrecht._ - - -_In Spanish._ - - Before 1650. _Pampeluna._ A translation by Stephanus - Lopez de Reta, published by Charles de Lobaien. _Viaje de - Constantinopla_, and also the _De Acie_. - - -IV. - -_ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS._ - -A. - -_Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin._ - -Charles, etc., sçavoir faisons à tous présens et advenir nous avoir -recue lhumble supplication de Ogier, filz illégitisme de George -Ghiselin, escuier, seigneur de Bousbecque, et de Catherine Hespiel -jeune fille, lors non mariez, contenant que ledit Ogier de son jeune -eaige a esté entretenu aux estudes à Louvain et ailleurs, où il sest -conduict et gouverné bien et honnestement comme celluy qui a désir -de parvenir à estatz honnourables avec volunté et bonne affection de -bien faire vivre et de mourir soubz nous et en nostre obéissance, -se nostre plaisir estoit le légittimer et sur le deffaulte de sa -nativité luy impartir nostre grace si commil dit, dont il nous a très -humblement supplié. Pour ce est-il que ce considéré nous icelluy Ogier -suppliant inclinans favorablement à sadite supplication et requeste, -avons, de nostre certaine science auctorité et plaine puissance, -légittimé et légittimons, et ledit deffault de sa nativité aboly et -effacé abolissons et effacons de grâce speciale par ces présentes, luy -octroiant et accordant par icelles et de nostre dite grâce quil puist -et poira comme personne légittime et habile succéder en tous les biens -meubles et immeubles et aultres quelzconques esquelz de droit et selon -la coustume et usaige de noz pays et seignouries, il debveroit et -pourroit succéder sil estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige et venir -aux successions de sesdits père et mère et aultres que luy compétent et -compéteront cy aprez, pourveu toutesvoyes que à ce se consentent ses -plus prochains parens de lignaige et que aucun droict ne soit desja -acquis à aultres et en ce cas qu’il puist avoir et tenir pour luy, ses -hoirs et successeurs à tousiours tous les biens que lui adviendront -et escherront desdites successions et aultrement et qu’il a acquis -et acquerra et diceulx biens ordonner et disposer et les laissier -ou légater par testament ou aultrement ainsi que bon luy semblera; -et qu’il soit doresnavant receu selon sa vocation à tous honneurs, -estatz, offices, dignitez et aultres faiz légittimes quelzconques et -tenu et réputé doresnavant pour personne légittime, tout ainsi que -s’il estoit né en léal mariaige et aussi que après son trespas, ceux -de son lignaige procréez ou à procréer en léal mariaige luy puissent -succéder par droit d’hoirie en tous sesdits biens, meubles, héritaiges, -possessions et aultres choses quelzconques acquises et à acquérir ou -à luy venuz et escheuz, ou que luy viendront et escherront cy aprez, -tout ainsi et par la forme et manière qu’il eusse fait et peut faire -et pourroit se il estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige si aultre -chose ne luy répugne que ladite deffaulte de procréation légittime, -saulf que à cause de bastardise et illégittimation, nous ou noz -successeurs y puissons ou doyons quereller ou demander aulcun droit -ou temps advenir, nonobstant quelzconques constitutions, ordonnances, -statuz, droiz, coustumes et usaiges à ce contraires, parmy et moyennant -toutesvoys que à cause de ceste nostre présente légittimation, ledit -suppliant sera tenu payer certaine finance et somme de deniers pour -une fois à nostre prouffit, selon la faculté et qualité de ses biens -à larbitrage et tauxation de nos amez et féaulx les président et gens -de noz comptes à Lille, que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement -auxdits de nos comptes que ladite finance et somme de deniers par eulx -tauxée, arbitrée et par ledit suppliant payée à celluy de noz receveurs -qu’il appartiend, lequel sera tenu en faire recepte et rendre compte et -reliqua à nostre prouffit avec les aultres deniers de sa recepte. Ils, -nostre gouverneur de Lille, les président et gens de nostre conseil -en Flandres et tous noz aultres justiciers et officiers quelzconques, -présens et advenir, cui ce peult et pourra touchier et regarder leurs -lieutenans et chacun deulx en droit soy et si comme à luy appartiend, -facent seuffrent et laissent ledit suppliant, ensamble sesdits hoirs, -successeurs et ayans cause à tousiours procréer en léal mariaige de -nostre présente grace et légittimation, et de tout le contenu en ces -dites présentes selon et par la manière que dit est, plainement, -paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user, sans luy faire mectre -ou donner, ne souffrir estre faict, mis ou donné ores ne ou tempes -advenir, aucun destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en maniere -quelconque. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce soit chose ferme -et estable à tousiours, nous avons faict mectre nostre scel à ces -présentes, saulf en aultres choses nostre droit et laultruy en toutes. -Donné en nostre ville de Gand, ou mois d’Avril apres Pasques, de nostre -empire le xxi^e, et de noz règnes de Castille et aultres le xxv^e. - -Sur le ploy estoit escript par l’empereur et signé du secrétaire, -Bourgois, et sur le ploy estoit encoires escript ce que sensuit. Cette -chartre est enregistrée en la chambre des comptes de l’empereur, nostre -sire a Lille, ou registre des chartres y tenu commenchant en avril -xv^e quarante-neuf, folio ii^e xvi, et apres que Messrs. les president -dicelle chambre ont esté bien et deuement informez des faculté et -puissance des biens de l’impetrant, la finance dicelle a par eulx -esté tauxée a la somme de neuf vings dix livres de xi gros monnoye -de Flandres la livre: ordonnée estre payée es mains de Jehan Hovine, -conseiller de l’empereur nostre dit Sire, m^e en la dite chambre et -commis a la recepte de lespargne des pays ortissans en icelle chambre -lequel sera tenu en baillier sa lettre et en faire recepte avec les -aultres deniers de son entremise. Et au surplus ladite chartre a este -expediée en ladite chambre selon sa forme et teneur, le xxiii^e jour de -novembre xv^e quarante. Ainsi signe moy present. - - A. GILLEMAN. - - -B. - -_Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq._ - -Ferdinandus etc., etc., nobili fideli a nobis delecto Augerio a -Busbeck, equiti aurato, Consiliario nostro gratiam nostram Cæsaream et -omne bonum. - -Cum nihil sit inter mortales sublimius Imperiali Majestate et -celsitudine, quam Deus Optimus Maximus cæteris humanis dignitatibus -eminere voluit, ut micantissimis radiis suis terrarum orbem et -commissum Imperium illustret, par equidem est, ut, quem Deus ad -fastigium hoc evexit, is etiam dignitatem et munus sibi demandatum -ita administret, ut, quantum fieri potest, in hac vita quam proxime -accedat ad exemplum divinæ ejus Majestatis a cujus nutu tota hujus -mundi machina dependet, nullisque finibus clementiam et liberalitatem -suam teneat circumscriptam, sed in omnes eam exerceat, præcipue, quos -summa virtus, prudentia, doctrina, integritas ac rerum usus aliæque -ingenii et animi dotes, nec non præclara in Rempublicam Christianam -merita præ cæteris claros reddidere, omnem in eo operam et diligentiam -adhibendo, necubi virtutem debitis premiis destituisse videatur. Etsi -enim virtus se ipsa facile sit contenta neque magnopere indigeat -alienæ laudis adminiculo, quam alioquin etiam honos, amplitudo et -gloria ut certissima premia sponte plerumque sequuntur, fit tamen, ut -si quando illa summorum Imperatorum ac Regum judicio atque decreto -comprobetur, multo illustrior et clarior evadat et alios quoque non tam -ad admirationem quam ad imitationem et studium accendat. - -Qua in re sicuti olim divi prædecessores nostri Romanorum Imperatores -ac Reges omnem adhibuere curam, sic nos quoque hunc eorum laudatissimum -morem secuti in eandem semper curam et cogitationem incubuimus ut -optimorum virorum de nobis atque Republica bene meritorum virtus a -nobis condignis honoribus cohonestaretur. In quorum sane numero, -cum te prefatum _Augerium a Busbeck_ haud postremum locum obtinere -compertum habeamus, æquum est profecto, ut in te ipso nostram erga -tales homines clementissimam animi propensionem omnibus declaremus, -et contestatam reddemus, idque ejuscemodi ornamenti genere, quod -virtutibus ac meritis tuis quam maxime respondeat. Tu namque nobili et -honesto loco in Belgio natus, ingenii acumen et vim, quod Deus tibi -dedit præstantissimum vitæ morumque honestate, probitate ac bonarum -literarum studiis, diversitate linguarum multarumque rerum cognitione -et aliis plurimis excellentibusque animi dotibus ita excoluisti, ut -ad gravissima et maxima quæque Reipublicæ negotia exequenda visus sis -aptus esse. Quapropter quum existimaremus te aliquando nobis magno -usui futurum haud gravatim te in aulam nostram recepimus, ubi quidem -nostræ de te expectationi non modo cumulate satisfecisti, sed eam longe -quoque superavisti. Cum enim superioribus annis nobis occurrissent -ardua quædam negocia, de quibus a nobis mittendus erat ad Solymannum -Turcharum Principem Orator, qui fide, prudentia, rerum usu atque -industria præstaret, te ex Anglia revocatum, quo tunc temporis jussu -nostro profectus fueras, ad id muneris suscepimus, quo magna tua cum -laude et ingenti nostro ac Regnorum Dominiorumque nostrorum imo totius -Reipublicæ Christianæ commodo octo annos functus es, confecta ad -postremum inter nos et ipsum Turcharum principem octennali pace. In -qua legatione quas sustinueris curas, incommoditates, molestias, quos -tuleris labores, quæ vitæ pericula subieris, quam etiam ostenderis -in rebus agendis ingenii vim, quam fidem, quam solicitudinem, quam -solertiam, prudentiam et industriam, quam intrepidi animi constantiam, -et qua denique usus sis pietate in redimendis, juvandis et fovendis -miseris Christianis, qui Constantinopolim tuo tempore in fœdam -captivitatem adducti fuerunt, magno etiam fortunarum tuarum dispendio, -nimis longum foret sigillatim recensere. Illud profecto consecutus -es, quod non omnibus qui talem provinciam suscipiunt, ne dicamus -perpaucis, contingere solet, ut non modo a nobis ac Serenissimis -filiis nostris et aliis sacri Romani Imperii Principibus, statibus -et ordinibus summam gratiam iniveris, verum etiam ipsismet Turcis -propter virtutes tuas, quas naturæ instinctu in te prospexere et -admirati sunt, valde gratus exstiteris. Quare merito probandum est -præclarum de te judicium Serenissimi Principis Domini Maximiliani -secundi, Romanorum ac Hungariæ et Bohemiæ, etc., Regis, Archiducis -Austriæ, etc., filii nostri charissimi, in eo, quod te dignum et -idoneum reputaverit, quem Dapiferis Serenissimorum filiorum suorum -Rudolfi et Ernesti, Archiducum Austriæ, charissimorum nepotum nostrorum -cum profisciscerentur in Hispaniam præficeret. Quod si ergo olim apud -veteres, qui luctu et saltu in Olympiaco stadio celebres athletæ -virium suarum specimen aliquod egregium edidissent, divinis propemodum -honoribus affici, qui vero in bello vel murum primi ascendissent vel -civem morti seduxissent corona vel murali vel civica donari soliti -fuerunt, et nostra quoque ætate, qui vel cum hoste singulari certamine -congressus victor evasit vel in prelio strenuam præ ceteris operam -navavit vel alias rem bellicam caute et recte administravit, auratæ -militiæ titulis insignitur, quanto magis tu, Augeri, tali dignitate -condecorandus fuisti, cui non cum uno homine nec uno prelio per -unum aut alterum mensem res gerenda, sed totos octo annos cum gente -Christiano nomini infensissima adeoque cum ejusdem gentis Principe -potentissimo ac pluribus victoriis et successibus elato, cumque ipsius -præcipuis consiliariis et ministris, callidissimis et versipellibus -diesque noctesque acerrime dimicandum fuit, quorum potentiam et -nefarios impetus tu, divino adjutus auxilio, tua prudentia, industria -ac rerum agendarum dexteritate postpositis quibuslibet periculis -infracto animo sustinuisti et a cervicibus Regnorum et Dominiorum -nostrorum avertisti. Quæ cum ita se habeant optimo certe consilio -factum est quod præfatus Serenissimus Romanorum Rex superiore mense -Septembri, quando paterna voluntate nostra Rex Hungariæ renunciatus -publicatus ac Regali corona insignitus fuit, te publice in spectantibus -et grato applausu probantibus ac suffragantibus prælatis, proceribus, -Ordinibus et Statibus ejus Regni nostri, quorum saluti et incolumitati -potissimum studueras, ictu ter vibrati ensis benedicti Militem seu -Equitem auratum fecerit atque creaverit, quia te et eo et alias longe -clarioribus ornamentis dignum censemus. Et licet ad perpetuam gloriam -tibi sufficere queat publicus ille Serenissimi filii nostri Romanorum -Regis actus neque is ulla approbatione Cæsareæ et paternæ auctoritatis -nostræ opus habeat, pro nostra tamen in te mirifica benignitate volumus -te eam dignitatem ab Imperiali quoque culmine obtinere, quo luculentius -sit in omnem posteritatem virtutis tuæ testimonium. - -Itaque nos ipsi etiam te antedictum Augerium a Busbeck, Militem sive -Equitem auratum fecimus, creavimus, ereximus, ac præsenti nostro -Cæsareo edicto ex certa scientia et authoritati nostra Imperiali -Militem et Equitem auratum facimus, creamus et erigimus et ad statum -militarem assumimus militarisque cinguli et balthei decore, fascibus -et titulis atque stemmate militiæ insignimus, accingentes te gladio -fortitudinis et omnia ad hunc ordinem pertinentia ornamenta tibi -conferentes hoc nostro Imperiali edicto statuentes, ut deinceps -ubique locorum et terrarum pro vero Milite et Equite aurato habearis, -honoreris et admittaris, possisque et debeas pro suscepto dignitatis -equestris ornamento, torquibus, gladiis, calcaribus, vestibus, -phaleris, seu equorum ornamentis aureis seu deauratis ac omnibus -et singulis privilegiis, honoribus, dignitatibus, præeminentiis, -franchisiis, juribus, insignibus, libertatibus, immunitatibus et -exemptionibus, prærogativis et gratiis tam realibus quam personalibus -sive mixtis et aliis quibuscunque militaribus actibus et officiis uti, -frui et gaudere, quibus cæteri Milites et Equites a nobis stricto ense -manu et verbo nostro creati ac ejusmodi ornamentis insigniti gaudent -et fruuntur et ad ea admitti, ad quæ illi admittuntur, quomodolibet -consuetudine vel de jure, absque alicujus contradictione vel -impedimento. - -Mandantes universis et singulis Principibus tam ecclesiasticis -quam secularibus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Prælatis, Ducibus, -Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Nobilibus, Militibus, Clientibus, -Capitaneis, Vicedominis, advocatis, præfectis, procuratoribus, -quæstoribus, civium Magistris, Judicibus, Consulibus, armorum Regibus, -Heroaldis, Civibus, Communitatibus, et cæteris quibuscunque nostris -et Imperii sacri subditis et fidelibus cujuscunque præeminentiæ, -dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis et conditionis fuerint, ut te -præfatum _Augerium a Busbeck_ pro vero milite et equite aurato habeant, -teneant et reputent et in hoc militari et Equestri ordine et dignitate -et notis ad eum spectantibus prærogativis et libertatibus conservent, -quatenus gratiam nostram charam habuerint, ac pœnam _quinquaginta -Marcharum auri puri_ pro dimidia fisco seu ærario nostro Imperiali, -reliqua vero parte _tibi antedicto Augerio a Busbeck_ vel hæredibus -tuis toties quoties contrafactum fuerit, irremissibiliter applicandam -maluerint evitare. - -Harum testimonio literarum manu nostra subscriptarum et sigilli nostri -Cæsarei appensione munitarum. - -Datum Viennæ die tertia mensis Aprilis anno Domini millesimo -quingentesimo sexagesimo quarto.[297] - - -C. - -_Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque._ - -Comparut en sa persone messire Jehan de Thiennes, chevalier, seigneur -de Willergy, etc., procureur espécial de Charles de Eydeghem, escuier, -seigneur de Weze, &c., souffisament fondé par lettres procuratoires -données des advoé, eschevins et conseil de la ville d’Ypre le xvi^e -jour de décembre xv^eiiii^{xx} sept, desquelles la teneur s’ensuyt. - -A tous ceulx, etc., lequel comparant oudit nom et en vertu du pooyr a -luy donné par lesdictes lettres recognut avoir vendu bien et léallement -à messire Ogier Ghiselin, chevalier, conseillier de l’Empereur, et -grand maistre d’hostel de la Royne Elisabet, douagière de Franche -quy le cognut avoir acheté, toute la terre et seigneurie de Rume dit -de Bousebecque, comprendant la seigneurie temporelle et paroissialle -dudit Bousebecque, contenant quinze bonniers demy d’héritaige ou -environ séans en la paroisse dudit Bousebecque, chastellenie de Lille, -si comme six bonniers ix^e ou environ tant pret que labeur, par une -partye et par aultre huict bonniers xv^e de bois en ce comprins et que -sont réunis audit fief ung bonnier de pret que feu Collart Lejosne -tenoit en fief de ladicte seignourie; item, huict cens quy estoyent -tenus de l’allengrie de Le Becque, avecq deux aultres bonniers x^e -et ii^e estants présentement à uzance de bois quy estoient tenus en -commun contre le seigneur de Péruwez; item, sept quartrons de pret de -l’allengrie de la Westlaye et iiii^e de terre en la mesme allengrie, -auquel fief et seignourie appartient des rentes seignouriales chacun -an en l’allengrie de la Plache, en argent iiii l. iii s. et au Noël -six chapons et le quart d’un; item en l’allengrie du commun, contre le -seigneur de Péruwez, cent sept razières ung havot et ung quart de Karel -d’avaine molle quy se prendent sur quarante cincq bonniers xvii verges -ou environ chergiez du x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport, moictié -au prouffit dudict Seigneur de Bousebecque allencontre dudit Seigneur -de Péruwez; item, en l’allengrie du commun de le Becque, quarante -razières ung quareau et demye d’avaine brune, trois havots, trois -kareaux de soille, trois chapons et le vi^e d’ung, et en argent i s. ix -d., lesquelles rentes se lieuvent sur xi bonniers ix^exi verges; item, -en l’allengrie de Péruwez xii razières ii havots trois karelz et demy -et xii^e d’ung havot et le vii^e d’un francquart, tierch d’un quareau -de bled fourment, trente neuf razières vi^e et vii^e d’un havot, les -deux tiers et le quart d’un quarel d’avaine blanche, six chapons et en -argent sept solz iii deniers, quy se prendent sur xix bonniers xiiii^e -demy d’héritaige ou environ. Item, en l’allengrie de la Westlaye cinq -razierès trois havots ung quart et le quart d’un karel de bled, vingt -razières deux havots trois quareaux d’avaine brune, ii kareaux et -environ viii^e d’un quarel de soille; item, deux chapons, xviii^e et -lxxii^e d’un chapon et en argent cinq gros iii deniers i party quy -se ceullent sur quattre bonniers xiiii^e cinq verges d’héritaige ou -environ, le tout déduction faicte desdictes partyes réunites et rentes -qu’elles doibvent, lequel fief et seignourie est tenu du Roy nostre -sire de sa salle de Lille en justice viscontière à dix livres de relief -à la mort de l’héritier et le x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport -et sy appartient a icelle ung bailly, lieutenant et sept eschevins -avecq plaids généraulx trois fois l’an, plusieurs arrentemens de -maisons et héritaiges gisans allentour de la place dudit Bousebecque -portant environ cent florins par an pardessus les rentes cy dessus -déclarées, les fondz desquelles l’on croyt estre prins du gros dudit -fief et seignourie cy-dessus déclaré avecq la place et chimentière. Sy -appendent cincq fiefz et hommaiges en tenus, lesquelz sont chergiez de -certains reliefz à la mort de l’héritier et du x^e denier à la vente, -don ou transport, et les aultres héritaiges tenu de ladicte seignourie -chergiez de double rente de relief à la mort de l’héritier et du x^e -denier à la vente, don ou transport, lesquelles rentes dessus déclarées -se payent à la priserie du Roy nostre sire de son Espier de Lille quy -se faict au terme de sainct Remy, la razière de soille estimée aux deux -tiers de celle de bled, fourment, l’avaine molle aux deux tiers de -la blanche, et la brune au pris moyen d’entre la blanche et la molle. -Ladicte vente faicte moïennant six florins de denier à Dieu, et pour -le gros et principal dudit marchié la somme de six mil florins carolus -de vingt patars pièche, francq argent, à payer cejourd’huy comptant -que ledit vendeur a confessé avoir receu en deschargant la loy pour -dudit fief, terre et seignourie de Bousebecque, ses appartenances -et appendences telles que dessus sans aultrement riens livrer par -mesure ainsy que de tout temps l’on en a joy et possessé, joyr et -possesser par ledit messire Ogier Ghiselin depuis cedit jourd’huy en -tous droix, prouffictz et émolumens le cours de sa vie durant et après -son trespas retourner et appartenir audit seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs -ou ayans cause et leur demourer héritablement et à tousjours à la -charge d’entretenir par ledit seigneur second comparant tels baulz, -lesquelz les occuppeurs feront apparoir. Et pareillement debvra ledit -Seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs ou ayans cause entretenir les baulz que -lors se trouveront faictz par ledit s^r Ghiselin, comme à viagier et -usufructuaire appartient de faire selon la coustume de la salle de -Lille, promectant ledit s^r de Willergy en ladicte qualité ladicte -vente, entretenir, conduire et garandir envers et contre tous soubz -l’obligation des biens du dit Seigneur de Wize et de sesdis hoirs vers -tous seigneurs et justices. - -Ce fut aussy fait et passé à loy les xviii^e et pénultiesme de decembre -xv^e iiii^{xx} sept, pardevant Mons^r le bailly de Lille, ès présences -de maistres Jehan Denys, Philippes Carle, Noël Waignon, Pierre Hovine, -Josse et Simon Vrediére. - - Archives départementales du Nord, - Chambre des comptes de Lille. - - -D. - -_Copy of the Sauve-garde._ - -Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit lieu, et jadis -ambassadeur en Constantinople de très-hauts, très-puissants et -très-excellents princes Ferdinand et Maximilien, empereurs des Romains -de louable mémoire; aussi conseiller de l’empereur Rodolphe, second de -son nom présentement régnant, conseiller et grand maître d’hostel de la -royne Isabelle (Elisabeth), douairière de France, et surintendant les -affaires de ladite royne chez le roi très chrestien. - - -Alexandre, duc de Parme, chevalier de l’ordre, lieutenant, gouverneur -et capitaine général, - -A tous lieutenants, gouverneurs, chiefs, colonnels, capitaines, -conducteurs, fourriers et aultres officiers des gens de guerre du Roy -monseigneur, tant du cheval que du pied, de quelque nation qu’ils -soient, salut: - -Sçavoir vous faisons que, en contemplation des bons et aggréables -services que Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit -lieu, conseiller de l’empereur et grand maistre d’hostel de la royne -Isabelle (Elisabeth) douairière de France a faict à feus de louable -mémoire les empereurs Ferdinand et Maximilien (que Dieu fasse paix) -tant en qualité d’ambassadeur en Turquie que de gouverneur des -archiducs d’Austrice, au temps dudit feu empereur Maximilien, et depuis -aussi à l’empereur moderne en diverses charges et qualités, ainsi qu’il -faict encore à présent aujourd’hui dame Royne. - -Nous avons au nom de Sa Majesté pris et mis, nous par ces présentes -prenons et mettons en notre protection et sauvegarde spéciale les -maisons, terres et seigneurie dudit Bousbeque, vous mandant partant, -et commandant au nom et de la part que dessus, à chacun des bons -endroits, soy et comme eux appartiendra, bien expressément de ne loger -ni permettre que soient logés au village de Bousbeque aucuns gens de -guerre sans expresse ordonnance notre ou du mareschal et chef de camp -de Sa Majesté. - -Et au surplus affranchissons et dégrevons les manants et habitants -dudit village avecq leurs familles, leurs meubles, fourrages, -advestures et bestial, de toutes foulles, torts, invasions, mengeries -et exactions, les laissant de ceste notre présente sauvegarde -pleinement et paisiblement jouir et user, sans y aller au contraire ny -autrement les molester ni endommager en corps ny en biens en quelque -manière que ce fut, sous peine d’encourir l’indignation de Sa Majesté -et la notre et être punis comme infracteurs de sauvegarde. - -Et afin que personne n’en puisse prétendre cause d’ignorance, nous -avons consenti et consentons audit seigneur de Bousbeque que puisse et -pourra faire mettre et afficher aux advenues dudit village nos bastons, -blasons et pannonceaulx armoyés de nos armes. - -Donné au camp devant Berghes sur la Zoom, sous notre nom et cachet -secret de Sa Majeste, le 15^e jour d’octobre, 1588. - -Soubs etait le cachet du Roy, etc. - -Colleaction faicte à l’originale, etc. - - Archives de Bousbecque E. E. I. - - -E. - -_Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of Charlot Desrumaulx._ - -Charles par la grâce de Dieu etc. Savoir faisons à tous présens et -advenir, Nous avons receu l’umble supplication de Daniel de Croix -Escuyer filz de Geraerd Seigneur de Wambrechies, jeusne homme à marier, -contenant que ledit suppliant s’est, à certain jour passé, trouvé avecq -George Giselin Seigneur de Bouzebecque Jacques de Sauch et autres en la -ville de Comines vers le Seigneur de Halewyn. Lesquelz ilz ont servi -en leur jonesse. Or est que à certain jour de feste du soir que lors -on s’estoit esbatu au chasteau du dit lieu, entre huyt et neuf heures -du soir, le dit Seigneur de Hallewyn avec le Seigneur de Croisille se -retirèrent au dit chastel pour eulx coucher. Et quant au dit suppliant, -George Giselin et Jacques de le Sauch, ilz se retirèrent vers le -marchié avec Jehan Homme, Bailli du dit lieu, et les sievoit feu alors -vivant Charlot Desrumaulx, joueur du luut, qui démonstroit avoir assez -fort beu, et en allant leur chemin, l’un d’entre eulx mist en bouche -aux autres d’aller bancquetter à la maison d’ung nommé maistre Franche -Barbier demourant auprès dudit marchié, à quoy ilz saccordèrent et -allèrent tous ensemble celle part, où ilz furent syevis par le dit -Charlot sans y estre appellé. Que lors les dits suppliant et de le -Sauch, qui alloient devant vers la dite maison, le dit Suppliant ayant -son esprivier sur son poing, prièrent au dit Charlot, obstant qu’il -estoit noyseulx après boire, qu’il se retirast et allast couchier, -et qu’ilz ne le voloient point avoir, ce qu’il ne voloit faire, mais -entra en la dicte maison, parquoy le dit Suppliant le print par le col -et le poussa hors de la dite maison à l’ayde du dit Jacques, dont il -se courroucha et se mist en tous debvoirs de tyrer son baston pour -les villonner, mais il fut empesché par le dit Jacques, et soubit -survint le dit bailli qui le print au corps, mais finablement soubz -promesse qu’il fist de soy partir et aller couchier, le dit bailli -à la requeste des assistans le laissa aller, et lui estant hors des -mains du dit bailli se tyra d’un lez oudit marchié contre une maison -ou sur ung bancq, il mist son luut et desvesty sa robbe tira sa dagge -et proféra plusieurs haultaines langaiges sentans menaces disant, -ou parolles en substance, qu’il estoit homme pour respondre au plus -hardy de eulx tous. Et craindant par le dit Daniel, suppliant le -débat appant contre lui bailla son oiseau à son homme, et ainsi qu’il -estoit sur le marchié, il veyt ledit deffunct qui continuoit du dit -langaiges haultains au deshonneur de lui et des autres. Disant qu’il -estoit homme pour le plus hardy, ayant sa dage nue marcha vers lui -comme aussi fist le dit deffunct. Que lors le dit Suppliant ayant son -sang meslé, et mémoratif que lui qui estoit josne noble homme sievant -les armes, se il se retiroit pour ung menestrel de basse condition ce -lui seroit à toujours reproché en villonnie entre tous nobles hommes. -En ceste chaleur, non puissant de la refrener ayant aussi son baston -nud, frappèrent l’un après l’autre aucuns cops et fut attaint par le -dit deffunct sur l’espaule, et du cop que icellui suppliant rua, il -attaindit ledit deffunct en la mesmelle, dont brief après il termina -vie par mort. Pour lequel cas le dit suppliant a esté appellé à noz -droiz au siège de notre gouvernance de Lille, en lui donnant tiltre -tel qu’il s’enssuit. Daniel de Croix, escuyer, vous estez appellé aux -droiz du Roy Catholicque, nostre Seigneur, Archiduc d’Austrice, Duc -de Bourgogne, Conte de Flandres, pour et sur ce que en la ville de -Comines, avez allé en la maison de maistre France Barbier avec Jaquet -de le Sauch à l’intention de bancquetter, là ou vous auroit sievy, -sans y estre appellé, feu lors vivant, Charlot Desrumaulx, lequel -auroit par vous et le dit de le Sauch esté bouté dehors, pourquoy -il s’estoit courrouchié, et de faict auroit en partie desgainié son -espée, et ce voyant par Jehan Homme, bailli de la dite ville le auroit -prins au corps, et finablement eslargi soubz promesse par lui faicte -de aller couchier, et lui venu au bout du marchié, et laissant vous, -Daniel, le dit de le Sauch avec George Ghiselin, escuyer, Seigneur -de Bousebecq et autres, auroit desgaignié sa dite dagge et proféré -aucunes parolles deshonnestes, incitant le plus hardy à venir vers luy. -Lesquelles parolles vous Daniel seriez marchié vers le dit feu ayant -desgaigné vostre rapière, et à l’aborder entre vous et le feu y ont -aucuns cops ruez, et entre autres de votre rapière donnast au dit feu -ung cop d’estocq au dessus de la mammelle dextre, du quel cop brief -aprez le dit feu termina vie par mort sans confession. Qui est cas de -souveraineté et privéligié au Roy notre Seigneur, et querra la darraine -tierchaine le iii^e d’aoust xv^exix. Sie est ainsi signé. A Cuvillon. - -Obstant lequel cas le dit Suppliant, doubtant rigueur de justice, s’est -absenté de notre chastellenie de Lille, et n’y oseroit retourner, -hanter ne converser combien qu’il ayt fait pays et satisfaction à -partie, se de notre grâce ne lui est, sur ce, impertie. Dont actendu -ce que dit est, mesmement les services qu’il nous a faiz en estat -d’homme d’armes, soubz la charge et compaignie de notre amé et féal -cousin, le Seigneur de Fiennes, aussi que en autres choses, il est -bien famé et renommé, il nous a très humblement supplié et requis. -Pour ce est-il, que nous les choses dessus dites considérées audit -Suppliant inclinans à sa dite requeste, et lui voulans en ceste partie -préférer grâce à rigueur de justice, Avons au cas dessus quicté, remis -et pardonné, quictons, remectons et pardonnons de grâce espécial par -ces présentes, le cas de homicide dessus déclairé, ensemble toute -paine et amende corporelle et criminelle en quoy pour raison et à -l’occasion dudit cas et les circunstances et deppendances il peult -avoir mesprins, offencé et est encouru envers nous et justice. En -rappelant et mectant au néant tous appeaulx, deffaulx, contumaces -et procédures pour ce contre lui faiz et ensuyz, et l’avons quant à -ce remis et restitué, remectons et restituons à ses bonne fame et -renommée à nostre dite chastellenie de Lille, et tous noz autres pays -et seigneuries, ensemble à ses biens non confisquiez, saucuns en a, -tout ainsi qu’il estoit avant l’advenue du cas dessus dit. En imposant -sur ce scillence perpétuelle à nostre procureur général et tous noz -autres officiers quelzconcques, satisfaction toutesvoyes faicte à -partie interressée se faicte n’est et elle y chiet civilement, tant -seullement et moyennant qu’il l’amendra aussi civillement envers nous -selon l’exigence du cas et la faculté de ses biens. Et avec ce, aussi -qu’il sera tenu payer et respondre les mises et despens de justice, -Pour ce faiz et ensuyz à l’arbitraige et tauxation de nostre Gouverneur -de Lille ou son lieutenant que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement -à notre dit Gouverneur de Lille ou son dit lieutenant que appellez -ceulx qui pour ce seront à appeller, il procède bien et deuement à -la vérification de ces dites présentes et à l’arbitraige et taxation -desdites amende civille et mises de justice, ainsi qu’il appartiendra. -Et ce fait et les dites amende civille et mises de justice tauxées -et payées ainsi qu’il appartiendra, de laquelle amende cellui de noz -recepveurs ou autre notre officier cuy ce regarde sera tenu faire -recepte et rendre compte et reliqua à notre prouffit avecq les autres -deniers de sa recepte. Il et tous aultres noz officiers quelzconques -présens et advenir facent seuffrent et laissent le dit suppliant de -noz preséntes grâce, remission et pardon, selon et par la manière -que dit est, plainement paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user -sans lui mectre, faire ou donner ne souffrir estre faict mis ou donné -aucun arrest, destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en corps ne en -biens en manière quelconque. Ains se son corps ou aucuns de ses biens -non confisquiez sont ou estoient pour ce prins saisiz, arrestez ou -empeschiez, les mectent ou facent mectre incontinent et sans delay à -playne et entière délivrance. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce -soit chose ferme et estable a tousjours nous avons fait mectre nostre -scel à ces présentes, saulf en autres choses, notre droit et l’autruy -en toutes. - -Donné en nostre ville de Malines, ou mois de novembre l’an de grâce mil -chincq cens et dix neuf, et de nostre règne le iiii^e. - -Ainsi signé par le Roy en son conseil. - - DESBARRES. - - Chambre des comptes de Lille. Registre des chartes de - l’audience B. 1730, fo. 104. - - -F. - -_Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert du Mortier._ - -Phelippe, Roy de Castille, d’Arragon, &c., Comte de Flandre, &c., -sçavoir faisons à tous présens et à venir. Nous avons receu l’humble -supplication et requeste de Jehan Dael, contenant, que le 23^e -Septembre dernier, ayant esté convocqué au bancquet de nopces de -l’enfant de Michel Dael, son frère, en la paroisse de Halluin, y -seroit aussy esté appellé Guillibert du Mortier, lequel voiant la -table couverte et la pluspart des convives y assisse, seroit ingéré -de vouloir faire ung présent à la compaignie avec quelque peu de vau -mis sur deux plats dans lesquels il avait enclos deux grenouilles, -vulgairement appellées ronnes, lesquelles à l’ouverture d’iceulx -plats, ont sauté sur la table et viandes, ce que auroit causé ung -tumulte, et qui le tout auroit esté culbuté, ce qui auroit despleu -fort audict remonstrant, tant à cause que les viandes estoient partie -gastées et contaminées, comme aussy à raison de ce que la perte en -resultant estoit assez de consideracion pour son dit frère qui est -honneste homme, et bien qui le dit Guillebert debvoit endurer la -reprinse de son faict, neanmoings au contre, il auroit injurié du mot -——[298] deux de la compagnie, et notamment le dit remontrant, ce quy -l’occasionna de luy dire: Quy at il tant à (dire comme cela). A quoy -il auroit respondu: Je te —— aussy, advienne. A quoi luy fut reparty -par ledit remontrant en ces termes, ou en substance, Je pauleroy bien -à toy, ce qu’entendu par le dit Guillebert auroit tiré son coustel et -s’approché le remontrant, quy l’obleige de tirer pareillement le sien, -et se mectre en deffence, du quel il en auroit donné un coup au dict -Guillebert vers le dos, dont environ xii jours aprez il seroit allé -de vie à trespas, au grand regret dudit remonstrant. C’est à quoy il a -prins son recours vers nous, suppliant humblement qu’il nous pleust luy -pardonner le dit cas et homicide luy en accordant et faisant depescher -nos lettres patentes de remission en forme. - -Pour ce est-il que nous, les choses susdites considérées, et sur -icelles eu l’advis de noz chers et féaux les lieutenant et autres -officiers de nostre gouvernance de Lille, voulans en ceste partie -préférer au dit Jehan Dael, suppliant, grâce et miséricorde, ut in -forma. - -Interrinement de la dite gouvernance de Lille, &c. - -Donné en nostre ville de Bruxelles, le 27^e de janvier l’an 1643, signé -Robiano, de nos regnes xxii^{eme}. - -Au bas estoit, pour le Roy en son conseil et ceste visue. - - Chambre des comptes de Lille, Registre des chartes de - l’audience. B. 1817, fo. 11. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Albert III., Duke of Bavaria, married in 1546 Anne, daughter of -Ferdinand, and had by her two sons, William, the hereditary Prince, his -successor, and Ferdinand. - -[2] For details of these negotiations, see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_ Part IV., ch. iii. - -[3] See Motley, _Dutch Republic_, Part IV., ch. ii. The siege was -eventually raised on October 3rd. - -[4] In the original the place is given as ‘Augustæ’ = Augsburg; -but from the first line of the letter it appears it was written at -Speyer. ‘Augustæ’ is probably a mistake caused by ‘Augusti’ following -immediately. - -[5] Nearly twelve years have elapsed since we parted company with -Busbecq on his return from Turkey. A sketch of his life during this -interval will be found in vol. i. pp. 59-64. We there expressed some -doubt as to whether there was any trustworthy authority for his visit -to Spain in attendance on the younger Archdukes; we have, however, -since obtained evidence of it in the Archduke Albert’s decree, creating -the Barony of Bousbecque. In it are recited Busbecq’s services, and -amongst them this visit is mentioned. The date of the decree is -September 30, 1600, and it states that the visit took place twenty-five -years before. This is obviously an error, as we can account for -his time from August 1574 to February 1576; in all probability the -true date of the visit lies between the years 1570, when Albert and -Wenceslaus went to Spain with their sister Anne on her marriage to -Philip II., and 1572, when we find Busbecq residing at Vienna. See vol. -i. p. 62. - -[6] That is, about thirty-five English miles. See note, vol. i. p. 80. - -[7] For an account of this interesting lady, who was at this time -barely twenty years of age, see note to Letter XXXVI. - -[8] After Henry III.’s flight from Poland, he stayed some time at -Vienna, where Maximilian, through Pibrac, made overtures to him, -offering the hand of his daughter, the widowed Queen. Henry was under -such great obligations to Maximilian, that he was disinclined to give a -downright refusal. _Thuanus_, iii. p. 8. The following quotation from -an account of Busbecq’s Queen will show what these obligations were. -‘Or, estant veufve, plusieurs personnes d’hommes et dames de la Court, -des plus clair voyans que je sçay, eurent opinion que le Roy, à son -retour de Pologne, l’espouseroit, encore qu’elle fust sa belle sœur; -car il le pouvoit par la dispense du Pape, qui peut beaucoup en telles -matieres, et sur tout à l’endroit des grands, à cause du bien public -qui en sort. Et y avoit beaucoup de raisons que ce mariage se fist, -lesquelles je laisse à deduire aux plus hauts discoureurs, sans que je -les allegue. Mais, entre autres, l’une estoit pour recognoistre par ce -mariage les obligations grandes que le Roy avoit reçeues de l’Empereur -à son retour et depart de Pologne; car il ne faut point douter que, -si l’Empereur eust voulu luy donner le moindre obstacle du monde, il -n’eust jamais peu partir ny passer ny se conduire seurement en France. -Les Polonnois le vouloient retenir s’il ne fust party sans leur dire -adieu; car les Allemans le guettoient de toutes parts pour l’attrapper -(comme fut ce brave roy Richard d’Angleterre, retournant de la Terre -Saincte, ainsi que nous lisons en nos chroniques), et l’eussent tout de -mesme arresté prisonnier et faict payer rançon, ou possible pis; car -ils luy en vouloient fort, à cause de la feste de la Sainct Barthelemy, -au moins les princes protestans.’—_Brantôme_, v. 298-299. - -[9] Henry of Navarre is generally spoken of in these letters as the -Duke of Vendôme, or at most, the titular King of Navarre. The greater -part of the kingdom had been seized by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1515, -and has ever since been held by the Kings of Spain. Henry’s power was -derived from his position as a great French noble, the first Prince of -the blood after the King’s brother, and from his vast possessions in -France, and not from the fragment of Navarre from which he derived his -title. Subjoined is a short sketch of his family:— - - - Charles de Bourbon, Duc de Vendôme, - descended from the sixth son of Louis IX. - │ (Saint Louis) - │ - ┌───────────────────────────────────────────┬──────────────────┐ - - Anthony, = Jeanne d’Albret, Louis de Bourbon, Charles, Cardinal - Duc de Vendôme │ Queen of Navarre Prince de Condé, de Bourbon, - │ killed at Jarnac, set up as King by - │ 1569 the League after - ┌─────────────────┐ │ Henry III.’s death - │ under the title of - Henry, Catherine = Henri, Duc de Bar, │ Charles X.of - Duc de Vendôme, eldest son │ - afterwards Henry of the Duke │ - IV. of Lorraine. │ - │ - ┌───────────────┬─────────────────────────┬────────────────┐ - - Henri, born 1552, François, Prince de Charles, Cardinal Several other - Prince de Condé. Conti, born 1558. de Bourbon, children. - born 1562. - -[10] Montmorency, the eldest son of the famous Constable Anne de -Montmorency, and himself Duc de Montmorency and Marshal of France. -He was born in 1530, and fought at St. Quentin, and at the taking of -Calais. He and Cossé were suspected of being implicated in the rising -of Shrove-Tuesday, 1574, concerted between Alençon and the Huguenots, -and were imprisoned in the Bastille. His wife was a natural daughter -of Henry II. by Diane de Poitiers, who had been legitimated. He died -without issue in 1579. His four brothers were, Damville, Monsieur de -Montbéron, killed at the battle of Dreux in 1562, Monsieur de Méru, and -Monsieur de Thoré. See note page 11, and also note page 16. - -Cossé took part in Guise’s famous defence of Metz in 1552, was -appointed _surintendant des finances_ in 1563, and Marshal in 1567. -He fought at St. Denis and Moncontour, but was defeated by Coligny at -Arny-le-Duc in 1570. He died in 1582, aged 70. According to Brantôme -(ii. 434), he remarked on his imprisonment: ‘Je ne sçay pas ce que M. -de Montmorency peut avoir faict, mais quant à moy, je sçay bien que je -n’ay rien faict pour estre prisonnier avec luy, sinon pour luy tenir -compagnie quand on le fera mourir, et moy avec luy; que l’on me fera de -mesmes que l’on faict bien souvent à de pauvres diables, que l’on pend -pour tenir compagnie seulement à leurs compagnons, encor qu’ilz n’ayent -rien meffaict.’ - -[11] ‘Le peuple de la ville, n’agueres partisan de cette famille, les -reçeut avec injures et contribua 800 harquebusiers de garde tant que -leur prison dura.’—_Aubigné_, _Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. vi. - -[12] By _Nove_ Busbecq probably means the town which d’Aubigné -(_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) calls Nonnai, now Annonay, 24 -French miles from Lyons. D’Aubigné says the distance is nine leagues, -which roughly corresponds with Busbecq’s twelve miles. See note, vol. -i. page 80. Annonay was a town in the Vivarais, one of the districts -which were the strongholds of the Protestant cause, and was itself a -Protestant town. For an account of the sieges it underwent, and of the -civil war in the Vivarais, see Poncer, _Mémoires sur Annonay_. On this -occasion the town was summoned on October 22nd, and blockaded till -December 8th, so the news in the text was premature. Dr. Dale, the -English representative at the French Court, mentions the raising of the -siege of ‘Noue,’ in a letter dated December 23rd.—_Calendar of State -Papers, Foreign Series_, 1572-74, p. 583. - -[13] Louis de Bourbon, Duc de Montpensier, born in 1513, was descended -from a branch of the Bourbon-Vendôme family, and on his mother’s side -was nephew to the Constable de Bourbon. He served as a volunteer at -St. Quentin, where he was made prisoner. He was a bitter enemy to -the Huguenots. ‘Quand il prenait les heretiques par composition,’ -says Brantôme (iii. 364), ‘il ne la leur tenait nullement, disant -qu’à un heretique, on n’estoit nullement obligé de garder sa foy.’ He -distinguished himself at Jarnac and Moncontour. He took a prominent -part in the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. From 1574 to 1576 he -commanded in Poitou and Saintonge, and died in 1582. By his first wife, -Jacqueline de Longwy, who was a Protestant, he had a son and four -daughters, one of whom, Charlotte, married the Prince of Orange. See -Letter XIX. and note. His son—who, till he succeeded to the title of -Montpensier, on his father’s death, was known as the Prince Dauphin -d’Auvergne—is frequently mentioned in Busbecq’s letters to Rodolph. -Fontenay is a town, nearly due west of Poitiers, and about fifty-five -English miles from it. - -[14] Guy du Faur, Seigneur de Pibrac, was born at Toulouse, in -1529. He became member of the Parliament there, and was one of the -French ambassadors at the Council of Trent in 1562. In 1565, at -the recommendation of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, he was appointed -Avocat-Général to the Parliament of Paris. He accompanied Henry to -Poland as Chancellor, and was in great danger during the precipitate -flight of the King. After his return to Paris he sold his office of -Advocate. He was again despatched to Poland, to persuade the Diet to -allow Henry to retain the crown, but his mission proved unsuccessful. -He was afterwards Chancellor of the Queen of Navarre, with whom he -was supposed to be in love. He went with Alençon to Flanders, as his -Chancellor, and died in 1584. He was celebrated for his eloquence. - -[15] The Comte de Damville was second son of the Constable, and brother -to the Duc de Montmorency (see page 8). He was born in 1534, and was -made Governor of Languedoc in 1563, which he held for nearly fifty -years, almost as an independent sovereign. He was the leader of the -moderate Roman Catholic party, known as the Politiques, and after the -death of Henry III. adhered to the cause of Henry IV., who on December -8th, 1593, created him Constable. He succeeded to the Dukedom of -Montmorency on his brother’s death in 1579. He died in 1614. - -[16] The Castle of Lusignan was the original seat of the famous family -of Lusignan, which gave kings to Jerusalem and Cyprus. In the keep of -the château was a fountain, said to be haunted by the fairy Melusine, -the ancestress and tutelary genius of the family. According to the -legend, the founder of the family first met her by a forest spring. -Before she became his wife she exacted a promise from him that he would -not attempt to see her on the Saturday in every week, or to find out -where she had gone. For a time all went on well, but unfortunately the -husband was at last persuaded to peep into the room to which Melusine -had retired. To his horror he discovered that on every Saturday half -her body was transformed into a serpent. Finding the secret was no -longer hers, she thrice flew round the château, and then vanished. -She was believed to appear at times on the keep of the château, and -whenever she was seen it was said to presage a death, either in the -Lusignan family or in the Royal family of France. - -Lusignan is situated about fourteen English miles south-west of -Poitiers. De l’Estoile, i. 49, gives some details of the siege and -capitulation. “Le mardy, 25^e janvier, la ville et chasteau de Lusignan -furent rendus par les Huguenos à M. de Montpensier, chef de l’armée du -Roy en Poictou, soubs condition de vies et bagues sauves, et d’estre -conduits seurement à la Rochelle: de quoi furent baillés ostages pour -seureté de ladite capitulation, encores que la foy de M. de Montpensier -ne peust ni ne deust estre suspecte aux Huguenos, lesquels furent -assiégés trois mois et vingt et un jours, durant lesquels furent -tirés de sept à huict mil coups de canon.” If Brantôme does not belie -Montpensier (see note 2, page 9), the besieged had good reason for the -precautions they took. - -[17] Published September 10th at Lyons. - -[18] The Seigneur de Rambouillet was sent by the Queen Mother, and the -Seigneur d’Estrées by Alençon, to Henry on June 4th, to congratulate -him on his accession.—_De l’Estoile_, i. 5. ‘Rambouillet, that was -aforetime captain in one of the guards, and his three brothers, has -left the Court, because the King has given away an office, that one -of the Rambouillets looked for.’—_Calendar of State Papers, Foreign -Series_, 1572-74, p. 560. - -[19] These towns had been retained by the French when the rest of the -possessions of the Duke of Savoy were restored to him, partly after the -treaty of Cateau Cambrésis, in 1559, and partly by Charles IX. in 1562. -With the exception of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, they were the last -remains of the French conquests beyond the Alps. The Duchess of Savoy -was Margaret, daughter of Francis I., and therefore aunt to Henry III. -She was born in 1523, married in 1559, at the conclusion of peace, to -Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and died September 14th, 1574. The -indignant protest of the Duc de Nevers against the surrender of these -towns may be found in the compilation known as his _Mémoires_, vol. i. -page i. - -[20] Frederic III. was Elector Palatine from 1559 to 1576. He was the -first important German prince who embraced Calvinism, and was the head -of that sect in Germany. His Court was the asylum of the French and -Flemish exiles. When Henry III. passed through Germany on his way to -Poland, he visited Heidelberg at the Palatine’s invitation. He found -the gates of the town guarded, the streets lined with soldiers, match -in hand, and no one to receive him at the Castle except armed men. -Halfway up the stairs he was met by the Rhinegrave, attended by two -of the survivors of the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. The Rhinegrave -asked him on the Elector’s behalf to excuse his coming down, on -account of indisposition. Henry found him at the entrance of the room -supported by a gentleman, in the attitude of a man who finds it a -great effort to stand upright. ‘On n’y pouvoit entrer sans jetter la -veüe sur un grand Tableau de la mort de l’Admiral, et des principaux -Seigneurs tués à Paris. Voyant que le Roi portoit sa veüe de ce costé, -il poussa un grand souspir, et dit tout haut, “Ceux qui les ont fait -mourir sont bien malheureux, croyez qu’ils estoient gens de bien et -grands Capitaines.” Le Roy respondit doucement, “Qu’ils estoient -capables de bien faire s’ils eussent voulu.” Ce Prince sentoit un -grand contentement en son ame de pouvoir faire esclatter l’excez de sa -passion en la presence du Roy, il en fit voir les effets en diverses -façons, lui donna à souper, et le servit de poisson, mais il n’eut pour -Gentilhomme que ceux qu’on luy dit avoir eschappé le jour de Saint -Barthelemy, qu’il appelloit “La boucherie et le massacre de Paris.”’ -The next day the Count took more than thirty turns with the King up -and down the great hall of the Castle, with a firm step and in perfect -health, so as to show that his indisposition of the previous evening -had been entirely feigned.—Matthieu, _Histoire de France_, i. p. 363. -The Palatine’s second son, John Casimir, born in 1543, is a prominent -figure in the religious wars of the time. He was one of the military -adventurers who hoped in the general confusion to win themselves a -throne by their sword. He conducted several expeditions to the aid of -the French Protestants, and was one of the many princes suggested as -a husband for Queen Elizabeth. At her instigation he was given the -command of the German army which entered the Netherlands in 1578. For -an estimate of his character see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_. -Part V. ch. v. He died in 1592. - -[21] The two sons of the Constable were his two youngest sons, de Méru -and de Thoré. While the Marshal and Damville, their elder brothers, -remained Catholics, they became Protestants. The reason of their flight -to Germany was that they had been implicated in the rising of Shrove -Tuesday, 1574, and the conspiracy to seize Charles IX. at St. Germain. -‘Les cousins [du Prince de Condé] de Thoré et de Méru se rendent à -Geneve, où le Seingneur de Thoré se déclare et fait profession de -la Religion et là est arresté et retenu, et son frère de Méru mis -hors ladite ville, pour ne vouloir faire semblable profession.’—_De -l’Estoile_, i. 22. - -[22] François de Foix de Candale, Bishop of Aire, in Gascony, third son -of Gaston de Foix, Comte de Candale, Captal de Buch, &c. His father’s -sister Anne married Ladislaus, King of Hungary and Bohemia, by whom -she had two children—Louis, King of Hungary, killed at Mohacz in 1526, -and Anne, who married the Emperor Ferdinand, and was the mother of -the Emperor Maximilian. The Bishop was one of the most learned men of -his time, especially in mathematics and natural philosophy. Besides -the works mentioned in the text, he translated Euclid into Latin. He -invented various mathematical instruments, and founded a chair of -mathematics in the College of Aquitaine at Bordeaux. He died in 1594, -aged eighty-four according to Thuanus, but eighty-one according to his -monument. D’Aubigné, in his _Mémoires_ under the year 1580, relates the -following anecdote of him and Henry IV. ‘Le roi de Navarre, passant un -jour à Cadillac, pria le grand François de Candale, de lui faire voir -son excellent cabinet, ce qu’il vouloit bien faire, à condition qu’il -n’y entreroit pas d’ignares. “Non, mon oncle,” dit mon maître, “je n’y -mènerai personne qui ne soit plus capable de le voir et d’en connoître -le prix que moi.” La compagnie s’amusa d’abord à faire lever le poids -d’un canon par une petite machine qu’un enfant de six ans tenoit entre -ses mains. Comme elle étoit fort attentive à cette operation, je me mis -à considérer un marbre noir de sept pieds en quarré, qui servoit de -table au bon Seigneur de Candale; et ayant apperçu un crayon, j’écrivis -dessus pendant qu’on raisonnait sur la petite machine, ce distique -latin:— - - Non isthæc, princeps, regem tractare doceto, - Sed docta regni pondera ferre manu. - -Cela fait, je recouvris le marbre et rejoignis la compagnie, qui étant -arrivée à ce marbre, M. de Candale dit à mon maître, “Voici ma table;” -et ayant ôté la couverture et vu ce distique, il s’écria, “Ah! il y a -ici un homme.” “Comment,” reprit le roi de Navarre, “croyez-vous que -les autres soient des bêtes? Je vous prie, mon oncle, de deviner à -la mine qui vous jugez capable d’avoir fait ce coup.” Ce qui fournit -matière à d’assez plaisans propos.’ - -[23] He was killed February, 1573, in an attack on the château of -Soumiere, in Languedoc.—Mezeray, _Histoire de France_, iii. 282. - -[24] The Egyptian deity Thoth, was identified with the Greek Hermes, -and was considered the real author of everything produced or discovered -by the human mind. Being thus the source of all human knowledge and -thought, he was termed τρὶς μέγιστος, or Thrice Greatest. A -variety of works are preserved, of which he is the reputed author. -The most probable opinion as to their real origin is that they were -forgeries of Neo-Platonists in the third or fourth century of our -era. The most important of them is the Ποιμάνδρης, the book -translated by the Bishop. It is written in the form of a dialogue, and -treats of nature, the creation of the world, the nature and attributes -of the deity, the human soul, &c. - -[25] In the Vivarais. It cut off Lyons from communicating with -Marseilles by water. See _Mezeray_, iii. 360. - -[26] It is impossible within the compass of a note to give more than -the briefest outline of the principal events in the life of this famous -Breton chief. He was born in 1531, and became a Protestant in 1558. -In 1561 he was one of the French nobles who escorted Marie Stuart to -Scotland. Brantôme was another of the suite. In 1570 he was wounded by -a musket-shot at the siege of Fontenay; gangrene set in, and it was -found necessary to amputate his left arm; Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of -Navarre, held the shattered limb during the operation. This arm was -replaced by one of iron, whence he obtained the famous sobriquet, by -which he is best known, _Bras de fer_. In 1573 Charles IX. sent him -to La Rochelle in the hope he would be able to effect some compromise -with the citizens, and he was for some time regarded with suspicion -by both sides; but he appears to have always acted an honest and -straightforward part in a very delicate position. When he found a -reconciliation was impossible, he placed his sword once more at the -service of the French Protestants. He fought for the Protestant cause -not only in France but also in the Netherlands, was Count Louis of -Nassau’s right-hand man at the surprise and subsequent siege of Mons -in 1572, and at one time, in 1579, occupied Bousbecque and the places -in the neighbourhood, Menin, Comines, Wervicq, &c. He was mortally -wounded at the siege of Lamballe, in Brittany, and died on August -4, 1591. Thuanus (v. p. 180) calls him ‘a truly great man, who for -bravery, prudence, and military knowledge deserved to be compared with -the greatest generals of the time, and for the purity of his life, his -moderation, and his justice to be preferred to most of them.’ For a -further account of him see Letters to Rodolph, IX. and LIV., note. - -[27] This report was correct. See _Mezeray_, iii. 360, where an -interesting account is given of the siege. - -[28] The second Edict, of October 23. The purport of it was, that no -person should be troubled on religious grounds. - -[29] The Comte de Fiesco was _chevalier d’honneur_ to the Queen. The -Fieschi were Counts of Lavagna, and one of the four principal families -of Genoa. The conspiracy of the Fieschi in 1547 is one of the most -famous incidents of Genoese history. The object of the conspirators was -to overthrow the power of Andrew Doria, and to detach Genoa from the -Imperialists, and bring the republic into close connection with France. -The conspiracy miscarried, owing to its leader, Count John Louis -Fiesco, falling from the planks by which he was boarding a galley, and -being drowned. Owing to the darkness of the night the accident was -not discovered till it was too late to assist him. His brothers were -executed except Scipio, the youngest, who escaped to France, and is the -person mentioned in the text. In 1568 he was Ambassador to the Court -of Maximilian. He was afterwards _chevalier d’honneur_ to Louise de -Vaudemont, the Queen of Henry III., and one of the original knights of -the Order of the Holy Ghost.—Lippomano, _Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_, ii. -413. He married Alphonsina Strozzi, who is the Countess mentioned by -Busbecq. She was originally _dame d’honneur_ to Catherine de Medicis. - -[30] The Sorbonne was ‘a society or corporation of Doctors of Divinity -settled in the University of Paris, and famous all over Europe. It -was founded by the French King St. Lewis, and Ralph de Sorbonne, -his confessor, a Canon of the Church of Paris, who gave it its name -from the village of Sorbonne, near Lyons, which was the place of his -nativity.’—_World of Words._ - -Their determination, dated July 2, 1530, is given by Holinshed, -_Chronicles_, iii. 924. It is to the effect that ‘the foresaid marriage -with the brother’s wife, departing without children, be so forbidden -both by the law of God and of nature, that the Pope hath no power -to dispense with such mariages, whether they be contract or to be -contract.’ It was read to the House of Commons with the decisions of -the other Universities, March 30, 1531. - -[31] Leonhard or Lamoral von Thurn and Taxis succeeded his father -in 1554 as Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, and in 1595 was -appointed Postmaster-General of the Holy Roman Empire. He died in -1612, aged upwards of 90. He was brother of J. B. Taxis or Tassis, the -well-known Spanish Ambassador. See Letters to Rodolph, XLIII., and note. - -[32] Sebastian, grandson of Charles V., became King of Portugal in -1557, when he was only three years old. At the time Busbecq wrote he -was a gallant young man of twenty, dreaming of great exploits as a -Crusader. Four years later he attempted to put his ideas into practice, -and invaded Africa with a large force. His army was annihilated in -the battle of Alcazar (August 4th, 1578), and the brave young King -perished on the field. His romantic end produced a deep impression -on his subjects. ‘It may be mentioned,’ says the _Times_ (December -1825), ‘as a singular species of infatuation, that many Portuguese -residing in Brazil, as well as in Portugal, still believe in the coming -of Sebastian, the romantic king, who was killed about the year 1578, -in a pitched battle with the Emperor Muley Moluc. Some of these old -visionaries will go out wrapped in their large cloaks, on a windy -night, to watch the movements of the heavens, and frequently, if an -exhalation is seen flitting in the air, resembling a falling star, they -will cry out, “There he comes!”’ For a curious story of a hoax played -on one of these fanatics, see Hone’s _Everyday Book_, vol. ii. page 88. - -[33] In this and some other letters, passages referring to arrangements -connected with the dower have been curtailed or altogether omitted. It -is sufficient to state that Elizabeth’s dower had been fixed at 60,000 -francs per annum, and that Busbecq’s object was to see that it was -properly secured. - -[34] Pierre de Gondi, see note, page 39. - -[35] John Evelyn made the same expedition by water from Lyons to -Avignon, some seventy years later. A full account of his voyage is -given in his _Diary_ (p. 69, Chandos edition). Like Busbecq he stopped -at Valence. ‘We then came to Valence, a capital Citty carrying the -title of a Dutchey, but the Bishop is now sole lord temporal of it and -the country about it. The towne having an University famous for the -study of the civil law, is much frequented; but the Churches are none -of the fairest, having been greatly defaced in the time of the warrs.’ - -[36] Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, was one of the most successful -diplomatists of his day; he had been ambassador at Constantinople -in 1537, on which occasion he received the pot of balsam, which he -afterwards lost in Ireland (see vol. i. p. 387). Henry III. owed his -Polish Crown to his exertions and diplomatic skill. He was father of -that bold and unscrupulous adventurer, Balagny. - -His career is thus sketched by a contemporary:— - -‘Il avoit esté de sa premiere profession jacobin, et la feue royne -de Navarre Margueritte, qui aymoit les gens sçavans et spirituels, -le cognoissant tel, le deffrocqua et le mena avec elle à la Court, -le fit cognoistre, le poussa, luy ayda, le fit employer en plusieurs -ambassades; car je pense qu’il n’y a guieres pays en l’Europe où il -n’ayt esté ambassadeur et en negotiation, ou grande ou petite, jusques -en Constantinople, qui fut son premier advancement, et à Venize, en -Polongne, Angleterre, Escosse et autres lieux. On le tenoit Lutherien -au commencement, et puis Calviniste, contre sa profession episcopalle; -mais il s’y comporta modestement par bonne mine et beau semblant; la -reyne de Navarre le deffrocqua pour l’amour de cela.’—_Brantôme_, iii. -52. - -[37] Monsieur de Vulcob, French Ambassador at the Court of Maximilian. -See Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, iii. 596, -note. - -[38] Jean de Morvilliers was born at Blois in 1506. He was ambassador -at Venice from 1546 to 1550, and was rewarded for his services by -receiving the Bishopric of Orleans in 1552. After he became bishop, -the Chapter of his cathedral, by a statute passed in November 1552, -ordered him to shave off his beard. He refused to comply, and the -quarrel raged fiercely for four years, till finally in 1556 it was -appeased by a letter from the King to the Chapter, in which he declared -that he required to send Morvilliers to various countries in which a -beard was necessary, and therefore ordered the Chapter to receive him -beard and all. He did not, however, take possession of his cathedral -till 1559. Francis II. appointed him a Privy Councillor, and in 1561 -he took part in the Conference of Poissy, and in the following year -attended the Council of Trent, as one of the French representatives. He -was afterwards ambassador to the Duke of Savoy, and in 1564 was one of -the negotiators of the Treaty of Troyes, between Charles IX. and Queen -Elizabeth. In the same year he gave up his Bishopric in favour of his -nephew. On the disgrace of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, in 1568, he became -Keeper of the Seals, but in 1571 had to resign them to Birague. In de -Thou’s opinion (iii. 209), he was honest and prudent, but cautious -to the verge of timidity, and therefore always pursued a policy of -expediency. He was the head of the party who were in favour of peace -but thought no religious reform was required, and who therefore, in -order to remain on good terms with the extreme Catholic party headed -by the Guises, did not hesitate to evade or violate the pledges given -to the Protestants. See _Thuanus_, iii. 35. De Thou’s estimate of -his character is borne out by a State-paper preserved by d’Aubigné -(_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. i. ch. ii.), written by Morvilliers at the -request of Charles IX. in 1572, in opposition to Coligny’s project of -war with Spain. - -[39] Elizabeth’s marriage portion had never been paid, and Busbecq -was afraid that this fact might be adduced as a reason for not paying -her dower now she was a widow; and also, in case of the failure of -Maximilian’s issue male, a claim might be set up on behalf of her -daughter, that Elizabeth’s renunciation of her rights of succession -was invalid for the same reason. That Busbecq’s fears were not -ill-founded is shown by the fact that Louis XIV. argued that his wife’s -renunciation of her rights to the Crown of Spain was invalid, as her -marriage portion had never been paid. - -[40] The Comte de Retz was the son of a Florentine banker at Lyons, -named Gondi, Seigneur du Péron. His wife entered the service of -Catherine de Medici, and took charge of her children in their infancy. -She endeared herself to the Queen, who being Regent during the minority -of Charles IX. advanced her children to the highest posts: the Comte -de Retz became first Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and a -Marshal of France; he acquired enormous wealth. His brother, Pierre de -Gondi, was made Bishop of Paris, and afterwards Cardinal; he had other -preferments worth 30,000 or 40,000 livres per annum, and property worth -200,000 crowns; while a third brother was Master of the Wardrobe to the -King. - -[41] The following is an extract from a diary kept by a French official -during this same year 1575:—‘Le mardi 6^e juillet, fust pendu à Paris, -et puis mis en quatre quartiers, un capitaine nommé la Vergerie, -condamné à mort par Birague, chancelier, et quelques maistres des -requestes nommés par la Roine-mère, qui lui firent son procès bien -court dedans l’Hostel de ladite Ville de Paris. Toute sa charge estoit -que, s’estant trouvé en quelque compagnie, où on parloit de la querelle -des escoliers et des Italiens, il avoit dit qu’il faloit se ranger -du costé des escoliers et saccager et couper la gorge à tous ces.... -Italiens, et à tous ceux qui les portoient et soustenoient, comme -estans cause de la ruine de la France: sans avoir autre chose fait ni -attenté contre iceux.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 69. - -[42] Maximilian put on record his protest against the Massacre of -Saint Bartholomew in a letter to Lazarus Schwendi:—‘Quod attinet -ad præclarum illud facinus quod Galli in Amiralio ejusque sociis -tyrannicè perpetrarunt, equidem id minimè probare possum, magnoque -cum dolore intellexi Generum meum sibi persuaderi passum tam fœdam -lanienam. Quanquam scio magis alios imperare quàm ipsum. Attamen hoc -ad excusationem facti non sufficit, neque hoc satis est palliando -sceleri.’—Maximilian to Laz. Schwendi. Leyden, 1603. 2nd edition. - -[43] Jean St. Chaumont, being at Nismes with a picked body of soldiers, -determined to make an attempt on Aigues-Mortes. Guided by some -Protestants who had been driven out of the town, he contrived one night -to blow open the gates; his troops rushed in and took possession of -the place. The garrison fled to the tower of Constance, which two days -later was compelled to surrender. See _Thuanus_, iii. 83. - -[44] Stephen Bathory, Voivode of Transylvania. He and Maximilian -were eventually both elected in 1576, and civil war was imminent in -consequence; but the death of Maximilian a few months later left -Bathory in undisputed possession of the Crown. - -[45] See page 13, and note, page 14. - -[46] In order to show her contempt for the besieging army, one of the -women of Livron brought her distaff to the breach, and sat herself down -to spin. See _Thuanus_, iii. 83. - -[47] Charles, son of Claude Duke of Guise and Antoinette de Bourbon, -born 1524. Archbishop of Rheims 1538. Cardinal 1547. There is little -doubt as to the cause of his death being that which is given by -Busbecq, though some declared that he was murdered by means of a -poisoned torch, and others that he was presented with a poisoned purse. -For some time before he had been complaining of severe pain in the -head. See _Thuanus_, iii. 47, 48. - -‘Le dimanche 26^e décembre à cinq heures du matin, Charles, cardinal -de Lorraine, aagé de cinquante ans, mourust en Avignon d’une fiebvre, -symptomée d’un extrême mal de teste provenu du serein d’Avignon, qui -est fort dangereux, qui lui avoit offensé le cerveau à la procession -des Battus, où il s’estoit trouvé, en grande dévotion, avec le crucefix -à la main, les pieds à moictié nuds et la teste peu couverte, qui -est le poison qu’on a depuis voulu faire accroire qu’on lui avoit -donné.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 40. The character the zealous Protestant -d’Aubigné gives of the Cardinal (_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. xi.) -is as follows: ‘esprit sans borne, tres chiche et craintif de sa vie, -prodigue de celle d’autrui, pour le seul but qu’il a eu en vivant, -assavoir d’eslever sa race à une desmesurée grandeur.’ - -[48] Catherine de Medici was supposed to be endowed with second-sight. -Her daughter gives several instances in her memoirs. - -‘Mesme la nuict devant la miserable course en lice, elle songea comme -elle voyoit le feu Roy mon pere blessé à l’œil, comme il fust.... -Elle n’a aussy jamais perdu aucun de ses enfans qu’elle n’aye veu une -fort grande flamme, à laquelle soudain elle s’escrioit: “Dieu garde -mes enfans!” et incontinent apres, elle entendoit la triste nouvelle -qui, par ce feu, lui avoit esté augurée.... Elle s’escrie, continuant -ses resveries, comme si elle eust veu donner la bataille de Jarnac: -“Voyez-vous comme ils fuient! Mon fils a la victoire. Hé, mon Dieu! -relevez mon fils! il est par terre! Voyez, voyez, dans cette haye, le -Prince de Condé mort!”’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 42-43. The story -of the Cardinal’s ghost is given more fully in De l’Estoile’s diary: -‘Puis aiant demandé à boire, comme on lui eust baillé son verre, elle -commença tellement à trembler, qu’il lui cuida tumber des mains, et -s’escria: “Jésus! voila M. le cardinal de Lorraine que je voy!”’—_De -l’Estoile_, i. 41. - -[49] Pomponne de Bellièvre, jurist and diplomatist. Born at Lyons -in 1529, he was twice Charles IX.’s ambassador to Switzerland, and -accompanied Henry III. to Poland. In 1586 he was sent to England to -ask for the release of Mary Queen of Scots. In 1599 Henry made him -Chancellor, a post which he held till 1604. He died in 1607. - -[50] The following extract from a letter, dated November 3, 1574, and -written by the King to his representative at Constantinople, proves the -truth of this statement:—‘Toutesfois je veux vous advertir et luy aussy -(the bishop of Acqs, the late Ambassador), s’il est encores par delà, -que tout fraîchement j’ay receu et de bon lieu que l’empereur se plaint -fort de luy et des offices qu’il a faicts par delà contre ses affaires. -Je sçay bien qu’il n’a eu considération qu’à mon service; toutesfois je -seray bien aise que durant votre légation vous vous comportiez envers -ses ministres le plus amiablement que vous pourrez et leur presterez -toute faveur en ce que touchera le particulier d’iceluy S^r empereur où -vous verrez que mon service ne sera point engagé, afin qu’il cognoisse -que je me ressens du bon recueil et faveur qu’il me fist dernièrement -passant par ses terres, et ay en recommandation la légation qui est en -nostre royaume.’—Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, -iii. 578. - -[51] Maximilian gave this advice to Henry III. when he stopped at -Vienna on his way back to France. ‘Cæsarem prudentissimum juxta et -optimum principem hoc Regi consilium dedisse memorant, ut pacem primis -regni auspiciis et in Galliæ ingressu suis daret.’—_Thuanus_, iii. 8. - -[52] Her name was Catherine. She eventually married in 1599 Henry, Duke -of Bar, son of Charles, Duke of Lorraine, and died in 1604. - -[53] This was no kindness to Louise de Vaudemont. Brantôme praises -her for her loyalty to her husband: ‘Aussi que dès le beau premier -commencement de leur mariage, voire dix jours après, il ne luy donna -pas grande occasion de contentement, car il luy osta ses filles de -chambre et damoiselles qui avoient tousjours esté avec elle et nourries -d’elle estant fille, qu’elle regretta fort.’—_Brantôme_, v. 334. - -[54] Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine. See page 45, and note. - -[55] Queen Leonora, sister of Charles V. and widow of Francis I., one -of the Princesses to whom Busbecq’s grandfather, Gilles Ghiselin II., -had been _premier écuyer trenchant_. See vol. i. page 26, note 1. - -[56] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part IV. chap. iii. - -[57] Louis d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara and Archbishop of Auch, was son -of Hercules II., Duke of Ferrara, and Renée, daughter of Louis XII. of -France. He was born in 1538, made Cardinal in 1561, and died at Rome in -1586. He deserved, says de Thou, to be called the treasure of the poor, -the glory of the Sacred College, and the ornament of the Court of Rome. - -[58] Miss Freer, in her history of Henry III., has charged Busbecq’s -Queen with heartlessness. ‘Under these circumstances Elizabeth gladly -accepted her father’s invitation to return to Vienna. With all -her virtue and simplicity Elizabeth appears not to have possessed -much tenderness of character; else, herself feeling so keenly the -disadvantages of a residence at Paris, she could not have abandoned her -infant daughter to the care of Catherine de Medici; nor even, as far -as it can be discovered, made any attempt to convey her to be educated -far from the levity of the Court.’—Vol. ii. p. 39. Miss Freer evidently -did not know of Busbecq’s letters to Maximilian; she frequently quotes -the letters to Rodolph, but does not appear to be aware that they were -written by the man whom she describes as ‘Auger de Ghislin, Seigneur de -Boësbecq, a German noble resident in France.’ - -[59] ‘Le 22^e mars les députés de M. le prince de Condé, mareschal -Damville et autres associés, tant de l’une que de l’autre religion, -selon la permission qu’ils avoient eue du Roy d’envoier vers lui tels -personnages qu’ils aviseroient pour l’avancement et conclusion d’une -paix générale et asseurée à tout son roiaume, aians, par un commun -advis, articulé leurs conditions et icelles dressées en forme de -requeste, partirent de Basle le dit 22^e mars pour venir trouver Sa -Majesté à Paris, où ils arrivèrent le mardi 5^e avril.’—_De l’Estoile_, -i. 54. For a full account of these negotiations see _Mémoires de -Nevers_, i. 308. - -[60] The Queen had so much difficulty in procuring funds that she was -obliged to postpone her visit to August. Her child, Princess Marie -Elizabeth (god-daughter of Queen Elizabeth of England), was at this -time three years old. Amboise, near Blois, was considered particularly -healthy, and on that account appointed as the nursery for the royal -children. Evelyn speaks of it as a very agreeable village, built of -stone and roofed with blue slate; he gives a full description of the -castle which was the residence of the young Princess. _Diary_, p. 63. - -[61] Don Rodolph Khuen von Belasii, Baron of Neu-Lembach, descended -from an ancient Tyrolese family. He was also Privy Councillor to the -Emperor. - -[62] See note, p. 63. - -[63] Roger de Saint-Lary de Bellegarde attached himself to the Comte -de Retz, was introduced by him to Catherine de Medici, and rose as -rapidly as his patron. Henry III. on his return from Poland created -him a Marshal, and gave him the command of his forces in Dauphiny. His -position was, however, undermined by du Guast, and he was despatched to -Poland. Regarding this mission as merely a pretext for his banishment, -he went no further than Piedmont, entered the Duke of Savoy’s service, -and with his assistance took possession of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, -the last of the French conquests beyond the Alps, driving out Birague, -the Governor. Afterwards the Duke of Savoy, accompanied by the Marshal, -had an interview, near Lyons, with the Queen Mother. The sequel may be -told in Brantôme’s words. ‘Elle luy fit tout plein de remonstrances. -Luy, ores planant, ores connivant, et ores conillant et amusant la -Royne de belles paroles, se trouva atteint de maladie par belle poison, -de laquelle il mourut.’—_Brantôme_, iv. 103. - -[64] About a mile from Montbéliard Pibrac was captured by Brysach and -a band of brigands, who assumed the character of Huguenot refugees. -The Ambassador was compelled to leave his carriage, and follow his -captors into the forest. Meanwhile a hue and cry was raised, and the -people turned out to hunt the banditti. Pibrac was now in great danger, -as the brigands threatened to kill him if one of their party should -be hurt. From noon to midnight he was compelled to accompany Brysach -and his band through the recesses of the forest. Fortunately he was -able to turn his talents as a diplomatist to good account, and at last -persuaded his companions to set him free. See _Thuanus_, iii. 98. -Compare the account of Busbecq’s capture, vol. i. p. 71. - -The country of Montbéliard, or Mümpelgard, lay between Franche Comté -and Alsace, and belonged to a branch of the House of Würtemberg. It -remained in their hands till near the end of the last century. In 1792 -the French took possession of it, but it did not become French _de -jure_ till 1801, when, with the other German _enclaves_ in Alsace, it -was ceded by the treaty of Luneville. - -[65] So in March 1538 Holbein was despatched to Brussels to take a -portrait of Christina, the widowed Duchess of Milan, and daughter of -Elizabeth of Denmark, sister of Charles V. (see vol. i. page 26, note -2), for whose hand Henry VIII. had been negotiating. She is reported to -have declined his offer, saying, ‘if she had had two heads one should -have been at the service of the King of England, but as she had only -one, she preferred to keep it on her own shoulders.’ Holbein’s portrait -now belongs to the Duke of Norfolk, and was exhibited at the Winter -Exhibition of the Royal Academy in 1880. The lady afterwards married -Francis Duke of Lorraine, and became the mother of Charles Duke of -Lorraine and Dorothea, the wife of Duke Eric of Brunswick. Hence came -the connection between the Houses of Austria and Lorraine, alluded to -on page 59, Maximilian II. being Christina’s first cousin. - -Similarly Holbein, in the following year, was again sent abroad to take -a portrait of Anne of Cleves.—_Froude,_ ch. xvii. - -[66] ‘Le dimanche 19^e juing arrivèrent à Paris M. le duc de Lorraine -et M. de Vaudemont, père de la Roine, pour achever le mariage du -Marquis de Nomenie, fils aisné dudit seingneur de Vaudemont aveq -la damoiselle de Martigues. En congratulation et resjouissance des -venues de ces princes, se firent à la Cour plusieurs jeux, tournois et -festins magnifiques, en l’un desquels la Roine-Mère mangea tant qu’elle -cuida crever, et fust malade au double de son desvoiement. On disoit -que c’estoit d’avoir trop mangé de culs d’artichaux et de crestes et -rongnons de coq, dont elle estoit fort friande.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 64. - -[67] The Ilsings or Ilsungs were an ancient Swabian family, several of -whom had been burgomasters of Augsburg. The person mentioned in the -text was probably George Ilsing von Lichtenberg, Privy Councillor to -Charles V., Ferdinand, Maximilian, and Rodolph, and Statthalter in the -Duchy of Würtemberg. - -[68] The Princess Charlotte de Bourbon was compelled to take the vows -before she had arrived at the legal age. She became Abbess of Joüarrs; -but ran away in 1572, and took refuge with the Elector Palatine. The -Prince of Orange saw her at Heidelburg and fell in love with her. St. -Aldegonde conducted her to Brill, where the Prince met her. They were -married June 12. - -[69] ‘Mareschal d’Amville vint à estre empoisonné de telle façon, que, -s’il ne fut esté secouru prestement et par bons remedes, il estoit -mort; et de faict les nouvelles en vindrent au Roy qu’il estoit mort -de ceste poison. J’estois lors en sa chambre quand ces nouvelles luy -furent apportées ... il ne s’en esmeut autrement, et ne monstra le -visage plus joyeux ny fasché, sinon qu’il envoya le courrier à la -Reyne; et ne laissasmes à causer avec luy. Ce gouvernement de Languedoc -fut aussi tost donné à M. de Nevers.... Vindrent apres nouvelles -que ledit sieur mareschal n’estoit point mort et tendoit peu à peu -à guerison, laquelle tarda beaucoup à luy venir. Plusieurs disoient -que s’il fust mort de ceste poison, que M. de Montmorancy fust esté -sententié ... mais on craignoit que ledict mareschal, voyant son frere -mort, qu’il eust joué à la desesperade, craignant qu’il ne luy en -arrivast autant s’il estoit pris, et avoit un tres grand moyen de faire -mal avec l’alliance des Huguenots, voire du roy d’Espagne, qu’il eust -pris.’—_Brantôme_, ii. 436-7. - -Montmorency’s relations had good reasons for their apprehensions. It -was intended to strangle him, and, to cover the murder, Miron, chief -physician to the King, was sent to see him, and told to give out -that he had apoplectic symptoms. Gilles de Souvré, chief chamberlain -to Henry, was selected as his executioner, and to his reluctance to -undertake the office the prisoner owed his life. See _Thuanus_, iii. -105. - -Montmorency was conscious of his danger. ‘Tell the Queen,’ said he, -‘that I am well aware of her intentions towards me; there is no need to -make so much fuss. She has only to send the Chancellor’s apothecary: I -will take whatever he gives me.’ See _De l’Estoile_, i. 63. - -[70] The date shows that this letter ought to follow Letter XXI., but -we have retained the order of the Latin Edition. - -[71] The following quotation from Marguerite de Valois’ autobiography -shows that Busbecq was right:—‘Nous nous en retournasmes à Paris -trouver le Roy, qui nous receust avec beaucoup de contentement d’avoir -la paix; mais toutesfois aggreant peu les advantageuses conditions -des huguenots, se deliberant bien, soudain qu’il auroit mon frere à -la cour, de trouver une invention pour rentrer en la guerre contre -lesdits huguenots, pour ne les laisser jouir de ce qu’à regret et -par force on leur avoit accordé seulement pour en retirer mon frere -(Alençon).’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 79. - -[72] ‘J’ay ouy dire à de grands capitaines que si le Piedmont au moins -nous fust demeuré ... il eust servy d’escolle tousjours et d’amusement -aux gens de guerre françois, et s’y fussent tous arrestez, et ainsy -ne se fussent adonnez ny affriandez aux guerres civiles; estant le -naturel du François de vacquer tousjours aux œuvres de Mars et d’hayr -l’oysiveté, le repos et la paix.’—_Brantôme_, v. 234. - -[73] John Listhius, a Hungarian noble, married the sister of Nicolas -Olahus, Archbishop of Gran and Primate of Hungary, by whom he had two -sons; after her death he took orders, and became Bishop of Wessprim -in 1568, and Bishop of Raab in 1572. He died in 1578. He was Privy -Councillor to Ferdinand and Maximilian. - -[74] Lazarus von Schwendi, Seigneur of Hohen-Landsperg in Upper -Alsace, was a very remarkable man. He was a friend of Count Egmont, -by whose side he fought at the battles of St. Quentin and Gravelines. -At Maximilian’s request Philip II. allowed him to take command of his -forces in Hungary. He retook Tokay from the Turks in 1565. (Katona, -_Historia Regum Hungariæ_, xxiv. 45; see also _Sketch of Hungarian -History_.) He was also distinguished as a scholar; he wrote a book, _De -Bello contra Turcas gerendo_, and two other treatises. But what marks -his position more than anything else is the fact that two of the most -important manifestos of that age were addressed to him. (1) Orange’s -protest against the administration of Granville. See Motley, _Rise of -the Dutch Republic_, Part II. chap. iv.:—‘This letter, together with -one in a similar strain from Egmont, was transmitted by the valiant -and highly intellectual soldier to whom they were addressed, to the -King of Spain with an entreaty that he would take warning from the -bitter truths which they contained.’ (2) Maximilian’s protest against -the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew (see note 1, page 42). Schwendi -eventually retired to his estates in Alsace, and died at Kirchofen in -1583, aged sixty-two. - -[75] De Blot obtained the appointment (see Foppens, _Bibliotheca -Belgica_, i. 491). - -[76] The Emperor Frederic III., the great-grandfather of Charles V. and -Ferdinand, married Eleonora, daughter of Edward, King of Portugal, in -1452. - -[77] See page 68. - -[78] Montbrun cut to pieces the Swiss troops of de Gordes, who -commanded for the King in Dauphiny. After a less decisive engagement -the day before, he overtook them on June 13 at the passage of the Drome -near Die. Eight hundred Swiss were killed together with their Colonel, -and eighteen standards were taken, while the victors only lost six men. -See _Thuanus_, iii. 93. - -[79] These Palatines were great Polish magnates. - -[80] Charles du Puy Montbrun, a member of one of the oldest families in -Dauphiny, was born about 1530. One of his sisters became a Protestant, -and took refuge in Geneva. He pursued her thither, declaring that he -would either bring her back a Catholic or kill her; but instead of -reclaiming her, he fell under the influence of Beza and became himself -a convert. In 1560 he raised a small partisan force, with which he -carried on a guerilla war in Dauphiny and the Vivarais. His young wife -accompanied him on these expeditions, as the camp was her safest abode. -He took an active part in the civil wars, and fought bravely at Jarnac -and Moncontour. - -The affair mentioned in the text was a mere skirmish. Montbrun was -engaged in hot pursuit of the King’s troops, whom he had defeated a -few days before (see page 78), when a daring attempt was made by a -party of the royal cavalry to seize the bridge of Gervane, and cut -off his retreat. Though he had only a small force in hand, he charged -the enemy, but finding himself outnumbered was compelled to retreat. -His horse fell in trying to leap a ditch, and he was taken prisoner. -Busbecq’s account shows that the affair was represented in Paris as -a decisive victory. Compare Thuanus, iii. 94, who also states that -Montbrun was the first to raise the Huguenot standard after Saint -Bartholomew. D’Aubigné (_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) says he -will give him no eulogy except the title La Noue conferred upon him—to -wit, the Valiant Montbrun. - -[81] The King, however, was at the entertainment. ‘A ces nopces se -trouvèrent le duc de Lorraine et MM. de Guise, avec la pluspart des -princes et seingneurs, qui lors estoient à la Cour, et y dansa le Roy -tout du long du jour, en grande allégresse.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 82. - -[82] Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers, third son of Frederick II., Duke -of Mantua, was born in 1539, and was brought up in France with Henry -II.’s children. He had a horse killed under him at St. Quentin, was -taken prisoner, and was ransomed for 60,000 crowns. In 1565 he married -Henriette de Clèves, the sister of the two last Ducs de Nevers, and of -Catherine de Clèves, wife of the Duke of Guise, and was created Duc -de Nevers. In 1567 he became Governor of the French possessions in -Piedmont, and protested strongly against their cession by Henry III. -(_Mémoires_, i. 1). He was deeply implicated in the Massacre of Saint -Bartholomew. A partisan of the Guises at the beginning of the League, -he afterwards went over to Henry III. At the death of the latter, he at -first assumed an attitude of neutrality between the League and Henry -IV., but soon espoused the royal cause. He died in 1595. - -[83] See note 2, page 53. - -[84] See note, p. 36. - -[85] The Fregosi were one of the four great plebeian families of Genoa, -and gave many Doges to the Republic. Mario de Birague was sent as -ambassador to Genoa in the summer of 1574, and John Galeazzo Fregoso -commanded the two galleys of the said ambassador. Both were received -with great joy at Genoa, though Fregoso was a banished citizen. -Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, iii. 609. For a -full account of the disturbances at Genoa see _Thuanus_, iii. 113-128. - -[86] Beauvoir, or Beauvois, de la Nocle was one of the Huguenot chiefs -(among whom were Montgomery and the Vidame de Chartres), who were in -the Faubourg St. Germain during the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, and -succeeded in making their escape. He and d’Arènes were the principal -spokesmen of the Deputies at Paris. He was one of the French gentlemen -who accompanied the army of Casimir which invaded France in 1587 under -Dohna. In 1591 Henry IV. sent him as his ambassador to England. - -[87] Buren, in Gelderland, was taken by the Spanish General Hierges, at -the end of June 1575. For details of the siege see _Thuanus_, iii. 73; -_Strada_, i. 393. The date of the final rupture of the negotiations was -July 13, 1575.—Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part IV. ch. iii. - -[88] For a sketch of Mondragon’s life and character see Motley, _United -Netherlands_, iii. 342-3. The expedition which Busbecq mentions as -contemplated was carried out on September 27. See Motley, _Rise of the -Dutch Republic_, Part IV. ch. iii. - -[89] ‘At the same time in the assembly of the Confederate States, -the question of asking the protection of some powerful neighbouring -Sovereign was long and hotly debated, as some were inclined to the -Empire, and the Princes and States of the Empire, others to the King of -France, and others again to the Queen of England. The side, however, -prevailed which was in favour of an English alliance.’—_Thuanus_, iii. -79. For a full account see _Meteren_, 153-155. - -[90] See page 128, and note. - -[91] Duke Eric of Brunswick succeeded his father the Duke of -Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, in the principalities of Gottingen and -Calenberg. Brought up as a Lutheran, he afterwards became a Roman -Catholic. He fought on the Spanish side at St. Quentin, and was -subsequently employed in the Netherlands and Portugal. He does not seem -to have taken his rejection much to heart, as in the following December -he married Dorothea, daughter of Christina, Duchess of Lorraine (see -note, page 63), and sister of Charles, the reigning Duke. Busbecq’s -Queen honoured the marriage of her rejected suitor with her presence -(see page 129). He died at Pavia in 1584. In the opinion of Thuanus -(iii. 703), he was ‘terribilis suis, neque tamen re ulla memorabili -gesta admodum clarus.’ His widow afterwards married the Marquis de -Varembon, the lover of Mademoiselle de Tournon, whose pathetic story is -told by her royal mistress. See _Mémoires de Marguerite_, 110-114. - -[92] Bourg-la-Reine, near Sceaux.—_De l’Estoile_, i. 85. - -[93] Marie Elizabeth (or Isabel) was born October 27, 1572, a few weeks -after the massacre of Saint Bartholomew; Queen Elizabeth of England -was her godmother. An interesting account of her is given by Brantôme, -whose aunt, Madame de Crissé, was her governess. According to him she -had a great idea of her own importance: ‘Une fois, elle estant malade, -le Roy son oncle (Henry III.) demeura trois jours sans l’aller voir; -au troisiesme il y alla. Lors qu’elle le sentit à la porte elle fit -semblant de dormir, et se tourna de l’autre costé; et, encore que le -Roy l’appellast par trois fois, elle fit de la sourde, jusques à ce que -madame de Crissé, ma tante et sa gouvernante, la fit tourner vers le -Roy, envers lequel elle fit de la froide, et ne luy dict pas deux mots: -et s’en estant departi d’avec elle, sa gouvernante se corrouçant contre -elle, luy demanda pourquoy elle avoit faict ce trait et cette mine. -Elle respondit: “Hé quoi! ma mere, comment me fust-il esté possible de -faire cas de luy, et luy faire bonne chere, que, despuis trois jours -que je suis malade, il ne m’a pas veue une fois, non pas seulement -envoyé visiter, moy qui suis sa niepce, et fille de son aisné, et qui -ne luy fais point de déshonneur.”’—_Brantôme_, v. 245. - -She died before she completed her sixth year. The following touching -notice was written at the time of her death:—‘Ce jour (April 2, 1578), -mourust en l’Hostel d’Anjou, à Paris, Madame Marie Ysabel de France, -fille unique et légitime du feu Roy Charles IX^e, aagée de cinq à six -ans, qui fust pleurée et regrettée à cause de son gentil esprit et de -sa bonté et douceur, qu’elle retenoit de madame Ysabel d’Austriche, -fille de l’Empereur Maximilian d’Austriche, sa mère’.—_De l’Estoile_, -i. 239. - -[94] According to Mezeray, _Histoire de France_, iii. 380, and Amyraut, -_Life of La Noue_, 166, his real name was Dianovitz, and he was a -Bohemian by birth (Bohesme, Boësme, Besme). He is, however, generally -called simply Besme. Brantôme, who knew him well, tells us he was a -page of the Cardinal de Guise, and married an illegitimate daughter -of the Cardinal de Lorraine, a former maid of honour to Elizabeth of -France, Queen of Philip II., who gave her a marriage portion. Two years -afterwards he was sent to Spain, by Guise, under the pretext of buying -horses, but in reality, it was said, to renew the secret alliance which -had existed between Philip and the late Cardinal de Lorraine. According -to Brantôme, he went ‘tant pour querir son mariage que pour braver -et se monstrer en piaffe devant le Roy et les Espagnols, et dire que -c’estoit luy qui avoit faict le coup de M. l’Admiral.’ On his return he -was taken prisoner between Barbezieux and Chasteauneuf, and brought to -the Castle of Bouteville. Being recognised, he offered a large sum for -his ransom, and to get Montbrun exchanged against himself. The Guises, -too, made great efforts to obtain his release. However, when news came -of Montbrun’s execution, the inhabitants of Rochelle, ‘qui le vouloient -acheter pour en faire faire justice exemplaire’ (_De l’Estoile_, i. -83), offered 1,000 crowns for him to Bertoville, the Governor of -Bouteville. The latter, for fear of reprisals against the Huguenot -prisoners, did not wish to put him to death openly, and, on the other -hand, had no intention of letting him go unpunished for the murder -of Coligny. He therefore had recourse to the following stratagem. He -caused one of his soldiers to enter into communication with Besme, -and to agree for a bribe to let him escape. The soldier then reported -Besme’s plans to the Governor, who posted an ambush where the fugitive -was to pass. He fell into their hands and was killed on the spot. For -an account of his murder of Coligny, see _Brantôme_, iii. 280. - -[95] The English Ambassador—or more properly Minister—at that time was -Dr. Valentine Dale. - -[96] Compare his sister Marguerite’s account. ‘Le soir venu, peu avant -le soupper du Roy, mon frere changeant de manteau, et le mettant -autour du nez, sort seulement suivy d’un des siens, qui n’estoit pas -recongneu, et s’en va à pied jusques à la porte de Saint-Honnoré, où -il trouve Simié (Jean de Seymer, master of Alençon’s Wardrobe) avec -le carrosse d’une dame, qu’il avoit emprunté pour cet effect, dans -lequel il se mit, et va jusques à quelques maisons à un quart de lieue -de Paris, où il trouva des chevaux qui l’attendoient, sur lesquels -montant, à quelques lieues de là il trouva deux ou trois cens chevaulx -de ses serviteurs qui l’attendoient au rendez-vous qu’il leur avoit -donné. L’on ne s’apperçoit point de son partement que sur les neuf -heures du soir. Le Roy et la Royne ma mere me demanderent pourquoy il -n’avoit point souppé avec eux, et s’il estoit malade. Je leur dis que -je ne l’avois point veu depuis l’apres-disnée. Ils envoyerent en sa -chambre voir ce qu’il faisoit; ou leur vinst dire qu’il n’y estoit pas. -Ils disent qu’on le cherche par toutes les chambres des dames, où il -avoit accoustumé d’aller. On cherche par le chasteau, on cherche par -la ville; on ne le trouve point. A cette heure l’allarme s’eschauffe; -le Roy se met en colere, se courrouce, menace, envoye querir tous les -princes et seigneurs de la cour, leur commande de monter à cheval, -et le luy ramener vif ou mort. . . . . Plusieurs de ces princes et -seigneurs refusent cette commission, remonstrans au Roy de quelle -importance elle estoit. . . . Quelques aultres accepterent, et se -preparerent pour monter à cheval. Ils ne peurent faire telle diligence -qu’ils peussent partir plustost que sur le poinct du jour, qui fut -cause qu’ils ne trouverent point mon frere, et furent contraincts -de revenir pour n’estre pas en esquipage de guerre.’—_Mémoires de -Marguerite_, p. 64. - -[97] See note, p. 117. - -[98] Claude Antoine de Vienne, Baron de Clervant, born at Metz, 1505. -He was the chief leader of the Huguenots in the north-east of France. - -[99] See note 3, p. 124. - -[100] Marguerite de la Marck, sovereign Countess of Aremberg, in -her own right, was widow of Jean de Ligne, the Comte d’Aremberg who -died so gallantly at Heiliger-Lee (see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_, Part III. ch. ii.) She had already had the honour of -escorting Elizabeth, when she came to France as a bride. She visited -Marguerite de Valois when she went to Spa in 1577. ‘Plusieurs seigneurs -et dames d’Allemaigne y estoient venus pour me voir, et entre aultres -madame la comtesse d’Aremberg (qui est celle qui avoit eu l’honneur de -conduire la royne Elizabeth à ses nopces à Mezieres, lors qu’elle vint -espouser le roy Charles mon frere, et ma sœur aisnée au roy d’Espaigne -son mary), femme qui estoit tenue en grande estime de l’imperatrice, -de l’empereur, et de tous les princes chrestiens.’—_Mémoires de -Marguerite_, p. 109. - -[101] Du Guast was one of Henry III.’s favourites, and possessed -unbounded influence over his master. On his return from Poland, whither -du Guast had accompanied him, Henry gave him the bishoprics of Amiens -and Grenoble. The former ‘il vendit à une garse de la Cour la somme -de 30,000 francs: aiant vendu auparavant l’évesché de Grenoble 40,000 -francs au fils du feu seingneur d’Avanson.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 39. -The King also gave him 50,000 livres he had raised by a forced loan -from the Councillors and Advocates of the Parliament and Châtelet at -Paris (_De l’Estoile_, i. 54). De l’Estoile, i. 92, gives an account -of his murder. ‘Il fust tué dans sa maison à Paris, rue Saint-Honoré, -et avec lui son valet de chambre et un sien laquais, par certains -hommes armés et masqués, qui l’assassinèrent à coups d’espées et de -dagues, sans estre congneus ne retenus. Il dit, mourant, que c’estoit -le baron de Viteaux, qui estoit à Monsieur, qui l’avoit tué: toutefois -cela ne fust point avéré, encores que la présumption en fust grande, -et que ce coup avoit esté fait soubs bon adveu et par commandement; -d’autant que ce mignon superbe et audacieux, enflé de la faveur de son -maistre, avoit bravé Monsieur jusques à estre passé un jour devant -lui en la rue Sainct-Antoine, sans le saluer ni faire semblant de le -congnoistre, et avoit dit par plusieurs fois qu’il ne recongnoissoit -que le Roy, et que quand il lui auroit commandé de tuer son propre -frère, qu’il le feroit.’ De l’Estoile makes the reflection that, as -he had shed much innocent blood at the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, -so according to the word of God his own was shed, and that he himself -was surprised and killed in his bed in the same manner as he used -to boast he then surprised and killed others. Six months before the -murder, Brantôme, who was an intimate friend of both parties, had -made an attempt to induce du Guast to withdraw his opposition to -the pardon which de Viteaux was anxious to obtain for the murder of -Millaud. (See page 189 and notes.) He thus concludes his account of -the murder: ‘Pour fin, le baron de Viteaux après avoir fait son coup, -sort si heureusement du logis, et se retira si bien et sans aucun -bruit, qu’on n’en soupçonna celuy qui avoit fait le coup que par -conjectures, tant il fut fait secrettement, et ne se put jamais guieres -bien prouver; mesmes à moy, qui luy estois amy intime, ne me l’a voulu -confesser.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 93. The Baron de Viteaux was a notorious -duellist; his death is described by Busbecq (pages 189, 190). Du Guast -was hated by Alençon, and his sister Marguerite. The former’s income -depended on the favourite’s pleasure, ‘mon frere n’ayant eu jusques -alors son appennage, et s’entretenant seulement de certaines pensions -mal assignées, qui venoient seulement quand il plaisoit au Guast’ -(_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 63). He had also got Marguerite into -scrapes, and was the deadly enemy of her lover, Bussy d’Amboise. All -the evidence points strongly to the fact that he was murdered at her -instigation. Not only do Thuanus (iii. 108-9) and Mezeray (_Histoire de -France_, iii. 391) give graphic accounts of her visit to de Viteaux at -the monastery of the Augustins at Paris, where he had taken sanctuary, -and tell how she persuaded him by her caresses to commit the murder, -but her friend Brantôme, while he praises her for not oftener availing -herself of this means of punishing her enemies, and asserts that she -never retaliated on du Guast, makes the following admission (v. 187): -‘Il est vray que lors qu’on l’eut tué, et qu’on luy vint annoncer, -elle estant malade’ (she had a bad cold, _Mémoires_, p. 66), ‘elle -dict seulement “Je suis bien marrie que je ne suis bien guerie pour -de joye solemniser sa mort.”’ In her _Mémoires_ (p. 79), she alludes -to du Guast’s death only incidentally, but at the same time leaves on -record unmistakeable evidence of her feelings towards him. ‘Le Guast -lors estoit mort, ayant esté tué par un jugement de Dieu, pendant -qu’il suoit une diette, comme aussy c’estoit un corps gasté de toutes -sortes de villanies, qui fust donné à la pourriture qui des longtemps -le possedoit, et son ame aux dæmons, à qui il avoit faict hommage par -magie et toutes sortes de meschancetez.’ - -[102] See note 2, p. 64. - -[103] The word in the text is Casteldunum (Châteaudun), but this must -be a misprint or mistake, as Châteaudun is on the other side of the -Loire, and a long way from Poitiers. From a journal kept by an Avocat -of Saint-Maixent in Poitou, we are able to fix Alençon at La Guerche, -which is close to Châtelherault, on October 1. Châtelherault is -therefore probably the place intended. See _Le Riche_, p. 238. - -[104] The Duke of Guise seems hardly to have deserved the credit he -acquired at the battle of Château Thierry. With 10,000 infantry and -1,000 heavy cavalry, he attacked Thoré, whose troops did not number -more than 2,500; even of these some had been tampered with and went -over to the Duke. Neither was the way in which he received the wound -which gave him the soubriquet of ‘le Balafré’ much to his credit as a -soldier. The struggle had been decided, and he was engaged in hunting -down one of the fugitives in a thicket of brambles, when the man turned -and shot him in the face. See _Thuanus_, iii. 105-6. - -‘Le mardi 11^e octobre, le seingneur de Fervacques arriva á Paris, et -apporta nouvelles au Roy de deux mille, que Reistres, que François, -conduits par M. de Thoré, desfaits par le duc de Guise, près Fismes, -en passant la rivière de Marne au-dessus de Dormans. Dont le Roy -fait chanter le _Te Deum_ solennel. Ceste desfaite estoit avenue le -jour de devant 10^e octobre, entre Dameri et Dormans, dont le bruit -fust plus grand que l’effait; car il n’y mourust point cinquante -hommes de part et d’autre, et après que deux ou trois cornettes de -Reistres, prattiquées par argent, eurent fait semblant de se rendre à -la merci du duc de Guise, le seingneur de Thoré passa sain et sauf à -Nogent-sur-Seine avec mil ou douze cens chevaux, et s’alla rendre à -M. le Duc (d’Alençon) à Vatan. Le duc de Guise, en ceste rencontre, -par un simple soldat à pied qu’il attaqua, fut grièvement blessé d’une -harquebuzade, qui lui emporta une grande partie de la joue et de -l’aureille gauche.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 91. - -[105] Giovanni Michel, the Venetian Ambassador, paid his respects to -Busbecq’s Queen, and has left an interesting notice of her appearance -in her white widow’s dress. ‘I was most cordially received by the -Queen, the wife of the late King, and daughter of the Emperor. She knew -me at once, and appeared delighted to see me. She looked very well in -her widow’s dress.’—_Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_, ii. 220. - -[106] John von Manderschiet Blankenheim, Bishop of Strasburg, 1572-92. -The town of Saverne was an appanage of the Bishopric, and here in later -times the Bishops of Strasburg had a magnificent château. - -[107] ‘Limer, or Lime-hound, the same as Bloud-hound, a great dog to -hunt the wild boar.’—_World of Words._ - -[108] Gaspard de Schomberg, Comte de Nanteuil, was descended from a -German family of Meissen, but educated at Angers, in France. In 1562 -he fought in defence of the last-named town on the Protestant side. -He afterwards entered the royal service and fought for the king at -Moncontour. He was next employed on a mission to the German Princes -to induce them to form a league against Spain. He accompanied Henry -III. to Poland, as his Seneschal. He was one of those who persuaded -Henry IV. to go to Mass, and took a prominent part in the negotiations -for peace between him and his rebellious subjects. He was on several -occasions employed as the agent of the French Government for raising -German troops. When Busbecq saw him he had just come to Paris with -Bassompierre and Count Mansfeldt to conclude a bargain with the King -for a levy of 8,000 mercenaries. - -The Kinskys were an ancient Bohemian family. Perhaps, in the course of -his negotiations for hiring German troops, Schomberg had some dealings -with Maximilian’s _protégé_. - -[109] This was no exaggeration, as the following extract from the Diary -of a contemporary will show: ‘Le lundi 5^e décembre, la Roine veufve, -madame Ysabel d’Austriche, partist de Paris, pour s’en retourner à -Vienne, chés son père et sa mère: et lui bailla le Roy messieurs de -Luxembourg, comte de Rais, et l’évesque de Paris, pour l’accompagner: -qui la rendirent entre les mains des députés par l’Empereur son père, -pour la recevoir à Nanci en Lorraine. Elle fut fort aimée et honorée -par les François tant qu’elle demeura en France, nommément par le -peuple de Paris, lequel, plorant et gémissant à son départ, disoit -qu’elle emportoit avec elle le bonheur de la France.’—_De l’Estoile_, -i. 95. - -Miss Freer (_Henry III._, vol. ii. p. 40), says ‘the Queen quitted -Paris during the first week of August, 1575.’ She was led into this -error by the description given by Godefroy (_Le Cérémonial François_, -i. 927) of Elizabeth’s entrance into Orleans on August 21, and has -confounded her journey to Amboise (see p. 96), with her return to -Germany. - -[110] I.e., Hither Austria. The possessions of the House of Hapsburg in -Swabia and Alsace. - -[111] This is the lady who refused to marry Henry VIII. because she had -only one head! See note p. 63. - -[112] The incidental touches, in which Busbecq makes us acquainted -with the character of his mistress, require some little additions in -order to place before the reader an adequate idea of this good and -interesting lady. She was born June 5, 1554, and was consequently a -baby of a few months old when Busbecq started for the East. She was -married to Charles IX. of France, Nov. 26, 1570, when she was but -sixteen. In her new sphere she quickly won the respect and love of all -who knew her. Two years after her marriage, and just before the birth -of her daughter, came the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. During that -awful night she was quietly sleeping, unaware of the horrors that were -passing around her. Next morning she heard the news, ‘Hélas, dit-elle -soudain, le Roy mon mary, le sçait-il?—Ouy, madame, repondit-on: c’est -luy mesme qui le fait faire.—O mon Dieu! s’escria-t-elle, qu’est cecy? -et quels conseillers sont ceux-là qui luy ont donné tel advis? Mon -Dieu, je te supplie et te requiers de luy vouloir pardonner; car, si -tu n’en as pitié, j’ay grande peur que cette offense ne luy soit pas -pardonnée.’—_Brantôme_, v. 297. - -During her husband’s last illness it was noticed that when she came to -see him she did not take a seat by his pillow, but chose the position -from which she could best gaze at the loved features; she did not -speak, no sound passed her lips, but ever and anon she raised her -handkerchief to her face, and wiped away the silent tears; even the -hardened courtiers were touched by this picture of agony suppressed. -After her husband’s death it was observed by one of the women of her -bedchamber that she constantly took the little silver candlestick, -which served as a night-light, inside the curtains of her bed, and as -soon as she thought her attendants were asleep, she knelt up to read -and pray. It is interesting to find that during her widowhood she -became a diligent reader of the Bible. After her return to Vienna she -founded the Nunnery of Santa Clara, where she resided till the time of -her death, which took place January 22, 1592, in the 38th year of her -age. See vol. i. p. 70. - -One story yet remains to be told. She had known Marguerite de Valois -in the pride of her beauty; towards the end of her days she heard -of her as an outcast from her family, poor and desolate. If her own -relations deserted her, her sister-in-law was not forgetful of the -poor fallen woman. She not only sent her kind messages, but most -generously bestowed on her one half of her French revenues. It seems -strange that so warm and loving a nature should ever have been accused -of heartlessness (see note, p. 56). In spite of the silence and -reserve which marked her character she was, beyond all doubt, a most -affectionate daughter, a thoughtful mother, and a devoted wife. - -[113] Cosmo Gienger, a distinguished soldier, who fought against the -Turks. He was at this time _vice-dominus_ of Austria. He died in 1592, -aged 77. - -[114] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part V. ch. v. - -[115] For the outrages committed by Alençon’s troops in French -territory see _De l’Estoile_, ii. 13-14. - -[116] Just six years have elapsed since Busbecq conducted his Royal -mistress to Vienna. The reason suggested (vol. i. p. 67) may perhaps -partly account for this gap in the correspondence. Meanwhile he had -been engaged in watching the Queen’s interests in France, and no doubt -also in enforcing the admirable rule of which he was probably the -suggester. The Queen had the right of appointing certain officers and -judges in the towns and districts from which her revenues were derived. -Such posts were commonly bought and sold, but Elizabeth gave strict -directions that no such traffic should be allowed with regard to the -appointments of which she had the patronage. See _Thuanus_, iii. 87. - -[117] Charlotte de Bourbon, Princess of Orange, died May 5, 1582. For -this letter see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. ch. v. -See also p. 66. - -[118] A great many Albanians (Epirotes) were serving in the Spanish -cavalry, see _Strada_, and also Motley, _United Netherlands_, ii. -47-51, and iii. 108, where a gigantic Albanian is mentioned. - -[119] In 1578 Sebastian, the boy King of Portugal (see p. 30, note), -was killed in battle against the Moors on the field of Alcazar. -By his death the crown devolved on his uncle Henry, the Cardinal, -who, though nearly seventy years old, at first thought of marrying; -this project was stopped by Philip of Spain; he then appointed a -council of regency to arrange the succession. The two most prominent -candidates were Philip of Spain, who had the best right by blood, but -who was most unpopular in Portugal, and Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, -the illegitimate son of Luis, Duke of Beja, brother of the reigning -King. Don Antonio received the support of the representatives of the -people, but, on the death of Henry in 1580, he was quickly driven -out of Portugal by Alva, and took refuge alternately in France and -England, where he received countenance and support from Henry III. and -Elizabeth. The French expedition to the Azores is frequently mentioned -in Busbecq’s letters. The importance of these islands consisted in -their affording a station for ships coming home either from America or -India. We learn from a contemporary historian (_Histoire de Portugal_, -1610), that Catherine de Medici had agreed with Antonio to accept -Brazil in settlement of her claims on the Portuguese throne (see note, -page 161), hence the interest which she took in this expedition, at -the head of which she placed her gallant cousin Philip Strozzi, with -de Brissac, son of the Maréchal de Brissac, as his lieutenant. They -were attacked off St. Michael’s by a greatly superior force of Spanish -ships under Santa Cruz; de Brissac cut his way through and escaped, -Don Antonio contrived to be absent, and Strozzi and Don Antonio’s -Constable, the Count of Vimioso, were wounded and captured. The latter, -being a relation of Santa Cruz, was kindly treated, but died two days -later of his wounds. Strozzi, according to some accounts, was treated -with great barbarity; at any rate he was thrown overboard by the -orders of the Spanish Admiral. His gallant end, and the cruelty of his -captors, excited a strong feeling in France, which found expression in -epigrams, of which the following is a specimen. - - ‘Qui a l’or et l’argent du ciel pour couverture - Et du grand Océan le saphir pour tombeau, - Embaumé d’un renom et los illustre et beau, - Marrannes, n’a besoin de vostre sepulture.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 79. - -An old historian speaks of these epigrams as ‘tumbeaux cizelez de la -plume,’ and of this specimen as one to which none but a Spaniard could -object. - -[120] The Andalusian fleet under Martinez de Recalde, one of the chiefs -of the Spanish Armada. - -[121] It is interesting to find Raleigh criticising Strozzi’s tactics -in fighting at close quarters with the huge galleons of Spain. It would -appear that the engagement supplied a warning to the captains who five -years later baffled the Armada. See _Historie of the World_, p. 791. - -[122] Prince Dauphin of Auvergne, son of Louis de Bourbon, Duc de -Montpensier and Dauphin d’Auvergne. He distinguished himself at Jarnac, -Moncontour, and Ivry. Died in 1592. - -[123] The brother of Admiral Coligny. His son succeeded to the County -of Laval in right of his mother, Claude de Rieux. - -[124] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vi. -According to Motley, Parma received a severe check. Froude tells us -that Norris and the English repulsed the Spanish forces after the -States’ troops had fled. _History of England_, chap. lxvi. - -[125] The Earl of Morton, late Regent of Scotland, was executed on a -charge of being an accomplice in the murder of Darnley. His ruin was -brought about by Comte d’Aubigny, then Earl and afterwards Duke of -Lennox. See Froude, _History of England_, chap. lxiii. - -[126] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vi. - -[127] See note 2, page 9. - -[128] The case of Salceda was one which greatly exercised the mind -of de Thou, the historian, who ascribes the death of his father -Christopher de Thou to vexation at finding his advice neglected -when the ruffian was brought to trial. Salceda had been condemned -to death by the Parliament of Rouen, for forging money. The Guises, -who had need of his services, obtained his pardon, or to speak more -correctly perhaps, a suspension of his sentence, for his pardon was not -registered by the Parliament of Rouen, though granted by the King. His -mission, according to Motley, was to poison Alençon and Orange, but -according to Salceda’s own confession he was to join Alençon with some -troops, gain his confidence, and get himself appointed to the command -of Dunkirk or some other strong place, which he was to betray to the -Guises. These last were then to rise and compel the King to place them -at the head of his army which they intended to lead against Alençon and -Orange. On being arrested Salceda made various confessions implicating -the Guises and other leading men in France. Christopher de Thou, -President of the Parliament of Paris, one of those before whom he was -tried, was convinced that there was a great deal of truth in Salceda’s -statements, and was most anxious that his life should be spared with -a view to bringing others to justice, but too many great people were -interested in stopping the mouth of their unfortunate tool, and he was -therefore executed. It is probable that the story of an attempt to -poison Alençon and Orange was a mere veil to cover the grounds on which -he was executed. The fact that a distinguished Netherlander, Lamoral -Egmont, cousin of the French Queen, and son of the famous general, -was concerned in Salceda’s plot, seems to point to the accuracy of de -Thou’s version. It is evident that Busbecq thought there was something -more in the matter than appeared on the surface. Compare _Thuanus_, -iii. 565-566, and especially the account in his life. _De vita suâ_, -27-31. Miss Freer gives a very full and interesting account of -Salceda’s conspiracy; see _Henry III._ vol. ii. pp. 304-319. - -[129] The following note was made by one who was in all probability -an eye-witness: ‘Quand Tanchou, lieutenant de robbe courte, présent -à l’exécution avec ses archers, vinst dire au Roy que sur le bas -eschaffaut, sur lequel estoit son corps quand il fust tiré, il s’estoit -fait deslier les deux mains pour signer sa dernière confession, qui -estoit qu’il n’estoit rien de toutes les charges qu’il avoit mises sus -aux plus grands de ce roiaume, le Roy s’escria: “O le meschant homme! -voire le plus meschant dont j’aye onques ouï parler!” Ce disoit le -Roy, pource qu’à la dernière question qui luy avoit esté baillée (où -le Roy avoit assisté caché derrière une tapisserie), il lui avoit ouï -jurer et affermer, au milieu des tortures, que tout ce qu’il avoit dit -contre eux estoit vrai (comme beaucoup l’ont creu et le croient encores -aujourdhui, veu les tragœdies qui se sont jouées en France par les -accusés.)’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 75. - -[130] See note 2, p. 152. - -[131] See note 3, p. 124. - -[132] La Noue. The famous _Bras de fer_. See note 2, p. 21. For an -interesting account of his captivity, see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_, Part VI. chap. iv. Parma was offered Count Egmont and de -Selles (see Letter XLV.), in exchange for La Noue; his answer was -that he would not give a lion for two sheep. Philip expressed his -willingness to restore his illustrious captive to liberty if he would -consent to have his eyes put out. Busbecq must have felt some little -grudge against this gallant soldier, for three years before, 1579, -he had stormed Comines and established himself in the castle of the -Halluins. Bousbecque was also occupied by his troops. See Dalle, -_Histoire de Bousbecque_, p. 247. - -[133] The following is an account of one of the royal pilgrimages: -‘L’onziesme jour d’avril, qui estoit le lendemain de Pasques, le Roy -avec la Roine son espouse partirent de Paris à pied et allèrent à -Chartres, et de Chartres à Cleri, faire leurs prières et offrandes à la -Belle Dame révérée solemneilement ès églises desdits lieux, à ce que, -par son intercession, il pleust à Dieu leur donner la masle lignée que -tant ils désiroient. D’où ils furent de retour à Paris, le 24^e dudit -mois, tous deux bien las et aians les plantes des pieds bien ampoullés -d’avoir fait tant de chemin à pied.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 121. - -[134] See Letter XXVII. and note. - -[135] I.e., a son and heir. - -[136] St. Luc had been one of the ‘mignons’ of Henry III. An amusing -story is told of his fall from favour. The King had procured him a -bride in the daughter of Maréchal de Brissac; when they were married -she objected to her husband’s taking part in the dissipations of the -Court. St. Luc, anxious to remain in the Court circle, and at the same -time desirous of gratifying his wife, determined to frighten Henry into -reforming his ways. Accordingly he had a secret passage cut through -the panels of the King’s bedchamber, and one night presented himself -dressed up in the character of an angel. With a piece of brass piping -he imitated the scene of Belshazzar’s feast, and threatened the King -with a most horrible fate if he did not reform his ways. The King was -completely taken in and thoroughly frightened. For sometime afterwards, -whenever it thundered, the King imagined it to be the sign of his -approaching doom, and took refuge under the beds, and in the cellars -of the palace. Unfortunately for St. Luc he could not keep the joke to -himself; at last the King heard of it, his fears were relieved, and his -favourite was dismissed. - -[137] ‘Il arriva de mesme à M. de Sainct-Luc à Anvers, dans la chambre -de M. d’Alençon, luy estant en son cabinet; mais le prince d’Orange en -vit le jeu en sortant, qui fut contre le sieur de Gauville, où il y eut -quelques coups, dont le prince d’Orange s’en estonna, et dit que telles -choses ne furent jamais veues ny faites en la chambre, ny salle, ny -logis de l’Empereur son maistre; autrement il eust mal basté pour les -délinquants.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 136. - -‘Il arriva de mesmes à M. de Sainct-Luc, brave et vaillant seigneur -certes. Ayant esté deffié et appellé par M. de Gauville, dont j’ay -parlé cy-devant, estans tous deux à Anvers au service de Monsieur, -ainsi qu’il alloit resolu au combat, et qu’il vouloit sortir hors la -ville, fut arresté par La Vergne, capitaine de la garde françoise de -Monsieur.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 182. - -[138] Busbecq too received a gold chain from the King, which he -afterwards lost. See p. 132. - -[139] See p. 158. The phrase ‘coining money’ is a joke. - -[140] Catherine de Medici’s claim was through her mother, a lady of -the House of Auvergne and Boulogne; in order to establish it she had -to go back more than 300 years to the first marriage of Alphonso III. -to the widow of a Count of Boulogne. Catherine alleged there were -children of this marriage from one of whom she was descended. Some -have thought that her only object was to show that she came of royal -and ancient descent; this may have been the motive in part, but there -can be no doubt that she hoped to exchange her visionary claim for -some substantial advantage; thus, as has been already stated, she was -willing to sell her pretensions to Don Antonio for Brazil. (See note p. -146). She was eager also to get an offer from Philip in satisfaction -of her claims. ‘Je ne diray jamais ce que je demande, au contraire, -attendrai ses offres qu’il fault qui soient raisonnables, puis qu’il -est saisy et occupateur de ce que je pretendz m’appartenir.’—_Lettre de -la Reine Mère à Longlée_, January 16, 1585, quoted by Motley, _United -Netherlands_, i. 104. Henry threatened to retaliate by accepting the -sovereignty of the Netherlands, if Philip did not compromise the -matter. Catherine de Medici’s pretensions to the Crown of Portugal -were an important factor in the politics of the time. See _Histoire de -Portugal_, 1610, and Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 101-105. - -[141] ‘The largest unbroken plain in Belgium is called _Campine_, -and comprises the north-east portion of Antwerp, and north-west of -Limburg.’ Mac Culloch, _Geographical Dictionary_. - -[142] One of the steps in Alençon’s scheme for the seizure of Antwerp -not noticed by Motley. - -[143] These troubles were occasioned by Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, -Archbishop of Cologne, having fallen in love with Agnes Mansfeld. He -married her and became a Protestant, but tried notwithstanding to keep -his see and electorate. See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part -VI. ch. vi., and _United Netherlands_, i. 31, 32, and elsewhere. For a -full account, see _Thuanus_, iii. 582-8. - -[144] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. ch. vi. - -[145] Busbecq hesitates to accept what is now known to have been -Alençon’s version of the affair. - -[146] It seems probable that Busbecq’s diplomacy was directed towards -securing the governorship of the Netherlands to a member of the -Austrian house. Hence his dislike of French interference. (Letters I. -and X.) Ernest did ultimately become Governor of the Netherlands in -1594. - -[147] Jean Bodin was Alençon’s chancellor, and acted as his adviser -during the Prince’s stay in England and the Netherlands. After -Alençon’s death he settled down at Laon where he used his influence in -favour of the League; after a time he changed his views, and induced -the citizens to declare in favour of Henry IV. He was the author of a -treatise _On the Republic_ in six books, and other works. - -[148] Catherine de Medici and Mary Queen of Scots; the latter, before -her execution, disposed of money due to her from the King of France. -See Froude, _History of England_, chap. lxix. - -[149] See Letter XLIX, note. - -[150] See note, p. 82. - -[151] See _De l’Estoile_, ii. 29. - -[152] We see from this notice of Busbecq’s that Alençon intended making -Dunkirk the seat of his Government. It is not referred to by Motley, -but Ranke regards it as a most important piece of information. See -_Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xx. - -[153] Daughter of William by his first marriage. Her brother Philip -William had been carried off into Spain by Philip II.’s orders. She -eventually married Count Hohenlo. - -[154] This order was called the Penitents of the Annunciation, -because it was first instituted at that festival. The members of the -fraternity used on certain occasions to go in procession from church to -church, walking two and two, and wearing sacks of different colours, -the knights of the King blue, the knights of St. Michael black, and -the rest white. They were distinguished from similar associations, -which were numerous at that time, by having their faces covered with -a mask, and a large whip hanging from their girdles. The cross was -generally carried by the Cardinal de Guise, who had as his acolytes the -Chancellor and the Keeper of the Seals (i.e. Birague and Cheverny.) - -[155] Maurice Poncet. The King and his courtiers had gone in procession -on a wet day. Poncet, in allusion to their dress, quoted a French -proverb as to the folly of trying to keep off rain with wet sackcloth. -He was rewarded for his temerity by imprisonment in the monastery of -St. Peter at Melun. See _Thuanus_, iii. 627. - -[156] ‘Le 29^e mars, le Roy fist fouetter, au Louvre, jusques à six -vingts, que pages, que laquais, qui en la Salle Basse du Louvre avoient -contrefait la procession des Penitents, aians mis leurs mouschoirs -devant leurs visages, avec des trous à l’endroit des yeux.’—_De -l’Estoile_., ii. 112. - -[157] See Letter XXIX. - -[158] Edmund Auger, the King’s confessor. He was not favourably -disposed towards the League, and on this account was recalled by his -superiors. See _Thuanus_, iii. 626. De l’Estoile, who detested him, -declares that he was originally a juggler, ‘basteleur.’ - -[159] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 342. - -[160] See _Strada_, ii. 261-2. - -[161] For his real object, see _Thuanus_, iii. 630-631. He tried to -obtain the Pope’s approval of a scheme for attacking Montmorency, -Governor of Languedoc, and met with a refusal and rebuke. See Letter -XXXII. - -[162] See _Strada_, ii. 264. - -[163] Busbecq was evidently on the watch for some turn in the affairs -of the Netherlands which might tend to the advantage of the House of -Austria. He did not care for decisive Spanish successes. See Letter XLI. - -[164] See Letter XXI., note. - -[165] De Viteaux was the murderer of du Guast, see page 116. The duel -is described by Brantôme at great length; he had an account of it from -Seigneur Jacques Ferron, who had acted as fencing-master to young -Millaud, de Viteaux’s antagonist. Ferron climbed up a tall walnut -tree in order to get a good view of the contest. Brantôme was a great -admirer of de Viteaux. ‘Ainsi mourut ce brave baron, le parangon de -France, qu’on nommoit tel, à bien venger ses querelles par grandes et -determinées resolutions. Il n’estoit pas seulement estimé en France, -mais en Italie, Espaigne, Allemaigne, en Pouloigne et Angleterre; et -desiroient fort les estrangers venant en France le voir; car je l’ay -veu, tant sa renommée volloit. Il estoit fort petit de corps, mais fort -grand de courage. Ses ennemis disoient qu’il ne tuoit pas bien ses -gens que par advantages et supercheries. Certes, je tiens de grands -capitaines, et mesmes d’italiens, qui sont estez d’autresfois les -premiers vengeurs du monde, _in ogni modo_, disoient-ils, qui ont tenu -ceste maxime, qu’une supercherie ne se devoit payer que par semblable -monnoye, et n’y alloit point là de deshonneur.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 89. - -[166] ‘Le mercredi 15^e febvrier, le baron de Viteaux, revenant sur -le soir du Louvre, fut chargé, en la rue Saint-Germain, près le fort -l’Evesque, par dix ou douze hommes de cheval, bien montés et armés à -l’avantage. Et mist ledit Viteaux brusquement la main à l’espée, et, -vaillamment se défendant, se retira enfin sain et sauf.... On eust -cette opinion que ceste charge avoit esté faicte par le jeune Millaud, -désirant venger la mort de son père.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 105. - -[167] Brantôme gives a long list of de Viteaux’s achievements. He -adds—‘S’il eust vescu, il en vouloit tuer encores deux que je sçay -bien, qui, je croy, ne regrettérent guieres sa mort ... et possible -s’il eust eschappé de ce combat, il fust tumbé en une embuscade qu’on -luy avoit préparée, comme j’ay sceu despuis: car il commençoit à estre -plus craint qu’aymé de quelques très-grands et très-grandes: si que -ce trait du meurtre de M. du Guast fut estimé de grande résolution et -asseurance.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 86-95. - -[168] In the early part of 1575 Montal, the governor of Lower Auvergne, -was killed in a defile by the cavaliers of Magdelene de Senetaire, the -widow of Guy de Saint-Exupery, Seigneur de Miraumont. ‘Cette Amazone, -l’une des merveilles de son siécle pour la beauté, mais encore plus -pour le courage et pour la vertu, avoit toûjours auprés d’elle soixante -jeunes Gentils-hommes en bon équipage, qui s’efforçant tous à l’envy de -meriter l’honneur de son estime, faisoient voir dans leur petite troupe -l’échantillon de cette verité autrefois énoncée par un Ancien, Qu’une -armée composée d’Amans seroit invincible.’—_Mezeray_, iii. 375. - -The Latin is _Montenellus_, and we have identified him with _Montal_ -on the authority of de Foy; his case, however, hardly furnishes a -parallel to the death of de Viteaux, and possibly Louvier de Montrevel -(or Maurevert) is intended, who was killed about this time by the -son of a man he had assassinated. This atrocious scoundrel had been -like Besme (see p. 99) a page in the household of Guise, had murdered -the governor of the pages and deserted. In spite of his crime he was -readmitted to his old position, and undertook to murder Coligny. With -this object he deserted to the Huguenots, and was most kindly received -by Moüy, governor of Niort, who shared with him his bed, his board, and -his purse. Unable to find an opportunity of assassinating the Admiral, -Montrevel murdered his benefactor in the most dastardly manner. Mezeray -draws a parallel between him and de Viteaux, who had at least the -redeeming quality of courage. See _Mezeray_, iii. 224 and 555. - -[169] Bussy d’Amboise was a notorious duellist. On one occasion, for -instance, a gentleman named Saint-Phal was looking at a piece of -embroidery, and made the innocent remark that a certain letter worked -on it was X; Bussy, in order to provoke a quarrel, insisted that it -was Y. The upshot of the dispute was a duel with six champions on -either side; at the first meeting Bussy was slightly wounded, on which -Saint-Phal withdrew from the combat. Bussy endeavoured to arrange -another meeting, but was prevented by the King. - -His end was as follows. The King obtained some letters of Bussy’s -boasting of an intrigue with a married lady, and showed them to her -husband, the Count of Monsoreau. The latter carried off his wife to a -lonely castle and compelled her to write a letter to Bussy, inviting -him to visit her. He fell into the trap, and was murdered by a band -of assassins as soon as he entered the castle. No one regretted him, -not even Alençon, to whom he had attached himself.—_Ambassadeurs -Vénetiens_, ii. 453. - -Bussy’s sister Renée afterwards married Balagny (see Letter XXIX.) -on condition that he would avenge her brother, a promise he never -fulfilled. She is the heroine of Cambrai described by Motley, _United -Netherlands_, iii. 350, 351. - -[170] For the real reason of this outburst, see Letters XXII. XXIX. The -King suspected her of causing his despatches to be intercepted and his -messenger murdered. Whether Margaret was guilty of this murder or not, -she was capable of such acts. See note, p. 116. - -[171] ‘La dame de Duras et la damoiselle de Bethune.’—_De l’Estoile_, -ii. 130. - -[172] Jacques de Harlay, Seigneur de Chanvallon, was the reputed father -of Marguerite’s son. - -[173] One of the chief objects of the first expedition of Santa Cruz -to the Azores (see Letter VI.) was to provide for the safety of the -fleet which was expected from India. Telles Silva, having secured Goa -and the other Portuguese possessions in India for Spain, despatched -a messenger, Jerome Lima, to Philip by an overland route, viâ Ormuz, -Bagdad, Aleppo, Jerusalem, and Tripoli, to inform him of his plans. -Matters appear to have been well timed by the Spaniards, for shortly -after the defeat of Strozzi the Indian fleet hove in sight, and Santa -Cruz, after throwing a garrison into St. Michael, escorted the convoy -to Lisbon. Don Antonio was thus left master of the other islands, but, -as has already been seen, he quickly decamped, leaving Emmanuel Silva -in command. The following year the French sent their second expedition, -consisting of 600 men under de Chattes, Knight of Malta; on reaching -Terceira this gallant officer strongly urged the Portuguese commander -to concentrate his troops in some strong place, as he saw no hope of -preventing the Spaniards, who were shortly expected, from disembarking. -Silva refused to take his advice; Santa Cruz succeeded in landing, -and after a sharp engagement the French, who were deserted by their -Portuguese allies, were driven into the interior. - -De Chattes asked Silva to join him, suggesting that with their united -forces they would be able to offer a better resistance or secure better -terms. Silva returned a most insolent answer, telling him to join the -Spaniards, and boasting that he and his Portuguese were a match for -them both, meanwhile he sent to Santa Cruz, offering to surrender -and betray his French allies. This proposition the Spanish admiral -forwarded to de Chattes by a man who had served with the latter at -Malta. De Chattes no longer hesitated to accept the liberal terms -offered by Santa Cruz, and surrendered with 400 men, on condition of -their keeping their side arms, and being sent back to France. Silva was -quickly hunted down, tortured, and executed. The French who had been -taken prisoners before the surrender of the main body were sent to the -galleys. See _Thuanus_, iii. 637-642. - -[174] The father of Casimir. See note, page 15. - -[175] ‘Le 10^e septembre, vindrent à Paris, en forme de procession, -huict ou neuf cens, qu’hommes, que femmes, que garsons, que filles, -vestus de toile blanche, aveq mantelets aussi de toile sur leurs -espaules, portans chapeaux ou de feutre gris chamarrés de bandes de -toile, ou tous couvers de toile sur leurs testes, et en leurs mains -les uns des cierges et chandelles de cire ardens, les autres des croix -de bois, et marchoient deux à deux, chantans en la forme des pénitens -ou pélerins allans en pélerinage. Ils estoient habitans des villages -de S. Jean des deux Gemeaux et d’Ussy, en Brie, près la Ferté Gaucher. -Et estoient conduis par les deux gentilshommes des deux villages -susdits, vestus de mesme parure, qui les suivoient à cheval, et leurs -damoiselles aussi vestues de mesmes, dedans ung coche. Le peuple -de Paris accourut à grande foule pour les voir venans faire leurs -prières et offrandes en la grande église de Paris, esmeu de pitié et -commisération, leur voiant faire tels pénitenciaux et dévocieux voyages -pieds nuds, et en longueur et rigueurs des chemins. Ils disoient avoir -esté meus à faire ces pénitences et pélerinages pour quelque feux -apparans en l’air et autres signes, comme prodiges veus au ciel et en -la terre, mesmes vers les quartiers des Ardennes, d’où estoient venus -les premiers tels pélerins et pénitens, jusques au nombre de 10 ou 12 -mille, à Nostre-Dame de Reims et de Liesse, pour mesme occasion.’—_De -l’Estoile_, ii. 134. - -[176] Busbecq regarded his books as personal friends; see the end -of the 2nd Turkish letter (vol. i. p. 191). He will not have them -slighted! De Foy omits this letter from his translation on the ground -that it has no historic interest. His real reason is evidently his -inability to reconcile its statements with his own notes on Letter -XII., in which he explains Busbecq’s appeal for a settlement as to -the Greek manuscripts, by supposing that they had been stopped at the -Venetian custom-house. For an account of these books see vol. i. p. 417. - -[177] Their names are given, _Thuanus_, iii. 633. The King selected -three Archbishops, each of whom was accompanied by a distinguished -layman. - -[178] Twenty-six of Busbecq’s miles (see vol. i. p. 82 note) are -equivalent to about sixty English miles, which is the distance of -Château Thierry from Paris. - -[179] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, P. VI. ch. vi. - -[180] To those who know the history of the times, it will not be -surprising that Alençon did not care to come to court. Henry III. -allowed and encouraged his favourites to treat his brother in the -most insolent manner, mimicking him to his face, and pointing at -him. The following is the description of their behaviour at St. -Luc’s wedding:—‘Le duc d’Anjou (Alençon) ne voulut point assister à -la cérémonie; cependant, par complaisance pour la reine-mère, il se -présenta le soir au bal, et eut tout lieu de s’en repentir.... Chacun -le montroit au doigt; on le regardoit en ricanant: on se parloit de lui -à l’oreille, assez haut cependant pour qu’il entendît que sa taille, -son air, sa démarche étoient la matière des plaisanteries.’—_Anquetil_, -viii. 77. - -[181] The King had on a former occasion acted with great precipitation -with regard to Alençon, entering his room at night, searching his -bed for papers, and insisting on seeing a note which his brother -with clasped hands implored him not to open. It turned out to be a -billet-doux!—See _Mémoires de Marguerite_, 136-7. - -[182] See Letter XXII. - -[183] Busbecq’s opinion was amply confirmed by Balagny’s subsequent -career. He established himself at Cambrai as an independent Prince.—See -_United Netherlands_, i. 8, 100; and iii. 347-350. See also p. 227. -Balagny was the son of Busbecq’s friend Jean de Montluc, Bishop of -Valence (see p. 35, note 2), who considered himself married to his -mother. ‘Je croy qu’il ne prit point l’ordre de Prestrise, mais il se -donna la licence d’avoir une femme, dont vint Jean de Montluc-Balagny; -car ayant fort pratiqué les Docteurs des nouvelles opinions, il estoit -dans ce mauvais sentiment que le Celibat n’estoit pas une qualité -necessaire aux Ecclesiastiques.’—_Mezeray_, iii. 450. - -[184] As for instance du Guast, Fervaques, and Brantôme. - -[185] ‘Le dimanche 13^e de novembre, le Prévost de l’Hostel et -ses archers prirent prisonnières 50 ou 60, que damoiselles, que -bourgeoises, contrevenant en habits et bagues à l’édit de la -réformation des habits, sept ou huit mois auparavant publié, et les -constituèrent prisonnières au fort l’Evesque et autres prisons fermées, -où elles couchèrent, quelque remonstrance et offre de les cautionner et -paier les amandes encourues que peussent faire les parens et amis: qui -fut une rigœur extraordinaire et excessive, veu que par l’édit il n’y -gissoit qu’une amande pécuniaire. Mais il y avoit en ce fait un tacit -commandement et consentement du Roy, qui ferma la bouche aux plaintes -qu’on en vouloit faire.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 139. - -[186] Cardinal de Birague’s unpopularity with the Court may be partly -accounted for by a very amusing story told by Thuanus. As Chancellor -of France he was commanded by the King to make a speech before the -Parliament asking for the confirmation of some financial measures which -his Majesty had sent to them. Henry was present with all his courtiers. -Whether Birague intended the sarcasm or not it is impossible to say; -but to the great amusement of the ready-witted Frenchmen he said, -looking round on the royal favourites, ‘Really the causes of the King’s -poverty and want of money are so obvious that everyone can see them.’ -He repeated the phrase again and again, amid roars of laughter. See -_Thuanus_, iii. 626. Compare also pp. 177, 178. - -The following is the opinion of his fellow officials:—‘Ce chancelier -estoit Italien de nation et de religion, bien entendu aux affaires -d’Estat, fort peu en la justice; de sçavoir, n’en avoit point à -revendre, mais seulement pour sa provision, encores bien petitement. -Au reste, libéral, voluptueux, homme du temps, serviteur absolu des -volontés du Roy, aiant dit souvent qu’il n’estoit pas Chancelier de -France, mais Chancelier du Roy de France, ce que son successeur a -sceu encores mieux prattiquer que lui. Car il mourust pauvre pour -un homme qui avoit longtemps servi les Roys de France, n’estant -aucunement ambitieux, et meilleur pour ses amis et serviteurs que pour -soi-mesmes. Il disoit, peu auparavant son décès, qu’il mouroit cardinal -sans tiltre, prebstre sans bénéfice, et chancelier sans seaux.’—_De -l’Estoile_, ii. 140. - -[187] Philippe Hurault, Comte de Cheverny. - -[188] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI., chap. -vi. It is interesting to compare the dates as given by Motley with -Busbecq’s letter. The latter throws a fresh light on the character -of the ‘roaring demagogue’ Imbize. It appears from _Thuanus_ (iii. -646) that Imbize, to gain the favour of the people, immediately on -becoming Senator, threw into prison certain citizens, whom he accused -of intriguing with the Spaniards, and having betrayed the Pays de Waes -to them. The trick succeeded; Imbize won the confidence of the people, -and, having attained his object, yielded to Champagny’s entreaties and -released the prisoners. - -[189] The following is a description of Henry III. at the Carnival of -1577:—‘Il faisoit jouxtes, tournois, ballets et force masquarades, où -il se trouvoit ordinairement habillé en femme, ouvroit son pourpoint et -descouvroit sa gorge, y portant un collier de perles et trois collets -de toile, deux à fraize et un renversé, ainsi que lors les portoient -les dames de sa Cour.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 180. - -[190] When Throgmorton was known to have confessed, ‘there was a flight -of Catholics over the Channel thick as autumn swallows.’—_Froude_, -chap. lxv. - -[191] The Earl of Northumberland—a mistake of Busbecq’s. - -[192] See _Froude_, chap. lxv. - -[193] _Thuanus_, iii. 679. - -[194] See p. 11, and note, p. 185. - -[195] Michel de Seure, Grand Prior of Champagne, a great favourite with -Catherine de Medici. The following scene is described as occurring -after Alençon’s sudden arrest and liberation in 1578: ‘Laquelle estant -finie de cette façon, le chevalier de Seure, que la Royne ma mere avoit -baillé à mon frere pour coucher en sa chambre, et qu’elle prenoit -plaisir d’ouyr quelquesfois causer, pour estre d’humeur libre, et qui -disoit de bonne grace ce qu’il vouloit, tenant un peu de l’humeur d’un -philosophe cynique, se trouvant devant elle, elle luy demande: “Et -bien, monsieur de Seure, que dictes vous de tout cecy?” “C’est trop -peu,” dict-il, “pour faire à bon escient, et trop pour se jouer.” Et -se tournant vers moy, sans qu’elle le peust entendre, me dit: “Je -ne croy pas que ce soit icy le dernier acte de ce jeu; nostre homme -(voulant parler de mon frere) me tromperoit bien, s’il en demeuroit -là!”’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 148. - -[196] ‘Le 6^e jour de mars, le Roy estant au Conseil, en son chasteau -du Louvre, entra en grande colère contre le chevalier de Seure, -grand-prieur de Champaigne, jusques à lui donner des coups de poing -et de pied, pource que (comme il est haut à la main et furieux en -sa colère) il avoit dit à Milon, seingneur de Videville, premier -intendant des finances, qu’il estoit un larron et assassin du peuple de -France, d’ailleurs par trop affligé, l’aiant chargé de huit millions -d’escus, sous couleur de paier les debtes du Roy, qu’il disoit monter -à ladite somme, combien qu’elles ne montassent qu’à cinq millions, -et par ce moien surchargeoit furtivement le pauvre peuple de trois -millions. Et au Roy, survenant sur ces propos, osa encores dire: -“Sire, vous savez bien ce qui en est;” et lui aiant respondu le Roy -qu’il ne s’en souvenoit point, fust d’abondant si temeraire que de -répliquer hautement et superbement: “Si vous voulez mettre la main -sur la conscience, Sire, vous savez ce qui en est.” Ce que le Roy (ne -prenant pas d’ailleurs plaisir a ouïr de tels propos) print pour une -forme de démenti, et par une promte colère mist la main sur ledit -chevalier, l’excédant, ainsi que dit est.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 149. -Michel de Seure was one of the commissioners mentioned pp. 198, 201. -See _Thuanus_, iii. 633. - -[197] Pierre de Gondi. See note, p. 40. - -[198] See _Froude_, chap. lxvi. - -[199] _Strada_, ii. 281. - -[200] See Letter XXXII. - -[201] ‘Sur la fin de ce mois (May), la Roine-mère s’en alla à Monsseaux -et de là à Chasteau-Thierri, voir M. le Duc son fils, grièvement -malade. Elle en revinst le premier juing, et fist apporter par eau les -plus précieux meubles de son dit fils, abandonné des médecins et de -tout humain secours.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 154. - -[202] The secret is told us by a contemporary:—‘Le 16^e jour de may, -le duc Desparnon partist de Paris par mandement et commission du Roy, -pour aller en Gascongne trouver le Roy de Navarre, lui porter lettres -et créance de la part de Sa Majesté, par lesquelles elle l’ammonestoit, -enhortoit et prioit, pource que la vie du duc Dalençon, son frère, -estoit déplorée et n’en attendoit-on de jour à autre que nouvelles de -sa mort, de venir à la Cour près d’elle et d’aller à la Messe, parce -qu’il le vouloit faire recongnoistre son vrai héritier et successeur de -sa couronne, lui donner grade et dignité près de sa personne, tels que -méritoient les qualités de beau-frère et légitime successeur de ladite -couronne de France, et recevoir de lui tous les honneurs, avantages -et bons traitemens que telles qualités et la bonne amitié qu’il lui -portoit pouvoient requerir.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 153. - -[203] This is evidently Busbecq’s verdict, which he cautiously assigns -to others. Compare Motley’s sketch of Alençon, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_, Part V. chap. v. Henry IV. expressed his opinion of Alençon -as follows:—‘Un cœur double, un esprit malin, et tourné comme son corps -mal bâti.’ - -[204] Navarre’s title to the succession was recognised in his marriage -contract with Marguerite.—See _Thuanus_, iv. 3. - -[205] _I.e._ Monsieur. ‘A nul appartient d’estre appellé en France -simplement _Monsieur_, que le premier prince du sang ampres le -Roy.’—_Brantôme_, iii. 83. - -[206] Compare _Thuanus_, iii. 680. - -[207] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vii. - -[208] See _Strada_, ii. 306, 307. Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 156. - -[209] ‘Le 25^e juillet, le Roy, après avoir fait quelque séjour à -Vincennes, pour y establir ses Hiéronimites, retourna à Fontainebleau, -et de là prist le chemin de Lyon; où estant arrivé, osta le -gouvernement de la ville au seingneur de Mandelot, et le bailla au -seingneur du Bouchage, frère du duc de Joieuse.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. -164. - -[210] Des Pruneaux. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 58 seq. - -[211] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 31, where this passage is -quoted as Busbecq’s own opinion. Such, no doubt, it is, but, with his -usual caution, he puts it in the mouth of others. - -[212] A full account of Parma’s operations at Dendermonde is to be -found _Strada_, ii. 308-11. Busbecq’s brother-in-law, Jacques de -Yedeghem, had been captain, governor and high bailiff of Dendermonde -(Tenremonde) during 1566 and 1567. He kept the town quiet during those -troublous times, and gained the approval of the Governor-general of the -Netherlands.—Dalle, _Histoire de Bousbecque_, p. 50. - -[213] See Letter XXIX. - -[214] See Letter XVIII., and note 3, p. 224. - -[215] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 113, and note p. 7. - -[216] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 21-23. _Strada_, ii. 317. - -[217] ‘Le 19^e octobre, le Roy, de Blois, et les Roines, de Chenonceau, -partirent en grand haste, pource que deux ou trois damoiselles de la -Roine se trouvèrent frappées de peste; dont l’une, nommée Monmorin, -en mourut. Et se trouvant Ruscellaï à Fontainebleau, au disner du -Roy, et s’estant meu propos de ceste peste, et de la peur que le Roy -et les Roines en avoient eue et avoient encores, il osa dire au Roy -“que Sa Majesté ne devoit point craindre ceste maladie, pource que -la Cour estoit une plus forte peste, sur laquelle l’autre ne pouvoit -mordre.”’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 172. - -[218] Jean Baptiste Tassis (or Taxis) was one of Philip’s most able -diplomatists. He was the son of Jean Baptiste de Tassis, who in 1545 -was appointed Postmaster General throughout Germany and the Netherlands -by Charles V., and whose uncle Francis had in 1516 established a riding -post between Brussels and Vienna by order of the Emperor Maximilian. To -his family, as Strada points out, the world is indebted for the first -regular system of posting in modern times—even down to 1866 the Princes -of Thurn and Taxis managed the posts of Würtemberg, Nassau, Hesse, the -Hanse towns, and some other German principalities. This is the point -of James I.’s complaint that ‘Spain sent him a postilion-ambassador.’ -Motley seems to explain the remark by stating that Tassis was chief -courier to Philip. It is hardly probable that a great ambassador would -be employed in such an office. See also note, p. 28. - -[219] The Kings of England claimed the same power. ‘The days on which -this miracle was to be wrought were fixed at sittings of the Privy -Council, and were solemnly notified by the clergy in all the parish -churches of the realm. When the appointed time came, several divines -in full canonicals stood round the canopy of state. The surgeon of -the royal household introduced the sick. A passage from the sixteenth -chapter of the Gospel of Saint Mark was read. When the words, “They -shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover,” had been -pronounced, there was a pause, and one of the sick was brought up -to the King. His Majesty stroked the ulcers and swellings, and hung -round the patient’s neck a white riband to which was fastened a gold -coin.’—Macaulay, _History of England_, chap. xiv. - -[220] Senlis.—_Thuanus_, iii. 714. - -[221] The practical advantages of this plan are illustrated by the -cases of Montmorency and Damville. See pp. 68, 69, 77. - -[222] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap, iv., -and Letter IX, note. He was a member of the house of St. Aldegonde, -Seneschal to the King of Spain, and Lieutenant of the Royal bodyguard -of Archers. He had been sent by Philip in 1578 to Don John of Austria -and the States-General to negotiate peace.—Tassis, _Mémoires_. - -[223] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 95, note. - -[224] Busbecq calls this nobleman de Herbei. This was the regular -French spelling of the name. Noailles, the French ambassador to Queen -Mary, always uses it. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 98, and -_Froude_, chap. lxvii. - -[225] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 67. - -[226] His name was Ferrand. He was secretary to the King of Navarre, -and asserted that he had made the attempt at the instigation of his -Queen (Marguerite).—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 181. - -[227] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 139. - -[228] See Ranke, _History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap -xxi. - -[229] See Ranke, _History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. -xxi. - -[230] ‘Ligue sainte, dy-je, pourpensée et inventée par défunct Charles, -Cardinal de Lorraine, voiant la lignée de Valois proche de son période, -et l’occasion se présenter, sous ce beau masque et saint prétexte de -religion, d’exterminer les premiers de la Maison de Bourbon et les -plus proches de la Couronne, pour faire ouverte profession de ladite -Religion Prétendue Réformée, et par ce moien empiéter la couronne -de France, qu’ils disoient avoir esté ravie à Lotaire, dernier -Roy de France de la race de Charlemagne, et à ses enfants, leurs -prédécesseurs, par Hugues Capet, qui n’y pouvoit prétendre aucun droit -que par la violente et injuste usurpation, par le moien de laquelle il -s’en estoit emparé.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 184. - -[231] This surmise was perfectly correct. See Motley, _United -Netherlands_, i. 111. - -[232] William Robert de la Marck, Duke of Bouillon and Prince of Sedan -from 1574 to 1588. A Huguenot like his father. ‘Le Roy, adverti de -tous ces remuemens de divers seingneurs et endroits de son roiaume, et -mesmes par le duc de Bouillon, qui lui donna advis de la grande levée -de gens de guerre que sous main faisoit le duc de Guise, pendant qu’il -s’amusoit à baller et masquer, fist responce qu’il ne le croioit ni ne -craingnoit.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 185. - -[233] See Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxi. - -[234] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 117. - -[235] They asked that the Estates should meet once every three -years.—Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxi. - -[236] Sixtus V. was elected Pope the day before this letter was -written. Gregory XIII., who died on April 10, though he was reported -to have approved of the Catholic Princes taking up arms in defence of -their religion (see Sismondi, xx. 150), yet refused to issue any Bull -in their favour. ‘Ce Pape n’avoit jamais adhéré à la levée des armes de -la Ligue, et peu de jours avant sa mort, avoit dit au cardinal d’Est, -que la Ligue n’auroit ni Bulle, ni Bref, ni Lettres de lui, jusques à -ce qu’il vid plus clair en leurs brouilleries.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. -190. The statement in the text must therefore be a _canard_ started by -the Leaguers. - -[237] Compare vol. i. 219, 220. For the war between Turkey and Persia, -see Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap, xii, and Von Hammer, -bks. xxxviii. and xl. Peace was concluded in 1590, Persia ceding -Tabriz, Shirwan, and Georgia. - -[238] Philippe Emmanuel, Marquis de Nomeny, son of Nicolas Comte de -Vaudemont and Duc de Mercœur, married Marie, daughter and heiress of -Sebastian de Luxembourg, Vicomte de Martigues and Duc de Penthièvre. -(See page 80.) He succeeded his father as Duc de Mercœur in 1577, and -was appointed Governor of Brittany in 1582. During the civil wars after -Henry III.’s death, he aspired to make himself independent. With this -view he negotiated with Philip II., and introduced Spanish troops into -Brittany. He maintained his position till 1598, when he was obliged -to surrender to Henry IV. He then entered the service of the Emperor -Rodolph, and fought in Hungary against the Turks. He died at Nuremberg -on his way home in 1602. His only daughter and heiress was married to -Cæsar, Duc de Vendôme, Henry IV.’s son by Gabrielle d’Estrées. In a -caricature described by de l’Estoile (ii. 230) representing the chiefs -of the League, the motto given to the Duc de Mercœur is ‘Symbolum -ingratitudinis.’ - -[239] See Letter XXXVII. - -[240] For Lansac’s piracies, see _De l’Estoile_, ii. 361. - -[241] Charles de Cossé-Brissac, nephew of Maréchal Cossé (p. 8). He -acted as Strozzi’s lieutenant (see note p 146). Froude in his account -of the French expedition to the Azores calls him ‘the Huguenot de -Brissac,’ whereas he was one of the chiefs of the League. For his -attempted seizure of Angers, see _Mezeray_, iii. 769, 770. He was -appointed Governor of Paris by Mayenne at the request of the Spanish -Ambassadors in 1594. _Mezeray_, iii. 1101-2. - -[242] See note 1, p. 260. - -[243] See Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxii. - -[244] The Marquis of Richebourg and the Seigneur de Billy, a -distinguished Portuguese officer, were both killed. See Motley, _United -Netherlands_, i. 191-196. - -[245] See _Thuanus_, iv. 10. - -[246] See _Froude_, chap. lxvii. - -[247] The grant was made by the deputies of the Clergy assembled at -the Abbey of Saint-Germain des Prés, on October 2, and on the 16th, -a second Edict against the Huguenots was published ordering them to -conform or leave the kingdom within fifteen days.—_De l’Estoile_, ii. -213. - -[248] See _Thuanus_, iv. 50 seq. - -[249] The Seigneur de Tavannes, appointed Governor by the League. See -_De l’Estoile_, ii. 216. - -[250] Dated August 28, 1585. Published in Paris towards the end of -September.—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 210. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, -i. 132. - -[251] Brother of the Prince de Condé. After his uncle’s death he -assumed the title of Cardinal de Bourbon, see note, page 7. - -[252] M. Savary de Lancosme, nephew of M. de Villequier, one of the -King’s favourites. - -[253] ‘Paris est divisé comme en trois villes par la riviere de Seine -qui passe au milieu.... L’autre partie, qui est à gauche de ladicte -riviere, est nommée l’Université.’—Palma Cayet, _Histoire de la Ligue_, -i. 251. The four faubourgs were those of St. Germain, St. Jacques, St. -Marceau, and St. Victor. - -The famous La Noue on this occasion attempted to enter Paris by wading -along the side of the Seine immediately under the Tour de Nesle, so as -to land on the Quai des Augustins. Unfortunately, he rashly led the -way himself, and keeping too close to the foot of the tower, where the -water happened to be deepest, suddenly got out of his depth, and was -nearly drowned. The enterprise consequently proved a failure. - -[254] The Cardinal de Bourbon, Henry IV.’s uncle, the Prince de -Joinville, son and successor to Henry, Duke of Guise, and the Duc -d’Elbœuf had been arrested by Henry III.’s orders, on December 23, -1588, the day of Guise’s assassination. Others, who had been arrested -at the same time, had been executed, had escaped, or had been released, -but these three still remained in close custody. The Cardinal was -confined at Fontenay, and the two Dukes at Tours. - -[255] Between this letter and the last intervenes a period of nearly -four years. See vol. i. p. 69. From the purchase-deed of the Seigneury -of Bousbecque and Parma’s _Sauve-garde_ (see Appendix), we know that -Busbecq continued to reside in France as the agent of Elizabeth. This -letter was written three months after the assassination of Henry III. -After that event Navarre had been obliged to retreat to Normandy -pursued by the Duke of Mayenne. The latter, however, after his attack -on Henry at Arques had failed, retired to Amiens and left the way open -for his enemy to make a dash on Paris. - -[256] The governor was de Maillé-Brezé, Seigneur de Benehart; and the -monk was a cordelier named Robert Chessé or Jessé. Thuanus (v. 32) -gives an account of their execution. The monk died like a brave man, -the governor like a coward. - -[257] Philippe de Lenoncourt, Bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne, and -afterwards of Auxerre, Cardinal of San Onofrio. It is a disputed point -whether he ever actually became Archbishop of Rheims. See _Gallia -Christiana_, ix. 156. - -[258] Henry, eldest son and successor of Charles, Duke of Lorraine. He -sometimes bears the title of Duke of Bar. He married in 1599 Catherine, -Henry IV.’s sister (see note, page 51). After her death he married -Margaret de Gonzaga, daughter of the Duke of Mantua. He died in 1624. -He had taken part in Mayenne’s autumn campaign against Henry, and was -now on his way home from Amiens, where he had been detained some time -by illness. - -[259] ‘Mayenne exposa la nécessité d’établir un conseil général de -l’union, dont l’autorité seroit reconnue par toute la France. Des -désignations pour ce conseil suprême étoient déjà faites par le -conseil particulier de la ville. Il en donna le rôle; on y trouvoit -trois évêques, de Meaux, de Senlis et d’Agen, six curés de Paris, sept -gentilshommes, vingt deux bourgeois de Paris; ce qui, avec lui-même -pour président et un secrétaire, formoit quarante membres.’—_Sismondi_, -xx. 472. - -[260] He was Cardinal Caietano, brother of the Duke of Sermoneta. He -arrived in Paris on January 5. - -[261] The people of Dijon eleven years before had been desirous of -having a separate bishopric, but were prevented by the opposition -of the Bishop and Chapter of Langres, in which diocese Dijon was -situated.—_Gallia Christiana_, iv. 637. - -[262] These reports were not unfounded. Sultan Amurath had in fact -written to Navarre promising protection against Spain, and offering to -send a fleet of 200 sail to Aigues-Mortes.—_Collection des Documents -Inédits sur l’Histoire de France, Lettres Missives de Henri IV._, iii. -364. Part of the letter is quoted by Motley, _United Netherlands_, iii. -48. - -[263] The citadel of Rouen was actually betrayed to the Royalists on -February 19, but was recovered by Aumale four days afterwards. - -[264] The siege began on January 9, and was raised in the middle of -February. _Aubigné, Histoire_, vol. iii. bk. iii. ch. iv; _Thuanus_, v. -41-3. - -[265] This letter is not dated, but from the mention of the Legate’s -arrival and the siege of Meulan, it appears to have been written -towards the end of the first half of January 1590. Busbecq was -probably then at Mantes, the place from which the next letter was -written. Mantes is about twenty-five English miles from Evreux, which -corresponds roughly with ten of Busbecq’s miles. See vol. i. page 82, -note. - -[266] Pierre d’Espinac was born in 1540, and became Archbishop of Lyons -in 1574. He was Speaker, or Prolocutor, of the States-General held at -Blois in 1576. Catherine de Medici, when the Leaguers first took up -arms, sent him to negotiate with them (see p. 246.) However, he went -over to that party, and was thenceforth one of the strongest partisans -of the League. According to his own account, he was forced to take this -step by the insults he received from Epernon, the King’s favourite; his -enemies, on the other hand, asserted that his motive was the hope of -gaining a Cardinal’s hat. After the assassination of Guise, at Blois, -in December 1588, the Archbishop was one of those arrested, and he -shared the prison of the Cardinal, the brother of the murdered duke. -Each expected to meet the same fate, and each confessed to the other, -and received absolution at his hands. The Cardinal was put to death -the following day without trial, but the Archbishop’s life was spared. -On his trial he refused to answer when interrogated by the judges, on -the ground that, as Archbishop and Primate, he was subject only to the -jurisdiction of the Pope, or of delegates appointed by him. He was then -imprisoned at Amboise. On his release he again joined the League, and -was Mayenne’s strongest partisan. He died in 1599, refusing to the last -to acknowledge Henry IV.—_Thuanus_, v. 855. - -[267] Nanteuil-le-Haudoin, 49 kilometres, or about 31 English miles, -from Paris. Busbecq’s ‘French miles’ must therefore be leagues. The -château had been purchased by Schomberg from the Guises in 1578, and he -derived from it his title of Comte de Nanteuil. - -[268] The appointment of these commissioners, and the seizure of -Mayenne’s letters, are mentioned by Busbecq, and, as far as we have -been able to discover, by Busbecq alone. These facts are not noticed by -Sismondi. As has been already remarked (vol. i. page 64, note), these -letters have apparently entirely escaped the notice of historians. - -[269] Little more than two years intervened between the date of this -letter and the writer’s death. See vol. i. pp. 70, 71. - -[270] See for example vol. i. p. 162, pp. 239-241, and p. 351. - -[271] See vol. i. p. 94. - -[272] See vol. i. pp. 94, 167, 407. - -[273] Ferdinand and Louis had married each other’s sisters. Mary, the -wife of the latter, was afterwards Regent of the Netherlands for her -brother Charles V. See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part I. -chap. i. - -[274] See vol. i. p. 410. - -[275] See vol. i. p. 409. - -[276] See vol. i. p. 166. - -[277] See vol. i. pp. 78, 79. - -[278] See vol. i. p. 301. - -[279] See vol. i. pp. 79, 176. - -[280] See vol. i. p. 80. - -[281] See vol. i. p. 236. - -[282] See vol. i. pp. 111-118. - -[283] See vol. i. p. 80. - -[284] See vol. i. p. 81. - -[285] See vol. i. p. 190. - -[286] See vol. i. p. 85. - -[287] See vol. i. pp. 237-239. - -[288] See p. 282. - -[289] See vol. i. p. 236. - -[290] See vol. i. p. 348, note. - -[291] See vol. i. p. 297. - -[292] See vol. i. p. 386. - -[293] This summary of the treaty is taken from a Latin version of the -Turkish original made by John Spiegel, Ferdinand’s first interpreter, -which is usually printed with Busbecq’s letters. - -[294] See note 2, p. 73. - -[295] Nonsuch Park, at Cheam, was a favourite residence of Queen -Elizabeth. - -[296] See pp. 271-2. - -[297] The original of this patent of Knighthood is preserved in the -Imperial Archives at Vienna. - -[298] The blank supplies the place of a foul epithet. - - - - -_INDEX TO THE LETTERS._ - - - _Aa_, John Van der, member of Ferdinand’s privy council, presents - Busbecq to Ferdinand, i. 78 - - _Abbot_ of Turkish Monastery—his alleged miracles, i. 363-365 - - _Achmet_ Pasha, appointed Grand Vizier, i. 118; - his character, 119; - Busbecq and his colleagues visit, 152; - strangled, 176; - details of his execution, 189-190; - many of his retainers join Bajazet, 275 - - _Aconite_ or Napellus, used by Turkish pilgrim, i. 362 - - _Acorus calamus_, plant sent by Busbecq to Mattioli, i. 415 - - _Adrianople_, town of, i. 107; - Solyman’s winter residence, 198; - Busbecq summoned thither, 199; - earthquake there, 200 - - _Affenstein_, commander of German reiters, killed, ii. 104 - - _Aga_ of the Janissaries, mentioned, i. 232, 285 - - _Agiamoglans_, name of a class among the Christian tribute children, - i. 306, and _note_ - - _Aigues-Mortes_, seaport in Languedoc, surprised by the Huguenots, - ii. 42, and _note_; - Italian nobles captured by the Huguenots taken thither, 155 - - _Akschehr_, town in Asia Minor taken by Bajazet, i. 273 - - _Albacar_, Spanish physician sent by Busbecq to Lemnos, i. 416 - - _Albanians_, a Georgian tribe, i. 246 - - _Albanians or Epirotes_, ii. 143, and _note_ - - _Aldegonde_, St., a prisoner in the hands of the Royalists, ii. 4; - said to be sent by the States as envoy to Alençon, 198; - made burgomaster of Antwerp, 210 - - _Alençon_, Francis, Duke of, afterwards Duke of Anjou, waiting at Lyons - for his brother, ii. 7; - his constitution delicate, 43; - at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, 46; - at the ball given on the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, 81; - his restless spirit, 95; - supposed to have dealings with the Huguenots, 96; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, _ib._; - his flight and his motives, 100-104, and _note_; - expected to return to Blois, 105; - demands that the negotiations be held at Blois instead of Poitiers, - 114; - supposed to have instigated du Guast’s murder, 116; - interferes in his quarrel with Thoré, 118; - takes possession of Châtelherault, 120; - demands Bourges and other towns, _ib._; - will probably come to terms, 131; - his expedition to the Netherlands, 141; - intends ravaging Hainault, 143; - sends to Italy to hire horse, _ib._; - a champion of the Catholics, 144; - reinforcements for him, 147; - witnesses the battle at Ghent, 148; - disposition of his troops, 149; - expects to visit England 156; - prevails on citizens of Antwerp to admit 300 French noblemen, 162; - his attempt to seize Antwerp, 166; - retreats to the monastery of St. Bernard, 167; - and thence to Dendermonde, 168; - his probable course of action, _ib._; - blackness of his conduct, 170; - excuses made for it, _ib._; - complete breach with citizens of Antwerp, 173; - his ill-regulated mind, 174; - proposed compromise with him, 174-175; - chooses Dunkirk as his residence, 179; - reported to be concerned in fresh disturbances, 180; - ill at Dunkirk, 181; - presents Fervaques with an abbacy, _ib._; - sends Pibrac to Antwerp, _ib._; - writes to stop his mother from coming, 182; - meets her at La Fère, 185; - has lost everything in Netherlands but Cambrai, 186; - returns to France, _ib._; - said to be going to marry the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine, - 194; - said to have handed over Cambrai to his brother, 195; - his probable plans, _ib._; - appointed by the king his Lieutenant with limited powers, 196; - at Cambrai in great want of money, 198; - envoys to him from the States, _ib._; - likely to come to Paris, 199; - goes to Château Thierry, 201; - intends to winter at Angers, 202; - goes to Laon, _ib._; - will not come to court, 203; - his rumoured negotiations with Spain for sale of Cambrai, 204; - changes his plans, will winter at Château Thierry, 206; - his humiliating position, _ib._; - suspected attempt to murder, 209; - about to receive an embassy from the Netherlands, 210; - urges his claim to be made Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, 212; - visits his mother, 213; - by her advice approaches the king submissively, _ib._; - advised to secure the favour of Joyeuse and Epernon, _ib._; - returns to Château Thierry, 214; - his serious illness, 216; - reported to be in a decline, 217; - given over, 218; - confined to his bed, 219; - importance of his death for France, _ib._; - his death, 221; - his character, _ib._; - preparations for his funeral, _ib._; - said to have bequeathed Cambrai to his mother, 222; - his funeral, 223 - - _Ali_ Pasha, second vizier, and afterwards Grand Vizier, his origin - and character, i. 157, 342; - banquet given by him to Persian ambassador, 157; - his foolish speech, 234; - becomes Grand Vizier, 334; - grants Busbecq’s request to leave his house, _ib._; - sends a cavasse to him, 342; - contrasted with Roostem, 343-345; - his interviews with Busbecq, 345; - his policy, 346; - his accident, _ib._; - conversation with Busbecq about the invasion of Moldavia, 349-351; - helps to procure the release of Busbecq’s servants, 368; - sends him sweetmeats, 375; - informs him of Bajazet’s death, 385; - his presents to him on his departure, 388; - what he wished in return, 391 - - _Ali_ Pasha, the eunuch, appointed to the command in Hungary, i. 236; - visited by Busbecq and his colleagues, 237; - description of him, _ib._; - his operations in Hungary, _ib._; - his rashness checked by a Sanjak-bey, 238; - his discomfiture and death, 239; - his speech on the loss of Gran, 240 - - _Alost_, taken by Alençon, ii. 143 - - _Alva_, the Duke of, his death, ii. 162 - - _Amasia_, capital of Cappadocia, description of, i. 150-151; - Bajazet ordered thither, 267 - - _Amber_, great quantities of it exported to Turkey and Persia, i. 257 - - _Amiens_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Amurath I._, Sultan, his death, i. 153, and _note_ - - _Ancyranum Monumentum_, account of the, i. 142-143, and _note_ - - _Angers_, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120; - Alençon going to winter there, 202 - - _Angers_, citadel of, held by de Brissac, ii. 245; - surprised by Huguenots, 248; - its destruction ordered, 249 - - _Angoulême_, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120 - - _Angora_, town of, description of the, i. 142; - Bajazet occupies and raises forced loan from merchants of, 275 - - _Angora_ goats, i. 137, and _note_; - manufacture of mohair from their hair, 143 - - _Annonay_, town in the Vivarais, siege of, ii. 9, and _note_ - - _Ant_, Indian, as large as a dog, sent as a present by the Shah to - Solyman, i. 375, and _note_ - - _Antonio_, Don, pretender to the crown of Portugal, his Constable - killed, ii. 146; - returns to France, 161; - goes to Dieppe, _ib._; - engaged in equipping a fleet, 178; - expenses of his household at Ruel, 183; - his new fleet reaches the Azores, 188; - said to be intended as the commander of the French forces in the - Netherlands, 235 - - _Antwerp_, the French Fury at, ii. 164-168; - tumult against Orange there, 176; - strictly blockaded, 231; - hard pressed, 236; - equipment of fleet to relieve, 240; - cutting the dykes near, _ib._; - the bridge destroyed, 247; - gunpowder sent to Paris from, 254 - - _Antwerp_, inhabitants of, their kind treatment of the prisoners, - ii. 169; - their statement, 171; - demand ransom, 173; - complete breach between them and Alençon, _ib._; - demand the execution of Fervaques, 175; - their confidence in Orange diminished, 185, 186; - ready to suffer the worst rather than submit, 217; - resolved to hold out, 229 - - _Archery_, Turkish skill in, i. 253 - - _Aremberg_, the Countess of, ii. 113, _note_; - writes to announce her arrival at Nancy, 114; - notice sent to her of date of the Queen’s departure, 126; - delayed in reaching Nancy by a mistake, 130 - - _Arslan Bey_, Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg, his feud with Veli Bey, - i. 244 - - _Arundel_, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen Elizabeth, - ii. 212; - will probably be pardoned, _ib._; - again arrested, 247 - - _Athenæus_, his statement as to the _pinna_ and _pinna guard_ referred - to, i. 339 - - _Aubigny_, Comte d’, and Duke of Lennox, reported to be besieged in - Scotland, ii. 148, and _note_ - - _Auger_, Edmund, the king’s confessor, rebuked by Catherine de Medici, - ii. 182 - - _Aumale_, the Duke of, accompanies the Queen to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 96; - a leader of the League, 241; - seizes places in Normandy, 245 - - _Aumont_, Maréchal d’, with Navarre, ii. 262 - - _Auxonne_, town in Burgundy, its inhabitants charge their governor with - treason and pull down the fortifications, ii. 248-249 - - _Axylos_, woodless tract in Asia Minor, i. 215 - - - _Babocsa_, a Hungarian fortress, i. 237 - - _Baden_, the Margrave of, meets the Queen, ii. 134 - - _Bailen_, the Comte de, Spanish ambassador, starts for Lyons, ii. 11; - arrives at Paris, 22; - leaves Paris, 28 - - _Baily_, title of the Venetian ambassador, i. 226, _note_; - his interposition, 226; - unable to help the imprisoned pilgrims, 352; - his surprise at the release of Busbecq’s servants without a bribe, - 368 - - _Bairam_, the feast of, parents allowed to see their married daughters - at, i. 229, and _note_; - description of its celebration by the Turkish army, 302-304 - - _Bajazet I._, Sultan, indignities he and his wife received from - Tamerlane, i. 112 - - _Bajazet II._, Sultan, defeats his son Selim, i. 108 - - _Bajazet_, son of Solyman, his mother’s favourite, i. 179; - implicated in the rising of Mustapha, the Pretender, 180, 185; - his interview with his father, 187-189; - his story continued, 264-281; - conspires against his brother, 265; - removed from Kutaiah to Amasia, 267; - complains of his new government, _ib._; - accuses his brother, 268-269; - prepares for war, 270; - sends back Pertau Pasha, 271; - his message to Solyman, 272; - takes town of Akschehr, 273; - occupies Angora, and raises a forced loan from the merchants, 275; - his appearance and character, 275-276; - marches on Koniah, 277; - his speech to his army, 277-278; - his gallant conduct, 278; - defeated at Koniah, retreats to Amasia, 279; - reputation acquired by him, 280; - sounds his father’s disposition, 298; - warned by his friends to beware of him, 301; - one of his spies executed, _ib._; - starts on his flight to Persia, 302; - his rapidity, 304; - his stratagems to deceive the Pashas of Siwas and Erzeroum, - 304-305; - offers double pay to soldiers joining him, 306; - crosses the Araxes and enters Persia, 306-307; - his speech to the Shah’s envoys, 307; - his reception by the Shah, 308; - his message to his father, 309; - atrocious speech of one of his officers, _ib._; - is seized and thrown into prison, 311; - conjectures as to his probable fate, 311-312; - the end of his story, 375, 378-381; - his execution, 381; - his four sons share his fate, _ib._; - execution of his infant son at Broussa, 382 - - _Balagny_, Governor of Cambrai, ii. 205, and _note_; - his tyrannical conduct there, 227 - - _Baldi_, Philip, an Italian sent to Busbecq by the Emperor, i. 259; - mentioned again, 263 - - _Baldwin_, Count of Flanders and Latin Emperor of Romania—taken and - killed by the Bulgarians, i. 105, and _note_; - mentioned, 130, _note_ - - _Balsam_, given by Ali Pasha to Busbecq, i. 388; - its value, 389, and _note_; - doubts thrown on its genuineness, 416 - - _Balsam-tree_, not now to be found in Asia Minor, i. 142 - - _Basilicus_, John, Greek adventurer—his story, i. 347, _note_; - invades Moldavia, 347 - - _Baths_, intrigues carried on in them by Turkish women, i. 231 - - _Bavaria_, the Duke of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i. 399, - and _note_; - his health, ii. 134; - his handsome reception of the Queen, _ib._; - thinks the Danube her best route, _ib._; - presses her to remain, _ib._ - - _Bavaria_, the Duchess of, sends messages and letters to the Queen, - ii. 3 - - _Bavaria_, Ferdinand, Duke of, meets the Queen, ii. 134 - - _Bavaria_, William, Duke of, with his wife meets the Queen at Nancy, - ii. 129; - consulted as to her route, 133, 137; - his kindness to her, 135; - goes to Vienna, 137 - - _Belgrade_, town of, described, i. 93; - sieges and capture of, by the Turks, 94; - fertility of the neighbourhood, 165 - - _Bellegarde_, Roger de Saint-Lary de, Marshal, sent as ambassador to - Poland, ii. 61, and _note_; - said to have fallen sick, 66 - - _Bellièvre_, Pomponne de, Ambassador of Charles IX. in Poland, ii. 49, - and _note_; - likely to be sent to the Netherlands, 169; - sent to Alençon, 172; - stays behind to arrange matters, 174; - returns from Antwerp, 181; - sent to King of Navarre, 203 - - _Belon_ (_Bellonus_), Pierre, French traveller and physician, his - mistake about the hyena, i. 140; - referred to for figure of the _pinna_, 339 - - _Bergen_, town in Brabant, taken by the Hollanders under their - protection, ii. 217 - - _Bernard_, Monastery of St., outpost established there by garrison - of Lier, ii. 148; - Alençon passes the night there after the French Fury, 167 - - _Berry_, Duchy of, the Queen’s dower partly charged on it, ii. 109 - - _Besançon_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Besme_, murderer of Coligny, taken prisoner by the Huguenots, - ii. 99, and _note_ - - _Beyler-bey of Greece_, the, sent to Selim’s assistance, i. 271; - sent in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; - in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, 378 - - _Billy_, Seigneur de, killed at the Antwerp bridge, ii. 247 - - _Birague_, Cardinal de, Chancellor of France, ii. 39; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 87; - contributes to forced loan, 98; - his death and character, 208, and _note_ - - _Biron_, Marshal, the probable commander in the Netherlands, ii. 147; - takes the command there, 149-150; - asks for more cavalry, _ib._; - halts on the Somme, 154; - joins Alençon, 156; - his army, 157; - going to the Campine, 162; - said to be the author of the attempt on Antwerp, 165; - clears himself of all blame, 175; - his letter pressing Alençon to abandon the scheme discovered, 181; - retakes some small forts, 182; - defeated at Steenbergen, and wounded, 184; - at Antwerp pressing for money, 186; - returns to France, 195; - his attack on Cateau Cambrésis repulsed, 202; - with Navarre, 262 - - _Black Sea_, Busbecq’s visit to it, i. 129, 131; - Polybius wrong in supposing it was silting up, 132 - - _Blaye_, town near Bordeaux, garrisoned by the younger de Lansac, - ii. 245 - - _Blois_, Busbecq obliged to go thither, ii. 141; - king there, 229; - Busbecq goes thither to condole with him in the Queen’s name - on Alençon’s death, 230 - - _Blot_, Hugo de, recommended by Busbecq to Maximilian as librarian, - ii. 73-74, and _note_ - - _Bodin_, Jean, paper relating to French Fury attributed to him, - ii. 171, and _note_ - - _Bokhara_, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. 360 - - _Bonnivet_, de, defends Endhoven, ii. 182 - - _Bosphorus_, description of the Thracian, i. 129, 131; - for distinction between it and the Cimmerian Bosphorus, - see 111, _note_ - - _Bouchain_, taken by Alençon, ii. 144 - - _Bouillon_, Godfrey de, first King of Jerusalem, mentioned, i. 250 - - _Bouillon_, the Duc de, warns the King of the Guises’ preparations, - ii. 241, and _note_ - - _Bourbon_, Charles, Cardinal de, claims to be successor to the throne, - ii. 228; - reported to intend to give up his orders and to marry the Duchesse - de Montpensier, _ib._; - joins the Guises, 239; - nominally their chief leader, 241; - claims the succession to the throne, 242; - changes his cardinal’s robes for a soldier’s dress, 243; - with the Duke of Guise, 246; - a prisoner, 253, and _note_; - Parliament issues decrees in his name as Charles X., 256; - the Legate summons the people of Langres to acknowledge him as - their king, 257 - - _Bourbon_, House of, its position, ii. 40; - will be heirs presumptive to the crown on Alençon’s death, 218 - - _Bourges_, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120; - likely to surrender to Navarre, 255 - - _Brabant_, people of, pronounce _sevene_ differently from the Flemings, - i. 358; - arrival of ambassadors from them, ii. 214; - all except Antwerp and Bergen likely to submit, 217 - - _Breda_, peace negotiations opened there, ii. 54 - - _Brissac_, de, a Leaguer, seizes the citadel of Angers, ii. 245, - and _note_ - - _Broussa_, execution of Bajazet’s infant son there, i. 382 - - _Bruges_, obliged to call in garrison of Menin for its protection, - ii. 194; - said to have submitted, 219; - receives a Spanish garrison, 222 - - _Brussels_, to be Alençon’s residence, ii. 175; - declined by him, 179; - threatened by Parma, 182; - inclined to go over to him, 183; - thinking of surrendering, 229; - surrenders, 236 - - _Buda_, city of, description of the, i. 89; - hot springs there, 90 - - _Buda_, the Pasha of, Busbecq’s interviews with, i. 169, 396; - see also _Touighoun_ Pasha - - _Bulgarians_, their bread, i. 103; - dress of their women, _ib._; - their origin, history, and language, 105, and _note_ - - _Buren_, town in Gelderland, taken, ii. 90, and _note_ - - _Burgundian_ secretary, letter from him to Busbecq, i. 233 - - _Busbecq_, Ogier Ghiselin de, at marriage of Philip and Mary, i. 77; - summoned to Vienna, _ib._; - bids his family farewell, _ib._; - sees Don Pedro at Brussels, _ib._; - travels to Vienna, _ib._; - interview with Ferdinand, 78; - visits Malvezzi, _ib._; - returns to Vienna, 82; - prepares for journey and starts, _ib._; - reaches Komorn, _ib._; - Gran, 83; - Buda, 85; - makes acquaintance with the Janissaries, 86-87; - his interview with the Pasha, 91; - embarks for Belgrade, 92; - collects coins, 93, 94, 139, 141; - journeys through Servia, 95; - disgusted with Turkish inns, 98; - lodges in a stable, 99; - how he got wine, 100; - reaches Sophia, 102; - Philippopolis, 106; - Adrianople, 107; - Constantinople, 111; - visits the ex-vizier Roostem, _ib._; - sees the sights of Constantinople, 122, _et seq._; - has a dead giraffe dug up for examination, 128; - visits the Bosphorus and Black Sea, 129, 131; - starts for Amasia, 133; - passes through Nicomedia, 134; - Nicæa, 135; - Angora, 139; - enjoys sherbet and preserved grapes, 147; - reaches Amasia, 150; - visits Achmet Pasha and the other viziers, 152; - his first audience of Solyman, 152-153; - his second, 158; - leaves Amasia, 159; - ill of fever, 161; - reaches Constantinople, _ib._; - leaves, 162; - finds _scordium_, 164; - has another fever, 166; - in danger from brigands, 167-8; - visits Pasha of Buda, 169; - compensates a Turk for his nose, 171; - recovers from his fever, _ib._; - reaches Vienna, _ib._; - effects on him of his hardships, _ib._; - sent back to Constantinople, 175; - arrives there, 176; - unfavourably received by the Pashas, 176-178; - left alone at Constantinople, 193; - his politic conduct, 194-197; - summoned to Adrianople, 199; - alarmed by an earthquake, 200; - returns to Constantinople, 201; - hires a house, _ib._; - sent back to his former lodging, _ib._; - his menagerie, 204; - shoots kites, 212; - his partridges, _ib._; - his horses, 214; - his camels, 218; - complains of his letters being intercepted, 234; - Roostem tries to convert him, 235; - his interview with Ali Pasha, the eunuch, 237; - his amusements and occupations, 252; - practises the Turkish bow _ib._; - his visitors, 257; - his retort on Roostem, 264; - sees the Sultan leave Constantinople, 281-287; - his retorts on his cavasse, 287; - summoned to the Turkish camp, _ib._; - his sojourn and observations there, 287-297; - presents Ferdinand’s gifts to the Sultan, 297; - witnesses the celebration of the Bairam, 302-304; - his policy influenced by Bajazet’s fortunes, 313; - apologises for his long letter, 314; - overwhelmed by the news of the Spanish defeat, 316; - rescues the standard of the Neapolitan galleys, 322; - becomes surety for Don Juan de Cardona, 325; - his charity to the Spanish prisoners, 326-330; - fears he will lose the money advanced to them, 329; - good effects of his example, 330; - the plague in his house, _ib._; - allowed to import wine for his private use, 332; - his request to leave his house on account of the plague refused - by Roostem, 333; - granted by Ali, 334; - visits Quacquelben on his death-bed, 335-336; - erects a monument to him, 337; - goes to Prinkipo, _ib._; - his fishing there, _ib._; - his walk with the friar, 340; - his acquaintance with the Metropolitan Metrophanes, 341-342; - Pashas afraid he may escape, 342; - returns to Constantinople, _ib._; - interview with Roostem, 343; - Ferdinand’s bounty to him, 344; - his inquiries for Ali, 347; - alarmed by the invasion of Moldavia, 349; - interview with Ali on the subject, 349-351; - sends home the released pilgrims, 353; - accused by Lavigne as a Spanish spy, 354; - his interview with Goths from the Crimea, 355-359; - with Turkish pilgrims, 359-364; - feats of a mountebank he saw at Venice, 365; - his confinement relaxed, _ib._; - refuses to appease the Cadi by a bribe, 368; - writes to encourage de Sandé, 372; - asks Ferdinand to intercede for the Spanish prisoners, 373; - argues with his cavasse on predestination, 383-384; - fears the effect of Bajazet’s death on his negotiations, 385; - hears of his death from Ali, _ib._; - makes inquiries of his friends, _ib._; - his precautions in concluding peace, 387; - his presents from Ali, 388-389; - starts for home, 390; - a good walker, 391; - recovers his appetite, _ib._; - his application to Ibrahim, 395; - reaches Buda, 396; - visits the Pasha, _ib._; - reaches Gran and Vienna, 397; - informs Ferdinand of his arrival, _ib._; - is graciously received by him, 398; - longs for home, 399; - prefers retirement to a court, 399-400; - his high opinion of Hannibal, 408; - books, plants, animals, &c., - brought back by him, 414-417; - sent a physician to Lemnos, 416; - his journey to Paris, ii. 3; - stays at Speyer from illness, _ib._; - his second visit to Spain, 4, _note_; - reaches Paris, 5; - his interviews with Queen Elizabeth, 5-7; - dissatisfied with the dower business, 14; - asks for instructions, _ib._; - his forecast of the future, 15; - his conversation at Kaiserslautern, _ib._; - complains of Paris prices, 19; - intends going to the Netherlands, _ib._; - his interview with Pibrac, 29; - his conversation about the dower with the Bishop of Paris - and others, 33; - asks for credentials, 34; - goes to Lyons and sees the Spanish ambassador, _ib._; - sails to Avignon, 35; - visited by Bishop Montluc at Valence, 36; - his interviews with the King and Queen-Mother, 36, 37; - with the Bishops of Orleans and Limoges, 37; - sees the siege of Livron, 44; - draws up ciphers, 48; - asks for his salary, 50, 58, 93, 112; - hopes Maximilian will pardon his being addressed as ambassador, 50; - asks for instructions and a speedy answer, 51, 52; - intends going to Brussels, 52; - at Brussels, 53; - returns to Paris and delivers Maximilian’s letter to the King, 55; - his audiences of the Queen-Mother, the Queen and the King, 59; - recommends Hugo de Blot as librarian, 73; - asks Maximilian in the Queen’s name to intercede for Montmorency, - 75; - his interview with the Portuguese ambassador, 76; - suggests, if the Queen marries the King of Portugal, the economy - of sending her direct from Paris, 78; - suggests his recall, 83; - asks for new credentials, 84; - also for watches as presents, 84, 93; - which are refused, 115; - his audience of the King, 85; - his interviews with Birague and de Morvilliers, 87; - requested by Maximilian to remain in Paris, 93; - his answer to the Duke of Brunswick’s envoy, 94; - hopes the Queen will not be long in Paris, 97; - his audiences of the King, 106, 107; - is to accompany the Queen as her chief chamberlain, 128; - complains of the non-payment of de Vulcob’s advances, 132; - writes to Governor of Upper Austria, 136; - obliged to go to Blois on the Queen’s business, 141; - his audience of the King, _ib._; - asks for settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, 163, 188, - 200; - his account of the French Fury at Antwerp, 164-168; - asks for St. Hilaire’s discharge, 188; - goes to Blois to condole with the King in the Queen’s name on - Alençon’s death, 230; - fears his despatches will be stopped, 247; - some actually missing, 250; - seldom has opportunity of sending a letter, _ib._; - fears the town where he will be attacked, 255; - calls the Emperor’s attention to the Queen’s position, 256; - his description of Navarre and Parma and their respective armies, - 261-264 - - _Busbecq’s house_ at Constantinople, description of, i. 201-203 - - _Busbecq’s servants_, their first taste of Turkish luxury, i. 84; - wine as good as feather-beds to them, 100; - their practical joke, 124; - quarrel between them and some Janissaries, 295-296; - quarrel of two of them with the Cadi of Pera, 365-368; - scuffle of one with a Janissary, 393 - - _Bussy d’Amboise_, notorious duellist, his end, ii. 191, and _note_ - - - _Cadi_ of Pera, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, and its - consequences, i. 365-368 - - _Caen_, seaport in Normandy, held by the Marquis of Elbœuf, ii. 245 - - _Cæsar._ See _Julius Cæsar_ - - _Calloo_, fort of, near Antwerp, held by Parma, ii. 226 - - _Calvi_, of Genoa, and _Capello_, of Milan, sent out of France on - suspicion of sending money to Parma, ii. 151 - - _Cambrai_, its restoration demanded by the States, ii. 173; - besieged by Parma, 183; - hard pressed, 186; - said to be handed over to the King of France, 195; - Alençon there, 198; - its unsafe state, 202; - reported disturbances there, 203; - origin of reports, 204; - Alençon thinks of selling it to Philip, _ib._; - held by Balagny, 206 and 205, _note_; - King about to take it under his protection, 214; - said to be bequeathed by Alençon to his mother, 222; - a thorn in the side of Artois and Hainault, _ib._; - said to be made to swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, 225; - its restoration to Spain one of the terms demanded by the League, - 246 - - _Camelopard_, dead, dug up and described by Busbecq, i. 128 - - _Camels_, description of, i. 218; - numbers of them in the Sultan’s baggage-train, 219 - - _Campine_, district in the Netherlands, Biron going to the, ii. 162 - - _Cape Sheep_, i. 138, and _note_ - - _Capello._ See _Calvi_ - - _Caravanserai_, description of a, i. 97 - - _Carestran_, the meeting-place between Bajazet and his father, i. 187 - - _Cardona_, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, manages to get left at Chios, - i. 323; - is ransomed by his brother-in-law, with Busbecq’s help, 325 - - _Casimir_, John, son of the Elector Palatine, sketch of him, ii. 15, - _note_; - king undertakes to pay him 500,000 francs, 127; - his covenant for mutual defence with Condé, _ib._; - sends one of his officers to Elizabeth, 130; - will not hear of a truce, 131; - sends to Queen of England about the Cologne business, 184; - application to him suggested in congress of Middelburg, 202 - - _Castella_, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, his gallant conduct, i. 320 - - _Cat_, the, preferred by Turks to the dog, i. 225; - Mahomet’s, _ib._ - - _Cateau Cambrésis_, treaty of, Turks indignant at, i. 369 - - _Cateau Cambrésis_, town of, taken by Parma, ii. 157; - annoyance caused by its garrison, 162; - Biron’s attempt on it repulsed by Parma, 202 - - _Cathay_, or China, account of, given by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 359-362 - - _Catherine de Medici_, Queen of France, waits for her son at Lyons, - ii. 7; - offended at Pibrac’s advice, 10; - supposed to favour war in order to keep her power, 11, 50; - threatens execution of Montmorency, if his brothers invade France, - 16; - grants Busbecq an audience, 36; - her power over the King, 37; - given good advice by Maximilian, 38; - her illness from walking in a procession at night, 45; - fancies she sees the Cardinal’s ghost, 46, and _note_; - offers the Queen her services, 55; - her unpopularity, 57; - her regard for Maximilian, 59; - tries to keep Alençon quiet, 95; - follows him, 102; - interview between them, 103; - regrets she cannot bid Elizabeth farewell, 122; - concludes a six months’ truce with Alençon, 126; - intends visiting certain towns to persuade them to admit him, 127; - invested with the government in the King’s absence, 145, 183; - grants Don Antonio an audience, 161; - her claims on Portugal, _ib._ and _note_; - her exclamation on hearing of the French Fury, 167; - intends visiting Alençon, 180; - indignant at his folly, 181; - disgusted at the King’s neglect of his duties, 182; - rebukes his confessor, _ib._; - Alençon puts off her visit, _ib._; - goes to Boulogne to see him, 184; - meets him at La Fère, 185; - incensed with her daughter for her conduct, 193; - returns to La Fère, 194; - goes to Alençon at Château Thierry, 202; - and then to Laon, _ib._; - returns to Paris, 203; - again goes to Alençon, 209; - visited by him, 213; - her advice to him, _ib._; - visits him, 217; - said to be sick with grief, 218; - her grief for Alençon genuine, 221; - importuned by Netherland ambassadors, 224; - strongly supports their appeal to the King, 225; - resolved to keep Cambrai, 228; - goes to the Loire, _ib._; - her hatred of Spain, 235; - her answer to the Netherland ambassadors, 237; - with the Duke of Guise, 246 - - _Cavasses_, nature of their office, i. 85, 201; - Busbecq’s cavasse induces the Pashas to confine him in his old - quarters, 201; - their general behaviour to Busbecq, 258; - rudeness of one, and Busbecq’s retaliation, 259-260; - one tries to prevent Busbecq seeing the Sultan’s departure, 281; - Busbecq retorts on him, 287; - Busbecq’s argument with his cavasse on predestination, 383-384. - - _Champagny_, M. de, brother of Cardinal Granvelle, in danger at Ghent - on account of alleged conspiracy ii. 209 - - _Chanvallon_, M. de, former favourite of Alençon, and lover of the - Queen of Navarre, flies to Germany, ii. 193; - his manners and appearance, _ib._ - - _Charité_, La, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120 - - _Charlemagne_, the Emperor, dispersed the Saxons, i. 359; - House of Guise said to be descended from him, ii. 238 - - _Charles V._, the Emperor, his truce with the Turks, i. 78; - Turkish recollection of his victories, 318; - standard with his arms rescued by Busbecq, 322-323; - etiquette at his court, ii. 159-160 - - _Charles IX._, King of France, questions as to his leaving a will, - ii. 33; - had appointed his brother Henry his Lieutenant, 104 - - _Charlotte de Bourbon_, daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, - her marriage with the Prince of Orange, ii. 66, and _note_; - her death, 142 - - _Chartres_, attempt on town of, ii. 98; - Nevers’ head-quarters, 102; - said to have gone over to Navarre, 255 - - _Chattes_, M. de, a Knight of Malta, commanding Don Antonio’s fleet, - ii. 188 - - _Chederle_, fabulous hero identified by the Turks with St. George, - legend of, i. 148-150 - - _Chios_, tame partridges from, i. 212; - how reared, 213; - its Genoese inhabitants, and its form of government, 323, - and _note_; - Spanish officers left there, _ib._ - - _Cicero_, his statements as to the _pinna_ and _pinna-guard_ referred - to, i. 339 - - _Ciphers_, Pashas puzzled by supposed, i. 233; - Busbecq draws some up, ii. 48 - - _Claudius_, the Emperor, the story of his murder alluded to, i. 172 - - _Clervant_, M. de, Huguenot leader, taken prisoner, ii. 104, and _note_ - - _Cocq_, Jerome de, Busbecq asks his salary to be paid to, ii. 50 - - _Codignac_, M. de, French Ambassador at Constantinople, his quarrel - with his successor, i. 370 - - _Coins_, ancient, found by Busbecq, i. 94, 139, 141 - - _Colchians._ See _Mingrelians_ - - _Cologne_, disturbances at, ii. 162, and _note_; - King hopes to profit by them, 185 - - _Compiègne_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Condé_, Prince de, expected to take the field, ii. 32; - messenger from him at Avignon, 41; - some wish him sent to Hungary against the Turk, 49; - likely to invade France, 68; - terms of peace to be referred to him, 70; - suggestion that he should go to assist Orange, 72; - said to be coming with an army, 88; - Mezières appointed as his residence, 127; - his covenant for mutual defence with Casimir, _ib._; - will not hear of a truce, 131; - spoken of for the command in the Netherlands, 233; - marriage reported between him and Navarre’s sister, _ib._; - report of a bull declaring him disqualified to succeed to the - throne, 243, 249; - marches on Angers, but fails in his enterprise, 248 - - _Constantinople_, description of, and its antiquities, &c., i. 122-127; - the Sultan’s sons not allowed to enter, 187; - entry of Turkish fleet into, 321 - - _Cossé_, Maréchal de, imprisoned in the Bastile, ii. 8; - sketch of him, _ib._, _note_; - his illness, 19; - will probably go with Montmorency to Alençon, 105 - - _Crane_, story of a Balearic, i. 207 - - _Cratevas_, a Greek herbalist, fragments of, in Busbecq’s MS. of - Dioscorides, i. 417, and _note_ - - - _Dadian_, King of the Mingrelians, his appearance and character, - i. 245; - his capture and escape, 246-247; - his presents to Solyman, 251-252 - - _Dalmatian_ horseman, his objection to fire-arms, i. 241-242 - - _Damville_, Comte de, afterwards Duc de Montmorency, sketch of him, - ii. 11, _note_; - summoned by the King, _ib._; - said to have caused Montpellier to revolt, 22; - to have made an attempt on Avignon, 23; - prepares to defend himself, 32; - carries war through Languedoc and Guienne, 56; - report of his death, 68, and _note_; - terms of peace to be referred to him, 70; - comes to life again, 77; - King wishes to deprive him of his government, 187; - intended campaign against him, 214; - pronounced contumacious by the Parliament, _ib._; - campaign given up, 218; - said to be appointed Constable of France by Navarre, 255. - - _Dantzic_, amber merchant of, at Constantinople, i. 257 - - _Dauphin_, the Prince. See _Montpensier_ - - _Delegates_ from the rebels expected in Paris, and their demands, - ii. 57, 60; - sent back with the King’s answer, 60 - - _Dendermonde_, Alençon withdraws thither, ii. 168; - attacked by Parma, 226 - - _Denmark_, King of, application to the, suggested in Congress of - Middelburg, ii. 202; - his eldest daughter married to King James of Scotland, 258 - - _Derby_, Earl of, comes to Paris as the bearer of the Order of the - Garter from Queen Elizabeth to the King, ii. 234; - his magnificent reception, 237; - his departure, _ib._ - - _Diest_, town belonging to Prince of Orange, blockaded by Parma, - ii. 157; - surrenders to him, 162; - recovered by him, 183 - - _Dietrichstein_, Adam von, Austrian Baron, i. 325, _note_; - ransoms his brother-in-law, _ib._ - - _Dijon_, the Pope’s legate summons people of Langres to, ii. 257; - transfers their bishopric to, _ib._ - - _Dioscorides_, famous MS. of, found by Busbecq at Constantinople, - i. 417, and _note_ - - _Divan_, custom of entertaining ambassadors on leaving in the, - i. 159, 387; - meaning of the word, 197; - Busbecq and his colleagues summoned thither, _ib._; - scene there, 232-234; - de Sandé brought before, 325; - debate there as to whether Busbecq should be allowed to bring wine - into Constantinople, 332 - - _Divorce_, Turkish laws about, i. 230 - - _Dixmude_, hard pressed, ii. 194 - - _Djerbé_, account of the Spanish defeat at, i. 317, _note_, and 317-321 - - _Dodona_, the oak of, alluded to, i. 272 - - _Dorothea_, sister of the Duke of Lorraine, her marriage, ii. 124, 129 - - _Dower_, the Queen’s, Duchy of Berry said to be assigned as, ii. 20; - further reports about it, 26; - Pibrac’s statement about it, 30; - impossible to get the whole charged on Crown Lands, 53, 56; - two proposals as to settlement thereof, 85; - valuation made of property assigned for it, 108; - final arrangement about it, 109 - - _Duck_, species of, whose cry was like a post horn, i. 139 - - _Duel_, a, in France, ii. 188-191 - - _Duelling_, Turkish opinion about, i. 244 - - - _Earthquake_, at Adrianople, i. 200; - at Constantinople, _ib._ - - _Egmont_, Count, Louise de Vaudemont his niece, ii. 51; - his brother compromised by Salceda’s evidence, 154 - - _Egypt_, eggs artificially hatched in, i. 214; - disaffected to the Turks, 273 - - _Elbœuf_, Marquis of, cousin of the Duke of Guise, one of the leaders - of the League, ii. 241; - seizes Caen, 245 - - _Elephant_, that danced and played ball, i. 128 - - _Elizabeth_, Queen of England, peace renewed between her and France, - ii. 60; - anecdote of her, 61; - said to have sent Alençon money, 143; - conspiracy against her, 212; - sends the Garter to the King, 235; - reported attempt on her life, 240; - offers the King 6,000 horse, 246; - fresh conspiracy against her, 247; - openly takes Holland and Zealand under her protection, 251 - - _Elizabeth_, daughter of Maximilian, widow of Charles IX., sends her - carriages for Busbecq, ii. 5; - her proposed marriage to Henry III., 6; - the general topic of conversation, 11; - her uncomfortable position in Paris, 14; - difficulties about her dower, _ib._; - her illness apprehended, 22; - her recovery, 24; - questions as to her future arrangements, 25; - report of her marriage to Henry III. discredited, 27; - her health, 29; - marriage with King of Portugal talked of, 30, 77; - arrangements as to her establishment and return, 31, 32; - wishes Busbecq to go to the King, 33; - her escort home, 47; - consults Busbecq as to her conduct to the new Queen, 51; - shows him the Queen-Mother’s letter, _ib._; - suggested for the governorship of the Netherlands, 54; - how her current expenses are to be provided, _ib._; - intends going to Amboise after Easter, 58; - anxious to see her daughter, but prevented by want of funds, 64; - no money to pay her servants, 65; - her position intolerable, 67; - longs to return and also to see her daughter, 78; - her poverty, _ib._; - her illness caused by anxiety, 79; - arrangements about her journey, 84, 115, 119, 123; - the municipality of Paris inclined to defray her expenses, 91; - requires money, 92; - receives proposal from Duke Eric of Brunswick, 94; - starts for Amboise, 96; - arrives there, 97; - the date of her departure, 109; - questions about her route, 110-111; - her anxiety to leave, 113; - sends Orleans wine to her father, 124; - starts from Paris, 128; - arrives at Nancy, 129; - present at the Duke of Brunswick’s wedding, _ib._; - sends courier to Madame d’Aremberg, 130; - arrives at Bâle, Augsburg, and Munich, 133, 134; - whether her route is to be by land or water, 133; - her health, 135; anxious to reach her father, 136; - her life and character, _ib._ _note_; - business relating to her, 141; - her rights disregarded, 172; - curtailment of her income from the troubles in France probable, - 256 - - _Elizabeth_, daughter of the preceding, probably will not be allowed - to leave France, ii. 56; - is delicate, 58; - description of her, 97, and _note_ - - _Elkass_ Mirza, assisted by Solyman against his brother, Shah Tahmasp, - i. 301 - - _Endhoven_, town in Brabant, capitulates, ii. 182 - - _English_ ambassador suspected of intriguing with Alençon, ii. 99-100.; - See also _Derby_, Earl of - - _Epernon_, Duke of, favourite of the King, applies for governorship - of Brittany, ii. 172; - King wishes the Duke of Lorraine to give him his daughter, 176; - description of him, 177; - King wishes to make him governor of Metz, 184; - Alençon advised to secure his interest, 213; - escorts Alençon on his departure, 214; - sent to the King of Navarre, 220; - honourably received by him, 223; - ill of scrofula, 230; - his reported marriage to Navarre’s sister, 242; - finds out where his hat is, 246; - sent to his command at Metz, 251 - - _Eric_, Duke of Brunswick, proposes for Elizabeth, ii. 94, and _note_; - reported preparations for his marriage to Dorothea, the Duke of - Lorraine’s sister, 124; - his wedding, 129 - - _Ernest_, the Archduke, suspected of being concerned in the affair - of Antwerp, ii. 168; - Philip II.’s daughter said to be betrothed to him, _ib._ - - _Erzeroum_, the Pasha of, how deceived by Bajazet, i. 304-305; - afterwards put to death by Selim, 305 - - _Espinoy_, Prince of, accompanies the Netherland ambassadors to France, - ii. 234 - - _Essek_, town of, famous battle there, i. 166 - - _Este_, the Cardinal of, applies for the honour of escorting the Queen, - ii. 55, and _note_; - accompanies her to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; - appointed to escort her, 126; - returns to Paris on account of plot to waylay him, 130 - - _Estrées_, d’, family of, banished from Court, ii. 13 - - _Etampes_, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. 252 - - _Eunuchs_ of Solyman’s bed-chamber, the chief of the, procures Pialé - Pasha’s pardon, i. 324; - de Sandé recalled at his wish, 326. - See also _Hassan_ Aga - - _Evreux_, town of, threatened by Navarre, ii, 258 - - - _Fast_, the Turkish, how kept, i. 290-291 - - _Ferdinand_, King of Hungary and Bohemia, King of the Romans - and afterwards Emperor, summons Busbecq to Vienna, i. 77; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 78; - sends Malvezzi to the Porte, _ib._; - recovers Transylvania, 79; - sends Zay and Wranczy to the Porte, 80; - engaged at the Imperial Diet, 172; - sends Busbecq back to Constantinople, 175; - his bounty to Busbecq, 344; - at Frankfort, 397; - receives Busbecq graciously, 398; - panegyric on him, 401-414; - his Fabian tactics, 409; - his difficulties, 411 - - _Ferdinand_, the Archduke, sees Busbecq at Vienna, i. 171-172; - commands at the relief of Szigeth, 237; - honour he thereby acquired, 239; - declines to give Ibrahim an audience except _incognito_, 398 - - _Ferrara_, the Duke of, a candidate for the Polish crown, ii. 43 - - _Ferrier_, M. de, formerly Ambassador at Venice, sent by the King to - the King of Navarre, ii. 182 - - _Fervaques_, officer of Alençon, said to be the suggester of the French - Fury, ii. 169; - a prisoner, _ib._; - his execution demanded by the Antwerp citizens, 175; - presented by Alençon with an abbacy, 181; - attempt to assassinate him, 209 - - _Fiesco_, the Comte de, account of him, ii. 26, and _note_; - mentioned 33; - refuses to leave the Queen’s service, 52 - - _Fire-arms_, objection of the Turks to, i. 242-243 - - _Flagellants_, guilds of, ii. 45; - new guild of, instituted by the King, 179; - punishment of footmen who mocked, 180 - - _Flushing_, town of, bought by Orange, ii. 183 - - _Foix_, François de, Comte de Candale and Bishop of Aire, dedicates a - translation of Hermes Trismegistus to Maximilian, ii. 17, and _note_ - - _Fontenay_, town in Poitou, besieged, ii. 10; - taken, 12 - - _Forez_, county of Le, the Queen’s dower partly charged on, ii. 109 - - _France_, M. de, the Queen’s first steward, ii. 33 - - _France_, state of, ii. 38-42, 48-50, 67-68, 70-73, 77, 87-89; - no money but French or Spanish allowed in, 151; - dreadful weather in, 163; - on the brink of war, 241 - - _Francis I._, influences the Sorbonne to decide in Henry VIII.’s favour, - ii. 27 - - _Franciscan friar_, story of a, i. 340 - - _Frederic III._, Emperor, his alliance with the House of Portugal, - ii. 77, and _note_ - - _Frederic III._, Elector Palatine, his reception of Henry III., - ii. 15 _note_ - - _Fregosi_, a great Genoese family, ii. 89, and _note_ - - _French gentlemen_, their characters, ii. 72, 92 - - _Fünfkirchen_, Bishop of, defeated by Ali Pasha, i. 236 - - - _Gannat_, town in the Bourbonnais, added to the Queen’s dower, ii. 109 - - _Gaston_, Don. See _Medina-Celi_, Duke of. - - _Genoa_, a safety-valve for restless Frenchmen, ii. 89 - - _George, St._, identified by the Turks with their hero, Chederle, - i. 148; - how painted by the Greeks, 150; - greatly venerated by the Mingrelians, 251 - - _Georgians_, their prudent answer when asked to attack the Shah, i. 377 - - _Germain, St., en Laye_, King at, ii. 211; - reforms of assembly at, _ib._; - King returns thither, 230 - - _German_ reiters, report that 2,000 are coming to join Damville, - ii. 96; - defeated by Guise, 104; - more reported to be coming, 110, 113, 119; - said to have crossed the Rhine, 127; - scouring the country, 129; - seen from the ramparts of Nancy, 131; - 1,500 hired by Alençon, near Cambrai, 143; - Navarre said to be hiring, 212; - rumours of some being brought to France, 239; - much dreaded in France, 249 - - _Ghent_, battle before, ii. 148; - alleged conspiracy detected there, 209; - Parma’s envoys courteously received there, 217; - said to have come to terms with him, 219; - admits the troops of Orange, 222; - submits to Parma, 229 - - _Ghourebas_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, - and _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - _Gienger_, Cosmo, governor of Upper Austria, ii. 138, and _note_ - - _Gilles_, or _Gyllius_, Peter, French traveller, referred to, i. 132, - and _note_ - - _Goatsucker_, cruel treatment of a, by a Venetian goldsmith, i. 226, - and _note_ - - _Goigny_, Seigneur de, officer of King of Spain, seen at Cambrai, - ii. 204 - - _Goldfinches_, tricks of trained, i. 228 - - _Goldsmith_, story of a Venetian goldsmith and a bird, i. 226 - - _Goths_ remaining in the Crimea, i. 355-359, and 355 _note_; - vocabulary of their language, 357-359 - - _Gotzen_, Dr. Joachim, sent by Duke Eric of Brunswick to propose for - the Queen, ii. 94 - - _Gran_, city of, description of, i. 83; - surprised by the Imperial troops, 239 - - _Grapes_, Turkish mode of preserving, i. 147-148 - - _Greeks_, their superstitions about unclean food, i. 124; - test Solyman’s prohibition of wine, 332-333 - - _Guadagni_, an Italian in the French service, seneschal of Lyons, - ii. 40; - sent to Maximilian, 31; - his statement to him, 47 - - _Guast_, Louis du, one of the King’s favourites, his murder, ii. 116. - and _note_; - his quarrel with Thoré, 117; - his splendid mode of life, 118; - debts left by him, 119 - - _Guise_, Henry, Duke of, le Balafré, hostile to Alençon, ii. 95; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; - appointed the King’s Lieutenant, 98; - defeats the German reiters, 104; - wounded, 105; - his triumphal return to Paris, 121; - offers to go to Alençon’s rescue, 167; - one of the leaders of the League, 241; - declares he is simply a private gentleman fighting for the League, - 246; - takes Verdun, 247 - - _Guise_, the young Duke of, a prisoner, ii. 253, and _note_ - - _Guise_, House of, its position, ii. 40; - its hereditary feuds with House of Navarre, 176-177; - sets the League on foot, 238; - its claims to the throne, _ib._; - understanding with the Pope and the King of Spain, 239; - prepares for a campaign, 241; - its reasons for offence, 242 - - _Guises_, their party striving to make themselves masters of France, - ii. 224 - - _Güns_, town in Styria, taken by Solyman, i. 409 - - - _Halys_ (Kizil Irmak), the river, fishing in, i. 145 - - _Harrach_, Rodolph von, a minister of Ferdinand’s, i. 412 - - _Hassan_ Aga, chief of the eunuchs of the bed-chamber, sent as - ambassador to Persia, i. 380; - and again as Bajazet’s executioner, 381 - - _Havre de Grâce_, likely to surrender to Navarre, ii. 255 - - _Hawking_, Solyman’s taste for it, i. 198 - - _Hebrus_, or Maritza, the river, i. 106, 107 - - _Henry_, one of Busbecq’s servants, his quarrel with the Janissary - of Tolna, i. 392-396; - does not take de Sandé’s remonstrance in good part, 394 - - _Henry VIII._, King of England, decision of the Sorbonne on the - validity of his marriage, ii. 27, and _note_ - - _Henry III._, King of France, his obligations to Maximilian, ii, 6, - _note_; - expected at Lyons, 7; - hires Swiss and other troops, 8; - arrives at Lyons, 9; - resolves to continue the war, 12; - and begins it with a light heart, 13; - offers an amnesty, _ib._; - cedes certain towns to the Duke of Savoy, _ib._; - his reception by the Elector Palatine, 15, _note_; - his return to Paris uncertain, 20; - publishes a second edict, 23; - report of his marriage to his brother’s widow discredited and why, - 27; - likely to go to Avignon, 28; - said to have fallen in love with Louise de Vaudemont, 32; - gives Busbecq an audience, 36, 55, 59, 85, 106, 107; - under his mother’s influence, 37; - sets out for Rheims, 38; - his character, 43; - wishes to keep Poland for one of his children, _ib._; - at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, 46; - orders his ambassador at Constantinople to support Maximilian’s - interests, 49, and _note_; - about to marry Louise de Vaudemont, 51; - his unpopularity 57; - gives away all Damville’s offices, 69; - cannot digest the rebel demands, 70; - suffering from influenza, 74; - raises fresh cavalry, 81; - promises an escort for Elizabeth, 84, 86; - his goodwill to Maximilian, 86; - hopes Montmorency is innocent, _ib._; - convenes a mock States-General, 87; - orders the crops in Languedoc to be burnt, 88; - his amusements, 91; - wishes to keep Poland, 92; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; - his military preparations, 97; - appoints Guise his lieutenant, 98; - orders the ambassadors to move into Paris, 100; - sends Nevers in pursuit of Alençon, 102; - his remarks on Alençon’s conduct, 107; - his interference in the quarrel between du Guast and Thoré, 118; - regrets the Queen’s departure, 123; - sends Maximilian a present of grey-hounds and lime-hounds, 124; - undertakes to pay Casimir and his troops 500,000 francs, 127; - pledges jewels to Duke of Lorraine, _ib._; - his unwilling consent to the truce, 128; - disclaims all responsibility for Alençon, 141; - goes to Lyons, 145; - his fondness for pilgrimages, 145, 156, and _note_; - goes to Bourbon-les-Bains, 149; - more favourable to Alençon’s enterprise, 150; - witnesses Salceda’s execution, 153; - his interview with him, 154; - his reply to the Spanish ambassador, 155; - makes a pilgrimage to Nôtre Dame de Liesse, 156; - commands the Bretons to build fifty galleys, _ib._; - orders money to be paid to Alençon, _ib._; - expected in Paris, 158; - sends commissioners through France, _ib._; - who returned without success, 172; - his financial expedients, 160; - his extravagance, 172, 178; - his conduct unfavourably criticised, 173; - moves troops to the frontier, _ib._; - presses the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter to Epernon, - 176; - his affection for Joyeuse and Epernon, 178; - institutes a new order of Flagellants, 179; - orders footmen who mimicked the Flagellants to be whipped, 180; - his devotion to religious observances, 182; - sends M. de Ferrier to the King of Navarre, _ib._; - going to Foullenbraye to drink the Spa waters, 183; - in bad health, _ib._; - urged by the Pope to accept and publish the decrees of the Council - of Trent, 184; - wishes to make Epernon governor of Metz, _ib._; - hopes to profit by the troubles at Cologne, 185; - will go to Lyons, _ib._; - sends a courier with an autograph letter to Joyeuse, 187; - hurries back to Paris, _ib._; - going to Lyons, _ib._; - his outbreak against his sister, 192; - writes to Navarre accusing her, 193; - sets out for Lyons to meet Joyeuse, 194; - his demands from the Pope through Joyeuse, 197; - refused, 198; - goes to Saint-Germain en Laye on account of the plague, 201; - his financial difficulties, _ib._; - not sorry for Alençon’s absence, 203; - regrets his outburst against his sister, _ib._; - said to have written to Alençon cautioning him, 205; - holding assemblies at Saint-Germain, 206; - attempts to enforce his sumptuary laws about dress, 207; - intends to reform, 210; - in retirement at Saint-Germain, 211; - returns to Paris, 213; - meets Alençon, _ib._; - going to take Cambrai under his protection, 214; - resolved to make Joyeuse’s father governor of Languedoc, _ib._; - his attack on the Prior of Champagne, 215-216, and _note_; - gives up his campaign against Damville, 218; - estranged from his wife, 219; - said to be thinking of a divorce, 220; - sends Epernon to Aquitaine, _ib._; - intends going to Lyons, _ib._; - wears black mourning for Alençon, 221; - goes to Lyons, 224; - asks Navarre to come to him, offering to make him - Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, _ib._; - returns from Lyons, 227; - building a church for himself and his penitents, _ib._; - his campaign against vice, _ib._; - goes to the Loire, 228; - is driven away from Blois by the plague and returns to - Saint-Germain, 230; - has a chance of trying his power of healing scrofula, 231; - undecided as to assisting the Netherlanders, 232; - grants their ambassadors a private audience, 234; - invested with the Garter, 235; - reluctant to take up the cause of the Netherlands, _ib._; - distressed at attempt to assassinate Navarre, 236; - his final answer to the Netherland ambassadors, 237; - suspected of secretly approving of the Guises’ plans, 240; - neglects the Duke of Bouillon’s warning, 241; - difficulties of his position, 244; - sends deputies in vain, 246; - on condition of receiving 100,000 crowns a month from the clergy, - orders the Huguenots to leave France within fifteen days, - 247-248, and _note_; - recalls his army, 248; - sequestrates Navarre’s property, 249; - resolves not to let a Huguenot remain in France, 250; - sends some Huguenot women to England under his safe conduct, - _ib._; - given up to his devotions and living like a hermit, _ib._; - Parliament removed to Tours by him, 256 - - _Henry_, King of Navarre and Duke of Vendôme, afterwards King of - France, his position and family, ii. 7, _note_; - waits at Lyons for the King, 7; - attends the Cardinal of Lorraine’s funeral, 46; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; - receives his wife courteously, 203; - demands her punishment if guilty, otherwise that of her accusers, - 204; - said to have sent to Germany to hire reiters, 212; - given the duchy of Alençon, 222; - receives Epernon honourably, 223; - well qualified to lead an army to the Netherlands, 233; - likely to give his sister to Condé, _ib._; - attempt to assassinate him, 235-236, and _note_; - his accession dreaded by the Guises, 238; - on his guard, 240; - reported Bull declaring him disqualified for the throne, 243, - and _note_; - offers assistance to the King, 246; - Bull declaring him and Condé disqualified to succeed, 249, - and _note_; - his property sequestrated by the king, _ib._; - attacks the faubourgs of Paris, 251; - retreats after offering battle, 252; - retakes Etampes, _ib._; - his plans for the winter, 253; - takes Vendôme and Le Mans, 254; - his reported coronation, _ib._; - his declaration about religion, 255; - said to have made Montmorency Constable, _ib._; - convenes the States-General at Tours, 257; - attacks Evreux, 258; - summons Rouen, 259; - besieges Paris, _ib._; - Cardinal de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons sent to him, 260; - threatens to break off negotiations, 261; - places his cannon at St. Denis, _ib._; - contrasted as a general with Parma and comparison of their armies, - 262-264 - - _Hermes Trismegistus_, reputed work of, translated by François de Foix, - ii. 18, and _note_ - - _Heydons_, kind of banditti, i. 92; - Busbecq escapes an attack from them, 167; - their insolence inveighed against by Solyman, 390 - - _Hilaire, St._, French cadet in Rodolph’s service, his discharge - requested, ii. 188 - - _Horses_, Busbecq’s, i. 214; - account of Turkish, how they are reared, trained, &c., 215-217 - - _Humayoum_, Mogul Emperor of Delhi, i. 299, and _note_ - - _Hungarian_ nobles, certain, go over from the Voivode to Ferdinand, - i. 386 - - _Hungary_, its great fertility, i. 165; - events there, 236-242 - - _Hyena_, account of the, i. 140; - used for love-charms, _ib._; - story about it, 141 - - - _Ibrahim_ Pasha, a eunuch, governor of Constantinople, i. 111; - sent to Ghemlik to execute Mustapha’s son, 120-121; - his escape from the women of Ghemlik, 122 - - _Ibrahim_, the interpreter, a Polish renegade, his notion of a cipher, - i. 233; - disgraced by Lavigne’s and restored by Busbecq’s influence, 370; - his gratitude, _ib._; - encourages Busbecq to ask for de Sandé’s release, 372; - appointed to go to the Emperor with Busbecq, 387; - rates the Janissary of Tolna for his conduct, 395; - is to go to Frankfort, 398; - wishes to visit the Archduke Ferdinand, _ib._; - witnesses the coronation, has an audience of the Emperor, and is - sent home, 399 - - _Ilsing_, ii. 64, _note_; - notice of the Queen’s departure to be given to him, 120; - notice sent to him, 124 - - _Imaret_, Turkish word for hostel, i. 110 - - _Imbize_, accuses nobles at Ghent of conspiracy against the authorities - of the city, ii. 209, and _note_ - - _Imeritians_, a Georgian tribe, i. 246; - their feuds with the Mingrelians 246-247 - - _Isabella_, widow of John Zapolya, returns to Transylvania, i. 236 - - _Ismael_, son of Shah Tahmasp, a deadly enemy of the Turks, i. 300-301 - - _Italian merchants_ of Pisa, their charity to the Spanish prisoners, - i. 330 - - _Italian-Greek_, his reasons for refusing to help the prisoners, i. 330 - - _Italian renegadoes_, i. 294-296 - - _Italians_, strong feeling in France against Italians in the French - service, ii. 39-40 - - - _Jackals_, i. 135 - - _Jagodin_, Servian village, Busbecq sees a Servian funeral there, i. 95 - - _James_, King of Scotland, said to be a prisoner, ii. 148; - said to be about to attack England, and also to marry a Spanish - princess, _ib._; - marries daughter of the King of Denmark, 258 - - _Janissaries_, account of the i. 86-87, and _note_; - a few stationed in each town as police, 86, 392; - employed as firemen, 151; - suspected of incendiarism, _ib._; - how Busbecq put his escort of Janissaries in good humour, 199; - their tents, 222; - their equipment and mode of fighting, 223; - help Busbecq to get out, 282; - procession of, 285; - defend their conduct against Busbecq’s cavasse, 287; - frugal dinner of one, 289; - their punishments, 293; - quarrel of some with Busbecq’s servants, 295-296; - how they are regarded by the Sultan, 296; - entitled to the Sultan’s dinner on the day of Bairam, 304. - - _Janissary stationed at Tolna_, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, - i. 392-396 - - _Jehangir_, Solyman’s youngest son, his appearance, character, - and death, i. 178-179 - - _Jews_, Busbecq finds himself in a house full of, i. 282; - two sent by Janissary of Tolna to Busbecq, 395 - - _Jorneton_, mentioned, ii. 74 - - _Joyeuse_, account of the Duke of, a favourite of the King, - ii. 177-178; - his pilgrimage to Loreto, and visit to the Pope, 185; - given the governorship of Normandy, 188; - his instructions on going to Italy, 197; - Alençon advised to secure his interest, 213; - escorts Alençon in his departure, 214; - King wishes to make his father governor of Languedoc, _ib._; - his quarrel with the Duc de Mercœur, 219; - its origin, 220, 245; - marches to recover places seized by the Duc d’Aumale, 245 - - _Juliers_, Duke of, at the coronation at Frankfort, i. 399, and _note_ - - _Julius Cæsar_, his opinion of his soldiers, i. 223; - his intention in mounting the tenth legion, 224; - his despatch of _Veni, vidi, vici_, 408 - - _Junius_, secretary to the late Elector Palatine, sent by the States - to Alençon, ii. 198, and _note_ - - _Juppenbier_ (spruce beer), a barrel of, presented to Busbecq, and its - effect on his guests, i. 257-258 - - - _Kanûns_, or Turkish Domesday Book, i. 142, and _note_ - - _Katzianer_, Austrian General, his defeat alluded to, i. 166 - - _Kevi_, Island in the Danube, i. 167 - - _Khodja_, story of a, at a Pasha’s table, i. 377-378 - - _Khuen_, Don Rodolph, Master of Horse to Maximilian, Busbecq asks his - salary to be paid to him, ii. 58, and _note_ - - _Kinsky_, John, his business with Schomberg, ii. 112, 125 - - _Kites_, the scavengers of Constantinople, i. 212; - Busbecq shoots, _ib._ - - _Kizilbash_, name given by Turks to the Shah, i. 219 - - _Koniah_, the ancient Iconium, Selim ordered to, i. 267; - its strategic importance, 273; - Selim posts himself there, 274; - battle of, 278-279 - - _Koran_, any Christian sitting on a, punished with death, i. 111; - copy of the, presented to the Sultan by the Persian Ambassador, - 157, 375 - - _Kurds_, their origin, i. 275, and _note_; - body of, hired by Bajazet, 274; - their sham fight, 275 - - - _Langres_, Guise raises troops near, ii. 98; - bishopric of, removed to Dijon, 257 - - _Languedoc_ and _Guienne_, the chief Huguenot region, ii. 41; - the crops in, ordered to be burnt, 88 - - _Lansac_, de, seizes Blaye, ii. 245, and _note_ - - _La Noue_, Huguenot leader, account of him, ii. 21, _note_; - at Rochelle, 21; - a prisoner, 155, and _note_; - attempts to surprise Paris, 252, _note_; - with Navarre before Paris, 262 - - _Laon_, Alençon goes there, ii. 202 - - _Lasso de Castilla_, Don Pedro, Ambassador of Ferdinand at the marriage - of Philip and Mary, urges Busbecq to hasten to Vienna, i. 77, and - _note_ - - _Laval_, the Comte de, son of d’Andelot, and nephew of Coligny, goes - to the Netherlands, ii. 147, and _note_; - Orange intends giving him his daughter, 179; - to be governor of Antwerp, _ib._ - - _Lavigne_, the French Ambassador, procures the release of the Venetian - prisoners, i. 353; - had formerly calumniated Busbecq, _ib._; - dreaded by Roostem on account of his bluntness, 354; - story of an interview between them, _ib._; - hates Ibrahim the interpreter, and procures his disgrace, 370; - his quarrel with de Codignac, _ib._ - - _Lazarus_, an Albanian chief, recaptured after escaping, and impaled, - i. 131-132 - - _Legate_, from the Pope (Cardinal Caietano), summons people of Langres - to Dijon, ii. 257; - lays them under an Interdict for refusing to acknowledge - the Cardinal de Bourbon, _ib._; - encourages the Parisians to hold out, 260 - - _Le Mans_, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. 254, 255 - - _Lemnian Earth_, a medicine used by Quacquelben, i. 164; - how procured, 256, and _note_; - Busbecq sends a physician to Lemnos to make inquiries about it, - 416 - - _Lenoncourt_, Cardinal de, said to have crowned Navarre at Tours, - ii. 254, and _note_ - - _Leonora_, sister of Charles V., widow of Francis I., difficulties - about arranging the settlement of her dower, ii. 53, 83 - - _Leyden_, reports about the siege of, ii. 4 - - _Leyva_, Don Sancho de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the Neapolitan - galleys, brought prisoner to Constantinople, i. 321; - imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 326; - how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; - hates de Sandé, 373; - asks permission to return by Ragusa and Venice, 390 - - _Lier_, its garrison erect an outpost at the monastery of St. Bernard, - ii. 148 - - _Lillo_, fort near Antwerp, besieged, ii. 224 - - _Limoges_, de l’Aubespine, Bishop of, ii. 37 - - _Listhius_, John, Hungarian noble, Bishop of Wessprim, ii. 73, - and _note_ - - _Livron_, siege of, ii. 44; - turned into a blockade, 46 - - _Livy_, thought Alexander would have been defeated if he had attacked - Rome, i. 408 - - _Lorraine_, Charles, Cardinal de, his illness, death, and character, - ii. 45, and _note_; - his funeral, 46; - blamed as the cause of the war, 50; - formerly absolute master of France, 53 - - _Lorraine_, Cardinal de, brother of the Duke of Guise, one of the - chiefs of the League, ii. 241 - - _Lorraine_, Christina, Duchess Dowager of, her portrait taken for - Henry VIII., ii. 63, _note_; - sends a message to Maximilian, 132 - - _Lorraine_, Duke of, expected in Paris, ii. 63, 70; - at the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, 80; - asked to allow the passage of Spanish troops through Lorraine, 91; - accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; - his conversation with Busbecq at dinner, _ib._; - notice of the Queen’s departure sent to him, 124; - jewels sent by Henry III. to induce him to be security to Casimir, - 127; - comes to meet Elizabeth, 129; - expected in Paris, 158; - arrives, 163; - demands Navarre’s sister for his son, _ib._; - his horror at the notion of giving his daughter to Epernon, 176; - his subterfuges, _ib._ - - _Lorraine_, House of, King devoted to, ii. 32; - its connection with Maximilian, 59, and _note_ - - _Luc, St._, his outrageous behaviour in Alençon’s chamber, ii. 159, - and _note_; - his repartee to Orange, 160 - - _Lusignan_, castle of, account of the, ii. 12, _note_; - its siege expected, _ib._; - commenced, 21; - continues, 28; - raised, 32; - surrenders, 46 - - _Luxembourg_, M. de, mentioned as likely to escort Elizabeth, ii. 126 - - _Lynx_, story of an Assyrian, i. 206 - - _Lyons_, inhabitants of, demolish their citadel, ii. 249 - - _Lyons_, Pierre d’Espinac, Archbishop of, ii. 260, _note_; - sent as ambassador to the Guises, 246; - sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, 260 - - - - _Mahomet_, story of and his cat, i. 225; - why he forbade the use of wine, 292-294 - - _Mahomet II._, Sultan, builder of the castle of Europe on the - Bosphorus, i. 131 - - _Mahomet_, son of Solyman, who died young, i. 178 - - _Malvezzi_, John Maria, former ambassador to the Porte, Busbecq visits - him, i. 78; - his embassy and imprisonment, 79-80; - his death, 81 - - _Mamelukes_, their ancient dominion in Egypt, i. 273, and _note_ - - _Mancup_, town of Goths in the Crimea, i. 356 - - _MSS._, Greek, collected by Busbecq at Constantinople, i. 416-417 - - _Marasch_, the Pasha of, sent as ambassador to Persia, i. 380 - - _Marche, La_, the Queen’s Dower partly charged upon, ii. 109 - - _Marguerite_ de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, catches cold when - walking in procession of Flagellants, ii. 45; - Alençon’s confidante and on bad terms with Henry III. and her - husband, 96; - as yet childless, 176; - assailed by the King, 192; - leaves Paris for Vendôme, _ib._; - King said to intend to imprison her, 193; - declares she and the Queen of Scots are the most unhappy beings - in the world, 194; - joins her husband, 203; - to live apart from him till her case has been investigated, _ib._; - expected to revenge the insult, 204; - said to be reconciled to her husband, 212; - refuses to see Epernon, 223 - - _Marseilles_, attempt to seize, ii. 245 - - _Martigues_, the Vicomte de, his daughter about to marry the Marquis - de Nomeny, ii. 64 - - _Mary_, sister of Henry VIII. and widow of Louis XII., her marriage - with the Duke of Suffolk, ii. 76 - - _Mary_, Queen of England, her marriage, i. 77 - - _Mary_, Queen of Scots, her pension so settled as to be worthless, - ii. 34; - expenses of her return home defrayed by Charles IX., 48; - her whole dower not secured on crown lands, 53; - remark of Marguerite de Valois about her, 194; - in danger for conspiring against Queen Elizabeth, 212 - - _Matarieh_, gardens of, near Cairo, the true balsam grown there, i. 416 - - _Mattioli_, Italian physician and botanist, specimens sent him - by Busbecq, i. 415, and _note_ - - _Maximilian_, King of Bohemia, afterwards King of Hungary and Emperor, - receives Busbecq graciously on his return to Vienna, i. 171; - his election as King of the Romans, 397; - his coronation, 399; - his advice to Henry III., ii. 50; - asked to intercede for Montmorency, 75; - his views as to the settlement of the Dower, 85; - wishes Busbecq to remain in Paris, 93 - - _Mayenne_, the Duke of, accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 96; - likely to escort Elizabeth, 126; - a Leaguer, 241; - hurries to relieve Angers, 248; - his troops in contact with the enemy, 250; - enters Paris, 252; - has large forces embodied but no means to pay them, _ib._; - attacks the fort of Meulan, 258; - arrives at Meaux, 259; - his letters intercepted, 261; - an unlucky general, 262 - - _Medina Celi_, Duke of, commander of the expedition to Djerbé, retires - to citadel and escapes by night, i. 319; - his son Don Gaston a prisoner, 323; - his agents search for Don Gaston unsuccessfully, 324; - Don Gaston probably murdered by Pialé Pasha, _ib._ - - _Medina de Rio Sicco_, Duke of, coming from King of Spain to - congratulate Henry III. on his marriage, ii. 74 - - _Mehemet_ Sokolli Pasha, third of the Vizierial Pashas, afterwards - Grand Vizier, despatched by Solyman to Selim, i. 270; - returns and is sent to Asia, 271; - sent in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; - in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, 378 - - _Melun_, town of, said to have surrendered to Navarre, ii. 255 - - _Menagerie_, Busbecq’s, stories of animals in, i. 204-208 - - _Mendoza_, Don Bernardino de, implicated in conspiracy against Queen - Elizabeth, ii. 212; - ordered to leave England, 213; - arrives in Paris, 216; - appointed Spanish ambassador to France, 230; - induces the Parisians to hold out, 260 - - _Menin_, evacuated, and then plundered and sacked, ii. 194 - - _Meninx_, island of. See _Djerbé_ - - _Mercœur_, Duc de and Marquis de Nomeny, the king’s brother-in-law, - ii. 244, _note_; - his approaching marriage, 64; - his marriage, 80; - accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; - governor of Brittany, 172; - report of his death, _ib._; - untrue, 173; - his quarrel with the Duke of Joyeuse, 219; - its cause, 220; - a Leaguer, 241; - his ingratitude, 244 - - _Méru_, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. 16, _note_ - - _Metrophanes_, the Metropolitan, a friend of Busbecq’s, anxious for a - union between the Greek and Latin churches, i. 341-342 - - _Metz_, great Protestant disturbances at, ii. 251 - - _Meulan_, fort on the Seine, attacked by Mayenne, ii. 258, 259 - - _Mezières_, appointed as Condé’s residence, ii. 127 - - _Michel_, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador, visits Busbecq, ii. 121, - and _note_ - - _Middelburg_, Congress of Netherland States at, ii. 202 - - _Milan_, useful as a training school for French soldiers, ii. 72, - and _note_ - - _Minarets_, serve the purpose of our belfries, i. 291 - - _Mingrelians_, account of the, i. 245-252; - their monarch, 245; - their feuds with the Imeritians, 246 - - _Mirambeau_, brother of Lausac, sent to Alençon, ii. 171; - thinks there is little hope of an arrangement, 173 - - _Mohacz_, battle of, i. 167, 407, and _note_ - - _Mohair_ goat. See _Angora_ goat - - _Mola_, of Augsburg, a courier, ii. 119 - - _Mondragon_, Spanish officer, his projects, ii. 90, and _note_ - - _Montal_, notorious bravo, his end, ii. 190, and _note_ - - _Montbéliard_, Pibrac waylaid near, ii. 62, and _note_ - - _Montbrun_, Vicomte de, Huguenot chieftain, said to be with Damville, - ii. 23; - seizes towns in Dauphiny, 41; - throws reinforcements into Livron, 44; - defeats Swiss in Dauphiny, 78, and _note_; - wounded and taken prisoner, 79-80; - his character, 80, and _note_; - beheaded at Grenoble, 99 - - _Montluc_, Jean de, Bishop of Valence, i. 389, _note_; - ii. 35, and _note_ - - _Montmorency_, Duc de, Marshal of France, his imprisonment in the - Bastille, ii. 8; - account of him, _ib._ _note_; - his execution threatened, 16; - guarded more strictly, 67, 68, and _note_; - better treated, 77; - offers to stand his trial, 86; - considered innocent by Vaudemont, 91; - his release decided on, 103; - sets out to Alençon, 114; - a notable instance of the fickleness of fortune, 115 - - _Montmorency_, Madame de, asks Elizabeth to request Maximilian to - intercede for her son, ii. 75; - contributes to the forced loan, 98 - - _Montpellier_, said to have revolted at Damville’s instigation, ii. 22 - - _Montpensier_, Louis de Bourbon, Duc de, account of, ii. 9, _note_; - besieges Fontenay, 10; - and Lusignan, 21, 32; - his son the Prince Dauphin, 147; - his death, 152 - - _Montpensier_, Duc de, son of the preceding, intends going to the - Netherlands, ii. 147; - in spite of his father’s death, 152; - joins Alençon, 156 - - _Morvilliers_, Jean de, Bishop of Orleans, ii. 37, _note_; - his interview with Busbecq, 87; - arrangement by which Busbecq receives his salary through him, - 93, 112, 122; - contributes to the forced loan, 98 - - _Mufti_, Turkish chief priest, consulted by Solyman, i. 116, 272, 374 - - _Mustapha_, Solyman’s eldest son, his high character and popularity, - i. 113; - summoned to appear before his father, 115; - his execution, 117-118; - his only son shares his fate, 119-122; - many of his retainers join Bajazet, 275 - - _Mustapha_, the Pretender, his first appearance, i. 179; - his story, 181-182; - threatening aspect of his rising, 183; - deserted by his followers, 184; - taken prisoner and executed, 185 - - - _Nanteuil_, fortress of, appointed for the meeting of the Peace - Commissioners, ii. 260 - - _Napellus._ See _Aconite_ - - _Napoli di Romania_, its surrender by the Venetians, i. 261-263 - - _Navarre._ See _Henry IV._ - - _Netherland_ Ambassadors with Alençon, ii. 212; - try to gain the King’s support, 225; - their offers, _ib._; - come with fresh proposals to the King, 231; - granted a private audience, 234; - attend the investiture of the King with the Garter, 235; - return home, 237; - the King’s reply to them, _ib._ - - _Netherlands_, news from the, ii. 4, 90, 195; - dykes opened in the, 205 - - _Nevers_, Louis Gonzaga, Duc de, ii. 82, _note_; - suggestion of placing Elizabeth’s affairs under his protection, - 82; - sent in pursuit of Alençon, 102; - asks for governorship of Brittany, 172; - indignant at being refused, 173; - brings reinforcements to Navarre, 261 - - _Nicæa_ (Isnik), description of, i. 136 - - _Nicomedia_ (Ismid), ruins of, i. 134 - - _Nicopolis_, battle of, i. 407, and _note_ - - _Niort_, town of, given to Alençon, ii. 126 - - _Nissa_ or _Nisch_, town of, i. 96 - - _Nocle_, Beauvois de la, deputy from Condé, ii. 89, and _note_ - - _Nogarola_, Count, Commander of German horse, ii. 44; - returns to Vienna, 58 - - _Nomeny_, Marquis de. See _Mercœur_, Duc de - - _Northumberland_, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen - Elizabeth, ii. 212, _note_ - - - _O_, Monsieur d’, holds the citadel of Caen for the League, ii. 245 - - _Olympus_, Mount, in Asia, view of, from Constantinople, i. 123, 202; - Busbecq travels along its slopes, 136; - furnishes Constantinople with snow, 291 - - _Orange_, William, Prince of, peace negotiations opened with him, - ii. 4; - his plan of misleading the Spanish fleet by false beacons, _ib._; - his marriage to Mademoiselle de Bourbon, 66; - suggestion that Condé should lead troops to his assistance, 72; - if beaten, will hand over the Netherlands to a foreign power, 90; - recovers from his wound, 142; - likely to secure Holland and Zealand for himself, 145; - rebukes St. Luc, 159; - prayed for during his illness by the reformed churches in France, - 162; - excused himself from going with Alençon to the camp, 169; - to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, 175; - mobbed in Antwerp, 176; - intends to marry Teligny’s widow, and to give his own daughter to - Laval, 179; - buys Flushing, 183; - his influence declining, 185, 196; - tries to arouse the men of Antwerp, 186; - crosses to Zealand, _ib._; - reinforces Ostend, 194; - in retirement at Flushing, 196; - likely to be soon made Count of Holland and Zealand, 205; - schemes to recover Zutphen, 208; - Hollanders said to have sworn allegiance to him, 210; - assassinated, 224 - - _Orchan_, son of Bajazet, a marriage suggested between him and the - Shah’s daughter, i. 308 - - _Orleans_, declares for the Guises, ii. 245 - - _Ostend_, resists Parma, ii. 194; - said to have come to terms with him, 219 - - _Othman_, founder of the Turkish royal family, i. 137 - - _Oudenarde_, besieged, ii. 143; - surrenders, 144 - - _Ouloufedgi_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, - and _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - - _Palyna_, Paul, fails to keep his appointment with Busbecq, i. 82; - overtakes him at Buda, 86 - - _Paper_, Turkish reverence for, and the reason of it, i. 110 - - _Paris_, proposal in the municipality of Paris to defray Elizabeth’s - expenses, ii. 91; - regret of the inhabitants at her departure, 128, and _note_; - _émeute_ there in consequence of the King’s enforcing his - sumptuary law, 207; - the faubourgs taken by Navarre, 251-252; - besieged, 259-261; - dreadful famine in, 259 - - _Paris_, Pierre de Gondi, Bishop of, and Chancellor to Elizabeth, - ii. 33; - his views about the dower, 85; - likely to escort the Queen, 126; - starts home from Nancy with an escort, 130; - wounded in the council-chamber, 216; - sent as ambassador to Rome, 249; - sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, 260 - - _Parma_, Alexander Farnese, Prince of, besieges Oudenarde, ii. 143; - takes it, 144; - encamps at Arras, 149; - threatens to attack St. Quentin in case of a French invasion, 150; - sickness of his troops, 157; - retakes Cateau Cambrésis, and blockades Diest, _ib._; - takes Diest, 162; - prepares to besiege Alost and threatens Brussels, 182; - besieges Cambrai, 183; - sends the governor of Namur to the King, 184; - takes Dunkirk, 186; - checked at Ostend, 194; - relieves Cateau Cambrésis, 202; - master of nearly all the country but Ghent and Antwerp, 205; - receives overtures from Flanders, 217; - removes to Dendermonde, 226; - said to be dangerously ill, 256; - in retirement, 258; - comes to the relief of Paris, 260; - he and his army contrasted with Navarre and his army, 262-264; - his devices for encountering the French cavalry, 263 - - _Partridges_, from Chios, i. 212; - how reared, 213 - - _Pashas_, keep open house before Ramazan, i. 376 - - _Patriarch of Constantinople_, consulted in vain by the Pashas, i. 234 - - _Pax_, John, commander at Komorn, i. 83 - - _Pernantius_, of Lorraine, said to have reconciled the Queen of Navarre - to her husband, ii. 212 - - _Persia_, its barrenness, i. 219; - creates a diversion in favour of Christendom, 221-222; - account of the country and its monarchs, 298-301, and _note_ - - _Persians_, their religious differences with the Turks, i. 161-162, - and 236, _note_; - complain of the violation of their territory, 307 - - _Persian_ Ambassador, his arrival at Amasia, i. 156; - peace concluded with, 157; - and honours paid to him, _ib._; - his departure from Amasia, 160 - - _Persian_ Ambassadors bring presents to Solyman, i. 156-157, 375 - - _Pertau_ Pasha, fourth Vizierial Pasha, and married to the widow - of Mahomet, the Sultan’s son, i. 183; - despatched by Solyman against Mustapha the Pretender, 183-184; - despatched by Solyman to Bajazet, 270; - sent back by him, 271 - - _Pescara_, Marquis of, report of his brother’s capture by the - Huguenots, ii. 155 - - _Peter_, the courier, mentioned, ii. 58, 65, 67, 112, 119 - - _Philip II._, King of Spain, his marriage, i. 77; - Turkish reports of his power, 318; - said to have promised his daughter to the King of Scotland, - ii. 148; - supports the League, 239; - sends money to Paris, 254 - - _Philippopolis_, town of, i. 106 - - _Pialé_ Pasha, the admiral, sent in command of the Turkish fleet to - Djerbé, i. 318; - sends a galley to Constantinople to announce his victory, 319; - conceals Don Gaston in hopes of a large ransom, 324; - his consequent peril, _ib._; - is forgiven by Solyman, _ib._ - - _Pibrac_, Guy du Faur, Seigneur de, account of him, ii. 10, _note_; - offends the Queen-Mother by advising the King to dismiss his - Italian troops, 10; - reported to be coming from Lyons, 23; - arrives in Paris, 28; - his conversation with Busbecq, 29; - the advocate of peace, 50; - starts for Poland as ambassador, 61; - waylaid near Montbéliard, 62, and _note_; - is to visit the Polish Palatines, 79; - his opinion of Polish affairs, 81; - his return expected, 122; - his unpleasant position in Poland, _ib._; - returns, 126; - what he thinks the Poles have gained from France, 132; - will probably be sent to the Netherlands as Alençon’s chancellor, - 169; - sent to Antwerp by Alençon, 181 - - _Pignerolo_, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to - the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13 - - _Pigs_, Turkish prejudice against them turned to account by Busbecq’s - friend, i. 205 - - _Pilgrimages_, fashion of making, in France, ii. 199 - - _Pilgrims_ to Jerusalem, seized by the Syrians and imprisoned at - Constantinople, i. 352; - their release procured by the French ambassador, 353; - sent home by Busbecq, _ib._ - - _Pinnas_, a kind of mollusc, caught by Busbecq, i. 339; - account of them and their guards, 339-340 - - _Plague_, the, Busbecq’s suite attacked by, i. 163; - outbreak of, in Busbecq’s house, 330-335; - death-rate from, at Constantinople, 341; - appears in France, ii. 183; - spreading, 188; - raging in Paris, 199; - prevents the King entering Paris, 201; - carries off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bed-chamber, 230 - - _Plane-tree_, great, opposite Busbecq’s house, i. 227; - the cavasse when shut out ties his horse to it, 260 - - _Pliny_, his statements as to the _pinna_ and _pinna-guard_ referred - to, i. 339 - - _Poitiers_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Poland_, account of affairs in, ii. 29; - French hope to keep, 78, 92; - affairs there, 81 - - _Pont-à-Musson_, Marquis of, eldest son of the Duke of Lorraine, goes - to Flanders on his way home, ii. 255-256 - - _Pope_, the, offers the King 3,000 Swiss, ii. 122; - urges him to accept the Tridentine Decrees, 184; - visited by Joyeux, 185 - - _Portugal_, Sebastian, King of, account of him, ii. 30, _note_; - marriage between him and Elizabeth spoken of, ii. 30, 76-78 - - _Portuguese Ambassador_ arrives in Paris, ii. 70; - expected, 74; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 76-77; - suggests a marriage between Elizabeth and the King of Portugal, - _ib._; - takes a house in Paris, 82 - - _Poussin_, Huguenot fortress, besieged, ii. 21; - taken, 23 - - _Predestination_, Turkish notions about, i. 341, 382-383 - - _Prinkipo_, the largest of the Princes’ Islands in the sea of Marmora, - Busbecq allowed to retire thither, i. 334; - account of it, 337-340 - - _Puygalliard_, M. de, acting governor at Cambrai for the King of - France, ii. 195; - leaves the town, 205 - - - _Quacquelben_, native of Courtrai, Busbecq’s physician, attends the - Pasha of Buda, i. 86; - shares Busbecq’s taste for ancient coins, 94; - his treatment of intermittent fever, 161; - of the plague, 164; - is attacked by the plague, 335; - his opinion of the plague, _ib._; - Busbecq’s last visit to him, 335-336; - his death, 336; - his high character and abilities, _ib._; - examines aconite brought by Turkish pilgrim, 362 - - _Quesnoy_, Le, town in Hainault, failure of Alençon’s attempt on, - ii. 198 - - _Quentin, St._, town in Picardy, garrisoned against any attack by - Parma, ii. 150; - Marshal de Retz there, 227 - - - _Raab_, Busbecq’s escort attacked by soldiers from its garrison, i. 170 - - _Rakos_, plain near Pesth, the former meeting-place of the Hungarian - Diet, i. 168 - - _Rambouillet_, family of, ordered to leave the Court, ii. 13, - and _note_ - - _Ramée_, Pierre de la, his method, i. 99, _note_ - - _Rascians_, their language, i. 105; - extent of their country, 166; - their character, _ib._ - - _Remorantin_, a château, suggested by Busbecq as a residence for - Elizabeth, ii. 25; - assigned as part of her dower, 109 - - _Requesens_, Don Berenguer de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the - Sicilian galleys, brought a prisoner to Constantinople, i. 321; - imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 326; - how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; - asks leave to return by Ragusa, 390; - his death, _ib._ - - _Retz_, Comte de, Marshal of France, ii. 39, _note_; - some of his troops cut to pieces by Damville, 32; - supports Elizabeth’s interests, 82; - attends the Queen-Mother to Boulogne, 184; - commands in Picardy, 223; - makes the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, - 225; - at St. Quentin negotiating with Balagny, 227; - still in Picardy, 228 - - _Retz_, Comtesse de, likely to be one of Elizabeth’s escort, ii. 126 - - _Rhodope_, Mount, i. 106 - - _Richardot_, Councillor, sent to King of Spain, on account of Parma’s - conduct, ii. 258 - - _Richebourg_, Marquis of, formerly resident at the Court of Maximilian, - ii. 234; - killed at the Antwerp bridge, 247 - - _Rimini_, the Bishop of, the Apostolic Nuncio, his death, ii. 198 - - _Rochefoucauld_, goes to the Netherlands, ii. 147 - - _Rodolph II._, Emperor, suspected of being concerned in the affair of - Antwerp, ii. 168; - said to be betrothed to Philip II.’s daughter, _ib._ - - _Roland_, mythic Carlovingian hero, the legend said to be known to the - Mingrelians, i. 250, and _note_ - - _Roostem_, Grand Vizier, Busbecq and his colleagues visit him, i. 111; - his origin, character, and abilities, 113-114, 343; - sent in command against the Shah, 115; - his dismissal from office, 118; - restored to office, 176, 190; - urges Busbecq to remain, 196; - complains of Hungarian raids, 199; - his opinion of Busbecq, 234; - tries to convert him, 235; - his orthodoxy suspected, _ib._; - his conversation with Busbecq, 235-236; - his exultation at his kinsman’s raid, and sorrow at his death, - 240-241; - raises a troop of dragoons from his household servants, 242; - failure of the experiment, 243; - his remarks on Busbecq’s obstinacy, 261; - his emblematic present, 263-264; - warns Busbecq not to quarrel with the Janissaries, 296; - excites Solyman’s wrath against Pialé, 324; - his conversation with de Sandé in the Divan, 325; - refuses to let Busbecq leave his house on account of the plague, - 333; - his death, 334; - contrasted with Ali, 343, 345; - story of him and Busbecq, 344; - dreaded interviews with Lavigne, 354; - scene at one, 355; - his conduct towards Busbecq’s servants when falsely accused, - 367-368 - - _Rouen_, threatened by Navarre, ii. 257, 259 - - _Roxolana_, Solyman’s wife, her real name Khourrem, account of her, - i. 111-112, and _note_; - her intrigues against Mustapha, 113; - and his only son, 119; - her affection for Bajazet, 179; - appeases his angry father, 185; - encourages him, 187; - how she induced Solyman to marry her, 229, and 112, _note_; - her death, 265 - - _Ryhove_, Flemish noble, accused by Imbize of conspiracy, ii. 209 - - - _Salceda_, implicated in a plot, ii. 148; - a prisoner, 149; - his terrible execution, 152-153, and _notes_; - his wickedness and audacity, 154; - his head sent to Antwerp and stuck on the highest pinnacle, - 154, 155 - - _Saluzzo_, the marquisate of, proposal to sell or pawn, ii. 61; - 200,000 crowns borrowed on security of it, 79 - - _Salviati_, his mission to procure de Sandé’s release, and its failure, - i. 371, 374, _note_ - - _Samarcand_, city of, visited by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 360 - - _Sandé_, Don Alvaro de, commander of the citadel at Djerbé, attempts - to escape and is captured, i. 320; - exhibited on Pialé’s galley, 321; - before the Divan, 325; - imprisoned in the fortress of Caradenis, 326; - how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; - his hatred of Leyva, 373; - his speech to the steward of the French representative, _ib._; - his journey home with Busbecq, 390-397; - his jokes, 391; - fears he will be sent back to Constantinople, 393; - chides Busbecq’s servant for his temper, 394; - his gratitude to Busbecq, 397 - - _Sanjak-bey_, derivation of the word, i. 84, and _note_; - Turkish army preserved by the advice of a Sanjak-bey, and his - subsequent treatment, 238-239; - story of a Sanjak-bey and a Khodja, 377-378 - - _Sanjak-bey of Gran_, Busbecq’s interviews with the, i. 84, 170 - - _Saumur_, town of, given to Alençon, ii. 126 - - _Savigliano_, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to - the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13 - - _Savona_, reported capture of, by the Duke of Savoy, ii. 74 - - _Savoy_, Emanuel Philibert, Duke of, receives Savigliano, and Pignerolo - from Henry III., ii. 13 and 14, _note_; - death of his wife, 14; - said to have taken Savona, 74; - lends 200,000 crowns on security of Saluzzo, 79 - - _Savoy_, Charles Emmanuel, Duke of, son of the preceding, said to be - estranged from Spain, and likely to marry Navarre’s sister, ii. 148; - about to be betrothed to the Duke of Lorraine’s daughter, 163 - - _Saxon_ colonists in Transylvania, i. 359 - - _Saxony_, the Elector of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i 399, - and _note_ - - _Schomberg_, Gaspard de, Comte de Nanteuil, ii. 124, _note_; - his dealings with Kinsky, 112, 125; - going to Germany, 155; - his château of Nanteuil mentioned, 260, and _note_ - - _Schwartzenberg_, Count von, meets Elizabeth at Nancy, ii. 129; - consulted by Busbecq about her route, 133, 137 - - _Schwendi_, Lazarus von, an Alsatian seigneur, a scholar and a soldier, - ii. 73, and _note_; - prevented by illness from coming to Nancy, 129 - - _Scivarin_, Gothic town in the Crimea, i. 356 - - _Scordium_, or water germander, a remedy for the plague, i. 164, - and _note_ - - _Scotland_, news of disturbances in, ii. 148; - King of Scotland. See _James_, King of Scotland - - _Scutari_, town of, i. 133 - - _Scuter_, Lawrence, a courier, ii. 119 - - _Sebastian_, King of Portugal. See _Portugal_, Sebastian, King of - - _Selim I._, the father of Solyman, his defeat by his father at - Tchourlou, i. 108, and _note_; - picture of his defeat of the Persians at Tschaldiran, 129; - referred to, 299; - his conduct alluded to, 276-277, 279, 383 - - _Selim_, Solyman’s son, afterwards Sultan Selim II., destined by his - father as his successor, i. 179; - warns his father against Bajazet, 265; - removed to Koniah from Magnesia, 267; - marches on Ghemlik, 268; - occupies Koniah, 273; - his appearance and character, 275-276; - awaits his brother’s attack, 277; - puts the Pasha of Erzeroum to death, 305; - his succession advantageous to the Shah, 312; - procures Pialé Pasha’s pardon, 324 - - _Selimbria_, town of, i. 109 - - _Selles_, M. de, a prisoner in Zealand, ii. 233, and _note_ - - _Semendria_, formerly a fortress of the despots of Servia, i. 95 - - _Servians_, the, their funeral customs, i. 95; - their marriage customs, 96; - their language, 105; - extent of their country, 165 - - _Seure_, Michel de, Prior of Champagne, his quarrel with the King, - ii. 215-216, and _note_ - - _Sforzia Palavicini_, defeated by Ali Pasha at Fülek, i. 236 - - _Shad_, the common Danube, found also in the Halys, i. 145 - - _Sherbet_, mode of making, i. 147 - - _Silihdars_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 153, _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - _Siwas_, the Pasha of, deceived by Bajazet, i. 304 - - _Slavery_, its advantages discussed, i. 210-211, and _note_ - - _Slaves_, Christian, met by Busbecq, i. 162 - - _Slaves_, use made by the Turks of the numerous slaves captured by - them, i. 209-211 - - _Sluys_, town of, holds out against Parma, ii. 219 - - _Snakes_, in Busbecq’s house, i. 203-204 - - _Solyman_, Sultan, takes Belgrade, i. 94; - induced by Roxolana to marry her, 112; - goes to the army and summons Mustapha, 115; - consults the mufti, 116; - rebukes the mutes for their slackness, 117; - mohair his usual dress, 144; - Busbecq’s first and second interviews with him, 152, 158; - his appearance and character, 159-160; - avenges an insult, 162; - sends Pertau Pasha against the false Mustapha, 183; - his anger against Bajazet appeased by Roxolana, 185-186; - interview with Bajazet, 187-188; - goes to Adrianople, 198; - remonstrates with Bajazet, 266; - changes his sons’ governments, 267; - refuses to listen to Bajazet’s complaints, 270; - consults the mufti about him, 272; - his appearance, 285; - his opinion of the Janissaries, 296; - is presented by Busbecq with Ferdinand’s gifts, 297; - pretends to be inclined to pardon Bajazet, 298; - orders the execution of one of his spies, 301; - orders his army to return to Constantinople, 302; - orders Bajazet’s child to be brought up at Broussa, _ib._; - sends Pashas and Sanjak-beys in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; - removes Pasha of Erzeroum from office, _ib._; - alarmed at Bajazet’s flight to Persia, _ib._; - wishes to pursue him, but is restrained by the Pashas, 306; - deeply hurt at the loss of Djerbé, 318; - sends an armament thither, _ib._; - sees the triumphal entry of his fleet, 321; - his demeanour, 322; - his increasing superstition, 331; - his prohibition of wine tested by some Greeks, 332-333; - his reply to Busbecq’s request to leave his house, 333; - releases pilgrims at Lavigne’s request, 353; - his letter to the King of France, 369; - tries to induce the Shah to surrender Bajazet, 378; - sends messages to the Georgians and Turkomans, 379; - persuades the Shah to permit Bajazet to be executed, 380-381; - orders Bajazet’s child to be executed at Broussa, 382; - his parting speech to Busbecq, 390; - a terrible enemy, 405-407; - his attacks on Hungary and Austria, 409; - his three wishes, 410 - - _Sophia_, town of, i. 102 - - _Sorbonne_, decision of the, about Henry VIII.’s marriage, ii. 27, - and _note_ - - _Spahis_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, and _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - _Spain_, the posts to, stopped, ii. 151; - threatens the liberties of Europe, 226 - - _Spaniards_, the, take Djerbé, i. 317-318; - their fleet defeated by the Turks, 318; - their sufferings during the siege, 320-321; - their sufferings in prison alleviated by Busbecq, 326-328 - - _Spanish_ ambassador, his remonstrances about Salceda’s head, ii. 155 - - _Spanish_ officer employed as gooseherd, i. 209 - - _Stag_, fierceness of a, i. 208 - - _Standing armies_, dangers of, i. 296-297 - - _States-General_, their meeting demanded, ii. 57; - mock States-General convened, 87; - summoned, 257 - - _Sterckenburg_, officer sent by Casimir to Elizabeth, ii. 130 - - _Strasburg_, the Bishop of, notice of Elizabeth’s departure sent to - him, ii. 124, and _note_; - prevented from coming to Nancy by fear of the German reiters, 129; - his return home, 133; - remains at Bâle, 135 - - _Strozzi_, Philippe, Marshal of France, ii. 39; - killed at the Azores, 146 - - _Sunnites_ and Schiis, the two great sects of Mohammedans, i. 161, - _note_ - - _Sweden_, marriage between the daughter of the King of, and Henry III. - spoken of, ii. 43; - her portrait, 63 - - _Swiss_ Ambassadors at Paris, ii. 63; - entertainments and presents to them, 158, 160 - - _Swiss_ troops defeated by Montbrun, ii. 78 - - _Symplegades_ or floating islands at the mouth of the Bosphorus, i. 132 - - _Szigeth_, fortress in Hungary, attacked by Ali Pasha, i. 236; - relieved by the Archduke Ferdinand, 237-238 - - - _Tahmasp_, Shah, at war with Solyman, i. 115; - his character and mode of life, 300; - sends envoys to Bajazet, 307; - invites him to visit him, 308; - his treachery towards him, _ib._; - and his motives, 309; - causes him to be arrested at his table and his followers to be - murdered, 311; - prefers that Selim should succeed to the throne, 312; - his treacherous conduct, 378; - consents to Bajazet’s execution, 381 - - _Tamerlane_, indignities inflicted by him on Bajazet and his wife, - i. 112; - his descendants, 379 - - _Tartar, a_, his hair his only head covering, i. 85 - - _Tartars_ in the Crimea, account of the, i. 356 - - _Tashkend_, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. 360 - - _Tassis_ (_or Taxis_), _J. B._, Spanish ambassador in Paris, superseded - and sent to the Netherlands, ii. 230, and _note_ - - _Taxis_, Leonhard de, Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, ii. 28, - and _note_ - - _Tchekmedjé_, Buyuk and Kutchuk, bays near Constantinople, i. 109, - _note_ - - _Tchourlou_, town of, famous for the defeat of Selim, i. 108 - - _Thoré_, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. 16, - _note_; - escapes from the defeat of Germans and reaches the Loire, 106; - joins Alençon, 115; - his quarrel with du Guast, 117 - - _Tolna_, a Hungarian town, its good wine and civil inhabitants, i. 93; - quarrel between the Janissary there and Busbecq’s servant, - 392-396 - - _Tortoises_, i. 134 - - _Touighoun_, Pasha of Buda, meaning of the name, i. 85; - his illness and reputation, 85, 86; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 91 - - _Tours_, attempt on, ii. 98; - reported coronation of Navarre there, 254; - Parliament removed thither by Henry III., 256; - the States-General convened there by Navarre, 257 - - _Trajan’s Bridge_, remains of, i. 95 - - _Trajan’s Gate_, or pass of Ichtiman, i. 106, and _note_ - - _Transylvania_, recovered by Ferdinand, i. 79, 80; - Hungarian nobles revolt from the Voivode of, 386; - the Voivode’s ambassadors try to hinder the conclusion of peace, - 387 - - _Transylvanian_, the most popular candidate for the Polish crown, - ii. 43, and _note_ - - _Trautson_, John von, Ferdinand’s minister, i. 412 - - _Tschaldiran_, battle of, alluded to, i. 299 - - _Tulips_, i. 107 - - _Turenne_, the Vicomte de, brings reinforcements to Navarre, ii. 261 - - _Turkish_ ambassador intervenes at the Polish Diet. ii. 29 - - — army at Amasia, described, i. 155-156 - - — beggars, i. 209 - - — camp, described, i. 288, 289 - - _Turkish_ cavalry, Busbecq’s first sight of, i. 83 - - — commissariat, i. 219-221, 289 - - — fanatics at Buda, i. 396 - - — fleet, reported arrival of a, ii. 257 - - — horseman, a, described, i. 283-284 - - — horses, their rearing, training, &c., i. 215-217 - - — hostels, described, i. 98 - - — inns. See _Caravanserai_ - - — military punishments, i. 293-294 - - — officer induced by Busbecq to give up the royal standard of the - Neapolitan galleys, i. 322 - - — old woman, her romantic story, 231-232 - - — pilgrim gives Busbecq an account of his journey to Cathay and of that - country, i. 359-362; - feats performed by another, 362-363 - - — soldiers contrasted with Christian, i. 221; - their clothing and its distribution, 222 - - — women, their treatment and mode of life, i. 228-229 - - _Turkoman_ chiefs invited to attack the Shah, i. 379 - - _Turks_, their notions about wine-drinking, i. 88; - about houses, 90; - consider the left-hand the place of honour, 92; - their methods of dividing time, 101; - attach no distinction to birth, i. 104, 154; - their fondness for flowers, 108; - and money, _ib._; - their reverence for paper and the reasons for it, 110; - their superstitions as to unclean food, 124, 134; - their favourite colours, 144; - their notions about omens, _ib._, 269; - surprised at the Germans’ fishing, 145; - their frugal fare, 146; - their notions of chronology, 149; - how promotion is regulated among them, 155; - their dress, _ib._; - their horror of pigs, 205; - slavery among them, 209-211; - their kindness to animals, 224; - prefer cats to dogs and why, 225; - ransom birds from bird-catchers, 227; - some think it wrong to keep birds in cages, _ib._; - their marriage laws, 229; - do not inquire closely into crimes, but punish them severely if - detected, 232; - think it their duty to make one offer to a Christian of conversion - to their religion, 235; - their religious differences with the Persians, _ib._; - their skill in archery and mode of shooting and practising, - 253-255; - their readiness to accept foreign inventions and to adopt various - Christian customs, 255-256; - their Parthian tactics, 257; - their treatment of ambassadors, 261; - believe that the souls of those killed in battle ascend to heaven, - 289; - their notions of the Carnival, 290; - their fast, _ib._; - dislike to eat or drink standing, 291; - their endurance under the bastinado, 294; - their reverent behaviour at their prayers, 303; - impression made on them by the Spanish successes, 318; - their exultation at their victory, 319; - their taunts of the prisoners, 322; - how they treat prisoners, 326; - their recklessness about infection, 341; - disturbed at Basilicus’ invasion of Moldavia, 349; - at dinners carry off things for their wives and children, 375; - their notions about predestination, 341, 382-383; - pray for Busbecq’s conversion, 384; - league against them suggested to divert the restless spirits of - France, ii. 49; - their victories over the Persians render them formidable, 243-244, - and _note_; - offer to assist Navarre, 257, and _note_ - - - _Uzes_, Duc de, commands for the King at Aigues-Mortes, ii. 42 - - - _Varna_, battle of, i. 407, and _note_ - - _Vaudemont_, Louise de, afterwards Queen of France, Henry III. in love - with her, ii. 32; - about to marry her, 51; - is a niece of Count Egmont, _ib._; - Elizabeth’s attendants ordered to enter her service, 52, - and _note_; - no favourite with the Queen-Mother, 57; - congratulated by Busbecq in Maximilian’s name, 59; - estranged from her husband, 219 - - _Vaudemont_, Nicolas, Comte de, the King’s father-in-law, a probable - peacemaker, ii. 63; - his arrival expected, 63, 70; - at his son’s marriage, 80; - visits Montmorency and thinks him innocent, 91 - - _Veli Bey_, Sanjak-bey of Hatwan, his feud with Arslan Bey, i. 244 - - _Veltwick_ or _Velduvic_, Gerard, ambassador of Charles V. to the - Porte, i. 79, and _note_; - his detention by the Turks referred to, 263 - - _Vendôme_, Cardinal de, brother of Condé, Navarre’s sequestrated - property placed in his hands, ii. 249 - - _Vendôme_, Duc de. See _Henry IV._ - - _Vendôme_, House of, its position, ii. 40 - - _Vendôme_, retaken by Navarre and the governor executed, ii. 254 - - _Vendôme’s_ sister Catherine, rumours of her intended marriage to - Alençon, ii. 51, and _note_; - to the Duke of Savoy, 148, 194; - to the Duke of Lorraine’s son, 163; - to Condé, 233; - to Duke of Epernon, 242; - her great prospects, 176 - - _Venetian_ Baily. See _Baily_ - - _Venetian_ goldsmith, adventure of a, i. 224 - - _Verdun_, town of, taken by Guise, ii. 247 - - _Vimioso_, the Count of, Don Antonio’s Constable, killed off the - Azores, ii. 146 - - _Viteaux_, the Baron de, a famous duellist, murders du Guast, ii. 116, - _note_; - account of his death, 189-191, and _notes_ - - _Vopiscus_, quoted, i. 214 - - _Vulcob_, M. de, French Ambassador at Vienna, ii. 36, and _note_, 85; - arrangement by which Busbecq received his salary through him, 112, - 122 - - - _Weasels_, stories of, i. 203 - - _Wranczy_ or _Verantius_, Antony, Bishop of Fünfkirchen, afterwards - of Erlau and finally Archbishop of Gran, sent as ambassador to the - Porte, i. 80; - Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, 111 - - _Wyss_, Albert de, comes with presents from Ferdinand to the Sultan, - i. 297 - - - _Ypres_, given up for lost, ii. 194; - still blockaded by Parma, 199 - - - _Zay_, Francis, commander of the Danube flotilla known as _Nassades_, - afterwards governor of Kaschau, sent as ambassador to the Porte, - i. 80; - Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, 111; - his fishing in the Halys, 145 - - _Zutphen_, town in Gelderland, taken by the Spaniards, ii. 208 - - LONDON: PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE - AND PARLIAMENT STREET - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The life and letters of Ogier Ghiselin -de Busbecq, Vol. II (of 2), by Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq and Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell and Charles Thornton Forster - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ, VOL II *** - -***** This file should be named 53630-0.txt or 53630-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/6/3/53630/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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- margin: 2em auto; - text-align: center; - max-width: 100%; /* div no wider than screen, even when screen is narrow */ -} - -/* Footnotes */ - -.footnote {margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%; font-size: 0.85em;} - -.footnote .label {position: absolute; left: 8%; text-align: right;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: - none; -} - -.poetry-container - { - text-align: center; - font-size: .85em; -} - -.poetry - { - display: inline-block; - text-align: left; - } - -.poetry .stanza -{ - margin: 0em 0em 0em 0em; -} - -.poetry .line -{ - margin: 0; - text-indent: -3em; - padding-left: 3em; -} -.poetry .i1 {margin-left: 1em;} -.poetry .i5 {margin-left: 5em;} - - </style> - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The life and letters of Ogier Ghiselin de -Busbecq, Vol. II (of 2), by Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq and Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell and Charles Thornton Forster - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The life and letters of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Vol. II (of 2) - -Author: Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq - Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell - Charles Thornton Forster - -Release Date: November 30, 2016 [EBook #53630] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ, VOL II *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<p class="center padt2">OGIER GHISELIN<br /> - -<small>DE BUSBECQ</small><br /> - -<small><small>VOL. II.</small></small></p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="center">(<i>The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved</i>)</p> - -<hr /> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"> -<img src="images/cross.jpg" width="400" height="625" alt="" /> -<p class="center">CROSS OF BOUSBECQUE.<br /> -<small>THIRTEENTH CENTURY.</small></p></div> - -<hr /> - -<h1><small><small><small>THE</small></small></small> -<br /> -<small>LIFE AND LETTERS</small> -<br /> -<small><small><small>OF</small></small></small> -<br /> -OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ</h1> - -<p class="center f06">SEIGNEUR OF BOUSBECQUE</p> - -<p class="center f07">KNIGHT, IMPERIAL AMBASSADOR</p> -<p class="center f06">BY</p> -<p class="center">CHARLES THORNTON FORSTER, M.A.</p> -<p class="center f06"><i>Late Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge: Vicar of Hinxton</i></p> -<p class="center f06">AND</p> -<p class="center">F. H. BLACKBURNE DANIELL, M.A.</p> -<p class="center f06"><i>Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge: Barrister-at-Law</i></p> -<hr class="short" /> -<p class="center f08">Πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἄστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω</p> -<hr class="short" /> -<p class="center f08"><i>IN TWO VOLUMES</i></p> -<p class="center">VOL. II.</p> -<p class="center ">LONDON</p> -<p class="center">C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 PATERNOSTER SQUARE</p> -<p class="center">1881</p> - -<hr /> - -<h2>CONTENTS<br /> -<small><small>OF</small></small><br /> - -<small>THE SECOND VOLUME.</small></h2> - -<table summary="contents"><tr> - -<td class="tdr f07" colspan="2">PAGE</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl padr2"><span class="smcap">Letters from France to Maximilian</span>—I.-XXXVII.</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><span class="h">Lett</span>”<span class="h">ers fr</span>”<span class="h">om Fra</span>”<span class="h">nce to </span><span class="smcap">Rodolph</span>—I.-LVIII.</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Appendix</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_265">265</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Index</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_311">311</a></td> -</tr></table> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> - -<p class="center f14">LETTERS FROM FRANCE.</p> - -<h2><span class="smcap">Book I.</span><br /><br /> - -LETTERS TO MAXIMILIAN.</h2> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>In illustrating Busbecq’s letters from France reference is frequently -made to contemporary writers, and it may be useful to the -reader to have some idea of their different characters, and positions, -and of the historical value of their statements.</p> - -<p>(1). J. A. de Thou, the historian, son of Christopher de Thou, President -of the Parliament of Paris. Jurist and statesman. Busbecq’s intimate -friend and warm admirer. Quoted as <cite>Thuanus</cite>. Edition, Geneva, -1620, &c.</p> - -<p>(2). Pierre de l’Estoile. Audiencier de la Chancellerie de Paris. A -quiet man, who took no part in politics. He kept a diary which is generally -known as <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal de Henri III.</cite> and <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">>Henri IV.</cite>, but is really <em>his -own private diary</em> during the reigns of those monarchs. Quoted as <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De -l’Estoile</cite>. Edition, Paris, 1875, &c.</p> - -<p>(3). Pierre de Bourdeille, Abbé and Seigneur of Brantôme. Soldier -and courtier. Gentleman of the Chamber to Charles IX. and Henri III. -His ideas are those of the French Court of that period, and consequently -his standard of morality is very low. He was a friend of Alençon, du -Guast, Bussy, de Viteaux, La Noue, &c., and a great admirer of Marguerite, -to whom he dedicated several of his works. Having been disabled -by a fall from his horse, he devoted his last years to writing memoirs of -the celebrated men and women he had known, a treatise on duelling, &c. -Quoted as <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>. Edition, Paris, 1822.</p> - -<p>(4). Marguerite de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, sister of Charles -IX., Henri III., and Alençon, wrote an autobiography which she addressed -to Brantôme. Quoted as <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de Marguerite</cite>. Edition, Paris, -1842.</p> - -<p>(5). Theodore Agrippa d’Aubigné. Friend and adherent of Henry of -Navarre. He wrote a <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire universelle</cite> and <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires</cite>. Quoted as -<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Aubigné, Histoire</cite>. Edition S. Jean d’Angely, 1616, &c. The <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires</cite> -are quoted from the Panthéon Littéraire. Paris, 1836.</p> - -<p>(6). Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers. Soldier and statesman. The -compilation known as his Memoirs is quoted as <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de Nevers</cite>. -Edition, Paris, 1665.</p> - -<p>(7). Venetian ambassadors:—John Michel, sent in 1575 to congratulate -Henri III. on his coronation and marriage. Jerome Lippomano, ambassador -in 1577-1579. Their reports are contained in <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Collection de -Documents inédits sur l’Histoire de France, Première Série, Relations -des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens</cite>. Quoted as <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ambassadeurs Vénitiens</cite>.</p> - -<p>(8). Guillaume and Michel Le Riche. Avocats du Roi at Saint-Maixent -in Poitou. Their Journal is quoted as <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Riche</cite>. Edition, Saint-Maixent, -1846.</p> - -<p>(9). Famianus Strada. A Jesuit priest who wrote the history of the -wars in the Netherlands. Motley has drawn largely from his work. -Quoted as <cite>Strada</cite>. Edition, Rome, 1648.</p></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER I.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Yesterday</span>, August 21, I arrived at Speyer. I stayed -a day at Salzburg and another at Augsburg, on account -of my health. For at my third stage from Vienna an -attack of hæmorrhage came on, unaccompanied, however, -by pain, or any great derangement of the system. -The physicians I consulted at Salzburg and Augsburg -told me that, if I neglected it, the consequences might -be serious, and ordered me to rest for some days. For -my own part, till now I saw no reason for interrupting -my journey for any length of time, but, as I observe -that this trouble, whatever it may be, is aggravated by -heat and motion, I intend to stay here over to-morrow, -for fear of more haste perhaps proving to be worse -speed. In order to save time, I have abandoned my -project of passing through the Netherlands, and intend -to go directly to Metz by easy stages, as my health -will not admit of rapid travelling. As to the King -of France, I can learn nothing here; no one knows -where he is, but he is said to be going straight to -Rheims, which lies, I imagine, on my road, and I hope -to get there before him.</p> - -<p>When I passed through Munich, the Duchess, the -sister of your Majesty,<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> who had lately returned from -a visit, sent to me, and made particular inquiries about -the health of your Majesty, of the Empress, and your -children. She also gave me messages for the Queen -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span>of France, and sent letters to Augsburg next day for -me to take to her.</p> - -<p>I was speaking to someone to-day who had come -but lately from the Prince of Orange, and he said that -negotiations<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> for peace had been opened with him -through St. Aldegonde, who was a prisoner in the -hands of the Royalists. He represented the Prince -as strongly inclined for peace, but said that the cities, -which had called him in, were no less strongly opposed -to it, and would rather suffer the worst extremity than -trust themselves to the Spaniards, or send Orange -away. The same person told me that Leyden was -starving, and must soon surrender.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> The Prince, he -said, was not to blame for it, but the inhabitants, who, -having been repeatedly warned to lay in stores in time, -had obstinately neglected to do so. He also informed -me that the Spanish fleet, if it was really coming, was -to sail round Scotland, and that Orange had set up -false beacons and lights on the coast to draw it among -the shoals and sandbanks.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the information I have sent your Majesty -is not of much importance, still I feel sure that it will -at least do no harm, and that with your accustomed -graciousness you will not take my sending it amiss. I -pray God to preserve your Majesty, and remain, &c.</p> - -<blockquote> -<p>Speyer,<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> August 22, 1574.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">5</a></p> -</blockquote> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER II.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">On</span> September 2 I arrived at Meaux, fourteen<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> miles -from Paris. My journey was delayed by want of post-horses, -for, as the King had just gone to Lyons, they -had almost all been transferred to that road from their -proper stations, and so for two days and nights I sailed -down the Marne, but, as it winds very much before its -confluence with the Seine, near Paris, I had to change -my mode of travelling, and return to land. As no -horses or carriages were to be had, I sent people to -Paris to get some, and also to look for lodgings against -our arrival. When the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, -knew of this, she sent two of her own carriages, which -brought me and my suite to Paris on the 4th.</p> - -<p>On that day the Queen<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> wished me to rest, and did -not send for me till the next day. I found her in -excellent health, but her face was melancholy, and still -showed traces of her recent loss. As I was going -through the points mentioned in my instructions, she -spoke gratefully of your Majesty’s thinking of her and -sending to console and visit her in her bereavement. -She was not surprised, she added, at the deep regret -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span>expressed by your Majesty, for, indeed, her late Consort -had always felt the warmest affection for you, and had -always been most anxious to meet your wishes. She -then made very minute inquiries about your Majesty’s -health. But, when I said that she must wait patiently -till your Majesty should be able to decide, according -to the turn events might take, whether she was -to leave or stay, she gently replied, that all she asked -was to be allowed to do that which was most useful -and pleasing to her father. Our conversation then -ended, and I received permission to retire.</p> - -<p>The next day the Queen again ordered me to be -summoned, and during the interview I contrived to -introduce the question of her marriage to the new King -(Henry III.) by alluding to the reports now current; -many people set her down as his future bride, I remarked, -and if the union were to take place, it would, -in my opinion, harmonise with your Majesty’s views -and policy. Her reply was such as to make it perfectly -plain the suggestion was by no means to her liking; -and yet I could see that she did not intend to be obstinate; -she will, I am sure, place herself in her father’s -hands, and further his interests and wishes by every -means in her power.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">8</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span></p> -<p>I also touched on the Constantinople matter, as -your Majesty directed. She promised to bear it in -mind when the Queen Mother returned. I will then -make it my business to remind her of it.</p> - -<p>I went to her a third time to ask that, as your -Majesty’s principal reason for sending me here was -that I might look after her interests, she would kindly -give orders to the <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">maréchaux de logis</em> to provide me -with proper quarters in the neighbourhood, and she at -once complied with my request.</p> - -<p>As to other matters, there is no news of any importance. -The King is expected to arrive at Lyons today, -where the Queen Mother, Alençon, and Vendôme<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>have been for some time awaiting him. Disturbances -are still going on in Poitou and the neighbouring provinces. -The King, they say, is preparing to exert his -influence, and, if need be, to put them down with a -strong hand. He has hired 5,000 Swiss, besides -reiters from Germany, and some thousands of Italian -musketeers.</p> - -<p>With regard to our business, not much, I see, can -be done here while the King is away, and so, if I was not -afraid I might transgress the rules of etiquette, I should -like to run home for a few days. But I cannot make -up my mind, as I hardly know what people here -might think; otherwise I see no objection, as I had -your Majesty’s permission.</p> - -<p>Montmorency and Cossé<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> are still confined in the -Bastille, and both are so strictly guarded by the people,<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span>that passers-by cannot so much as bow to them without -danger.</p> - -<p>Yesterday there arrived here Master John Koch, -whose misfortune has been a great grief to me. Today -I took the letters he brought to the Queen, and -she immediately answered them.</p> - -<blockquote> -<p>Paris, September 10, 1574.<br /></p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<h3>LETTER III.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">A few</span> days ago I sent such news as I had by way of -Brussels; I now write, more because I have a convenient -opportunity of forwarding a letter, than because -I have anything particular to tell.</p> - -<p>The King arrived at Lyons on the 6th. His army -is besieging the town of Nove,<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> twelve miles from -Lyons, which they think will not be hard to take, as it is -commanded on every side by the adjoining hills. Still, -they are not quite confident, as they know how obstinate -the King’s opponents have hitherto been in defending -the places they have occupied. Montpensier<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span>is besieging the town of Fontenay; a capitulation, they -say, was agreed on, but his men refused to accept it, -preferring to risk their lives in storming the place, -rather than forego their plunder, so the result is still -uncertain. Great is the strength of despair, and however -things may turn out, their spoils, I warrant, will -be blood-stained.</p> - -<p>They say that the King, before he reached Lyons, -asked his Council’s advice, as to whether he should -send back the Italian troops he had brought with him -as a body guard, and that Pibrac,<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> whom your Majesty -saw at Vienna, was for dismissing them. This gave -offence to the Queen Mother, and on his arrival at -Lyons she ordered him to return to Paris, and resume -his duties as Advocate of the Kingdom. The Queen -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span>Mother, people think, is in favour of war, because she -hopes thereby to retain her power.</p> - -<p>Damville,<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> they say, received an unfavourable -answer from the King, and consequently remained at -Turin; he has now, I hear, been summoned by the -King; a suspicious circumstance, as many think. It -will be two months, it is supposed, before the King gets -away from his affairs at Lyons, and in the meantime -business here makes little progress. I expect the King -and the Queen Mother will give your Majesty an account -of what is passing in France. At any rate I feel -justified in saying that everybody is anxiously looking -for a marriage between the King and your Majesty’s -daughter—it is the general topic of conversation.</p> - -<p>The Comte de Bailen, after being kept for a long -time in Gascony by the dangers of the road, has at last -started for Lyons.</p> -<blockquote> -<p>Paris, September 17, 1574.<br /> -</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<h3>LETTER IV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I have</span> despatched two letters to your Majesty since I -arrived here, one I sent by way of Brussels, the other, -dated the 17th, was given to a servant of the Duke of -Bavaria, who was travelling this way from Spain. -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span>Now I have a convenient opportunity of sending -despatches by the hands of Master John Koch.</p> - -<p>The King has determined to continue the war -rather than suffer two religions in his kingdom, or -allow the rebels to remain in possession of the towns -they have seized; while they declare that they will -hold them to the death, having no hope of safety left -save in their walls and their despair. Thus the King -is again getting entangled in difficulties, from which -he will not easily free himself, and which he might -perhaps have avoided.</p> - -<p>Fontenay, the town about which I wrote lately, fell -at the third assault. There was great slaughter both of -besiegers and besieged. People think Lusignan will be -attacked next. It is a fortress of considerable strength, -five miles from Poitiers, and being built on a rock is not -easily accessible.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> The siege of Lusignan will give Mont<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span>pensier’s -army occupation for some time, and though -less important places like these may be easily recovered -by the King, at any rate the reduction of Montauban, -Nismes, Rochelle, and other towns, which still hold -out, will prove a more difficult task. But who can -say what may happen in the meanwhile? Time brings -about many a surprise, and the result may turn out far -other than what it is expected to be. The King thinks -differently; under his mother’s influence, as it is supposed, -he is entering on the war with a light heart. -Within the last few days an Edict<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> was published, by -which all who had fled the country are invited to -return home within six months, under promise of an -amnesty; if they do not avail themselves of this act of -indemnity within that time, they are to be considered -outlaws and public enemies. This proclamation, it is -feared, will be the signal for those who distrust the -King’s word to take the field—it is the trumpet calling -them to battle. To people’s astonishment some noble -families, as, for instance, those of Rambouillet and -d’Estrées,<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> have been ordered to leave the Court and -retire to their homes.</p> - -<p>At his parting from the Duke of Savoy, the King -is said to have made him a present of two towns which -are still held by his garrisons—namely, Savigliano and -Pignerolo, if I remember the names rightly. This -arrangement, however, has been interfered with by -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span>the Duke’s wife having died, unfortunately for him, -before it was completed, an event which may possibly -make the King change his intentions.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">19</a></p> - -<p>I am far from satisfied with the state of the business -which is the principal object of my mission—namely, -the settlement of the Queen’s dower. The -King’s return, I suspect, is further off than people -think, and meanwhile nothing can be done here. The -Queen is thus left in a state of uncertainty; she knows -not what is to happen, or what her position is to be, -and therefore she naturally feels by no means comfortable. -Some people think the King will go down to -Avignon, to be nearer the seat of the war which is -imminent; and, if so, it is supposed he will not be in -Paris for full six months from this. If this be true, -though sufficient provision has been made for her in -the meantime, still perhaps it is hardly creditable that -a lady, who is now practically your Majesty’s ward, -should be left dependent on another’s beck and call, -and sit quietly waiting till it pleases him to ask her to -become once more a wife. Such a position is, in my -humble opinion, a highly improper one; nor do I believe -that in any other case the relatives of a widowed -queen ever waited so long before taking steps to protect -her interests. I trust your Majesty will consider -what is to be done. Shall I go to the King—which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span>will involve some expense—or shall I write to him, -or shall I wait here for his return, whenever that may -be?</p> - -<p>If I may give my opinion, I think the King is likely -to have more trouble than he expects. For, taking -even the most favourable supposition, and assuming -that he reduces a great part of the rebels to submission, -I consider that he cannot possibly complete his -task during the present winter, and that many of them -will hold out still. What then will be the King’s -position? His forces will be no longer what they -were at the beginning of the campaign; war, privation, -and winter will have thinned their ranks. On -the other hand, we must be prepared to see the exiled -nobles now in Germany come to the succour of their -friends with such troops as they can raise. All France -will then be in a blaze once more; the issue of the -contest it is impossible to foretell, for who can say how -many secret allies the rebels can reckon on? Those -who are thoroughly estranged from the King are not -a few.</p> - -<p>This forecast of future probabilities is derived in -great measure from a conversation I had, when I was -passing through Kaiserslautern, with an intimate friend -of the Palatine and Casimir.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> The exiles I speak of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span>have been prevented from invading the country chiefly -by two motives: in the first place, they had some -hopes that the King would be more indulgent to their -party, and wished to give him a trial; secondly, among -their chiefs are two sons of the Constable,<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> and they -saw that if they stirred it would be the signal for the -execution of their imprisoned brother, Montmorency; -the Queen Mother has openly threatened and declared -as much. Perhaps, too, they are influenced by the -consideration that it would be very bad policy to choose -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span>the moment when the King’s forces are at their best -for attacking him, instead of biding their time.</p> - -<p>To turn to another subject. A few days ago a -gentleman, who is one of the King’s councillors, came -to see me, and gave me a book to send to your Majesty, -to whom it is dedicated by the author. It is the -work of François de Foix, Bishop of Aire, and Privy -Councillor to the King. He is an old man of the -highest rank, and is a great scholar. He is also a near -relative of your Majesty, for his father, he states in his -letter, was brother of your Majesty’s grandmother on -the mother’s side.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> His elder brother, the Comte de -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span>Candale, is dead. He left a son, who was killed by a -musket-shot in the head,<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> while fighting under Damville, -who was then engaged in some service for the -King. He left only two daughters, the eldest of whom -succeeded to the family property, and is being brought -up in the house of her maternal grandmother, the -widow of the Constable, their father having married -one of the Constable’s daughters. To return to the -Bishop. He is a man of the greatest learning, especially -in mathematics, and is regarded by the professors -of that science here as one of their most distinguished -men. He has translated Hermes Trismegistus<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">24</a>—a -writer of such antiquity that some people make him -out to be a contemporary of Moses himself—from Greek -into Latin, and this is the work that is now on its way -to your Majesty. He has also translated him into -French, and has dedicated the translation to the -Queen Mother. He has written, besides, five books -of commentaries on the same author in French, which -those who have seen it assert to be a noble work; and -this has been published under the patronage of the -Queen, your Majesty’s daughter. I humbly hope your -Majesty, when answering my letter, will condescend -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span>to acknowledge the arrival of the book, and gratify -the good old man by thanking him for the compliment. -I will take care to show the passage to his friends, who -brought me the book.</p> - -<p>As to the Queen’s condition, I have nothing to -write which your Majesty will not hear from her own -letters. One matter, I think, I should not omit to -mention. Everything here is exceedingly dear, especially -the necessaries of life, such as bread, wine, fire-wood, -and lodgings. With these high prices, I do not -see how I am to keep within the salary allowed by -your Majesty. However, I will do the best I can for -this half year, and after that I trust your Majesty will -kindly see that I am properly provided for.</p> - -<p>To conclude. As I perceive there is no immediate -prospect of the King’s arrival, and I can leave Paris -for some days without any inconvenience to the Queen, -I have determined, with her approval, to avail myself -of your Majesty’s kind permission, and to make the -journey home, which I have so long intended, to arrange -my private affairs. I think of remaining in the -Netherlands till your Majesty’s gracious reply to this -letter arrives at Brussels, which I consider your Majesty -will find to be the most convenient route for -sending an answer. I have nothing more to add except -my earnest prayer that God may long preserve -your Majesty to us and to Christendom.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, September 28, 1574.</p></blockquote> - -<p>Montmorency is still detained in the same prison; -Cossé, on account of his illness, is allowed a more convenient -lodging, but is guarded there with the utmost -strictness.</p> - -<p>I am not sure if it is worth adding a postscript to -say that, if your Majesty should think fit to send me<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span> -to the King, any despatches to the Duke of Savoy -could be conveyed at the same time without any additional -trouble or expense, for Turin is not very far -from Lyons, and is nearer still to Avignon—if I mistake -not.</p> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER V.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I have</span> but lately sent all the news I had by the hands -of Master John Koch. Since then nothing has happened -worth notice, except that letters from Lyons -have reached Paris, saying that the question of the -Queen’s dower has been discussed at Court, and that -the Duchy of Berry has been assigned to her on account -thereof. The annual income, however, of this -Duchy, derived from real estate, does not come up to -the amount of her dower; whence the rest is to be -provided we do not know, but it certainly ought to be -charged on lands in the neighbourhood. The Queen -herself has not heard a word on the subject, though -the King has written several times to her, and the -Queen Mother still more frequently. The report I -mention about the dower prevents my starting for the -Netherlands, as I had intended, for I am afraid of -perhaps being wanted here.</p> - -<p>As to the King’s return, nothing is yet known for -certain: some think it is not near, and that he intends -going further away; others regard his movements as a -trick to induce the gentlemen of the Court to start for -the camp, under the notion that the King will shortly -follow. I can make no positive assertion either way; -I have not been long in France and am at a distance -from the scene of action; hitherto I have been unable -to do more than chronicle rumours and people’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span> -opinions. Your Majesty must excuse it, therefore, if I -am occasionally wrong in my facts or mistaken in my -predictions.</p> - -<p>One part of the Royal army is besieging Poussin,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> a -castle fortified by the Huguenots, on the bank of the -Rhone, a little below Vienne, I believe, and not many -miles from Lyons. The rest of it is with Montpensier, -besieging Lusignan, which is garrisoned, they say, by -about 600 soldiers and 200 gentlemen. La Noue,<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> the -head of the rebels, is said to be at Rochelle with such -a following, that they think he will be master of the -town. As to Damville, some people have a story -that, when he found the King intended to arrest him -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>and put him to death, he crossed by sea from Savoy to -Montpellier, a city in his government, and that he has -induced it with some of the neighbouring towns to -revolt. Of this, however, there is nothing known for -certain, and I suspect it is somebody’s invention.</p> - -<p><small>Paris, October, 1574.</small></p> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER VI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I lately</span> despatched a letter to your Majesty by a -running footman, whom I sent to Brussels to bring -back the answer I am expecting from your Majesty. -Since then nothing new has occurred except that the -Queen was threatened with an attack. The symptoms -were sickness, accompanied by general inflammation -and irritation of the skin, while at night she suffered -from thirst. Physicians were called in, and they declared -it to be a case of bile in the blood; they said -that there was danger of fever if remedies were not -promptly employed. Accordingly, they treated her -with purgatives and bleeding; since then there has -been a change for the better, and the physicians now -have great hopes that the attack has been taken in -time, and this is also my view. The Queen herself is -in good spirits, and considers herself as well as before -the illness. Still I should not like to leave your -Majesty in ignorance of what has happened.</p> - -<p>A few days ago the Comte de Bailen arrived from -Lyons to offer the Queen the condolences of the King -of Spain; he had already expressed his master’s regret -to the King and Queen Mother at Lyons. He was kept -a long time at Bordeaux by the dangers of the road, -and he incurred serious risks on his way round by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span> -Lyons, as parties were watching at various places on -his route with intent to waylay him. He is now hesitating -as to what road he shall choose for his return, -and seems to think the safety of his route a more important -consideration than its length. He has, moreover, -a wish to visit the Netherlands and other countries.</p> - -<p>To-day I was informed that Pibrac is coming here -from Lyons; from him I shall be able to learn how -matters stand there. He is also bringing, they say, -the King’s instructions to me with reference to the -dower. Your Majesty shall be duly informed of whatever -I hear.</p> - -<p>Poussin, which was being besieged, has fallen into -the King’s hands; the defenders, according to some -accounts, sallied out by night and escaped from the -town.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> Damville’s conduct excites suspicion; two -Vicomtes are said to have come to him at Montpellier -to concert plans for war. One of them, I think, is the -Vicomte de Montbrun; the other’s name I have not -heard. Damville is also believed to have tried to take -Avignon by surprise; people think that he will raise -the standard of a fresh insurrection, and thus exasperate -the King, who is at present inclined towards justice and -mercy, as your Majesty will see from the Edict<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> I enclose. -There seems, therefore, to be no prospect that -France will see any termination of the woes with which -she is afflicted. One civil war begets another, until there -is no end.</p> - -<p>About the King’s coming there are vague reports, -which change every day. I cannot be sure of anything -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span>till I have an interview with Pibrac, and, as soon as I -have seen him, I will lose no time in making my report -to your Majesty.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, October 31, 1574.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER VII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">In</span> my last letter to your Majesty I gave an account of -the Queen’s health; and how her physicians hoped to -keep off a fever by timely remedies. Unhappily, a -few days later, though the Queen had felt no inconvenience -in the mean time, there was a return of the -complaint, and it was found necessary to repeat the -medicines and to bleed her again. The blood that -was taken was very corrupt, so much so that her -physicians became anxious, feeling sure that her illness -would be serious, and possibly dangerous. They called -in some of the first physicians in Paris, and held a -consultation. The attack, however, never became -dangerous, and on the fifth day there was a decided -improvement, and on the seventh, which was Sunday, -the fever had quite subsided. Her physicians are not -yet altogether free from anxiety, as there is still some -derangement of the system, which they are endeavouring -to remove; the Queen, however, now the -fever has left her, is not in the least nervous about -herself. Thanks to God’s mercy, she is in a fair way -towards recovery.</p> - -<p>There is another matter, as to which it is essential -to have explicit instructions from your Majesty. From -the beginning of next January the Queen, they say, -will have her dower assigned to her, and instead of -living as hitherto at the expense of the State, she will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span> -have to maintain herself on her own resources and out of -the revenues of her dower. Consequently there are -several points that present themselves for your -Majesty’s consideration. In the first place, your Majesty -will have to indicate the source from which the -Queen is to get money for her maintenance till her own -revenues begin to come in; secondly, your Majesty -will have to decide whether she is to remain here for -the winter, so as to have milder weather for her journey, -or to return immediately. If the last course is -preferred, your Majesty will have to settle all the questions -relating to her route, the expense to be incurred, -the suite that is to attend her, the road she is to take, -and her ultimate destination. If, on the other hand, -there is not time to make all these arrangements, and -it should be therefore decided that she shall stay some -months longer in France, still a decision must be -come to as to whether she is to remain in Paris, or -retire to the place assigned her as dower. For there -can be no question that she will live at much less -expense in her own house, if I may call it so, than -here in Paris, where everything is excessively dear. -There is a château in the Duchy of Berry which would -just suit her, called Remorantin; the Queen Mother -herself is said to have sometimes thought of retiring -thither. Apart from any questions of economy, a -residence in the country would be more in keeping -with her position as a widow. Assuming this to be -settled, your Majesty’s opinion will be required as to -all the arrangements of her new establishment, and the -gentlemen and ladies who are to constitute her household. -Nothing can be determined till I receive your -Majesty’s instructions.</p> - -<p>I mentioned in my former letter that the Duchy of -Berry is to be assigned to the Queen, and I have now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span> -written that after the first of January she is to live at -her own charges. Both these statements are founded -only upon current report and require confirmation, for -neither the Queen, nor the Comte de Fiesco,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> nor I -have received any official notice on the subject. However, -the fact is in itself so probable and the rumour -has become so general, that neither the Comte nor myself -have any doubt of its truth. I heard from one of -Pibrac’s relatives in Lyons that he would shortly be -here to discuss the whole question with me on behalf -of the King. However, he has not arrived yet, though -he is expected every day. I shall lose no time in informing -your Majesty of the result of our interview. -In the meantime I have thought it better to send this -letter without waiting for his arrival.</p> - -<p>The report, which was at first very general, of the -King’s intending to marry your daughter, is now universally -discredited. Some people, whose opinion is -worth having, ascribe the cause to the Sorbonne or -College of Divines in Paris. When King Henry VIII. -of England began to question the validity of his mar<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>riage -with his deceased brother’s widow, and wanted -to have it declared null, these divines were consulted -as to the lawfulness of the marriage. At the instigation -of King Francis I., who wished to gratify the -King of England, knowing that the dissolution of the -marriage would dissolve the alliance between the Emperor -Charles and Henry, they pronounced the marriage -unlawful and incestuous, in opposition to all the -other divines and jurists before whom the case had -been laid.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> This decision being so contrary to the -general opinion, King Francis thought it sufficient to -forward it to England, and wished it to be suppressed as -far as possible in France. But the King of England, -being anxious to support his case, had the decision -printed, and published far and wide. This precedent -is supposed to be a great stumbling-block to the King, -and to make him have scruples of the lawfulness of a -marriage with his brother’s widow, as he would thereby -seem to question the authority of his ancestor’s decision.</p> - -<p>This is one version of the story; whether it be the -true one, or simply an excuse, I cannot tell for certain. -I fully expect that when I have had a talk with Pibrac -I shall be able to make out more of this matter, or at -any rate to form a tolerably good guess; for even if -he says nothing I shall be able from his very silence -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span>to draw my own conclusions as to the King’s wishes -and intentions.</p> - -<p>It is considered certain that the King will go down -to Avignon. His object, I imagine, is to be nearer -the scene of action, where his presence is required. -Meanwhile the siege of Lusignan continues. As to -other matters, I cannot venture to make any positive -assertion. The Comte de Bailen will, I understand, -leave this to-morrow on his way back to Spain. He -intends going to Nantes, a seaport in Brittany, and -thence taking ship for Bilbao or St. Sebastian. He has -chosen this as being by far the shortest route as well -as the safest.</p> - -<p>I most humbly entreat your Majesty for an early -answer to this letter, for, until we have your instructions, -we cannot bring this business to a conclusion -with credit to your Majesty. I would suggest sending -the answer to Leonhard de Taxis<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> at Brussels, who has -promised to use all speed in forwarding your Majesty’s -letters to Paris.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, November 9, 1574.</p></blockquote> - -<p>I told your Majesty that we were expecting Pibrac -in Paris. Well, he has arrived, and as we were old -friends, having made each other’s acquaintance when -the King of France was staying at Vienna, I went and -called on him. He returned my visit. I took the -first opportunity which offered itself in the course of -our conversation of introducing the Queen’s business, -and expressed my surprise at the delay in the assign<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span>ment -of the dower. He replied that affairs of this -kind could not be arranged in a hurry, and that matters -would be set right if I went to the King myself.</p> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER VIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I have</span> little to add to what I told your Majesty in -my last two letters of the Queen’s health. She is still -confined to her bed by the orders of her physicians, -but she looks well, and is in excellent spirits. There -is no need for me to say more, as she is writing to -your Majesty herself.</p> - -<p>Pibrac arrived three days ago. I lost no time in -calling upon him, to ascertain whether he had any -instructions with regard to the Queen’s dower. He -avoided the subject, and talked of Poland, and a message -the King had received from a Diet held at Warsaw, -begging him to return forthwith. He told me that the -Turkish Ambassador had been present at the meeting -of the Diet, and informed the Poles that the Sultan -would make it a <em>casus belli</em> if they elected a Muscovite -or one of your Majesty’s sons to the vacant throne: -they must appoint one of their own countrymen, two of -whom he specified as proper candidates. It was supposed, -however, that it was at the instigation of these -two gentlemen that the embassy had been sent. Pibrac -then observed that there was one of your Majesty’s -subjects who was looking out for the throne.</p> - -<p>I remarked that an absent king was not likely to -keep his crown long. He agreed, and was of opinion -that the Poles would soon be engaged in fighting with -each other.</p> - -<p>The conversation flagged, and as he made no allu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span>sion -to the subject in which I was interested, I introduced -it myself. I told him that there was a rumour -that the Queen’s dower had been assigned. He informed -me that the report was correct, and represented -the settlement which had been made as most advantageous -to the Queen. He said that he understood -your Majesty intended arranging a marriage for the -Queen with the King of Portugal. I replied that I -knew nothing of the matter beyond the fact that the -King of Portugal had been most anxious to obtain her -hand before her marriage. At present, I added, he -was too much engaged with his expedition against -Fez.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">32</a></p> - -<p>It appears from my conversation with Pibrac that -the Queen will not receive her dower till January, and -I am anxious to know what arrangement your Majesty -proposes for providing her with funds in the meantime.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">33</a></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>November 13, 1574.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER IX.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">On</span> Saturday last I despatched a letter to your Majesty -by a gentleman who paid a visit to the Queen on behalf -of the King and Queen Mother, as he told me that -on his return to Lyons the Seneschal of that city would -be sent to your Majesty. The Queen also wrote a -letter, which I enclosed. I wrote in such a hurry that -I am afraid my letter is hardly as clear as it should be; -I trust your Majesty will, with your usual kindness, -pardon its shortcomings.</p> - -<p>The purport of my letter was that the Queen was -convalescent, and that her dower was to commence on -the 1st of January. She will then begin life afresh, -and her residence and the arrangements of her establishment -will depend upon your Majesty’s pleasure. -I humbly trust that your Majesty will make such provision -as the case requires.</p> - -<p>I understand that in similar cases the widows of -French Kings have been sent home with a French -retinue at the charge of the royal treasury; but I see -that the Queen’s officials are anxious as to the source -from which funds are to be provided until her revenues -shall begin to accrue, for her debts are already large, -and will be still greater by January 1. At that date -she will not owe less than 50,000 francs. The King -ought to pay the money, but I am afraid he will not do -so punctually, and in that case her creditors are likely -to become troublesome. I am also anxious as to her -income, for I fear that, whatever reductions are made -in her household, she will have difficulty in meeting -her expenses if she remains in France.</p> - -<p>As to other matters, there is not much for me to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span> -say, except that the King’s affairs are far from prosperous. -The besieged garrison of Lusignan has made -a successful sally, and Montpensier has lost so many -men that he is compelled to raise the siege. Some -companies also of the Comte de Retz’s forces, with a detachment -of cavalry, have likewise, they say, been cut -to pieces by Damville’s troops. Damville is believed -to be full of confidence, and busy in making preparations -for defence. He holds a commission as Condé’s -lieutenant. There are fears that Condé himself will -take the field, and that troops will be raised in Germany. -In confirmation of this, we hear that the people -of Rochelle have sold a large quantity of salt to German -traders, whose ships are lying in their harbour, -and that the proceeds are to be placed to the credit of -Condé in Germany, for the purpose of hiring soldiers. -If this be true, it is very serious news for France.</p> - -<p>As to the King’s views with regard to marriage, I -cannot speak with any certainty. Some think that -he has set his heart on Monsieur de Vaudemont’s -daughter, who is a very handsome girl. Besides, the -King is devoted to the House and party of Lorraine, -and most anxious for its advancement.</p> - -<p>However, if he marries her he will cause tongues -to wag, and give offence to those who from interest or -jealousy are opposed to the party of Lorraine. Amongst -these must be numbered Vendôme, Condé, and possibly -Alençon himself, who will suspect—not without -reason perhaps—that this marriage is only the thin end -of the wedge.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, November 16, 1574.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER X.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I received</span> your Majesty’s two letters dated October -31, and also my instructions, on November 23. I was -at Paris when they arrived, having abandoned my visit -to the Netherlands for reasons with which your Majesty -is already acquainted.</p> - -<p>I informed the Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, -and at the same time delivered the letter. I took the -opportunity of ascertaining her views as to the desirability -of my visiting the King in accordance with -your Majesty’s instructions. She thought it advisable, -on the grounds mentioned by your Majesty. I asked -her to think the matter over, and when I had an interview -with her the next day she was still of the same -opinion.</p> - -<p>Also I asked her whether the King (Charles IX.) -had made a will before he died? She replied in the -negative, telling me that he had only given verbal -instructions on certain points; she was quite sure he -had made no will. I believe the Queen is right, for so -far I have not heard from anyone of his leaving a will. -I will, however, make further inquiries.</p> - -<p>A few days after I had written my last letter to -your Majesty, the Bishop of Paris,<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> who is the Queen’s -Chancellor, paid me a visit, and we were shortly afterwards -joined by the Comte de Fiesco and Monsieur -de France, the Queen’s first steward. We discussed -the question of the dower; the last two gentlemen -expressed their doubts as to the possibility of getting -the pension of 20,000 francs usually granted to Queens -Dowager charged on a good security, quoting the case -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span>of the Queen of Scots, whose pension was settled in -such a way as to be absolutely worthless.</p> - -<p>It would be of the greatest advantage to the Queen, -your Majesty’s daughter, if she could have the command -of 10,000 or 12,000 thalers to meet her expenses -until the revenues of her dower shall begin to accrue. -I think we could manage without money in hard cash, -if a credit could be opened at Lyons or Antwerp, so -that we might be able to draw on our agents. My duty -to your Majesty and the Queen, my mistress, renders -it incumbent on me to make this suggestion, but I shall -gladly acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever -it may be.</p> - -<p>Your Majesty mentions ‘credentials.’ I have not -received them, and I think they would be of some -service to me; for if anyone should challenge my -right to act as the Queen’s representative, I have no -authority to produce except my letter of instructions, -and I should not care to have its entire contents made -public.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, November 30, 1574.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I set</span> out on the journey which I had undertaken at the -desire of your Majesty, and arrived at Lyons December -12. There I waited a couple of days for the purpose -of making inquiries as to the remainder of my route, -and obtaining what was needful for the road.</p> - -<p>I felt it my duty to have an interview with the -Spanish Ambassador and ascertain from him how matters -were going on. His Excellency had been ordered -to remain at Lyons with the other ambassadors, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span> -there await the King’s arrival; but he had a still more -imperative reason for remaining—to wit, the gout!</p> - -<p>He advised me most kindly with regard to my -journey, telling me much of the dangers to be encountered, -both on the river route and that by land, -and recommending me strongly not to go to Avignon. -I think he would have persuaded me, had I not sent -for some boatmen who had lately made the voyage; -from them I ascertained that matters were not nearly -so bad as the Ambassador had represented; there was -a risk, but no certainty, of our being attacked. Accordingly, -not wishing to waste my time at Lyons, -where no intelligence was to be obtained of the movements -of the King—nor, indeed, any news at all—and -thus displease both your Majesty and the Queen, I determined -at all hazards to continue my journey.</p> - -<p>Accordingly I embarked at Lyons on the 15th, and -reached Avignon on the 17th.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> By God’s mercy, I -encountered no difficulty or danger on the way, and -found the road far safer and pleasanter than I had been -led to expect. Not that it was altogether safe, for -at Valence Bishop Montluc,<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> (the chief negotiator in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span>the Polish business), when he came on board to pay -his respects, advised me to take with me six musketeers, -as people had been stopped in the neighbourhood, -and some had been killed. I followed his advice.</p> - -<p>I had an audience of the King on the 19th of the -same month, and was received most kindly. On my -delivering your Majesty’s message and letter, together -with that of the Empress, he answered in very handsome -terms, that for your Majesty’s sake he would do -all that lay in his power for the Queen, and spoke at -great length of the attentions and kind services he had -received at your hands. The Queen Mother (Catherine -de Medici), to whose presence I was admitted a few -days later, held similar language; she had been suffering -from constant sickness, which prevented her giving -me an earlier interview. I ascertained later that the -King had sent letters to the Queen at Paris touching -the dower, and that, contrary to the usual custom, they -had been registered by the Parliament of Paris before -being presented to the Queen. I called on his Majesty -and made some objections to his proposal. The King -said he must refer the matter to his council, and also -wait for an answer from the Queen’s advisers. He -spoke of your Majesty’s kindness at great length, and -specially of the assurances he had lately received, -through Vulcob,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> that he would have your Majesty’s -support if he cared to keep his kingdom of Poland.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span></p> -<p>In the course of our conversation I discovered that -the King would do whatever the Queen Mother wished, -so I determined to approach her again and ask for her -services on behalf of the Queen. She professed the -utmost willingness and said, she would do her best for -the Queen, who had been an excellent daughter to her.</p> - -<p>A few days later, de Morvilliers,<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> the Bishop of -Orleans, and the Bishop of Limoges called on me and -we had a long discussion with regard to the dower. I -must not forget to mention that, when the King told -me that your Majesty had offered to assist him in keeping -his kingdom of Poland, I was much surprised, but -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span>made no reply, as I thought it might possibly be a trap. -I wonder also that nothing has been said as to the non-payment -of the marriage portion<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">39</a>; I am afraid they -are keeping this argument in reserve.</p> - -<p>I must not forget to inform your Majesty that, in -the course of my interview with the Queen Mother, she -told me she felt assured of the kindly feeling which -your Majesty entertained for her, because your Majesty -had continually advised her against war, whereas those -who wished her ill had given the opposite counsel. -She had followed your Majesty’s advice, she said, for -a long time, and thereby exposed herself to severe -criticism from not a few.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Lyons, January 24, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">To-day</span> the King set out from Lyons on his way to -Rheims, where he is to be crowned—as he told me -himself—on the 13th.</p> - -<p>I will not weary your Majesty with a full description -of the state of France, but content myself with a sketch.</p> - -<p>Ever since the commencement of the civil wars -which are distracting the country, there has been a -terrible change for the worse. So complete is the -alteration, that those who knew France before would -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span>not recognise her again. Everywhere are to be seen -shattered buildings, fallen churches, and towns in ruins; -while the traveller gazes horror-stricken on spots which -have but lately been the scenes of murderous deeds -and inhuman cruelties. The fields are left untilled: -the farmer’s stock and tools have been carried off by -the soldier as his booty, he is plundered alike by Frenchman -and by foreigner. Commerce is crippled; the towns -lately thronged with merchants and customers are now -mourning their desolation in the midst of closed shops -and silent manufactories. Meanwhile, the inhabitants, -ground down by ceaseless exactions, are crying out at -the immense sums which are being squandered for -nought, or applied to purposes for which they were -never intended. They demand a reckoning in tones -which breathe a spirit of rebellion. Men of experience, -members of the oldest families in France, are in many -cases regarded with suspicion, and either not allowed to -come to Court, or left to vegetate at home. Besides -the two parties into which Frenchmen are divided by -their religious differences, there are also feuds and -quarrels which affect every grade of society.</p> - -<p>In the first place, the feeling against the Italians -who are in the French service is very strong; the high -promotion they have received and the important duties -with which they have been intrusted, arouse the -jealousy of men who consider them ignorant of French -business, and hold that they have neither merit, services, -nor birth to justify their appointment. Birague, -as Chancellor, holds one of the highest offices in the -kingdom; Comte de Retz<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> is a Maréchal; Strozzi is -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span>in command of the infantry of France; Guadagni is -Seneschal of Lyons; and in the same way other -Italians occupy most important posts, while Frenchmen -murmur.</p> - -<p>Again, Italians farm nearly all the taxes, and exact -their dues so rigidly as to drive the natives, who are -unaccustomed to such extortion, to the very verge of -rebellion; there will be another Saint Bartholomew<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> -if they do not take care, and they will be the victims.</p> - -<p>The feuds which separate the leading families of -France are more bitter than those described in ancient -tragedy; this is the state of feeling which exists -between the Houses of Guise, Vendôme and Bourbon, -not to mention that of Montmorency, which, through -its alliances and connections, has a considerable party -of its own.</p> - -<p>The Bourbons are the strongest; the Guises have -most influence at Court, but this is an advantage which -they may lose any day by the death of the King, and -then their fall is inevitable.</p> - -<p>By his nearest relations the King is feared rather -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span>than loved, for, knowing the designs they entertained -before the death of his brother (Charles IX.), they -have no confidence in his mercy and forgiveness, -though he professes to have pardoned them, and think -that his vengeance is only deferred for a time. On -the other hand, the King must see clearly from the -flight of Condé what the feelings of his own family are -towards him.</p> - -<p>The district in which the rebellion on religious -grounds has struck its deepest roots begins at Rochelle -and reaches to the Rhone, comprising the whole of -Guienne and Languedoc: it includes Saintonge, Poitou, -the Limousin, Perigord, Gascony, the country round -Narbonne, &c., &c. Nor is this all; across the Rhone, -in Dauphiny itself, Montbrun has seized places, as, -for instance, Livron, which is now besieged by the -Royalists.</p> - -<p>In making the statement that the rebels are powerful -in Languedoc and Guienne, I must not be understood to -say that the principal cities of those provinces do not -obey the King; my meaning is that the insurgents -occupy posts of vantage throughout the country, -which enable them to render both life and property -insecure; there is no peace or quiet for those who are -loyal to the King. To drive them from their fortresses -would be a most difficult task, for they have formidable -positions and strong fortifications, garrisoned by -veteran soldiers, who have made up their minds to die -rather than trust the King’s word. Such, undoubtedly, -is their determination, for though peace, which is the -only cure for these ills, has lately been freely mentioned, -and certain men were at Avignon from Condé and his -party, still, up to the present moment, no arrangement -has been concluded. True, the King is ready to pledge -his word that, if his towns are restored to him, no one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span> -shall be troubled on account of his religion; but the -memory of Saint Bartholomew<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> is a fatal obstacle: they -will place no confidence in his promise, and believe -that it is only a stratagem to destroy the survivors of -that night.</p> - -<p>Such acts of treachery, it would seem, never answer -in the long run, whatever the advantage at the time -may be!</p> - -<p>Some people have a notion that the idea of peace -is not seriously entertained, but is simply a manœuvre -to break up the confederacy by making overtures to -some of its members.</p> - -<p>Ambassadors, it is true, have been sent lately to -Rochelle, but in the meantime both parties are busy -fighting: the King is pressing on the sieges of Livron -and Lusignan, while the rebels are using every means -in their power to harass and perplex him. After the -King’s departure from Avignon, they took possession -of Aigues-Mortes,<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> where they found a store of cannon, -which will be of great service to them. One fort, however, -still remains in the hands of the Royalists, and the -Duc de Uzes, who commands for the King, does not -despair of retaking the town under cover of its fire.</p> - -<p>It is not that I should regard the situation as hope<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>less, -if there were a prospect of matters taking a turn -for the better, but, bad as is the present state of things, it is -nothing compared to what we may expect any day to see.</p> - -<p>Having given my ideas as to the state of the -country, I will now give my opinion of the King. Of -his character your Majesty has had opportunities of -judging; he is naturally well disposed, and in the -hands of good advisers and councillors of sound judgment -might turn out a pattern sovereign. But his -companions are wild young men, the tone of French -society is licentious, and he listens to selfish intriguers -who are seeking their own advantage; under such -circumstances, who can say that he will not go astray? -Both he and his brother (Alençon) are of a weakly -constitution and not likely to be long-lived.</p> - -<p>The ambassadors who came from Poland have -been ordered to remain at Lyons, and there await the -King’s arrival; it is supposed that his Majesty will -not care much for the despatches which they bring, as -they are couched in rough, not to say threatening, language. -It seems that the King has thoughts of keeping -Poland, for, though he is still a bachelor, he has announced -his intention of bestowing it on one of his -future children, and with this view is negotiating for -an alliance with the King of Sweden’s daughter; for -my own part, however, I am inclined to suspect that -this is a mere feint. First among the aspirants to the -Crown of Poland stands the Duke of Ferrara, but in -France the idea is that the Transylvanian<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> is the candidate -most popular with the Poles. The King is dissatisfied -with the Duke of Savoy’s conduct with regard -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>to Damville, and it is supposed that, if what is past -could be recalled, he would not be so liberal with his -towns.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">45</a></p> - -<p>It seems that the siege of Livron will be a long -business; for, though the wall has been battered with -cannon, and there is as wide a breach as the besiegers -could desire for them to mount to the attack, two -assaults have already been repulsed with heavy loss. -There are several reasons to account for these failures: -in the first place, the attacking column has to climb up -hill through the rubbish and <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">débris</em>, which crumble -away under their feet; secondly, fresh intrenchments -have been made within the circuit of the walls, and -the besieged are so confident of holding the town -that they may almost be said to laugh at the efforts of -their enemies.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> I saw this with my own eyes when I -passed Livron on my way back from Avignon. Thirdly, -when they come to close quarters, not only do they -meet with a most stubborn resistance from the men, but -many of them are also wounded by the women, who -rain stones upon them from the roofs and ramparts. -I saw six ensigns on the walls of the town, whence it -is assumed that there are 400 soldiers in the garrison; -they have muskets, but no cannon. His son-in-law, -who was in command of the town, having been killed -by a cannon-ball, Montbrun, the night before I arrived, -sent four more gentlemen into the place with a party of -soldiers; it is said that they passed through the outposts -of the German horse commanded by Count -Nogarola.</p> - -<p>Your Majesty no doubt received intelligence long -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>ago of the death of the Cardinal of Lorraine.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> He -died of fever, after an illness of eighteen days. The -attack was brought on, people think, by his walking in a -procession of Flagellants, at night. The Queen Mother -has been poorly from the same cause, and her daughter -(Marguerite), wife of Vendôme (Henry of Navarre), -had a troublesome cold, which lasted several days.</p> - -<p>There are four societies of Flagellants at Avignon; -the Cardinal enrolled himself in one of them, and advised -the King to do the same; his Majesty’s example -was followed by the whole of the nobility. On one -occasion, when they were walking in procession with -these societies at night, which is the usual time for -such ceremonies, there was a very cold wind, and -this is supposed to have been the cause of the Cardinal’s -illness and death, for two or three days afterwards he -fell sick.</p> - -<p>He was a great man, and took a prominent part in -the government of the country. In him we have lost -a profound scholar, an eloquent speaker, an experienced -statesman. He was ever anxious to advance the in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>terests -of his party and his family, and I am by no -means sure that the State did not sometimes suffer in -consequence. The King visited him during his illness, -and would have gone to him oftener if he had not been -afraid of infection. He has felt his death deeply. -When the body was being removed from Avignon, on -its way to Rheims, the King and four Cardinals accompanied -it to the gates of the city. They were attended -by all the nobles of the Court, with the King’s brother -and the King of Navarre (as they style him here) at -their head. These last, I imagine, were by no means -sorry to do this honour, not to the Cardinal, but to his -corpse! He died at night, and the Queen Mother was -so upset by his death that the next day she fancied -she saw him bidding her farewell, and could hear him -saying ‘Adieu, madame; adieu, madame.’ She tried -to point him out to those who were with her.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">48</a></p> - -<p>Whilst I was writing, news came that Lusignan -had surrendered to Montpensier. The garrison are to -be allowed to retire to Bouteville and Pons with their -arms and property. I hear also that the siege of Livron -has been raised; the attacking force is broken up; the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span>men being quartered in the neighbouring villages, from -which they are to watch the town and see that no provisions -are brought in. They will have a hard task, -methinks, to keep up so strict a blockade, as not to be -sometimes given the slip.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Lyons, January 24, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XIII.</h3> - -<p>[The whole of this letter is occupied with business -connected with the dower. It is dated Paris, February -9, 1575.]</p> - -<hr /> - -<h3>LETTER XIV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I received</span> your Majesty’s letter of December 31 on -February 5, in which your Majesty graciously acquaints -me with the information touching the dower -given by the Seneschal of Lyons. On this head I -wrote at such length in my former letter that there is -no need for me to recur to the subject again. Your -Majesty next informs me that the Seneschal of Lyons -said that the Queen would be treated in the same -manner as during her husband’s lifetime, a statement -which, I think, must be considered one of mere politeness—in -short, a French compliment!</p> - -<p>With regard to your Majesty’s questions as to the -manner in which the Queen will return, I understand -that the King will see that she is escorted to Vienna, -or whatever her destination may be, by gentlemen of -high rank and a distinguished retinue, following in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span> -this respect the precedent of the Queen of Scots, whom -his predecessor (Charles IX.) sent to Scotland at his -own charges. The only expense that will fall on your -Majesty will be the presents that must be made to -those who accompany her, and the cost of their journey -when they return.</p> - -<p>Before leaving, I asked what your Majesty’s wishes -were with regard to the cipher I was to use. I was -desired to draw up a code on my way, and forward -it to your Majesty. I drew up a code at Speyer, and -put it in a letter, of which I now enclose a copy. If -the letter arrived, I presume that the cipher arrived -too; in the other case, they will both have been lost -together. I send another code, which seems to me -less difficult. I am surprised that your Majesty has -not received the letter I wrote at the end of November, -before setting out for Avignon. Some of your -Majesty’s despatches to me are also missing—viz. those -dated December 11 and 16.</p> - -<p>As to the state of France, matters are at a deadlock. -They would fain be at peace, for war means -ruin, and the very sinews of war are failing; but still -they insist on the restoration of the King’s towns as a -matter in which his honour is concerned. On the -other hand, the insurgents do not care for any peace -which does not furnish guarantees for their safety. As -to confidence, which is the very bond of human society, -they have lost it altogether, and will trust nought save -walls and fortifications.</p> - -<p>Such a difference of views it is not easy to reconcile. -I think that anyone who offered to act as mediator -would be welcomed by the King, as he would -then be able to patch up a peace by pledging some one -else’s word. His own is absolutely worthless. But -who would care to pledge himself, when there are a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span> -hundred ways in which his guarantee may be set -at nought?</p> - -<p>Some, however, wish that a league could be made -against the Turk, and Condé sent to Hungary, with -large forces both of foot and horse, by way of pumping -out the water from which, according to their idea, -France is foundering.</p> - -<p>But it is an idle scheme, for the object of the rebels -in making war is to protect their altars and firesides, -their children and their wives; and I fail to understand -by what argument they can be induced to abandon -all they hold dear, and allow themselves to be -sent to Hungary. This also is the opinion expressed -to me lately by Bellièvre,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> who was the late King’s ambassador -in Poland. Your Majesty saw him when the -King came to Vienna. He is a man who carries great -weight. He assured me in the most solemn manner -that the King, at his suggestion, had written during his -stay at Mantua, and again from France, to his ambassador -at Constantinople, ordering him to support your -Majesty’s interests, and that if he had done otherwise -he had distinctly disobeyed the orders of his master.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">50</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span></p> - -<p>The advice that your Majesty gave the King<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">51</a>—viz. -that he should avoid war—is frequently mentioned both -by the Catholics and their enemies. They say the -King is sorry he did not adopt it, and preferred to enter -his kingdom with the gates of Janus wide open, instead -of closing them. Accordingly, Pibrac, who was the only -man for taking your Majesty’s advice, and stood alone -as the advocate of peace, though at first evil spoken -of, is now praised by all. The whole blame with -regard to the war is laid on the Cardinal and the -Queen Mother, the first of whom allowed his animosity -to carry him too far, while the other was afraid -that, if peace were declared, she would be reduced -to the level of a subject and find her reign at an -end.</p> - -<p>I have now only to inform your Majesty of that of -which your Majesty must be already aware—viz. that -my funds are completely exhausted by my long and -expensive journey to Avignon, and that I have been -obliged to incur some debts. I therefore humbly petition -for the payment of my half-year’s salary to Jerome -de Cocq, who will arrange for its being remitted to me -here, in case your Majesty shall consider it advisable -to retain my services for the Queen.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, February 9, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<p>I trust your Majesty will not take it amiss that I -have been occasionally addressed as ambassador in -France; for, in spite of my protestations, I cannot -prevent their sometimes giving me this title. It mat<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span>ters -the less because it is quite clear that I am not -your Majesty’s ambassador.</p> - -<p>The Queen has just sent for me, to say that there -is a general report, which she hears on all sides, that -the King is on the point of marrying the daughter of -Vaudemont of Lorraine, and that the ceremony will be -celebrated next Monday, at Rheims. She does not know -how she ought to treat her with regard to precedence, -when she comes to Paris. I trust your Majesty will -deign to advise us on this matter. Possibly your Majesty -may think it advisable for the Queen to leave -Paris and go somewhere else—for instance, to her -daughter at Amboise, or to any other place your Majesty -may prefer.</p> - -<p>I think I told your Majesty of this love-affair of -the King’s—in my letter dated November 16, if I -remember rightly. It is quite certain that this engagement, -which was a secret to all but a very few, and -might almost deserve the epithet of <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">clandestine</em>, will -cause a bitter feeling throughout France. Vendôme’s -sister,<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> who is now of marriageable years, is intended -for Alençon, so that he will ally himself with the -Bourbons, while the King will be connected with the -Guises. As to the policy of these marriages I am -doubtful and fear that they will only add to the miseries -of France.</p> - -<p>I now implore your Majesty to send back the bearer -of this letter as soon as possible with full instructions -on all points.</p> - -<p>The future Queen is, if I am not mistaken, the -daughter of a sister of Count Egmont.</p> - -<p>The Queen has sent for me again, and shown me -a letter from the Queen Mother, informing her of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span>approaching marriage of her son the King, and telling -her that the wedding is to take place next Tuesday; -she requests her to send nearly all her attendants to -wait on the new Queen.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> Accordingly, many of her -people have left, in order to oblige the King; a few -have refused to change their mistress at such short -notice. Among these last are the Comte de Fiesco -and his wife. I should be glad if your Majesty would -notice their loyal conduct in your next letter.</p> - -<p>I trust your Majesty will seriously consider what -ought to be done; we must have a clear and distinct -answer.</p> - -<p>Whither is the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, to -go? It is impossible for her to remain in France -without seriously compromising her position, for here -all will attach themselves to the new Queen, and, as -usual, worship the rising sun! It is a common saying -that if one loses one’s position in life, life is not worth -the having. I will not say more, as I rely on your -Majesty’s discretion, and affection for your most loving -and obedient daughter.</p> - -<p>In the first place, we must have either cash or -credit, and for that reason I am going to the Netherlands. -As soon as the messenger shall have returned -to Brussels, I shall be in a position to draw the money -from whatever house your Majesty may please to appoint, -and return with it to the Queen.</p> - -<p>By this means I trust we shall be able to get away -from Paris before the King returns, or at any rate leave -soon after his arrival, and thus save our eyes and ears -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span>from a great deal of vexation; for when changes of this -kind take place there is much that is unpleasant.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>The same day.</p></blockquote> - -<p>As to the dower question, of which I wrote from -Lyons, the Queen’s advisers at Paris think that it will -be impossible to obtain a settlement on Crown lands -for the whole of the 60,000 francs per annum due to the -Queen. They say this was not done for the Queen of -Scots, though France was then much more prosperous, -and her uncle, the Cardinal,<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> was absolute master of -the realm.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, February 9, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I have</span> now been four days in Brussels waiting for -your Majesty’s orders; I am sure your Majesty will -see how important it is that I should have them as -soon as possible. When I get them I shall return to -the Queen with all speed.</p> - -<p>Her position I explained clearly in my last letter. I -have heard some remarks which make me uneasy; people -warn me that the French are most liberal in their promises, -but very niggardly in their performances, and -think the Queen will have great difficulty in obtaining -her revenues, and not receive more than half the -nominal amount. They quote the case of Queen -Leonora.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">55</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span></p> - -<p>I must say I am anxious, but I trust things will not -prove quite so bad.</p> - -<p>With the end of this month the quarter will expire -during which the King is to defray the Queen’s expenses, -and she will then be left to her own resources. -I fail to see how funds are to be provided, unless your -Majesty will supply them. For, even assuming that -we should demean ourselves so far as to go begging -to the King, we should expose ourselves to be taunted -with holding out on the question of the dower as an -excuse for dipping our fingers into the King’s purse. -The only available remedy is for your Majesty to place -8,000 or 9,000 crowns to our account, and this I trust -will be done. As to the rest, I find that some people -here talk of the Queen for the governorship of the -Netherlands. I should prefer seeing the appointment -offered to one of your Majesty’s sons; still, on the supposition -that there should be an obstacle in the way of -such an arrangement—as is by no means impossible—or -in case of the Archduke’s receiving a more tempting -offer elsewhere, people have much to say as to the -advantage which the public would reap from the -Queen’s acceptance of the post.</p> - -<p>Within the last few days, negotiations for peace -have been opened at Breda,<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> where both parties are -represented by delegates. God grant they be successful, -as many hope and everyone wishes; wise men, -however, shake their heads, for it is certain that the -religious difficulty will prove a most serious obstacle -on account of the great number of Hollanders and -Zealanders who have publicly renounced the Catholic -religion. I fail to see how they can be induced to sell -their property and go into exile, especially as they are -for the most part sailors and fishermen, and the loss of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span>their trade would mean to them absolute starvation. -The King, on the other hand, is determined to allow -none but Catholics to remain in his dominions. Most -people despair of a solution.</p> - -<p>After writing my last letter I had some conversation -with a gentleman as to the Queen’s return; he -told me that he knew for certain that the Cardinal of -Este<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> had long ago applied for the honour of escorting -the Queen to her destination. The Cardinal holds a -great deal of rich preferment: they say his income -amounts to 100,000 crowns.</p> - -<p>There is now, therefore, no doubt on this score: the -King will take care that the Queen is sent to your -Majesty with every mark of honour.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Brussels, March 7, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XVI.</h3> - -<p><span class="smcap">I returned</span> to Paris March 21, where I found the -Queen in excellent health, and delighted at the prospect -of a speedy return to her august parents.</p> - -<p>I delivered your Majesty’s letter to the King, and -laid before him your Majesty’s request that the Queen -might have what was due to her under the marriage -settlements. He, as usual, gave me a kind answer, and -said he would take the opinion of his council. The -Queen Mother has also kindly offered her services on -our behalf. Still, we want deeds and not words!</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span></p> -<p>It is quite clear that very little, if any, addition will -be made to the 32,000 francs already secured on Crown -lands. The property, even in the most prosperous -days, never produced 60,000 francs.</p> - -<p>You ask whether your Majesty’s granddaughter -will be permitted to accompany her mother to Austria. -I am not sanguine, as I know of no precedent of the kind -in the history of France. The end of it will be that, when -they have exhausted their other pleas as to the length -of the journey, the delicacy of the child, and her tender -years, they will fall back on the argument that it is contrary -to all the precedents of France, and I hardly see -how we can meet it. If, however, your Majesty should -decide on making a further attempt, I would recommend -letters being sent to the King and Queen Mother, -and I myself will leave no stone unturned to forward -the arrangement; but I should advise your Majesty -simply to ask to see the child, and, if this is granted, -the situation will be reversed, and her return to France -will depend on your Majesty’s pleasure.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">58</a></p> - -<p>As to affairs in this country, they were so bad that -I thought it impossible for them to grow worse; nevertheless -they <em>are</em> rapidly growing worse. Damville, -with his friends, is carrying war through Languedoc -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>and Guienne, and gentlemen are daily flocking to his -standard.</p> - -<p>Words cannot describe how unpopular the King -and Queen have become throughout France. So -gloomy is the prospect, that careful, respectable men, I -see, are thinking of leaving the country and emigrating -to some distant land. Nevertheless, peace negotiations -are still going on, for delegates from the rebel party are -in Paris, and more are expected. They demand, I -hear, first, liberty of conscience; and, secondly, the -convening of the States General with a view to reforming -public abuses.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> This last demand is supposed to -be aimed at the Queen Mother and certain Italians of -rank who occupy high offices. But, though everything -is in a bad way, the financial situation is worst of all. -It fairly passes belief. The King borrows what he -can here and there from those who have, or are thought -to have, money; but even then he cannot get enough. -It was determined to send a large sum of money -with the ambassadors who are going to Poland—200,000 -crowns, people say—but I do not believe -such a sum can be raised; they will have to be content -with much less.</p> - -<p>The new Queen has been troubled with constant -sickness for several days, and some fancy she is with -child. She is no favourite with the Queen Mother, -who takes little pains to conceal her prejudice.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span></p> -<p>The Queen, your daughter, has made up her mind -to visit Amboise<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> after Easter, for the purpose of -taking farewell of her child. She is afraid to let her -travel, on account of her delicacy. She will be away -for a month or thereabouts.</p> - -<p>I hope your Majesty will condescend to grant the -request which I have already preferred, and order my -half-year’s salary to be paid to Don Rodolph Khuen,<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> -Master of Horse to your Majesty, in order that I may -pay off my creditors, and have something in hand.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, April 1, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XVII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Finding</span> that Count Nogarola was on the point of returning -to Vienna, I felt I must send a letter to your -Majesty, although the Queen’s business is still on hand, -and I am expecting every day to have it settled. I -shall reserve my account of this matter, and send it by -Peter the courier. Peter arrived here on the 15th of -last month, and gave me a letter from your Majesty. -On learning your Majesty’s instructions, I demanded -an audience of the King, but he was so much engaged -in the negotiations for peace that he was unable to see -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span>me, and referred me to the Queen Mother and the -young Queen. By the King’s orders, I went first to -the Queen Mother. On my laying before her your -Majesty’s request, and delivering your letter, she, as -usual, spoke of the great regard she entertained towards -your Majesty, mentioning the deep obligation -under which she had been laid by your Majesty’s -attentions to her son the King. She inquired after -your Majesty’s health, asked where your Majesty was, -and whether you would shortly pay a visit to Frankfort. -I made suitable answers, and then began to ask -for her support in the Queen’s business.</p> - -<p>Whilst we were thus engaged, the young Queen -(Louise de Vaudemont) entered the room, and I took -the opportunity of offering her your Majesty’s congratulations -(on her marriage). She sent her most -humble thanks to your Majesty, and made offer of her -services to the Queen with many expressions of regard.</p> - -<p>After this the Queens gave me leave to go, and -two days later I had an interview with the King. -When I had laid before him your Majesty’s message, -he replied that he on his part would always be glad to -be informed of your Majesty’s views. He had married, -he said, in order to promote the interests of his subjects -and gratify their wishes. One of his inducements, -he added, for allying himself with the House of Lorraine -was its connection with your Majesty.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> For the rest, -he placed his services heartily at your Majesty’s disposal, -and concluded by asking me to let him know -when I intended sending back the courier, as he wished -him to take his answer to your Majesty’s letter. When -I mentioned the Queen’s business, he begged me to -have patience a little longer, till the negotiations which -were now going on should be concluded. He would -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>then place the matter in the hands of his Council, and -would himself do everything in his power for the -Queen.</p> - -<p>The peace negotiations which the King alluded to -have occupied his attention for some time past, and I -hardly yet know what the result will be.</p> - -<p>Everyone is anxious for peace, specially the King, -but the terms offered by the insurgents are very hard, -as your Majesty will see from the paper I enclose.</p> - -<p>The extravagant nature of their demands will, in -my opinion, make it difficult for the King to grant -them. The delegates will shortly be sent back to their -friends with the King’s answer, and are to return with -their reply on St. John’s Day (June 24). Meanwhile -there seems to be a good prospect of peace; everyone -is anxious for it, and so everyone assumes that it is -certain.</p> - -<p>Well, I am afraid it will be easier to <em>make</em> peace -than to <em>keep</em> it, and also I am apprehensive that peace -for the French means trouble for their neighbours, for -nothing would so calm the atmosphere in another -quarter (the Netherlands) as a tremendous storm in -France.</p> - -<p>Frenchmen cannot keep quiet, and many years of -war have made them more restless than ever; consequently -it is a matter of the first importance to France -that her adventurous spirits should find a field of action -elsewhere instead of fastening on her own vitals.</p> - -<p>Peace has been concluded between the King and the -Queen of England, on the same terms as before.</p> - -<p>The Ambassador who returned from England brings -back a story of a joke the English Queen (Elizabeth) -made at his first audience.</p> - -<p>She at once asked whether the King was married. -He replied in the affirmative, and began telling her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span> -who the new Queen was. Her Majesty broke in—‘Yes, -exactly; that was the first clause in the Cardinal’s -will. Dear me, what an unlucky woman I am! -What is to be my fate? I had counted on marrying -the Cardinal, and now I have only one hope left—perhaps -the Pope will consent to take me as his wife!’</p> - -<p>About the 17th of last month the King’s ambassadors, -Bellegarde<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> and Pibrac, set out from Paris; the -former was to go by way of Venice, and your friend -through Germany and Bohemia—at least he told -me so.</p> - -<p>There are, I believe, financial reasons for Bellegarde’s -<em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">détour</em>, as they have promised to send 200,000 -crowns to Poland, and it would be easier to draw blood -from a stone than to make up such a sum just now in -France. They are said to be sending to the Pope at -Rome, the Duke of Savoy at Turin, and also to the -Venetians, to raise funds; they are supposed to be -thinking of selling the marquisate of Saluzzo for 400,000 -crowns, or at any rate, pawning it; but I suspect -they will get more in the way of promises than in the -way of cash, and will carry into Poland plenty of -<em>golden</em> words, but very few <em>golden</em> coins. I think also -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>that the Ambassadors are intentionally lingering on the -road, in order that the Diet may be opened before -they come. They will thus be able to gain some idea -of how matters are likely to go; and, if they find that -their case is hopeless, they will not have the disgrace -of being defeated through their own shortcomings, or -lack of funds. Again, if the prospect seems hopeful, -and the Diet waits for them, they will be able to -employ the interval in sending agents before them to -prepare the way, and despatching letters full of fine -promises, which, with such aid as the lapse of time will -afford, may be expected so to soothe people’s minds -as to render the avoiding of the threatened Diet and -election (of a new King for Poland) a matter of no -great difficulty. I give this as my own explanation.</p> - -<p>As I was penning these lines, news came that -Pibrac had been waylaid in the territory of Montbéliard,<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> -which belongs to the Duke of Würtemberg, by -some French exiles. They killed two of his party, -and took prisoner the Ambassador himself. The governor -of Montbéliard came to the rescue, the neighbourhood -was roused, and Pibrac thus regained his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>liberty; but he was in great danger, and lost his plate -and his money—some 7,000 or 8,000 crowns in all. The -King was greatly disturbed at the news, but when he -heard that Pibrac had escaped to Montbéliard, he gave -him supplies of money and a fresh equipment, telling -him to go to Soleure, in Switzerland, and there obtain -what was needful. This shows that the King has by -no means given up his hopes of Poland.</p> - -<p>If I mistake not, I have before this mentioned to -your Majesty that agents had been sent to Sweden to -procure a picture of the King of Sweden’s daughter.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> -The picture has now come. Strange to say, it greatly -resembles the new Queen in height, complexion, and -features; the resemblance is increased by her having -been taken in a French dress.</p> - -<p>I must not forget to add that a number of ambassadors -have come from Switzerland to take part in the -negotiations for peace as mediators.</p> - -<p>It is supposed that Vaudemont, the King’s father-in-law, -will also offer his services as peacemaker. He -is expected here in the course of a few days with the -Duke of Lorraine. The reason of his coming, however, -is not connected with the negotiations for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>peace, but with a wedding, the Marquis of Nomeny, -Vaudemont’s son, being about to marry the wealthy -daughter of Sebastian de Luxembourg, the Vicomte de -Martigues.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">66</a></p> - -<p>May it please your Majesty, Ilsing<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> has just sent -word that of the 8,000 crowns required for the Queen’s -service he has not been able to raise one farthing at -Augsburg by pledging his own credit or that of the -Ballers, and that he has therefore written to your -Majesty to inquire whether there is any merchant -about the Court who would, on their security, place -that amount to the Queen’s credit at Lyons. I am -expecting an answer from your Majesty on this matter.</p> - -<p>The Queen is naturally and justifiably anxious to -see her daughter before leaving France. She has been -ready to go to her since Easter, but has been stopped -by want of funds, and will be kept waiting still longer -unless they are provided, so that I am beginning to -fear that she will have to leave without seeing her -child, to her great sorrow. But this is not the only -point to be considered, for the Queen may have many -other calls upon her purse, so that it is of the greatest -importance that she should be supplied with money, if -she is to maintain her position, live in comfort, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span>take advantage of such openings as may occur. I hope -it will not be long before I have more certain tidings -to give your Majesty with regard to the dower, and I -will then write at length by Peter the courier.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, May 15, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<p>I heard to-day that some one said he would lend the -Queen 10,000 crowns, to be recouped out of her revenues. -If this be so, and the money can be obtained at -a reasonable interest, I think the Queen will accept -his offer, since our business may any day take such a -turn as to render the possession of money indispensable, -if we are not to be exposed to delay and loss. -For instance, it is essential to have a valuation made -of the revenues of the places offered to the Queen, in -order to make sure that they are not passed off for -more than they are worth. Now, this valuation will -cost not less than 300 or 400 crowns, and so without -this sum we cannot conclude the negotiations. Again, -I have had notice that the King refuses to provide for -the Queen’s expenses after the Feast of St. John -(June 24), and wishes her to live at her own charges -from her own revenues, and I am afraid of their pressing -the matter in such a manner as to render refusal impossible. -For we must admit that the King, when -surrounded with difficulties himself, has done his utmost -for the Queen. It is now more than ten months -since the salaries of the Queen’s household have been -paid, and her people have received only paper cheques, -or drafts. How many of these are ever likely to be -paid, God only knows! The Queen’s servants are so -utterly destitute of money that they have often had -to undergo a hardship quite without precedent. On -some days there were not funds in the palace to provide -the table of the nobles and courtiers, and those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span> -who did not care to fast had to procure their own -dinner.</p> - -<p>Those who understand the arrangements of the -Queen’s household declare that it would be to the -advantage of the Queen and her household for her to -live at her own charges, instead of being hampered -with the present arrangement. Bellegarde, the other -royal ambassador, who was to go through Italy, is said -to have fallen sick.</p> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XVIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent">[<span class="smcap">A business</span> letter with reference to the dower, and -therefore omitted. It is dated June 1575.]</p> - -<hr /> - -<h3><a name="xixa" id="xixa">LETTER XIX.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent">[<span class="smcap">Another</span> business letter. It is dated June 1575. To -it is attached the following postscript.]</p> - -<p>News has lately come to Paris that Mademoiselle -de Bourbon,<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, -who ran away from the nunnery of which she was -abbess, and took refuge in Germany, has married the -Prince of Orange; the report finds credit everywhere.</p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER XX.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I sent</span> quite lately, by Peter the courier, such statements -as seemed necessary, and I think my despatches -must have already reached your Majesty.</p> - -<p>I now write by order of the Queen.</p> - -<p>To-day she summoned me into her presence and -told me she was quite certain from the present aspect -of affairs, and specially from the greater severity with -which Montmorency was guarded, and the circumstance -that the King was levying troops, that there was every -prospect of war, and of all the confusion that must -necessarily follow in its train.</p> - -<p>She instructed me to write to your Majesty, and -urge this additional reason for expediting her journey -home. She says she has borne her position patiently as -long as she could, but she foresees that it will soon become -intolerable. I told the Queen that I would humbly -obey her orders, although I felt sure that your Majesty, -after reading my last despatches, would do all that was -possible towards forwarding her return, and that on this -account my letter would be unnecessary.</p> - -<p>Having informed your Majesty of my conversation -with the Queen, I consider I have executed her commands, -and do not think any petition or prayer necessary -on my part, in order to induce your Majesty to -accede to the natural desire of your most loving -daughter.</p> - -<p>If we can trust the news we hear, war is already at -our gates, and a war which holds out no prospect of -relief, but, on the contrary, will aggravate the misfortunes -and miseries of France; this is saying a great -deal, for the country is already in so bad a state that -to make it worse seemed a downright impossibility.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span></p> - -<p>But if the report be true that Condé and the other -exiles will bring strong forces to the support of their -friends, there are no bounds to the mischief that will -ensue; in that case the existence of the present <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">régime</em> -will hang on a thread, and be in the utmost danger; -for then the contest will be, not as to whose opinion -shall have weight in council, or who shall stand first in -honour and rank, or who shall administer the affairs of -the kingdom, but simply <em>who shall wear the crown</em>.</p> - -<p>If the King should gain the day, it is easy to see -that he will stand upon his rights, and punish the rebels -as traitors; while, if the other party should prove -victorious, they will bring the King to trial for his -tyrannical conduct. He must expect no mercy or forgiveness; -he has often tried issues with them, and still -oftener broken his word, until at last none will believe -it. It is to be feared also that the flames of civil war -are likely to spread over a wider area than existing -appearances would seem to indicate; for there are -many who smother their grievances at present, though -they are disgusted with the treatment they have themselves -received and the miserable condition of the -country, and these, it is to be apprehended, will flock -to Condé’s standard. The voice of the country is undoubtedly -on his side, as all are dissatisfied with the -manner in which the government is at present conducted.</p> - -<p>The case of Montmorency, to which I have alluded, -stands thus. His prospects (of regaining his liberty) -appeared to be good, and he was being treated with -much more indulgence than before, when tidings came -of his brother, Damville<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">69</a>; then all of a sudden there -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span>was a complete change, and the prison rules were made -much stricter: by the King’s orders all his servants -were removed, and, though seriously ill, he was not -allowed to keep so much as his physician or his cook, -new servants being appointed by the King. This -alteration in his treatment has caused the greatest -alarm to his mother and other relatives, for they think -that this is a first step towards taking him off by poison.</p> - -<p>The King is so sure of Damville’s being dead that -he has already given away every one of his offices and -commands. He is supposed to have died of the plague -fever on the last day of last month.</p> - -<p>His friends refuse to regard him as dead and console -themselves with a vague hope that he is still alive.</p> - -<p>I trust that no delay or difficulty will arise with -regard to the Queen’s journey; still, if it had not been -finally settled otherwise, I am not sure that the route -by the Netherlands would not be the most convenient. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span>In any case, that road will always be open to her, -should the others be blocked. But your Majesty will -decide what is best.</p> - -<p>The Portuguese ambassador has arrived and called -yesterday on the Queen. The King was indisposed, -but is now better.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, June 13, 1575.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">70</a></p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xxia" id="xxia">LETTER XXI.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> Duke of Lorraine and Vaudemont are, they say, -expected here in the course of two or three days.</p> - -<p>The tedious and difficult negotiations about peace -have kept Paris in suspense for a long time. The following -appears to be the result: the deputies from the -insurgents have not been able to carry all their points, -and the King, on his part, has not succeeded in inducing -them to accept his terms. They have therefore -agreed upon a compromise, the clauses of which are to -be referred to Condé, Damville, and the confederate -towns: should they accept them, peace will be declared; -in the other case, war will be resumed. But it will be -much easier to declare war than to carry it on, as -France is terribly reduced, and the King himself is in -the greatest straits for want of money.</p> - -<p>The religious question, which in the Netherlands -is the only obstacle to peace, has not been considered -here as a matter of paramount importance, and the -King has made no difficulty about granting liberty of -conscience; there were other points which were more -difficult for him to digest—to wit, that the rebels should -have possession of two cities in each province, in addition -to those which they now hold, as places of refuge -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span>in time of trouble. They demand also that members -of their party should be admitted into the Parliaments, -and that the King should pay the wages of the German -reiters who have taken service with them; and, again, -that the States-General be convened. If this last -should be granted, the Queen Mother will be in great -danger of losing her authority. There are some other -points, which your Majesty will learn from the enclosed -paper.</p> - -<p>Never did France so hunger after peace; never was -the country so unanimous in desiring it. On other -occasions it has been sometimes the Order of the -Clergy and sometimes the Order of the People, which -has been averse to a pacification; now all exclaim with -one voice that war means ruin. But the peace, I suspect, -will not last long,<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> since it has been obtained by -compulsion, and granted by necessity.</p> - -<p>Moreover, I have observed that the authority of -the Crown has marvellously declined; men have -shaken off their respect for the King’s name, and are -like horses who have got rid of their traces and fairly -bolted. The revolutionary spirit is rampant; some -people are extremely unpopular; feuds among the chiefs -run high—these feuds are of old standing and cemented -with the blood of slaughtered kinsmen; to settle and -arrange such differences would require much trouble, -ample time, and infinite tact. I see that some people -in a high position think that it would be to the advan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>tage -of France if certain illustrious gentlemen were to -quit the country, and all the nobles who wish for war -were to find a field abroad, thereby relieving their -country of anxiety and trouble. From all this we may -safely conclude that quiet in France (if quiet be possible!) -means a great disturbance in the atmosphere -elsewhere. On this ground some—not without reason, -perhaps—remember with regret, how useful Milan<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> was -as a training-school for the education of young French -soldiers, and also as a means of letting out, without -injury to the rest of the body, that bad blood of which -France has such store.</p> - -<p>The nation desires Condé to be appointed to lead -a force into the Netherlands to the assistance of Orange, -for it is thought that it will be no small gain to France -if he is sent beyond the borders. Condé is himself -possessed of considerable resources, and will be well -supported by his party, who wish to see him famous -and great; they will the more readily fall in with this -plan because it will remove him from the scene of danger -and place him where he will be safe under the -shadow of that great Prince (Orange).</p> - -<p>Meanwhile the Royalists will rejoice at this opportunity -of delivering France from a troublesome and -restless crew, and congratulate themselves that the -quarrel is to be fought out in the Netherlands instead -of France.</p> - -<p>I must explain that nothing is so hateful to your -French gentleman as quiet and repose. He would -rather be rolling the stone of Sisyphus than keep still; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>he is for ever hunting after an enterprise; he would -fain do something great; if that something be honourable, -all the better, but if there be difficulty on that -score, he is not particular; so long as it affords a field -for the display of courage and skill, and is thought -dashing, the question whether it is right or wrong is -absolutely immaterial. These are the ideas which -nature has planted in him, and example confirmed, -while long years of lawlessness and licence have made -their practice a habit.</p> - -<p>Hugo de Blot, the Netherlander, is anxious to -enter your Majesty’s service; as no better post is to -be had, he has applied for the comparatively humble -position of librarian. He has asked me to recommend -him.</p> - -<p>I am fully aware how little weight my word can be -expected to carry, feeling as I do that I have need to -be recommended myself instead of recommending -others; still I trust your Majesty will not be offended -at my mentioning the subject. I know De Blot to be -both a good scholar and an honest man; there are, -however, two people who will be able to give most -positive testimony as to his character—Bishop Listhius<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> -and Lazarus Schwendi,<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> for they both selected him to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span>take care of their boys—he was their tutor for several -years in Italy—and if they judged him fit to take care -of their <em>boys</em> (liberos) I conclude he is quite fit to take -care of your Majesty’s <em>books</em> (libros).</p> - -<p>I do not wish to press the matter further. I have -now given my testimony on behalf of an excellent -gentleman, and at the same time I feel I have done -my duty to your Majesty in introducing to your notice -a man who will fill the post admirably. Your Majesty -will now come to a decision as to the appointment, -and of the wisdom of that decision, whatever it -may be, I entertain not the slightest doubt.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">75</a></p> - -<p>The Spanish Ambassador told me that the Duke of -Medina de Rio Sicco is coming hither from his Sovereign -to congratulate the King of France on his -marriage. An ambassador is also coming from Portugal -on the same errand: I believe he has been six -months on the road, although he arrived a few days -ago at Nantes, a town in Brittany.</p> - -<p>The King is suffering from influenza, but is not -supposed to be in any danger. There was a report -quite lately that the Duke of Savoy had taken Savona, -but it is not believed to be true. As to Jorneton, of -whom your Majesty writes in the letter dated May 2, -your Majesty’s orders shall be obeyed.</p> - -<p>Madame de Montmorency, formerly wife of the Con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span>stable -of France, who was then in such high estate, is -now in great misery and affliction on account of her -sons; she has earnestly besought the Queen to procure -letters from your Majesty to the King of France, asking -him to release her son, the Maréchal de Montmorency, -from his long imprisonment. The Queen -has given me instructions to write to your Majesty -about this business. I should have had some hesitation -in complying with her wishes, if any ground still existed -for the dreadful suspicions which were at first entertained -with regard to his case; but facts have now -transpired which tend to show that these suspicions -rested on little or no foundation, and people are beginning -to take a juster view; indeed, the Queen Mother -could not be kept from visiting Montmorency, and -chatted with him for some time. Under these circumstances, -I feel that I cannot do wrong in obeying the -Queen’s orders, and that your Majesty might write to -the King on the subject of Montmorency’s release in -perfect confidence that such a suggestion will not be -taken amiss in any quarter. Undoubtedly this great -and honoured lady (Madame de Montmorency) has -shown the utmost kindness and attention to the Queen -during the whole of her residence in France; she has -never failed to support her in every way, and on her -assistance, advice, and loyalty the Queen has been -always able to reckon; such services may well claim your -Majesty’s kind consideration, and this is a good opportunity -of manifesting your gratitude.</p> - -<p>By adopting the course which I venture to suggest, -your Majesty will not only gratify the Queen, but will -also lay the whole House of Montmorency—which now, -indeed, is brought low, but must one day rise again—under -an obligation so great that it can never be -forgotten.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, June 7, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="xxiia" id="xxiia">LETTER XXII.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Not</span> long ago I called upon the King of Portugal’s -Ambassador, and a few days later he returned my call. -I had a conversation with him which is perhaps of no -great importance, but it is as well that your Majesty -should hear of it.</p> - -<p>He spoke of the Queen in the highest terms, and -then let fall some words of regret at the bereavement -she had undergone. Her husband, he remarked, had -died in the flower of life, and she was very young to -be a widow. On my replying that it was God’s will, -and we must accept His decrees without murmuring, -the Ambassador interrupted me with a remark that -the Queen would have great difficulty in finding a -second husband of such rank as would justify her in -marrying him, seeing that her first husband had been -a very great and powerful King.</p> - -<p>Hereon I remarked that it was by no means an -unusual thing for the queens of great kings, on the -death of their husbands, to marry potentates of inferior -rank, and sometimes to take even dukes as their husbands. -I was able to quote, as an instance, Mary, the -sister of Henry VIII., King of England, who on the -death of her first husband, Louis XII., King of France, -was, at her brother’s desire, married in England to the -Duke of Suffolk. ‘Still,’ said the Ambassador, ‘if I -am any judge of looks, she is too proud to marry anyone -lower in rank than her first husband.’ Thereon I -replied, that I had good reason to know that any idea -of a second marriage was most distasteful to the Queen, -who cherished in her heart the memory of the husband -she had lost, but never could forget. Still, I observed, -she was a lady of great judgment and discretion, one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span> -who would, I was sure, always be willing to take her -parents’ advice and submit to their wishes. The Ambassador -expressed his appreciation of such discretion, -and we proceeded to discuss other topics, coming back -at last to the old subject, and talking of the connection -between the Houses of Austria and Portugal, which -dates from the time of the Emperor Frederic.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> He -concluded his remarks by saying that he hoped to see -the old alliance renewed by another marriage between -the two Houses.</p> - -<p>By the way, I must not forget to say that just -before this he had been expressing his regret at the -Queen’s leaving France, and going so far away.</p> - -<p>Whatever may be the meaning of his observations, -I see no reason for hiding them from your Majesty.</p> - -<p>As to the other matters, Damville,<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> who was lately -reported as dead, appears to have come to life again; -the prayers of his friends have had more weight than -those of his enemies; but, after all, it is a very common -thing in France for people to accept idle rumours -as established facts, without suspending their judgment -or giving themselves time to ascertain the truth. It is -quite certain that he was very ill, and some declare -that his symptoms indicated poison. Montmorency is -now more gently dealt with, and receives the same -treatment as he did before the rigour of his confinement -was increased.</p> - -<p>The delegates of the insurgents are expected here -in the course of a few days, with the answer of their -party as to peace or war. Endless people have endless -reasons to give for expecting that the answer will -be favourable. For my own part, I should be sorry to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span>express an opinion one way or the other; indeed, so -many changes take place, and so many rumours are -about, that I should not like to pledge myself for anything -I had not seen with my own eyes. Meanwhile -war is going on, but it does not seem to promise any -decisive result calculated to affect the issue of the -struggle. Insignificant towns and places are daily lost -or recaptured, and the most important news we have -had this long while is of a severe defeat the Swiss -received the other day in Dauphiny,<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> some companies -being completely annihilated.</p> - -<p>The Queen is quite well, but cannot help fretting -at the delay. She longs to return home; she is also -yearning to see her daughter; her wish, however, cannot -be gratified, as she has not funds for the journey; -indeed, she is so poor that meals are no longer served -at any table save that at which the Queen herself sits. -Rations of bread and wine are issued to the rest of her -people, and with this they have to content themselves -as best they may.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, July 7, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<p>If the King of Portugal wishes for the marriage, -and your Majesty is disposed to consent, advantage -might be taken of the opportunity now afforded of -sending the Queen straight from Paris to Portugal -without much expense.</p> - -<p>I see our friends in France have not yet given up -all hope with regard to their claims on Poland, for -they are said to be sending thither 200,000 crowns, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span>which they have borrowed from the Duke of Savoy. -He has received the marquisate of Saluzzo as security -for his advances. Pibrac, too, it is supposed, will be -able to do some good by visiting the Palatines<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> one by -one, and making an appeal to them in the King’s -name.</p> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">It</span> is not long since I gave your Majesty an account -of my conversation with the Portuguese Ambassador, -to be taken for whatever it might be worth. I have -nothing of much importance to add, except that, a few -days after the letter was despatched, the Queen was -threatened with an illness. Fever was apprehended, -and there were some premonitory symptoms, but they -passed off without developing into anything serious. -Her physicians attributed the illness to grief and trouble -of mind. She is much distressed at the long postponement -of her visit to Amboise, on which she had set -her heart, and also, I imagine, at her detention in -France, from which she has long been panting to fly. -I hope to find on the arrival of the next courier, that -your Majesty has made such arrangements as will -relieve the Queen’s anxiety.</p> - -<p>As for other news, the condition of things here is -unchanged, except that Montbrun is said to have been -taken prisoner. After cutting to pieces some companies -of Swiss, as I mentioned in a former letter, he -shortly afterwards found himself in the presence of a -concentration of Royal troops. Charging them with -more courage than discretion, he advanced too far, -could not cut his way back, and, after receiving several -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>wounds, was taken prisoner. This event caused great -joy here, as of all the men in arms against the King -none was considered more determined than Montbrun. -When all the rest of the party were stunned by the -slaughter of the King’s enemies on Saint Bartholomew’s -day, he came forward as the most valiant champion of -the cause; his was the first sword that was unsheathed, -and his the example that roused others to action. -Some think he will be brought to Paris. If so, his -doom, I fear, is sealed; he is too brave to be forgiven; -well for him if his wounds prove mortal, so that he -may die a soldier’s death. But he is not altogether -unavenged, for the Royalists were severely handled in -the skirmish in which he was taken prisoner.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">80</a></p> - -<p>On Tuesday the marriage of the Marquis de -Nomeny was celebrated, in the presence of Vaudemont, -his father, and the Duke of Lorraine, his kinsman. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>There were amusements of various kinds, and a magnificent -entertainment. None of the Princes were at -the banquet, not even Alençon, the King’s brother, -who came only to the ball, and his sister did not go -even to that.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> I must not forget to mention that, when -the Guises wished to have the honour of serving the -King, the sons of the late Prince de Condé quietly -slipped in, and anticipated them. It is not the first -prize they have taken from them. It is strange that -Frenchmen cannot find a more honourable field for -rivalry.</p> - -<p>People would fain believe that there are good hopes -of the peace negotiations succeeding. The King, however, -they say, after Montbrun was taken prisoner, -ordered 1,000 fresh cavalry to be raised. Why he has -done so, I cannot say, but I am quite certain of one -thing, that, if peace is made, it will not be because he -wishes for it, but because he cannot help himself.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, July 16, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXIV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">A gentleman</span> lately returned from Poland has assured -the King (and, for the matter of that, people here are not -scrupulous as to what they assert) that he had induced -the Poles to agree to accept a Viceroy during the -King’s absence. Pibrac’s letters, however, told a different -story; he says there are two policies by which -the crown of Poland may be kept: if the King will go -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>there himself, there is a certainty of success; and if he -will send 200,000 crowns, there is a chance of it. The -last plan will probably be tried.</p> - -<p>The Portuguese Ambassador has taken a house, -and is expected to remain here for some time. One of -his suite has been sent to the King of Portugal, and is -likely to return shortly with an answer. Some people -fancy that his mission concerns your Majesty’s daughter.</p> - -<p>It is now nearly six weeks since the courier left, and -our friends here keep asking when he will return, as -they want to finish the business and relieve themselves -of the burden of maintaining the Queen. There is a -notion that it will be to her advantage if her affairs are -placed under the protection of a Prince or some prominent -man; the Duc de Nevers<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> is mentioned for the -office, which he would readily, I fancy, volunteer to -take. But a serious drawback to such an arrangement -is that it would probably excite the Queen Mother’s -jealousy; she would not like the notion of the Queen -being placed under the guardianship of anyone but -herself. I think, therefore, that any application to the -Duke should be made privately; a secret understanding -would be best, but as to its remaining secret, I am -doubtful. The Comte de Retz, one of the Marshals -of France, has been most kind in labouring to promote -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>the Queen’s interests; he has called on me at my -lodgings about her business.</p> - -<p>As regards myself, your Majesty will be graciously -pleased to come to some decision. For my own part, -I think the best course your Majesty can adopt will be -to consider me a useless old soldier who has earned -his discharge, and to treat me accordingly. Still, I am -inclined to think it would not be amiss for some one to -remain here for a time. For the people who managed -the property of former Queens tell me that many -things happened after their departure which required -the presence of a good man of business on the spot; -while Queen Leonora<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> was three years out of France -before the final settlement of her affairs, which was -impeded by various obstacles, could be satisfactorily -effected. I trust, of course, we shall profit by the experience -of other Queens, and so take measures to meet -many difficulties beforehand. Still, when you have a -shifty and tricky nation to deal with, it is impossible to -foresee every contingency, and emergencies may often -occur requiring the intervention of a faithful servant. -The Queen will have worthy gentlemen in France, -namely, her Chancellor, her Councillors, her Secretaries, -her Procureurs, and her Advocates, all of whom are -zealous for her interests, and to their discretion much, -I think, may be safely trusted.</p> - -<p>At my request on a former occasion, your Majesty -sent me credentials, which were dated, I believe, in -February; I have not presented them yet, because I -thought it would be for the Queen’s interest if I said I -had no power to settle anything finally, for under these -circumstances they would be more careful as to what -they offered, as they could easily understand it would -be useless to expect your Majesty to accept anything -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span>that was not fair. I should now be glad to have a -fresh copy of those credentials, as they may prove -necessary.</p> - -<p>I wrote from Lyons asking your Majesty to send -some watches as presents for friends who have ere -now done us good service, and whose assistance we may -need again. I feel I should be wanting in my duty to -your Majesty, if I did not renew my request. One -might as well try to make bricks without straw as to -conduct affairs of this kind without presents.</p> - -<p>We had some hopes of obtaining 10,000 crowns in -Paris, but were disappointed; there is nothing coming -in from our friends here, so we are often at a loss for -want of funds. I therefore implore your Majesty to -give this matter your serious consideration, for we have -no hope of bringing back any sum worth mentioning—indeed, -I doubt if we shall have enough for the -journey.</p> - -<p>I spoke to the King and the Queen Mother, and -they assured me that they would see the Queen was -escorted to the German frontier in the most honourable -manner. Your Majesty, in return, will be graciously -pleased to inform us at the earliest moment to what -place you wish the Queen to be escorted by her French -suite, where I trust such preparations will be made as -will show the French escort that your Majesty is not -indifferent to that which concerns the Queen’s honour. -It will be well, too, that the noble ladies and maidens -attending her from motives of duty or affection should -feel that they have been well treated, for they are -sure on their return to talk about their reception. The -Queen has been long intending to go to Amboise; she -is naturally anxious to see her daughter before leaving -France, but her wish is still unaccomplished, owing to -her want of funds. When this difficulty is removed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span> -she will start on her journey. I think she will be -away twenty-four or twenty-five days.</p> - -<p>On the 23rd of last month a courier arrived with -despatches from your Majesty, from which I learnt -your Majesty’s views as to the course to be pursued -with regard to the two proposals made by the King. -By the Queen’s desire the matter was considered by -her Council. Her wisest advisers thought we ought -to accept that proposal which offered the best security, -and at the same time tended most to her honour, following -herein the principle adopted by steady fathers -of families, who make it a rule to prefer <em>good security</em> -to <em>high interest</em>. For, after all, the proposal we have -rejected would inevitably have left a large portion of -the Queen’s income subject to various contingencies -and dependent on another’s pleasure. True, it would -have been illegal to wrong the Queen, but, in the present -state of France, people think more of what they -<em>must</em> do than of what they <em>ought</em> to do. The Bishop -of Paris, indeed, continued of the same opinion, but his -opposition appeared to proceed more from prejudice -than reason.</p> - -<p>When this was settled, I went to the King and -Queen, and having saluted them in the name of your -Majesty, whose letter I presented, I said that your -Majesty had hoped that the marriage contracts would -have been adhered to and fully carried out, but that, -as you understood from Monsieur de Vulcob,<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> who was -at your Court, as well as from my despatches, in what -trouble and difficulty France was involved, you did -not wish to press the point, and had frankly accepted -the King’s proposals, in the hope that he would perform -his promises in a liberal spirit, so as to compensate -the Queen in some measure for the rights she had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span>abandoned. I said, further, that it was by your Majesty’s -advice that the Queen had chosen the proposal -which offered the larger settlement on Crown lands, as -being the nearest to the tenor of the marriage contract. -Both replied in the most gracious terms. Among -other remarks the King made in speaking of his goodwill -to your Majesty, he declared that he knew your -Majesty’s fatherly affection for him from your having, -when he was at Vienna, given him such excellent advice, -telling him to prefer mercy to severity, and to -choose peace rather than war. With these views, he -said, he quite coincided, but remarked that Kings were -not always allowed to have their own way. As to the -Queen’s departure, he said, he owed so much to your -Majesty, and France so much to the Queen, that it was -alike his duty and his pleasure to do everything he -could for her. If needful, he would provide for her -escort, not merely as far as Nancy, but whithersoever -your Majesty might wish. As, however, your Majesty -had chosen Nancy, he would take care that she should -be escorted thither in the most honourable manner at -the date appointed.</p> - -<p>As for Montmorency, the King replied that he had -offered to stand his trial and prove his innocence; that -he might be able to do so was his earnest hope and -wish. But if, unhappily, Montmorency should be found -guilty, he would be compelled to act solely with a view -to the interests of his realm, and he thought your -Majesty in his position would do the same. Otherwise, -he would most gladly do whatever he could to -oblige your Majesty.</p> - -<p>I concluded by asking that arbitrators might be -appointed, according to precedent, to make a valuation -of the Crown lands in the provinces which he was -assigning to the Queen. He agreed to do so, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span> -asked me, as he was ignorant of such business, either -to put my request in writing or to see the Chancellor -and Councillors about it. And so I left the King.</p> - -<p>I was much gratified during my interview with the -Chancellor at the warm terms in which he spoke of your -Majesty’s kindness to him when he went to Vienna, -and the great affection he professed for the Queen. -However, he appeared much surprised at our decision -with regard to the two proposals. De Morvilliers -also expressed astonishment, which has made me feel -rather suspicious of the whole business, as I think there -is something in the proposal we have accepted by which -we shall lose and the King gain; for hitherto I -have found them anything but generous, refusing to -make the smallest concession to the Queen, or the -smallest sacrifice on behalf of the King.</p> - -<p>As to the state of the kingdom, there is but little -difference since I wrote last. The King has just now -assembled a body, which I can only describe as a -shadow of the States-General. He nominated six -persons from each province and city, choosing those -on whose support he thought he could best reckon, -the clergy, the <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">noblesse</em>, and the people being each -represented by two members. He laid before these -mock States-General the miseries of the country, and -the emptiness of the treasury, and then proceeded to -ask for a subsidy. After the Orders of the clergy and -the <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">noblesse</em> had given fairly satisfactory answers, the -representatives of the popular Order said ‘that they -would inform their friends of the King’s request, and -would bring back whatever answer the community at -large might decide to give. They could not do more, as -they had not been summoned to deliberate, but simply -to learn the wishes of the King.’ As the latter was -much dissatisfied with such a reply, they were at last<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span> -induced to agree that every man should pay to the -King the price of one day’s food, and it is supposed -that in so great a country as France this will produce -a very considerable sum. They made this promise, -however, only conditionally, and subject to its ratification -by their fellows. All who spoke endeavoured to -impress upon the King that, if he did not conclude -peace, ruin was inevitable.</p> - -<p>As regards the prospect of peace, matters are so -complicated and uncertain that it is difficult to judge. -There are strong reasons for desiring it: the country is -in a most miserable state, the war is most unpopular, -money is scarce, revolution is raising her head; but -again there are difficulties in the way: the terms offered -are hard, there are old grudges on either side, the -King’s word commands no confidence, the party in -power has lost its authority, and royalty its prestige. -Which way the scale will turn it is not easy to tell. -Meanwhile there is no break in the war; they are -fighting more fiercely than ever. The King has lately -ordered his troops to burn all the crops in Languedoc -within their reach, causing thereby as much loss to the -loyalists as to his enemies. There is also a report -that the King has raised new levies of cavalry, and -that Condé is coming with an army. Some of his -party tried a few days ago to surprise certain towns, -among which were Poitiers, Compiègne, Amiens, and -Besançon. From these attempts it is thought in Paris -that peace is probable. As it was agreed that each -party should retain what they actually held at the termination -of the war, this condition is supposed to be -the motive for these attempts. Further, however -much inclined for peace the King and Condé may -be, still people think that neither will treat except -sword in hand. As to the credit to be attached to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span> -these reports, I am by no means certain, but I -think I can answer for one thing, that, if they make -peace between themselves, they will attack their neighbours, -in order to give an outlet to all those uneasy -spirits who if left at home would be a danger to the -State. Genoa seems convenient for this purpose, and -perhaps the Netherlands also; at any rate, one -hears already of speeches made by certain Princes, -who say that, if the King gives permission, they will -go to the assistance of Genoa with 1,500 gentlemen. -The journeys of the Fregosi<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> and the Biragues to and -from Italy, and the unusually frequent conferences between -the Papal Legate and the King, make many -people suspect that something is brewing. Of the -rebel delegates who were expected with an answer -about peace, some have come back already, and the -others are said to be on the road, and are expected -shortly—among them Beauvois de la Nocle,<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> who is -sent back by Condé. If this be so, the issue of the -negotiations will ere long be known for certain.</p> - -<p>As for the affairs of the Netherlands, I do not -doubt your Majesty is fully informed of everything. -They do not, therefore, properly come within my pro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>vince; -still there will be no harm in sending the following -particulars. After the taking of Buren<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> the -persons appointed by the two parties separated without -effecting anything or even concluding an armistice. -The Royalists hope to finish the war by force of arms, -and are therefore prosecuting it vigorously by land; -they are also fitting out a fleet once more. Their -chances of speedy success will be considerably increased -by their obtaining a supply of small galleys, -which are independent of winds and tides. By means -of such boats Mondragon<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> has ferried his troops over -to some islands, and intends to occupy others as -opportunities occur, his design being thus to cut off -Zealand from Holland, and prevent them from helping -each other. However successful the Royalists may -be, it will be a long business, and who can tell what -may happen in the interval to create fresh difficulties -for them? Of this much there is no doubt: Orange -has openly declared that, if he finds himself beaten, he -will, as a last resource, enter into negotiations with -England or France or some other power, and place a -foreign Sovereign in possession.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> In spite of this clear -declaration of his intentions, there are people who are -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>so confident in the present state of affairs that they take -no thought for the future. Three days ago, they say, -a gentleman came to Paris from the Governor of the -Netherlands to ask the Duke of Lorraine’s permission -for the passage through his territories of some thousands -of Spaniards and Italians, whom the King of -Spain, it appears, is sending to the Netherlands. If -this be so, there are misfortunes yet in store for that -unhappy country.</p> - -<p>The King, whose natural melancholy is increased -by the troubles of the times, in order to divert his -thoughts has instituted a club, the members of which -take turns to invite him and the whole Court. At -these entertainments there is much merry-making and -dancing. The people grumble at these festivities; -they think it wrong for the King to give himself up -to revels, when the distress of the country is so great -and so wide-spread, as if the miseries of France concerned -him not, or there was nothing more he could -do to alleviate them.</p> - -<p>The day after your Majesty’s letter was presented -to the King, Vaudemont paid a long visit to Montmorency; -on leaving, he said that he had little doubt -of his innocence, and would not hesitate, if bail were -wanted, to be his surety. He afterwards repeated to -several gentlemen his conversation with Montmorency. -The latter had professed to him his entire innocence. -There is no need to trouble your Majesty with an -account of what passed.</p> - -<p>There is a report current that the municipality of -Paris was ready, out of love to the Queen, to defray -the yearly expenses of herself and her household, if -she would remain here. The proposal, they say, was -not actually made, because they were afraid that, if -the Queen refused, the King on hearing of it would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span> -lay claim to the money and employ it for his own -private purposes. Whether this story is founded on -fact or not, there is no doubt that people are constantly -saying that it will be a bad day for France when the -Queen goes away.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">90</a></p> - -<p>The King’s desire to retain the Crown of Poland -will probably be a powerful motive for making peace, -as his advisers consider his chances are hopeless if -civil war continues in France. The Poles, they say, -will never believe that anything is to be got out of -people who have their hands so full at home; but if -peace is made, they may be convinced that the money -will be forthcoming, and that the King will some day -return to Poland.</p> - -<p>Your Frenchman will gratify his own desires regardless -of the ruin and destruction he causes to -others; all with whom the French have been concerned -have been brought to ruin, or at any rate to -the brink of it, and this, I fear, will be the fate of -Poland and Genoa.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, July, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">No</span> provision has as yet been made for the money required -for the Queen’s service, in spite of my reiterated -requests; not only were the former letters of no avail, -but the orders of your Majesty’s Chamber, which were -lately sent to Augsburg, have proved equally inefficacious. -Accordingly, we have been fooled not twice, -as the proverb says, but three or four times. Meanwhile -the Queen requires ready money for many pur<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>poses, -and we can think of no plan for defraying our -necessary expenses without money, or for procuring it -without damaging our character; consequently we are -in great difficulties. I send your Majesty a list of -ladies to whom special presents ought to be made at -the Queen’s departure; they must be given, or she -will be thought to have behaved unhandsomely. The -list is long, and the expense will consequently be considerable. -Again, as the Queen is not likely, when -she leaves the country, to have a farthing remaining -out of her French allowances, funds will be required -for the expenses of her journey from Nancy to -Ratisbon, which must be paid in ready money. It -is hardly necessary for me to point out how closely -the matter concerns the honour both of your Majesty -and the Queen. As to the watches, about which I -have received no answer, I again most humbly entreat -your Majesty to send them. If we are left without -the means of acknowledging the kindnesses we have -received, your Majesty will hereafter find people disobliging -when their assistance is needed. Matters -occur every day in which the help of faithful friends is -indispensable, and there can be no doubt that these -little presents are of great use in securing such services. -I feel so certain that I am right, that I venture -once more to entreat your Majesty to send me three -or four watches of the most elegant workmanship.</p> - -<p>As regards your Majesty’s desire that I should -remain in Paris, it is my duty to obey, though I feel -myself almost too old for the work. I wish, however, -to acquaint your Majesty with the fact that my expenses, -including those of the five journeys I have -made in the course of the last twelvemonth or so, -will far exceed my ordinary salary. I received from -Monsieur de Morvilliers 500 crowns on condition that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span> -they should be repaid to Monsieur de Vulcob at -Vienna. I most humbly beseech your Majesty to -give the necessary orders accordingly, and to charge -the money to the account of my yearly salary.</p> - -<p>The Queen, it appears, has still chances left her, -and your Majesty will probably have plenty of -aspirants to her hand, from whom you may choose a -new son-in-law! Duke Eric of Brunswick<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> has sent -a gentleman hither with credentials, Doctor Joachim -Gotzen, to offer the Queen a share in his bed and -board. He likewise offers his portion of the Duchy of -Brunswick, such as it is, and 100,000 crowns which he -has in France, and undertakes that, if he dies without -children, his dominions and the rest of his property -shall go to the House of Austria. As the Doctor -hinted and suggested instead of using plain language, -the Queen could only make a guess at what he meant. -When he pressed for an answer, she referred him to -me. Accordingly he repeated his story to me, and -asked me to get the Queen to give him an answer in -person. I told him that her husband’s death had -been a great shock, and that any suggestion of a -second marriage, whoever the person might be, was -most distasteful to her. An answer from herself was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span>therefore out of the question. I added, that the Duke -could write, if he pleased, to your Majesty, whose ward -she had again become by her husband’s death, and -that he would get an answer from you. I treated him -throughout the conversation with all possible courtesy, -and contrived to satisfy him with this reply, which he -took back to his master. He only asked me that the -matter might not go further; I promised it should -remain a secret, and I also undertook at his request, -should I ever fall in with the Duke, to bear witness to -the care and loyalty with which he had discharged his -commission. The letter was written from Aachen, -and bore the following address, in the Duke’s own -handwriting, as I think, ‘De V. R. Mag<sup>d</sup> muy fiel y -leal servidor hasta à la muerte, qui sus reales manos -besa mas de cien mil vezes, El Duque Erico de -Brunswicque y Lunenburg.’</p> - -<p>If matters go on as they have begun, the Palace -will be as full of dissension as the rest of France. -Every day the discords between the Princes increase, -even between those who ought to be most closely -united by the ties of blood and kindred. Alençon -cannot keep quiet: he is on the watch for an opportunity -to upset the Government, and will probably end -by attempting some notable <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup d’état</em>. Some suspect -him of even aspiring to the throne. It is all the -Queen Mother can do to keep him from throwing off -his allegiance. Not that she wishes to humiliate him, -for she is very fond of him, and anxious to advance -his interests in every way. Possibly in this she has an -eye to her own advantage, in order to gain Alençon’s -protection against his brother’s power, in case her -influence over the King should ever diminish. There -is also no love lost between Alençon and the Duke of -Guise. The former is supposed to have some secret<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span> -understanding with the Huguenots, and people think -that he was privy to the attempts recently made on a -number of towns, in which some of his friends lost their -lives. His confidant in all his designs is his sister, who -is on bad terms with the King and the new Queen. -For the matter of that, she does not stand well with -her husband, the Duc de Vendôme; there are strange -stories about her.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, July, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXVI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">On</span> the 18th of this month the Queen started for -Amboise. On her departure from Paris the King -accompanied her to the gates of the city, and his -brother, Vendôme, and Guise somewhat further, while -the Duke of Lorraine with the Cardinal of Este, the -Duc de Mayenne, the Duc d’Aumale, and the Marquis -de Nomeny escorted her to the village<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> where she -dined. As I was sitting at table there with the Duke -of Lorraine and the Cardinal of Este, each of them -spoke much of their affection for your Majesty and -the great honour that had been done them in being -chosen, the one to escort the Queen on her journey, -and the other to receive her as his guest. The Duke -of Lorraine told me that in three or four days he was -returning home to make the necessary preparations for -the Queen’s arrival; he is also afraid of disturbances -arising in his absence, there being a very general -report in Paris that 2,000 German reiters are coming, -who are to make their way in light marching order -through Burgundy and Switzerland to join Damville, -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>and that more will shortly follow, as 8,000 have been -hired. This is the topic of general conversation, and -the military preparations which the King has been -making show that he regards the news as well-founded.</p> - -<p>On the 24th of the same month we arrived at -Amboise, where I saw your Majesty’s grand-daughter. -The child is not yet quite three years old, is by no -means bad looking, though more like her father than -her mother, and is of a very merry disposition.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">93</a></p> - -<p>The Queen intends to start for Nancy as soon as -possible after her return to Paris, which she hopes will -be about September 8. If it lay with me to decide, -I should prefer her not remaining more than eight or -ten days in Paris. Unfortunately this is not the case, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span>so I can only do all in my power to hasten her departure.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Amboise, August 25, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXVII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">As</span> regards the affairs of this kingdom, I have not -much to tell. The report that the German reiters -are coming has made the Royalists rush to arms; -hopes of peace, however, are not altogether abandoned. -They seem to think they will make peace on more -favourable terms if they are ready for war. The -King, passing over his brother, who, according to -precedent, was entitled to that office, has appointed -Guise his Lieutenant and Commander-in-chief. He is -now raising troops in the district of Langres. It is -supposed, however, that they are neither very numerous -nor trustworthy, and that there are many among -them who would rather be vanquished than victorious. -Although the war is only just beginning, money is -already lacking to carry it on, and the King has had -recourse to a forced loan from the Princes of his Court -and the leading men of the kingdom. The Chancellor -contributed 4,000 francs; Lansac, de Morvilliers, and -several others, 3,000 a-piece; while the Constable—that -is, the Duchess Dowager of Montmorency—was -assessed at 6,000 francs, which are equivalent to 2,000 -crowns. The sums so raised are said to amount to -100,000 crowns. Such are the straits to which France -is reduced.</p> - -<p>Attempts, they say, have been made by the rebels -on several towns—Tours, Chartres, and many others—in -which free use was made of Alençon’s name.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span> -Though matters have gone so far, commissioners from -the rebels for the conclusion of peace are still expected -in Paris. Besme, the German—who was the actual -murderer of Admiral Coligny—on his way back from -Spain, fell into the hands of the enemy, and is in great -danger, but Guise leaves no stone unturned in order -to liberate him.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> Montbrun’s wounds were such that -recovery was impossible, but, anxious that he should -not die, save by the hands of the executioner, they -caused him to be beheaded at Grenoble. As the -English Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> was suspected of having secret -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span>dealings with Alençon and others, the King has requested -all the Ambassadors to quit their houses in the -faubourgs and come into the city, where it will be -easier to protect them; this, at least, is the reason -assigned. The new Queen has had an attack of -jaundice, but has been steadily improving for the last -few days. As for other news, desperate atrocities are -every day committed in Paris; murder and lust run -riot together. Even into the King’s own ante-chamber -they carry their brawls and quarrels, and -come to blows when they are all but in his presence. -No notice is taken of these outrages, and apparently -they are not regarded as offences against the King.</p> - -<p>I had got to this point in my letter a few days -after the courier’s arrival in Paris, and hoped to send -him back without delay, when news of great importance -reached me, of which your Majesty must be -informed. Alençon, the King’s brother, who is eager -to upset the Government, and has long been on bad -terms with his brother, has fled from Paris. Having -arranged his plans some time before, he pretended on -the evening of September 15 to be going to certain -ladies, whom he had made a habit of visiting in order -to throw the King off his guard. He drove there in a -carriage with only two companions, one of whom he -sent back to the Palace to see what the King and -Queen Mother were doing; with the other he went -into the house. But he was no sooner inside than he -went out by a back door, got into another carriage, -which was waiting for him, and drove off to a trysting-place -not far away, where horses and companions were -waiting for him.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> Others joined them on the road, so -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span>that before he reached Dreux, where he arrived in -twenty-four hours, travelling without intermission, he -had, it is believed, an escort of almost 200 men. Dreux -is a county forming part of his appanage, not far from -Normandy. He was admitted by the inhabitants, not -so much from any affection towards him, as because they -were taken by surprise, and not prepared to resist so -strong a party.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, the gentleman whom he had sent back -to the King returned to the house, and finding him -gone brought the news to the King. The latter at -first hoped he would return. But when time passed, -and he did not appear, suspicion became certainty, -and they knew that he had fled. Parties were despatched -to bring him back, but all in vain; he had -got some hours’ start of his pursuers and had lost no -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span>time on the road. Moreover, some of the King’s people -had a hint that it might be dangerous to pursue the -chase too far, for they found on the road the dead -body of one of the Royal Guards, whose duty it was -to patrol that district. The man had challenged -Alençon, and asked who he was, and where he was -going. His comrade—for there were two of them—would -have shared his fate, but he had the presence -of mind, when his horse was killed by a shot, -to lie still and pretend to be dead. After this warning -the pursuers gave up the chase. It would have been -madness for them to continue it, as they knew he was -strongly escorted, while they were mere stragglers -hurrying along without any attempt at organisation, -as naturally is the case in a sudden and extemporised -pursuit. Alençon’s flight—or departure, as some may -call it—has produced a deep impression on the King -and the Queen Mother, as they foresee what a serious -addition it will make to the other calamities of France.</p> - -<p>The next day the King ordered Nevers to follow -his brother with some regiments of cavalry to prevent -the towns from revolting, and to protect them against -assault. He has fixed his head-quarters at Chartres, -probably in order to cut off Alençon from the Loire, -and to prevent his penetrating into the country on the -other side of that river, where he must retreat if he -wishes to join his partisans. A few days afterwards -the Queen Mother followed, in the hope of recalling -him to his senses before he was utterly perverted by -intercourse with rebels; but she was not allowed to see -him. Indeed, her coming had the contrary effect, for -Alençon, suspecting foul play, and thinking he had -evidence of something of the kind, set out for the -Loire with his followers by a circuitous route, in order -to cross while it was still fordable by reason of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span> -drought of last summer, and thus ensure his safety -and facilitate his junction with the King’s opponents. -Behind him came the Queen and Nevers—his mother -and his foe. The latter would have attacked him -whenever an opportunity presented itself, as was the -case at his passage of the Loire, but was forbidden by -the Queen. She was anxious to avoid an engagement -as long as possible, for any bloodshed might make war -inevitable. At last, after crossing the river, he granted -an audience to his mother. She spoke, they say, with -great ability, representing to him the disastrous condition -of the country, and reminding him that the -course he was taking would greatly aggravate existing -evils; ‘he, who was the heir presumptive to the crown, -ought to be the last man,’ she told him, ‘to split the -kingdom in two.’ The result of the interview was -that an armistice for a few days was arranged, to give -time for the delegates of the different parties to -assemble, and for peace negotiations to be opened.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, it was decided that Montmorency -should be released from prison, on giving his parole -not to leave Paris without the King’s permission. -Alençon is also said to have demanded that certain -very influential persons should be removed from Court. -Among them the Chancellor is included, and some -other councillors of the King, who, Alençon thinks, are -hostile to himself and his party.</p> - -<p>But his chief motive for running away, it is supposed, -was a desire to escape from the degrading -surveillance under which he was kept; he remembered -that when his brother occupied the same position, he -possessed unbounded influence and had the revenues -of some of the richest provinces to support his rank, -while <em>he</em>, on the other hand, was granted but trifling -allowances, exercised no influence, and could scarcely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span> -call himself his own master.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> Charles IX. had appointed -the present King his Lieutenant, and had -entrusted him with the entire management of the war -and with the government of the country; while <em>he</em> -had been passed over in favour of Guise. It was -not likely that a young Prince, eager for adventure -and thirsting for war and glory, would patiently submit -to such treatment. Hence he was induced to take -this serious step, the consequences of which God only -knows. There is an impression that the King had -been warned by letters from several people of -Alençon’s intentions, and had resolved to place him -under closer surveillance, but the Prince escaped the -day before the one on which he was to have been -arrested.</p> - -<p>On the 10th of this month news arrived here of -the defeat of the German reiters by Guise. As they -were marching into Berry to join Alençon, Guise came -upon them at the passage of the Marne and routed -the part that had crossed, their commander, Affenstein, -being killed, and Monsieur de Clervant<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> taken prisoner. -Those who had not yet crossed were terrified -by the disaster, and began to treat for a surrender. -The King was consulted, and decided that their surrender -should be accepted, on condition of their not -serving against him for a year. They were left in -possession of their horses, swords, and cuirasses, and -the rest of their accoutrements, having to give up only -their standards and fire-arms, and an escort was appointed -to conduct them over the frontier. Thoré, -the son of the Constable, and many Frenchmen besides, -to the number of 200, who were with the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>Germans, crossed the river in the middle of the night, -and so escaped safe and sound. The Germans accuse -them of deserting them, while they retort on the -Germans that, though the safety of the army depended -on its speed, they could not be induced to leave their -baggage behind to lighten them on their march, and -declare that the disaster, in which they lost not only -their baggage but everything else, was due to their -wilfulness. They say that Guise during his pursuit -of the Germans often had the chance of plundering -this baggage-train, but that he was deterred by the -advice of an experienced general, who said that it -would delay their march, and finally compel them to -fight at a disadvantage. Be that as it may, the disgrace -of these troops is in my opinion greater than -their actual loss. Our friends in Paris are much -elated at their victory. The fate of the Frenchmen -who escaped by their speed is uncertain, for there are -plenty to pursue them. Guise, however, himself did -not come out of the encounter scot free; he received -a serious wound in the jaw from a musket ball, and -was at first considered to be in great danger; the -King, who loves him very dearly, gave him up for -lost, and was much distressed. Now, however, he is -expected to recover.</p> - -<p>The day before the news of this battle arrived, the -King set Montmorency free, and restored him to his -former influential position. Accordingly, he is made -acquainted with the chief secrets of State, as he used -to be, and now, in the absence of Alençon and the -rest of the Princes of the Blood, takes precedence -next to the King. There is a notion that he, accompanied -by Cossé, will shortly join the Queen Mother -to act as a mediator. Alençon, people think, will -return to-morrow to his mother at Blois to re-open<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span> -negotiations. To me the whole story sounds suspicious, -and, granted that he does go back there, I -think they will hardly come to terms. But supposing -they do, it is to my mind quite certain that war will -presently follow, either in the Netherlands or in Italy -with Alençon as the nominal or, perhaps, the real commander.</p> - -<p>To-day news has arrived here that Thoré and his -followers after routing those who barred their passage, -have reached the Loire. He has, they say, about 400 -horse, among whom are many Germans. Whether he -will be able to cross is uncertain, as a strong force has -been collected in hopes of crushing him. Two thousand -of Alençon’s cavalry with some infantry are -reported to be awaiting his arrival on the other side of -the Loire.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, October 14, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXVIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">On</span> September 12, the day the Queen returned to -Paris from Amboise, the courier arrived and delivered -to me your Majesty’s letter and instructions. On the -following day I asked an audience of the King, but -was put off till the next day. After complimenting -the King and the Queen Mother in your Majesty’s -name, I laid your request before them—namely, that -the date appointed for the Queen’s departure should -be adhered to. The King answered he would do -what he could to meet your Majesty’s views. I replied -that it was of great consequence that I should have a -definite answer to send to your Majesty, as otherwise -the ladies and gentlemen, who were to meet the Queen -at Nancy by your Majesty’s orders, might find them<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>selves -in an awkward position. He agreed that the -request was reasonable, and promised to lay the matter -before the Council, and give me a definite answer on -the morrow. So passed away that day and the next, -which was the 15th of the month, the day on the evening -of which Alençon fled. I received almost the same -answer from the Queen Mother, except that she added -some further details about the expenses of the journey, -saying that the whole sum could not be paid down in -specie, but that an appropriation would be made -for pressing expenses, while for those that need not be -paid on the spot good warrants would be given. The arrangement -was not an unreasonable one, and the Queen’s -business appeared at that time to be in a fair way, but -then came Alençon’s flight, which caused a hitch. -For some days the King could not attend to me; at -last, on the 19th, in consequence of my pressing applications -for such an answer as would relieve your -Majesty from uncertainty, I was granted an audience. -The King at the beginning of our conversation requested -me to inform your Majesty of his unhappy -misfortune,—these were the very words he used—saying, -he felt confident from the relationship that -existed between your Majesty and himself, and from -the kindness he had experienced at your hands, that -you would sympathise with him. He remembered -that your Majesty had on former occasions advised -Alençon to keep clear of revolutionary designs. His -conduct was the more unjustifiable, he said, as he was -not conscious of having done anything on his part to -give him a reason for forming these projects or running -away. It was by the evil counsels of bad people that -he had been seduced from his allegiance, though on -his side he had behaved towards him like an affectionate -brother. This unexpected event prevented his<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span> -sending back the Queen at the time arranged, and I -must see myself the difficulties that surrounded him. -What the King said was only too true, and accordingly -I answered that I would comply with his request -and write as he wished to your Majesty, saying, ‘I felt -no doubt that your Majesty, with whom he was connected -by so many ties, would give him the warmest -sympathy in his troubles, and would gladly afford him -any assistance in your power.’ I then used such language -as I thought was likely to comfort him. As to the -Queen’s departure, I told him that your Majesty was -most anxious to have her back, and that your plans -did not admit of her prolonged absence, and asked -him, if it was impossible for her to leave at once, at -any rate to fix the earliest possible date. He said -he would consider my request, and promised to send -me an answer on the following day together with his -letter to your Majesty. At my interview with the -Queen Mother almost the same language was used on -both sides, except that I added that I thought, if the -Queen’s departure were put off much longer, your -Majesty would be obliged to consider how to bring her -home at your own expense, for you felt that a longer -separation was unbearable.</p> - -<p>From that time to this I have never ceased pressing -the King every day and demanding an answer, -but my efforts have been of no avail. The truth is, -the King has given his ministers instructions to find -the funds necessary for the Queen’s journey, but this -is a very difficult matter, and, until he is sure of the -money, he cannot positively fix the date at which she -is to leave. In the mean time due attention has been -paid to all the interests of the Queen. A valuation -has been made of the Crown lands, and also of the -other property. A contract has been drawn up, and a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span> -demand has been made that the deficiency in value of -the Crown lands assigned should be made good. For -the Duchy of Berry with the County of Le Forez, the -upper and lower parts of La Marche, and Remorantin -did not come to much above 26,000 francs, so that -nearly 6,000 were wanting to make up the sum the -King had promised. To find them was no easy task, -in consequence of the small amount of Crown lands -available, and the difficulty was increased by the -irregular and unbusinesslike conduct of certain officials -of the King, who tried to make out that the said places -had been undervalued, and wanted us, in consequence -of their own fault, to be content with 26,000 instead -of 32,000 francs. At last, after some trouble, it was -arranged that two places should be added, to be taken -from the Duchy of Bourbon—namely, the towns of -Murat and Gannat—and so a total of 32,000 francs in -Crown lands was made up, and the remaining sums -were secured as in the schedule annexed. All possible -care and discretion have been used in making these arrangements.</p> - -<p>As regards the Queen’s departure, I should not -like to promise myself an answer from the King for -many days. The grant of 32,000 crowns is all very -well, but there is enormous trouble in getting them -paid down in hard cash: 20,000 of them, for which a -warrant on Rouen has been given, will begin to come -in on November 15, and this sum, I hope, may be -relied on. This leaves 12,000 to be provided; it -might have taken us a long time to procure this sum, -and we might have been obliged in consequence to -postpone the Queen’s departure, but fortunately your -Majesty’s bounty has made us independent so far; a -large sum has been remitted by the Nuremburg merchants, -and even if we have no answer from the King,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span> -I feel confident that the Queen will be able to set out -about November 25 or 26. For I think it better to -risk our money than to lose our time, lest, in the changes -of this mortal life, something should occur to make us -regret deeply the loss of the opportunity; though I -feel no doubt that the 12,000 crowns decreed by the -King can be secured for the Queen even after she has -gone. When the day of her departure draws near, the -Queen will send a courier of her own to bring your -Majesty news of the final arrangements. In order to -relieve your Majesty’s anxiety, it has been decided not -to detain the present courier any longer; the Queen -would have sent him back some days ago if she had -not been waiting for the King’s letter to your Majesty; -he keeps promising to send it every day, but it does -not come.</p> - -<p>One point with reference to the Queen’s journey -remains for consideration, and that is a serious one. -More German reiters are said to be on the point of -entering France, and there is danger of the seat of -war being transferred to Champagne and the country -through which her Majesty is to travel; so that it is -doubtful whether the road to Nancy will be safe, or, -indeed, if it will be open at all. Of course no one will -do any harm to the Queen, but it would be impossible -to answer for the safety of her French suite, and it would -not perhaps be consistent with the King’s dignity to -beg his enemies to grant them a sort of passage on -sufferance, and to place at their mercy Frenchmen of -the highest position, and ladies of exalted rank, especially -as nothing is safe from the lawlessness and insolence -of the times. As to these matters, the King can -settle nothing at present, as he does not know what -may be the state of things six weeks hence; but I see -that all the prudent and sensible men of my acquaint<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span>ance -entertain serious doubts as to the safety of this -route. If it should happen to be closed, I doubt -if there is a more convenient way than that through -the Netherlands, by Cambrai, Valenciennes, Mons, -Namur, and thence either to Coblentz or Trier. Here, -again, we are met by a difficulty, for perhaps the Governor -of the Low Countries may not care to have -such a number of French people travelling through -these territories at the present time. This may be -obviated by the French suite being sent back from -Cambrai or Valenciennes, and by the servants whom your -Majesty will send, such as cooks, butlers, waiters, &c., -being ready to meet the Queen at either of those places. -For she is to take none of her domestic servants -beyond Nancy, as your Majesty will have graciously -understood from the list of her retinue which was -forwarded some time ago. There ought to be -some gentlemen at the head of each department; but -this whole scheme of going through the Netherlands -is full of difficulties, and is much more inconvenient -than the other. Still, if we are compelled to take it, -we must manage as best we can. I am willing to hope -for the best, and that this <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">détour</em> may not be necessary; -but if we are disappointed—and disappointments do -come—I should wish to be prepared for the worst, and -to have some arrangement to fall back upon, instead -of having to waste time in making out a new one from -beginning to end. I think it prudent, therefore, to -have our plans ready in case of need; and in the meantime -to sound the Governor’s disposition by letter, so -that if we cannot get through by any other road, at -any rate this way may be open to us; but the final -decision will, of course, rest with your Majesty.</p> - -<p>As regards the money forwarded to the Queen from -Nuremberg by your Majesty’s order, I have hitherto<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span> -received no letter from your Majesty; but the agent -of the merchants informed me that such and such an -amount was to be placed to the Queen’s credit, that -the time of payment was the end of October, and that -he would meanwhile collect the money; but, if there -was any need for it sooner, he would pay down part of -it. No doubt we shall soon have despatches from your -Majesty, and I shall then understand the bearings of -this business more clearly. I have also received no -answer as yet to my requests about the watches and -my own affairs. As regards the Kinsky question, I -will do as your Majesty orders, when Schomberg<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> returns -from the campaign on which he is now away with -Monsieur de Guise; or, if he answers the letter I sent -him, I will inform your Majesty of his reply. I have -received from de Morvilliers, the Bishop of Orleans ... crown -pistoles on account of my yearly salary. I -most humbly beg your Majesty graciously to order -that amount to be paid to Monsieur de Vulcob in the -usual way.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, October 23, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xxixa" id="xxixa">LETTER XXIX.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I sent</span> in my last letters by Peter the courier such -news as I had. Since then I received your Majesty’s -letter from Prague, dated September 4, which informed -me that arrangements had been made with a -Nuremberg merchant for remitting the money to the -Queen. The bills of exchange will, I trust, shortly -arrive. Without this money it is impossible to gua<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span>rantee -the Queen’s return; for, though magnificent -promises are held out to us, they are not to be relied -on in these troublous times, when the country is so -ground down with taxation. The 20,000 crowns are -thought to be certain; but there will not be much -left out of them after paying the wages of the household -and making preparations for the journey; 12,000 -more are promised, a sum which would be abundantly -sufficient if we could reckon on it, but I am afraid -the prospect of its being paid is somewhat remote, -and to wait for the money would be to subject the -Queen to endless trouble and vexation, and perhaps -cause injury to her health. For her anxiety to return -to your Majesty, and to be quit of the troubles and -hurly-burly of France, is unspeakable. I hope, too, -your Majesty will remember what a dutiful and obedient -daughter she has always been, and will therefore comply -with her very reasonable request, and, now that she -has been led to count on returning, not let her after -all be disappointed. As regards the route she is to -take, I hope your Majesty will graciously give the -question your serious consideration. For here, indeed, -there are continual reports that more German reiters -are coming, and, in fact, are actually ready to march; -if this be true, there is also fear that the seat of war -may be transferred to the countries through which lies -the road to Lorraine.</p> - -<p>The Countess of Aremberg<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> has written from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span>Nancy to inform the Queen of her arrival there, and -also to inquire what she wishes her to do, and what -hope there may be of her soon leaving. She tells her -that she has been away for some time, and is much -wanted at home, but will postpone everything if she -can be of any use. The Queen replied that there was -not much hope of her leaving before November 25; -she might, therefore, revisit her home in the meantime, -provided that she presented herself at Nancy by that -day to give the Queen the advantage of her society -and company on the journey, according to your Majesty’s -desire. To prevent her making any mistake -about the day, she would later on send a letter to -inform her fully of the intended arrangements. It -will, I think, take the Countess six or, at the utmost, -seven days to travel from Nancy to her home.</p> - -<p>As for other news, the state of affairs here is much -the same as it was; what little alteration there has been -is for the worse, as Alençon’s last move has made -people less hopeful as to peace. Till lately he appeared -to approve of Blois as a safe place for holding the -negotiations, but he is now said to have changed his -mind, and to demand Poitiers, his reason being that -none of the King’s opponents will trust themselves at -Blois, as it is too near Paris and they are afraid of foul -play. There is a notion that his real motive is not -peace, but to obtain possession of a strongly fortified -town. Time will show. Montmorency, to whom -everybody’s thoughts are turned as the best mediator -between the opposing parties, set out a few days ago -for Alençon’s quarters. When he started from Paris -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span>he was escorted by a multitude of gentlemen and -courtiers. He is indeed a remarkable instance of fortune’s -changes, for only recently he was in great danger -and so hated and despised by everyone that his strong -prison-walls seemed scarcely able to protect him from -the violence and insults of the mob and his enemies. -His brother, Thoré, with his troops, has got safe to -Alençon, after routing at various places those who tried -to oppose his march, and taking prisoners some who -pursued him too eagerly.</p> - -<p>As to your Majesty’s gracious answer about the -watches, it is my duty to be most humbly satisfied with -whatever meets with your Majesty’s approbation.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, October 23, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<p>I must also humbly beseech your Majesty to give -us betimes any directions about the Queen’s departure -and her journey, otherwise we may be greatly inconvenienced -by having to alter our plans at the last -moment. I shall endeavour to adhere to the arrangements -already mentioned, and intend to use my utmost -efforts to have the Queen’s preparations for the journey -completed by November 25. Accordingly, I mean about -November 20 to send your Majesty tidings by a private -courier. He will hardly reach your Majesty -before the 27th. Again, some time will be required -in order to apprise those who are to escort the Queen -of your Majesty’s wishes, and to enable them to reach -Nancy. I must therefore ask the Queen to postpone -her departure to December 1, so as to arrive at Nancy -about the 10th or 11th of the same month. I send -these details in the hope that your Majesty will be -graciously pleased to correct any mistake I may have -made.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER XXX.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">On</span> the night before November 1, Louis du Guast was -murdered in his bed; he was stabbed in several places. -The gates of Paris were kept shut all the next day, -and search was made for the murderers, but they could -not be found. The King’s brother Alençon is supposed -to have instigated the murder, or at any rate to -have been privy to it, as he hated du Guast as much -as the King loved him.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> The cause of their respective -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span>hatred and affection was but trifling; still, for that very -reason it ought, I think, to be mentioned. Some years -ago Thoré, the Constable’s son, had been playing -tennis with du Guast, and had lost a considerable sum -to him; on du Guast’s pressing for payment Thoré -kept putting him off and making excuses. Du Guast -finally lost his temper, took some horses out of Thoré’s -stable, sold them by auction and paid himself out of -the proceeds. When this came to Thoré’s knowledge, -he was exceedingly annoyed, and quarrelled with du -Guast, and ere long they came to blows. The King, -who was then Duke of Anjou (for the late King was -still alive), being informed of this, and fearing that du -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>Guast, who was his servant, would get the worst of it, -as Thoré was the more powerful man of the two, -turned out with his guards to defend his <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">protégé</em>. At -the same time word was brought to Alençon that -Thoré was in great danger, as Anjou had come to -du Guast’s assistance. Thereupon he immediately -brought up his escort to defend his friend Thoré. A -disgraceful contest seemed inevitable, but the Swiss -behaved with great discretion, and at last they parted -without bloodshed.</p> - -<p>However, from that day forth the brothers have -been at variance, and the King has hated Thoré and -the whole house of Montmorency. Du Guast, on the -other hand, has always had Alençon for his foe. -Moreover, from his reliance on the King’s favour he -gave himself the habit of flouting Alençon and speaking -of him in disrespectful terms. His impertinence -has now cost him dear.</p> - -<p>This du Guast had been appointed by the King -commander of the ten regiments of Frenchmen which -he had established after the model of the Prætorian -guard. Among them were many picked privates, serjeants, -and captains, who seldom left du Guast’s side, -and generally messed at his house at the King’s expense. -Such was the splendour and sumptuousness of -his table that if any of the Princes, such as the Duke -of Guise, or the titular King of Navarre, chose to drop -in upon him unexpectedly, they never had any reason -to regret it. Du Guast was enabled to live in this -magnificent style by the King’s generosity, for it is -certain that since he returned from Poland he has -paid him more than 50,000 crowns for his expenses. He, -on the other hand, thought it a point of honour not to -be outdone by the King in generosity, and out of this -vast sum laid by nothing for himself, as is sufficiently<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span> -proved by his debts, which amount to 30,000 crowns. -The King has taken his murder much to heart, and -there is reason to fear it may serve as a torch and -make the war between the two brothers blaze up more -furiously than ever.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, November, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXXI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">On</span> the 24th of last month, Laurence Scuter arrived, -and delivered to me your Majesty’s two letters, from -one of which I learn that your Majesty is anxious -for definite information with regard to the Queen’s departure, -while in the other your Majesty graciously -advises me of the bill of exchange drawn on Nuremberg.</p> - -<p>As to the Queen’s departure, it has till now depended -so entirely on other people’s pleasure, and the -issue of events on which it was impossible to reckon, -that I could not write with any certainty, either in the -letter which I sent by Peter the courier, or in that -which I despatched a little later by Mola of Augsburg. -But now everything is settled, and your Majesty will -find in the enclosed paper a full account of the arrangements -connected with the Queen’s return.</p> - -<p>The only points on which I am still troubled are -the weather and the dangers of the road. Her Majesty -will, I fear, find it a very bad time of year for travelling, -and I am also afraid that our best and shortest -route will be rendered impassable by the presence of -the new levies of German reiters. I trust I shall soon -receive full instructions from your Majesty.</p> - -<p>The Queen has decided to send off the messenger<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span> -without further delay, for fear your Majesty should, as -on a former occasion, be kept waiting for her answer. -She will therefore despatch a second messenger, -as soon as the date of her departure is absolutely -certain, to bring word to your Majesty and at the same -time to give notice to Ilsing,<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> in order that he may -write to the ladies and gentlemen whom your Majesty -has commanded to wait on the Queen. By this arrangement -I hope we shall be able to save several days.</p> - -<p>I will now give some account of affairs in France. -A few days ago Alençon, the King’s brother, took -possession of Châtelherault,<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> a town near Poitiers, with -the free consent of the inhabitants. The Queen -Mother is endeavouring to arrange with him for a six -months’ truce; but he demands, as a guarantee of his -personal safety, the possession of four most important -towns—Bourges the capital of Berry, Angers, Angoulesme, -and La Charité—and I hardly think the King -will consent to such hard terms, as they will be difficult -places to retake, supposing the negotiations for -peace to prove a failure. It is evident the Queen -Mother will do her very utmost to prevent her sons -from fighting, but whether she will be able to stop -them is more than I can say.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Guise has come back from the wars.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span>He arrived at Paris the day before yesterday; crowds -went out to meet him, and everyone congratulated -him warmly on his success. His wound is not as yet -perfectly healed, but it is no longer considered dangerous.</p> - -<p>Michel<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> has come to Paris as ambassador for the -Republic of Venice. Your Majesty must occasionally -have seen him, as he was for many years residing at -Vienna. The King treats him with the highest distinction, -entertaining him splendidly, and causing him -to be served as if he were some Royal personage. For -his expenses are assigned 800 francs per diem. He -has come to congratulate the King on his marriage. -He called on me lately, and spoke at great length of -the profound respect and regard which he entertained -for your Majesty.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span></p> -<p>I hear that the Pope has offered the King 3000 -Swiss to assist him in the war, which is now imminent, -against his brother and the Huguenots.</p> - -<p>Pibrac’s relations tell me that they have been expecting -to hear from him for some time past, and, as -he has not written, they think he must be on the road -home. In his former letters he had given them to -understand with tolerable plainness that he had little -or no hope of success, and had therefore resolved to -take the very first opportunity of quitting Poland.</p> - -<p>He felt sure that, if he remained in the country, -some affront would be put on him, not by members of -the opposite party, but by his own friends. The latter -were not well treated when their influence was used to -dissolve the Diet, Pibrac being unable to keep his -promises to them on account of the failure of those on -whom he relied.</p> - -<p>De Morvilliers has ordered 500 crowns to be paid -to me; I humbly beseech your Majesty to order that -amount to be paid as usual to Monsieur de Vulcob.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, November 9, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xxxiia" id="xxxiia">LETTER XXXII.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">After</span> sending several times to Rouen to demand the -money for the Queen’s expenses during her journey, it -was only yesterday that news arrived of the payment -of the last instalment. With these tidings came also -an answer to the Queen from the Queen Mother, expressing -her regret at being prevented by business of -the greatest importance from going to Paris and -bidding the Queen farewell in person before she left. -After reading these letters the Queen came to the<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span> -conclusion that she was now at liberty to arrange a -day for starting on her journey. December 4 was appointed, -with the approval of the King, whom I -thought it advisable to consult; in giving his sanction -he expressed much sorrow at the Queen’s departure -being so near, saying he wished he could have kept -her longer in Paris, as he had no doubt that her -presence had saved the realm of France from many -a misfortune, and was afraid that her departure would -be the signal for fresh calamities.</p> - -<p>The Queen thought that, as soon as it was definitely -settled, she ought to give your Majesty the earliest -possible information as to the date of her departure. -Hitherto she has been afraid to write positively, on -account of the doubts and uncertainties with which we -have been surrounded, especially with regard to money, -lest some difficulty should arise which would prevent -her from keeping her appointment with those who are -to meet her at Nancy. Now, however, there is nothing -to prevent her leaving on the day appointed, our funds -being sufficient for the expenses of the journey as far -as Nancy. There is a prospect, if we are willing to -wait, of our raising more money, but for this we shall -have to give a charge on the Queen’s future income; -to the King, moreover, who is in great distress for -money, this arrangement would involve serious difficulties, -while it would be no great benefit to the Queen, -as her departure must in that case certainly be postponed, -and it is by no means certain that she would -after all obtain the money, so that the funds provided -by your Majesty have come in the nick of time to -relieve us of our difficulties.</p> - -<p>Though matters are thus far arranged, I do not -think that the Queen can reach Nancy before December -18 or 19, and I am not at all sure that she will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span> -not be kept there for several days, if the report be -true that preparations are being made for the marriage -of the Duke of Lorraine’s sister to the Duke of Brunswick, -in which case the ceremony will probably take -place about that date.</p> - -<p>I have instructed the bearer of this letter to give -notice of the date of the Queen’s departure to the -Duke of Lorraine at Nancy, the Bishop of Strasburg<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> -at Saverne in Alsace, and Ilsing at Augsburg.</p> - -<p>The Queen sent forward part of her furniture -eight days ago, and also four waggons of Orleans -wine, which she thought would be beneficial in the -present state of your Majesty’s health, in order that, -if she should not reach the Danube herself before it -was frozen, at any rate her luggage might be able to -go by water. With the baggage train were sent -some greyhounds, and also a couple of lime-hounds,<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> -under the charge of a young gentleman and two servants, -who accompany them by the orders of the -King. This young gentleman is a skilful huntsman, -and it is hoped that your Majesty will be diverted at -hearing him blow his horn, and cheer on his dogs in -the French fashion.</p> - -<p>As to John Kinsky’s business, I applied to Schomberg.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> -He maintains that he does not owe Kinsky a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>farthing; he admits that he was in his debt at one -time, but declares he paid the money over some time -ago to certain parties by Kinsky’s directions, and -maintains that it is no affair of his if the aforesaid -parties have failed to make good the sum which they -received. In proof of his assertion he brings forward -the fact that the bond he gave to Kinsky has been -returned. I asked him whether he could produce -a genuine letter from Kinsky directing him to pay the -money to the parties he had mentioned. He told me -‘he did not remember: he generally tore up letters of -this kind; but still it was possible that he might have it—at -any rate, he was quite sure that Kinsky had given -him distinct verbal directions to that effect.’ He next -proceeded to abuse Kinsky for thus maligning him, -and accused him of trying to take away his character, -threatening to make him pay for it if he continued to -libel him. I asked him to give me in writing the -statements he had made, that I might send them to -your Majesty. He agreed to do so, but has not kept -his promise: I cannot say whether he failed through -want of time or want of will, for two days later the -King sent him out of Paris, and whither he went I -cannot say.</p> - -<p>The names of those who are to escort the Queen -back I am unable to ascertain, for nearly every day -there is a change of circumstances, and a corresponding -change is made in the list. However, the appoint<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>ment -of the Cardinal d’Este is certain. Those who -are also named are the Duke of Mayenne, the Bishop -of Paris, Monsieur de Luxembourg, and some -others; but whether they will come with us or not, -after all, is, to my mind, by no means certain. As to -the ladies whom I mentioned in a former letter, no -change has been made; but some think that the -Comtesse de Retz will be added to the number.</p> - -<p>Pibrac returned from Poland three days ago, after -making his way through the Hanse towns and the -Netherlands.</p> - -<p>The Comtesse d’Aremberg has been given notice -of the time when the Queen is to start.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, November 9, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="tb">The Queen Mother has at last succeeded in concluding -a truce for six months on the terms of the King’s -surrendering to his brother (Alençon) certain cities as -a guarantee for his safety, viz., Bourges, Angoulesme, -Mézières, Niort, La Charité, and Saumur. At the -last two towns there are bridges over the Loire, so -that Alençon can march, when it pleases him, either -into Burgundy or into Brittany; Niort opens communication -for him with Rochelle, while Angoulesme -connects him with the insurgent forces, and is moreover -strongly fortified, as also is Bourges, the chief -town of Berry. But he has not obtained possession -of more than two of these places, viz., Niort and -Saumur, the other towns are up in arms and will not -consent to the transfer, from a fear that the most -frightful calamities are in store for them if Alençon -should become their master, especially in the event of -the peace negotiations proving a failure. Accordingly, -they are preparing to do battle, and are supposed to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span> -have entered into alliance with other towns, Orleans -to wit and Moulins.</p> - -<p>The Queen Mother is said to be thinking of visiting -them in the hope that her presence will recall them -to their obedience. Whether she will succeed or not -I cannot say.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile the truce is publicly proclaimed in Paris; -but, nevertheless, on the other side, German reiters -are said to have crossed the Rhine, and to be marching -into the interior, and this makes many people think -that no reliance can be placed on the truce. The -King, indeed, has also undertaken to pay Casimir and -the soldiers under his command 500,000 francs to go -off home without causing further trouble. Not having -sufficient funds for this purpose, he has sent jewels of -great value to the Duke of Lorraine, who is to retain -them as a pledge, and then become security to Casimir -for the payment of the money. The Duke, however, -has the option of taking some neighbouring town in -pawn instead of the jewels. I am afraid it is easier to -call in German horse than to send them back; and, -even if they leave France, there is fear of their pouring -into the Netherlands.</p> - -<p>Mézières was appointed as the residence of the -Prince of Condé, and the King has also undertaken to -pay 2,000 infantry who are to form Alençon’s garrisons -in the towns already mentioned. But the chief difficulty -that is likely to occur with regard to the truce is -Condé’s promise to pay certain sums to the German -horse for crossing the Rhine; such at least is the story, -and the King, if he wishes for peace, will have to make -good the money. However that may be, they say that -Condé and Casimir have entered into a covenant to -help each other in case of war; and just as Casimir -came to the aid of Condé, so hereafter, should need<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span> -require, Condé will lead his party to the assistance of -Casimir. If this report is correct, it is a matter deserving -serious consideration. In any case, the truce -has been made after such a fashion as to render it quite -plain that the King consented to it not of his own free -will, but by compulsion.</p> - -<p>What would it have availed him to nurse his wrath, -and make plans for some mighty undertaking, for the -accomplishment of which his resources are totally inadequate, -when the only result would be to make his -weakness plain and risk his crown? Being utterly -unprepared, the only other course open to him was to -submit to whatever terms his adversaries thought fit to -impose, and this latter alternative he chose.</p> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXXIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> Queen reached the town of Dormans six days -after her departure from Paris, and there she met the -courier with your Majesty’s despatches; from which I -learnt your Majesty’s pleasure with regard to the arrangements -connected with the Queen’s journey, which -I will do my utmost to carry out. With reference to -your Majesty’s desire that I should attend the Queen -to Vienna, and act on the journey as her chief chamberlain, -I beg to offer my most humble thanks for the -honour thus conferred.</p> - -<p>The Queen left Paris on the 5th of this month, -amid the tears and regrets of the entire population.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>Great sorrow was also shown by the upper classes, who -are deeply attached to her. On the 19th she reached -Nancy. Our journey was not unattended with danger, -for parties of German reiters were scouring the -country; but our party was not molested in any way. -The Duke of Lorraine, with his Court, came as far -as the first milestone to meet her, and received her -with every mark of honour.</p> - -<p>That same evening was celebrated the marriage of -Eric, Duke of Brunswick, to Dorothea, sister of Lorraine. -The Queen was present at the ceremony, but -did not appear at the banquet and other festivities. On -the next day Count von Schwartzenberg came to the -Queen with a small party of Austrian noblemen.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> -Schwendi would have accompanied them if he had not -been confined to his house by sickness; however, he -has written, promising to meet us on the road if his -health permits. On the 22nd, William, Duke of Bavaria, -and his wife, arrived. The Bishop of Strasburg -has not yet come, and from his letter which Schwendi -sent me I am inclined to think that he has been kept at -home through fear of the German reiters and Swiss infantry, -whose road to Nancy lies through his territory.</p> - -<p>Having heard nothing of Madame d’Aremberg’s -coming, on the day after our arrival the Queen decided -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span>to send a courier to her; he found her at home, waiting -for the Queen’s summons. This misunderstanding was -the result of an unlucky accident. Madame d’Aremberg -had written to the Queen at Paris asking for information -as to her plans and movements; the Queen -sent back the answer by Madame d’Aremberg’s own -messenger, who promised to deliver it to his mistress -within three days. After all, the Queen’s reply, informing -Madame d’Aremberg of the date of her departure -from Paris, and telling her what she wanted her -to do, was lost, and never reached its destination. This -accident caused some delay in the arrival of Madame -d’Aremberg, but the Queen’s courier brought back a -letter from her, informing her that she would be here -to-morrow; she will require one day’s rest, so I -think the Queen will fix on Friday, the 30th of this -month, for her departure. The Master of the Order -of St. John has not come, and, as I understand, is not -expected. The whole country side is kept in a state -of alarm by wandering parties of horse and foot-soldiers. -It was on this account that the Cardinal d’Este had to -leave us in the middle of our journey and return to -Paris; he received a letter from the King informing -him that he had discovered a plot to waylay him on the -road. The Bishop of Paris has had a similar scare, -and early last night he set off home post haste under -the escort of a strong body of dragoons. Some others -who are not safe in the neighbourhood of the (German) -troops will be compelled to slip off as best they may. -The rest, who have no special cause for fear, and are -furnished with passports from Casimir, will leave Nancy -openly.</p> - -<p>Three days ago Casimir sent one of the chief officers -of his household, whose name, if I mistake not, is Diest -von Sterckenburg, to congratulate the Queen on her ar<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span>rival, -and tender his services; he was also instructed to -offer some explanations and apologies for the course his -master had taken, as your Majesty will learn at greater -length from the Queen’s own letter, for Casimir wished -her to represent the case herself, in the hope that your -Majesty would be induced to take a favourable view of -his conduct.</p> - -<p>As I write this letter, bands of reiters are to be -seen from the ramparts marching past Nancy in the -direction of St. Nicolas, on their way to the town -of Luneville. The Queen will have to pass through -both these places, but the troops will have moved on -before our party starts, and the only inconvenience -we shall suffer from their presence will be the rise -they will cause in the price of provisions; nor is even -this slight disadvantage without its compensation, for -this movement will leave the road open for Madame -d’Aremberg, which she could not hitherto have traversed -without danger. As to the destination of these -armaments, and what is to be the upshot of it all, it is -not easy to say. The King indeed is treating for a -truce, and Alençon does not seem unwilling to come -to terms, but Condé and Casimir, while quite prepared -to conclude a peace, will not hear of a truce; they say -that, if they throw away this opportunity, it will not be -in their power to reassemble their forces, so that they -are in a very different position from the King, who can -raise a fresh army whenever he pleases, and therefore -finds his advantage in a truce. Casimir also demands -a large sum in addition to the 500,000 francs already -offered him by the King for the withdrawal of his -army, in order to make up the arrears of pay due to -his troops for their services in former campaigns when -fighting for the insurgents. From this we may conclude -that nothing is yet settled.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span></p> - -<p>Pibrac, whose return from Poland I mentioned -before, is wont to say, when talking privately, that the -only advantage the Poles have gained from their -friendship with France is to catch the diseases which -are ruining the country—dissension and civil war.</p> - -<p>As to other matters, the Queen is in excellent -health, and is supported under all the troubles and -fatigue which such travelling involves, by one hope -alone, to wit, the prospect of shortly being with your -Majesties.</p> - -<p>The elder Duchess of Lorraine<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> manifests the -greatest pleasure at the Queen’s arrival, and declares -herself amply compensated by this honour, both for -the devotion she has ever felt for your Majesty, and -also for such services as it has lain in her power to -render. She wished me to give this message to your -Majesty.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Nancy, December 27, 1575.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="tb"><i>Note by Busbecq.</i>—The letter is missing which I -wrote in the village of Markirch, informing his Majesty -that our contract had been registered by the Parliament -of Paris. I also mentioned that ——, a small -town in Lorraine of considerable wealth, had been taken -and plundered by Condé’s soldiers; lastly I complained -that the sums I had obtained from Monsieur de Vulcob -had not been repaid to him. This letter was sent in a -portmanteau together with a gold chain, which was -a present from the King, and as far as I know I have -not kept a copy of it.</p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER XXXIV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Yesterday</span> the Queen arrived at Bâle, where we are -now staying; to-morrow she will leave it, and in four -days we hope to reach Schaffhausen. As to what is to -be her next destination, and what road she is to take -to get there, those who have charge of these arrangements -have not, I see, quite decided, but the question -will be considered after we have reached Schaffhausen. -I understand that we are not to go through Villingen, -and, whatever haste we make, I do not imagine that we -can get to Munich before the 27th or 28th of this month. -The Bishop of Strasburg will return home to-morrow. -I judged it well to write these particulars on the chance -of my being able to forward my letter to your Majesty, -although I cannot be certain of finding a bearer.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Bâle, January 12, 1576.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXXV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> Queen arrived at Augsburg, January 27, and on -the same day the courier brought back letters from -your Majesty, from which I learnt your Majesty’s -gracious pleasure with regard to the Queen’s movements, -to wit, that she should come to Vienna by the -shortest and most convenient route. I reported this -to her Serene Highness, and she, being eager to hasten -on and join your Majesty at the earliest moment possible, -was in favour of a voyage down the Danube, as -this is supposed to be a good time for sailing. I then -referred the matter to William, Duke of Bavaria, and -Count von Schwartzenberg, and they judged it advis<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span>able -to keep the courier until they should have laid all -the considerations before the elder Duke of Bavaria, -and ascertained his views as to the relative advantages -of the water route and that by land. In order to prevent -delay, Duke William sent his own courier forward -to Munich, that the whole question might be discussed -and settled before the arrival of the Queen. Her -Highness arrived at Munich January 29. Duke Ferdinand -with the Margrave of Baden met her at a -considerable distance from the city; they were attended -by a large force of cavalry, handsomely equipped, so -that the Queen entered Munich in great state. The -elder Duke’s health was such as to prevent his going -out of doors to receive the Queen; he takes all the -expenses of her Highness and her retinue on himself, -and will not allow them to be at charges for anything; -such a liberal reception makes it incumbent on the -Queen not to stay too long. The elder Duke, on -being consulted as to the Queen’s route, was in favour -of the river, and said he would take boat himself if -he wanted to go down to Vienna; his opinion therefore -coincided with the Queen’s. She was eager to -leave on Friday, February 3, after a visit of four days, -but as the Duke pressed her to stay six days she -decided not to refuse his earnest request, and so February -6 was appointed for her departure. It will -take two days to get to Wasserburg, and then seven -more to reach Vienna, so that, unless something unforeseen -should occur, I trust the Queen will reach -Vienna on the afternoon of February 13. God grant -that we may be prospered in our voyage, as we have -been on the road; hitherto, in spite of some changes -and chances on the way, we have had a good journey, -considering the time of the year.</p> - -<p>The Queen herself has enjoyed excellent health<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span> -throughout, save that on the day she stopped at Bâle -she was troubled with violent sickness; this, however, -served to relieve her stomach, and she has since been -perfectly well. William, Duke of Bavaria, and his -wife treated her with the utmost kindness and consideration, -so that she had no need of anyone else. -The Bishop of Strasburg remained at Bâle.</p> - -<p>The noblemen who came to meet the Queen at -Nancy attended her as far as Ulm, where others took -their place and have waited on her till now; they will, -however, stop here, or at any rate not follow her -further than Wasserburg.</p> - -<p>Your Majesty being thus informed of the Queen’s -route, will now decide as to any further arrangements -that may be necessary. Your Majesty, of course, -knows best, but still I venture to observe that, as the -Queen has settled to go by water, a large body of -attendants is in no way necessary.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Munich, January 31, 1576.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="tb">The time for our voyage has been lengthened by -two days, as your Majesty will see from the enclosed -route, so that, I think, the Queen will not be at Vienna -before February 15; I have also made out a list, as -best I could, of the Queen’s servants and attendants, -which I thought would be useful in arranging for their -lodgings.</p> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xxxvia" id="xxxvia">LETTER XXXVI.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">On</span> the 31st of last month I despatched a letter by -Gilles, groom of the Queen’s bedchamber, giving your -Majesty such particulars as I judged to be necessary; -to-day I received your Majesty’s letter of January 31,<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span> -being the same date as that on which I wrote myself; -this letter requires no reply, beyond stating that as -soon as I received your Majesty’s orders I lost no time -in writing to the Governor of Upper Austria, informing -him of the date of our departure, and giving him -the same route I sent to your Majesty, with a list of -the places at which we intended stopping, and the -dates on which we were to be expected. He will, -therefore, now be in a position to make the necessary -arrangements. I have no fresh news to give of the -Queen, except that she is looking forward with great -longing to the 6th of this month, when she will commence -the last stage of her long journey and be hurrying -onward to her father’s arms. I asked her if she -had any message for your Majesty. ‘Only my best -and warmest love,’ was her reply.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">112</a></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Munich, February, 1575.</p></blockquote> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="xxxviia" id="xxxviia">LETTER XXXVII.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Your</span> Majesty’s letter, dated February 4, reached me -at the Monastery of Ebersberg on the 7th, just as the -Queen was about to enter her carriage on her way to -Wasserburg. I lost no time in communicating its -contents to the illustrious Duke of Bavaria, and Count -von Schwartzenberg, and they promised to reconsider -the whole question of the route when they got to -Wasserburg. Accordingly, when we arrived, they -took counsel with the captain of the boat, but could -not prevail on him to alter his opinion. ‘He would -do what he could,’ he said, ‘to reach Vienna earlier, -but the days were so short, the water was so low, and -the mornings were so dark, that it was impossible to -promise more.’ However, I am in great hopes that -the Queen will be able to reach home one or two days -earlier than was arranged.</p> - -<p>The reason I did not mention in my former letter -that the Duke of Bavaria and his wife were coming, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>was that I assumed that he would obey your Majesty’s -commands, as he has always professed to do. But -had it been otherwise, and had some alteration been -made so as to deviate from your Majesty’s instructions, -I should have lost no time in communicating the fact. -Under present circumstances, no change having been -made, I did not consider it necessary to write on the -subject; moreover, I believed the Duke had enclosed a -letter to your Majesty in the packet which he gave -me to forward to Vienna, containing, I did not doubt, -some reference to his coming; lastly, I thought it -probable that a <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">maréchal de logis</em> would be sent on in -front to inform your Majesty of the number and composition -of his household. After all I was mistaken.</p> - -<p>In accordance with your Majesty’s instructions I -have written to Gienger,<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> the Lord-Lieutenant, giving -him such information as I was able as to the dates of -the Queen’s route, the number of her attendants, &c., -&c. I had had a letter from him, asking for this information. -So now, I think, everything has been -settled.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Wasserburg, February 8, 1576.</p></blockquote> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span></p> - -<p class="center f14">LETTERS FROM FRANCE.</p> - -<h2><span class="smcap">Book II.</span><br /><br /> - -LETTERS TO RODOLPH.</h2> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="i" id="i">LETTER I.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I had</span> to undertake a second journey to Blois, on -behalf of your Imperial Majesty’s sister the Queen of -France (Elizabeth), and this has prevented my writing -again as soon as usual, for I was hoping from day to -day that my business would be settled one way or the -other, and I should be free to depart. In this I was -disappointed, and being unable to leave unfinished this -business, which is of material importance to the Queen, -I came at last to the conclusion that I must contrive -to despatch a letter from here; and this I am now -doing. When I was admitted to the King on the -business to which I alluded, I took the opportunity of -delivering to him your Imperial Majesty’s despatches; -the few words with which I introduced the subject -were to the effect, that your Imperial Majesty had -heard on good authority that he was a party to his -brother’s<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> (Alençon’s) expedition into the Netherlands, -and that your Imperial Majesty did not believe the -statement; but that, if it was true, such interference -seriously affected the interests of your Majesty and the -Electors of the Empire and could not be tolerated, as -he would learn at greater length from your Imperial -Majesty’s own letter. To this the King answered -that he had no connection with his brother’s proceedings, -as might be shown from the fact that the mischief -done in the Netherlands was small in comparison to -what it would have been if his brother had had his -support in his late campaign. His brother, he added, -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>was not in the habit of asking or taking his advice; -besides, he was now causing more noise than harm; -nay, if there was any ground of complaint it affected -rather himself and his subjects, who had for months -been harassed and plundered by his brother’s soldiers,<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> -while the farmers of the Netherlands were left unscathed; -he would see what your Majesty wrote, and -would send a reply.</p> - -<p>I refrained from answering at greater length, and -in sharper language, out of regard to the Queen’s -interest, which does not allow of my lightly incurring -the displeasure of the French court. The King’s -reply will reach your Majesty at the same time as -this letter.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>March 25, 1582.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">116</a></p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER II.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">There</span> is now no doubt of the Prince of Orange being -alive and well; but his wife<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> has died of an attack of -pleurisy. The Prince was at death’s door through the -bursting of the maxillary vein; the loss of blood was -very great, and there seemed no possibility of stopping -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>it, so that his life was despaired of. For thirty-six -hours he held the wound together, but fresh relays of -attendants were needed from time to time to prop up -his elbow with the hand, or otherwise he would have -been unequal to the exertion.</p> - -<p>The Queen of England is said to have supplied -Alençon with a large sum of money, namely, 300,000 -crowns. It is also said that a bill has been laid before -the States-General proposing, if they accept him as -their Sovereign, to grant him one-fifth of their property -towards the expenses of the war. If this be carried, -it will produce a very considerable sum, sufficient to -feed the war for a long time. The Prince of Parma -is besieging Oudenarde and battering its walls with -cannon; but the garrison are said to have sent word -to Alençon that he need fear nothing on their account -for the next two months. Meanwhile, by the capture -of Alost, which is now in Alençon’s hands, a serious -loss has been inflicted on the Prince of Parma, who -derived many great advantages from the possession of -the town. In it some gallant soldiers were slaughtered, -who preferred a glorious death to the dishonour of surrender.</p> - -<p>Fifteen hundred German troopers, hired by Alençon, -are reported to be not far from Cambrai, with more to -follow. They are joined by many Frenchmen, apart -from those who are already in the Netherlands, and -they are numerous. Apparently it is Alençon’s purpose -to make the Prince of Parma abandon the siege of -Oudenarde by laying waste Hainault or Artois.</p> - -<p>I hear Alençon has also sent emissaries into Italy -to hire horsemen as big as the Albanians.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">118</a></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>May 30, 1582.</p></blockquote> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER III.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Sharp</span> fighting is going on. The Prince of Parma, -after an unsuccessful assault on Oudenarde, kept up a -roar of cannon throughout the following night, and battered -the walls without cessation, in order to prevent -the townsmen repairing the breaches. This is the -last news we have had, but people do not think the -town will be easy to storm, now that Alençon’s reinforcements -are coming up; they are scarcely two miles -from Arras, and if they do no more than burn the ripe -crops, it will be a crushing blow to that town, and also -to others whose harvests will be destroyed.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>April 26, 1582.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="iv" id="iv">LETTER IV.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">News</span> has come that Oudenarde, after having been -thrice unsuccessfully assaulted, has surrendered to the -Prince of Parma on honourable terms. On the other -hand, they say that Bouchain, a small but strongly fortified -town in Hainault, near Cambrai, has fallen into -Alençon’s hands through the treachery of the commandant -appointed by the Prince of Parma.</p> - -<p>Alençon proclaims himself a great champion of -the Catholics, and in many places has restored their -churches to them. Hence some surmise that his reign -in those parts will not be a long one, as no dependence -can be placed in an alliance between parties of different -religious opinions; they think that the enemies of the -Catholics wink at these acts of his, on account of the -destruction which now threatens, but that, as soon as -the danger shall have passed by, changes will imme<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span>diately -follow. It will end, they say, in the Prince of -Orange carrying off the lion’s share of the spoil by -securing to himself the undisturbed possession of Holland -and Zealand.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>June 12, 1582.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER V.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> King has set out for Lyons. The reason of his -journey is not certainly known. His anxiety to be -blessed with a son and heir, and his devotion to shrines -of high repute, render it probable that he has gone to -Lyons with the object of visiting on his way the shrine -of some saint famous for his miracles, and offering up his -vows for the birth of a son. He will be absent on this -tour for more than two months. The supreme power -has in the meantime been vested in his mother (Catherine -de Medici); this will afford her a good opportunity -of favouring Alençon, and assisting him with -the ample succours placed at her disposal.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>July 4, 1582.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="vi" id="vi">LETTER VI.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">There</span> is at last no doubt as to the disastrous defeat -of the French at the Azores,<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> letters having come from -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span>Spain confirming the previous account, though differing -slightly in some particulars.</p> - -<p>Among other details, we learn that Strozzi, and -the man they call Don Antonio’s Constable, were taken -prisoners, but were so severely wounded that they died -soon afterwards. The French declare that poison was -poured into their wounds to hasten their death. Forty -nobles were beheaded as pirates, because they were -unable to show any commission from the King authorising -the expedition; for the same reason three hundred -common soldiers were hanged. We hear also that the -victory was won by the Lisbon fleet alone, the co<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span>operating -squadron<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> not having come up in time to -take part in the action. Report says that they owe -this great success to the size of their vessels and the -calibre of their guns.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> The French, burning for revenge, -are so exasperated that I think it will be a long time -before it will be safe for a Spaniard to show himself in -France; they will hurry with redoubled zeal into the -Netherlands—whether to avenge their countrymen’s -fall or share it, God only knows.</p> - -<p>At any rate it is quite certain that large numbers of -soldiers are everywhere pouring into the Netherlands, -and that Alençon will shortly have a very large army. -The chiefs are the Prince Dauphin,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> Rochefoucauld, -and Laval, the son of d’Andelot.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> What they lack is -an old and experienced leader, and people think that -this deficiency will be supplied at the right moment. -Biron is no doubt the man they mean. I mentioned in a -former letter that Alençon had asked for him, and been -refused by the King. People think, that when affairs -are ripe, he will avail himself of the King’s absence -to leave France secretly and join Alençon, by order of -the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici), and moreover -that his example will be followed by several regiments -of royal cavalry which are quartered on the -Netherland frontier; just as lately happened when -Alençon was escorted to Cambrai.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span></p> - -<p>The Prince of Parma having drawn up his -whole army before the gates of Ghent, there was -some desultory fighting between light-armed troops on -either side, who skirmished in front of their respective -armies, while Alençon looked on from the walls. On -both sides men were slain, and the engagement ended -without advantage<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> to either party. Alençon retired -with his people to Antwerp.</p> - -<p>The garrison of Lier have commenced a kind of -fortification at the monastery of St. Bernard, which -will be a thorn in the side of the citizens of Antwerp -if they succeed in finishing it. Probably Alençon will -employ all his strength to prevent its completion.</p> - -<p>From Scotland also we have news of disturbances, -that the Regent<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> has been put to death, d’Aubigny is -besieged, and the young King himself deprived of his -liberty, and that all this has been done in the name of -the Estates. This news is accompanied by sundry -<em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">canards</em>, viz. that the King of Spain has promised his -second daughter to the young King on condition of -his raising war against the Queen of England, and that -this has given such deep offence to the Duke of Savoy -that he is completely estranged from Philip, and altogether -in the French interest, intending to marry the -sister of Henry of Navarre.</p> - -<p>Your Imperial Majesty will see in the document I -enclose evidence touching some plot against Alençon -and Orange. I can add nothing to the contents of -the document, except that the Salceda<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> who is men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span>tioned -in it is a prisoner here. How it will end I -cannot guess, but I suspect he is kept till the King -returns.</p> - -<p>The King has left Lyons to join his wife at Bourbon-les-Bains.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>August 15, 1582.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER VII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> Prince of Parma has checked the progress of -Alençon’s reinforcements by encamping at Arras. -They are obliged, therefore, to make a <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">détour</em> to -Calais, so as to reach their destination by sea. -Alençon has divided the army which he already had -in the Netherlands into garrisons for different places. -Thus he has quartered some in Brussels, some in -Mechlin, some in Vilvorde, and some also in Gelderland -and Friesland.</p> - -<p>The Spanish Ambassador having sent one of his -people with despatches to the Prince of Parma, the -man had but just left the first stage, when he fell in -with some horsemen, whose names I do not know, and -was compelled to surrender his papers. As the man -was a Netherlander, he was allowed to escape unharmed. -The horsemen told him, with many a threat, -that if he had been a Spaniard he would not have got -off so easily, but would have paid with his life for the -butchery of their kinsmen in the Azores.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>September 12, 1582.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER VIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> event has justified the conjecture of those who -suspected that, when the time was ripe, Marshal Biron<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span> -would find his way to Alençon’s camp. The King -made him Governor of the French Netherlands, which -they call Picardy, to protect his interests in that -quarter, and take such precautions as occasion might -require. He also issued instructions to the authorities -on that part of the coast to place themselves under -Biron’s orders.</p> - -<p>Great things were expected of him when he set -out, for he is considered the most experienced general -in France, having, during his long career, passed -through every grade and rank in the French army.</p> - -<p>One of Alençon’s corps has joined him in Brabant, -the other and stronger corps is with Biron. To these -must be added the whole of the royal cavalry, which, -as I mentioned in a former letter, has been quartered -on the frontiers under pretence of guarding them. He -has, nevertheless, asked for more horse, for, while he -thinks himself quite a match for the Prince of Parma -in infantry, he considers himself very inferior in cavalry. -Accordingly, seven or eight squadrons of horse are -under orders to join him. Meanwhile, he has garrisoned -Peronne and St. Quentin so strongly as to -render them safe against any hostile attack. For the -Prince of Parma has been threatening in plain terms -that, if the French invade any part of his territories, he -will immediately march against St. Quentin. This -move of his, therefore, is now forestalled. Famine is -what the Prince of Parma has most to dread, especially -now that he has been cut off from the sea, and supplies -are not allowed to cross the French frontier.</p> - -<p>There are many symptoms of the King’s becoming -more favourable to his brother’s enterprise. Without -any notice beforehand, certain commissioners were -lately appointed to inspect the ledgers of business men -generally, and specially those of the Italians, in order<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span> -to see whether any moneys could be seized on their -way to the Prince of Parma. The investigation over, -two men were ordered to quit France, Capello of -Milan, and Calvi of Genoa, who were both suspected, -on very strong evidence, of having helped the King of -Spain by forwarding money to the Netherlands. At -one man’s house were seized 18,000 Italian gold pieces, -which had been deposited with him by a Spaniard. -These were confiscated to the crown, as there is an -Edict here forbidding people to have money of any -coinage save that of France; the only exception being -in favour of Spanish money. The coinage of every -other country must be brought to the royal Bank, and -changed at a heavy discount. The King melts down -the gold, and issues new coins bearing his own stamp. -Thus, not only have precautions been taken, by the -issue of a stringent proclamation, that Alençon’s opponents -should get no supplies from France to relieve -their famished troops, but it is evident that measures -are being set on foot to prevent their henceforth having -the means of purchasing provisions. The roads are -everywhere blocked to all who still acknowledge the -authority of the King of Spain, and so closely are they -watched that no one can pass through France without -being plundered or taken prisoner; nor can any remonstrance -be made on this score, since it is easy to -pretend that they are the acts of common highwaymen.</p> - -<p>Up to the present date the posts have been permitted -to run openly and without interference into Spain; but -now a letter-carrier on his way to Spain has not been -allowed to have relays of horses, except on condition -of his giving security that he carries no despatches but -those of merchants. This order has prevented his -going forward, and so the man is detained in France.</p> - -<p>The disaster which befell their countrymen in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span> -Azores has had so little effect on the spirit of the -French, that it is intended to fit out a new fleet much -bigger than the last, and to place some Prince in command -of it. Ships accordingly have been selected, -which they are beginning to equip, so as to have them -ready against next spring. After all, the future is uncertain; -who can tell what may happen in the meantime?</p> - -<p>Montpensier,<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">127</a> father of the Prince Dauphin, has -departed this life, at a good old age. I shall, therefore, -for the future call his son Montpensier, when I have -occasion to mention him; for, in spite of his father’s -death, he is carrying out his intention of proceeding to -the Netherlands.</p> - -<p>The man Salceda,<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">128</a> whom I mentioned in former -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span>despatches, has paid a heavy penalty for his crime; -what that crime was I do not know, but it must needs -have been monstrous to deserve so dreadful a doom. -Only one instance of such a punishment is found in -the whole history of Rome, viz. when Hostilius inflicted -it on Fuffetius. Whether he conspired against the life -of Alençon or the King, or both, I am not certain. -He was condemned to be torn asunder by four horses. -As soon as the horses began to pull, he said he had -something more to confess. When his confession had -been taken down by a notary, he asked to have his -right hand released,<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> and when this was done, he wrote -something more, or at any rate signed his name.</p> - -<p>When his hand had again been fastened to the -traces, and the horses, being started in different directions, -had made two distinct pulls, and yet failed to -pull him in two, he called out to the King, who with -his mother and wife was looking on from a window, -imploring mercy. Then his neck was broken, his -head severed from his shoulders, and his heart torn -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span>out. The rest of his body was pulled asunder by the -horses. His head was sent to Antwerp, with orders -to have it stuck on the highest pinnacle in the city. -Such was the end of a wretch monstrous alike in his -wickedness, and in his audacity.</p> - -<p>Here is a specimen. He purchased an estate, and -paid for it in bad money which he himself had coined. -The vendor discovered the fraud, brought an action -for treason against Salceda, and so recovered his house -and land. Salceda saved himself by flight from the -customary punishment, otherwise he would have been -put to death with boiling oil, but nevertheless he took -means to have fire set to the aforesaid house at night, -and the owner was within an ace of perishing with the -building. When the King, who sometimes visited his -place of confinement, upbraided him for his cruelty in -trying to destroy by such a fearful death the man -whom he had already cheated. ‘Well,’ quoth Salceda, -‘when he wanted to have me <em>boiled</em>, was it unreasonable -that I should try to have him <em>roasted</em>?’ What a -fund of wit the scoundrel must have had, when even at -such a time he must crack his jokes!</p> - -<p>I am afraid that Count Egmont’s brother is -seriously compromised by Salceda’s evidence.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">130</a></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>October 1, 1582.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="ix" id="ix">LETTER IX.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Biron</span> has halted on the banks of the Somme, and -intrenched himself. Some think that he will remain -there for a time to observe the development of the -Prince of Parma’s plans, and watch the result; for -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>they say that the daily losses of the Spanish army from -famine and pestilence are very heavy.</p> - -<p>The Netherland letter carrier, who, as I mentioned, -was detained here, having given security through responsible -people, that he was conveying no letters -save those of merchants, was allowed to proceed on -his way to Spain.</p> - -<p>The Spanish Ambassador was deeply annoyed at -Salceda’s head being sent to Antwerp with orders -from the King that it should be exposed to public -gaze on the highest pinnacle in the city, and reminded -the King in a solemn protest that he (the French -King) had no jurisdiction in Antwerp. The King was -taken aback, and had no answer to make except that -he had sent the head to his brother to do with it in -Antwerp as he would; or, to use the French phrase, -‘Qu’il en fist des petits pastez s’il vouloit.’</p> - -<p>They say that Schomberg<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> is going to Germany, -whether to hire soldiers I cannot say.</p> - -<p>A messenger has just come from Languedoc with -the news that some Italian nobles, on their way back -from Spain, have been captured at sea by Huguenots, -and taken to the town of Aigues-Mortes. A brother -of the Marquis of Pescara is thought to be among -the captives, but nothing is known for certain, as -they refuse to give their names. Whoever they may -prove to be, if they are men of rank they are not -likely to get their liberty until La Noue<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> is restored -to freedom.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span></p> - -<p>The King is again on a tour, having undertaken -a pilgrimage<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> to the Blessed Virgin, Our Lady of Joy -(they call her Nostre Dame de Liesse), in the part -of Champagne adjoining Picardy, in the hope, we may -suppose, of gaining <em>joy</em> by the birth of a child.</p> - -<p>They say the King has commissioned the Bretons -to build fifty galleys. There are also other signs of a -fleet being in prospect.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>November 25, 1582.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="x" id="x">LETTER X.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">They</span> say that the King has ordered 50,000 gold -pieces to be paid monthly towards Alençon’s expenses, -and that over and above this regular payment extra -money is to be sent from time to time.</p> - -<p>No one now has the slightest doubt as to the fact -that Montpensier and Biron have joined Alençon, -making their way along the sea coast north of Bruges. -People think that Alençon will take them both into -his service, the former as chief Minister, and the latter -as Commander-in-chief, and that the Prince himself will -cross over into England, and, after having concerted -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span>his plans with the Queen, will return to France for an -interview with his brother.</p> - -<p>To the great content of his people the King is said -to be calling to account more vigorously than ever -those who are suspected of making away with Church -property.</p> - -<p>The force Biron has taken with him is not numerous, -but it consists of picked troops, the royal -cavalry being left to guard the frontiers, and every one -having been sent back whose circumstances or disposition -appeared unsuited to the strain of a long campaign, -or whose licentious habits would render him intolerable -to the Netherlanders. He is supposed to have -taken with him 1,000 cavalry and 8,000 infantry.</p> - -<p>Whatever others may think, I am confident that -this French invasion is a very serious matter; the -movement will grow and send forth roots which presently -it will be very difficult to get rid of. Whether -I look at its immediate results or more remote consequences, -the prospect is alarming.</p> - -<p>Some assert that the troops of the Prince of Parma -are suffering from disease and famine, more especially -the new Italian levies, who are not yet hardened to the -cold of the Netherlands.</p> - -<p>Before commencing his march towards Brabant, -the Prince of Parma retook Cateau Cambrésis; he is -said to be at present closely blockading Diest, which -belongs to the Prince of Orange, and unless it is -speedily relieved, its fall is certain. People think his -next enterprise will be an attack on Brussels.</p> - -<p>There are crowds of Swiss ambassadors here, representing -nearly all the Cantons; they have come to -renew and ratify their treaty with the King of France; -there are great rejoicings at their arrival, and every -day they are magnificently entertained at State ban<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>quets, -given sometimes by the King, sometimes by the -city of Paris, or by the Guises and other Princes of the -Court. When these are terminated, and each of the -ambassadors has been presented with a weighty chain -of gold, they will be allowed to depart.</p> - -<p>There is a report that the King and the Duke of -Lorraine will arrive here at the same time.</p> - -<p>Some Frenchmen have lately returned from the -Azores, and report their position there to be perfectly -safe; they say there is no want of anything except -clothing, supplies of which are now being forwarded -as fast as possible. It appears, after Strozzi’s defeat, -a large proportion of the French ships and men retreated -to the islands. Meanwhile rumours as to the -new expedition are as rife as ever.</p> - -<p>I must now say a word of what is going on in -France; the King has despatched distinguished men<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> -of high position into all the provinces of the realm, -under pretence of correcting any errors and abuses in -the administration, and of hearing all complaints; but -the real object he has in view is to lay on the people a -new and heavy tax. The experiment does not appear -to be over successful; as to what will be the issue I -could not venture to speak positively, for what the -King has so often wished for he has not obtained!<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">135</a></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>December 15, 1582.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">It</span> is hardly worth telling, but still your Majesty may -like to hear of a scene which took place at Antwerp. -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span>St. Luc was in Alençon’s chamber.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> (If I remember -rightly I told your Majesty in a previous letter that, -when he fell under the King’s displeasure, he joined -Alençon’s party.) Some noble or other said something -in his presence that annoyed him, and which he considered -to be a personal insult.</p> - -<p>Thereon he gave him a blow in the face<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> before -Alençon’s very eyes. The Prince of Orange, who was -present, was indignant at his behaviour, and, giving -vent to his wrath, plainly told Alençon that such outrageous -conduct ought not to go unpunished, and that -the Emperor, Charles the Fifth, had he been alive, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span>would not have put up with it, but would have punished -the offender most severely, whatever his rank or position -might be. He told him that the chambers of -Princes ought to be inviolable and sacred ground, in -which brawling was not permissible.</p> - -<p>On this St. Luc rejoined—I give you almost his -very words—‘Marry, is it Charles that you quote to -me? Why, if he were still alive, you would ere this -have lost your estates and your head.’ With these -words he flung out of the chamber, leaving all the -company dumbfounded at his outrageous conduct.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>December 18, 1582.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> Swiss Ambassadors have left Paris, after receiving -each a chain worth 500 gold pieces.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> There were -twenty-six to whom this honour was paid. Moreover, -the chiefs of the embassy were loaded with special -presents of plate, furniture, &c. I append to my letter -a copy of the speech in which the King bade them farewell. -I was unable to learn the terms on which the -treaty was renewed, although I tried my best. It -would seem that our friends do not wish them to be -published. By these arrangements with the Swiss the -King has secured a supply of infantry. Of cavalry he -thinks he has abundance in his own realm. The -financial question has yet to be solved; his scheme for -coining<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> money I described in one of my last letters; -and, though the plan has not hitherto met with much -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span>success, the provinces turning a deaf ear to requests of -this kind, nevertheless, such efforts are still being -made, that I should not like to pledge myself positively -as to what will be the result.</p> - -<p>Don Antonio has come back to France with a few -ships; the reason of his return I have not discovered; -possibly he did not think himself safe in the Azores; -or it may have been that he considered his presence and -influence would be of service in promoting the new -expedition. At any rate, he is here, and has been -already on several occasions admitted to a private interview -with the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici). -A lodging has been given him close to the palace, built -by the young Queen, whither she is often wont to -retire.</p> - -<p>A few days ago this same Don Antonio set out for -Dieppe, in order personally to hasten the equipment of -the fleet, which in his absence was going on more slackly -than he liked. I cannot describe how exasperated all -our friends are against the Spaniards, and how eagerly -they desire war. A book is said to be in the press, in -which the claims of the elder Queen<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> (Catherine de -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span>Medici) to the kingdom of Portugal are set forth at -great length.</p> - -<p>When the Prince of Orange was dangerously ill of the -fever, from which, by the way, he is now reported to be -convalescent, prayers for his recovery were offered -up, not only throughout the Netherlands, but also in -France, by the churches of the Reformed religion, as -they call themselves. The Prince of Parma has received -the surrender of Diest and several other obscure -places. These successes will seriously endanger Brussels, -unless the state of affairs should be changed by -the arrival of the troops under Biron, who is a redoubtable -antagonist; it is said that he is going into the -Campine<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> to attack certain places, the loss of which -will derange Parma’s plans. Alençon has prevailed -upon the citizens of Antwerp<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">142</a> to have lodgings in the -city assigned to three hundred French noblemen.</p> - -<p>They say that news has come of the death of the -Duke of Alva in Spain. The garrison at Cateau -Cambrésis, being strong in cavalry, causes great annoyance -to the French at Cambrai, and is for ever -scouring the surrounding district. The insolence of -the French soldiers at Dunkirk provoked the citizens -to rise against the garrison; the attempt was put down -with great slaughter. Everyone here is talking of the -troubles at Cologne;<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> after all this smoke, as I may -call it, we must expect a fire.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span></p> - -<p>The Duke of Lorraine has arrived here with his -two sons; why he came I cannot tell, but it is commonly -supposed that his object is to betroth his daughter -to the Duke of Savoy, and to demand the hand of -the King of Navarre’s sister for his eldest son.</p> - -<p>May God Almighty bless and keep your Majesty -through the year we have now begun, and for many -more. At the same time I venture most humbly -to ask for a settlement of the purchase of the Greek -books, which has been standing over for so many -years.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>January 16, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> weather here is dreadful; for many months -southerly winds have prevailed, accompanied by incessant -rain and storm; so unseasonable and unhealthy -a winter renders it probable that we shall have a sickly -summer.</p> - -<p>The rivers, overflowing their banks, have spread -far and wide over the fields. By reason of the constant -floods the arable lands are so wet and spongy -that the seed is rotting in the ground, and farmers -cherish but little hope of a good harvest. This state -of things not only excites apprehensions of a great -future rise in the corn markets, but its effects are -already felt, the price of wheat having risen fifty per -cent. In addition to these misfortunes, ships are -constantly being wrecked, almost in sight, on the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span>voyage to England or Zealand; in fact, the whole -coast line of Aquitaine is said to be piled up with -planks, masts, spars, rudders, and other fragments of -wreck, which the tempest has washed ashore; so that, -if nothing else should betide, the astrologers had good -reason for prophesying a powerful combination of the -starry influences and a year of terror to mankind.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>January 19, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XIV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">News</span> has arrived from Brabant by way of England, -which has thrown the Queen (Catherine de Medici) -and the whole nation into the greatest alarm. The -account is vague, but the purport of the tidings is to -the effect that a quarrel arose at Antwerp,<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> between -the French and the citizens, and that the French force -was annihilated.</p> - -<p>The anxiety was greatly increased by the silence -of Alençon; and, when no despatches arrived from -him, serious doubts were entertained as to his safety. -In this uncertainty several days passed by; at length -messengers came pouring in, who told us the particulars -of the affair, but still their accounts were defective -in several important points, and differed in details.</p> - -<p>I will relate what I made out as the nearest -approximation to the truth: the points which I do not -yet know about, I will fill in afterwards, and also -correct any mistakes I may have made. I think I -wrote to your Imperial Majesty that Alençon intended -to travel to France, by way of England, for the -purpose of visiting the King, and, as we may well -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span>suppose, of discussing with him the affairs and general -condition of the Netherlands, and that his intention -was to leave Montpensier and Biron as his lieutenants -during his absence. But when Alençon applied to -Biron to undertake this duty, the marshal was unwilling -to accept the command, on the ground that he -would have a restless and turbulent race to deal with, -and no place to retreat to in case of misfortune. He -reminded the Prince that such a large assemblage of -French noblemen could not be withheld from committing -occasional excesses and provoking the citizens, -who would then immediately rise and threaten death -to every Frenchman; and he thought the best means -of meeting this danger would be for the French to -hold some place to which they could retreat for refuge -against the violence of the mob. For this purpose the -citadel (of Antwerp) was admirably adapted; it needed -but a few repairs and a strong garrison; there were -now in the city a great many Frenchmen, both gentle -and simple, who could easily seize the citadel, nor -again would it be difficult to gain possession of one of -the city gates, and, his army being so near, to throw -into the town as many men as he chose. Further, the -inspection of the forces which he (Biron) had brought -with him, furnished Alençon with an excellent pretext -for going out of the city and not mixing himself up -with these irregular proceedings; all that was needed -was the approval of Alençon and the nobles of his -court.</p> - -<p>On hearing Biron’s views, which were so well calculated -to please Alençon’s licentious and lawless nobles, -the greater part gave their adherence to his plan, -whilst a sense of shame induced the more honourable -men to agree to it, lest they should be thought cowards -for shrinking from so important an enterprise. Alen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span>çon -was the last to yield to the united wishes of his -followers.</p> - -<p>On the next day he went out to the camp, but -as he passed the gate several of his body-guard, -desperate fellows who had been selected for this -service, halted on the bridge leading across the -moat into the open country, instead of following the -Prince. The citizens, who were guarding the bridge -and the gate, warned the Frenchmen to clear the -bridge, either by following their lord, or by returning -into the city. The men listened with apparent deference -to what was said, but none the less remained on -the bridge; then the language of the men of Antwerp -grew rougher, and the French retorted in words every -whit as bold; so from words they came to blows; the -French, who were all musketeers and came prepared -for action, easily wounded, killed, or drove away the -townsmen, and so took possession of the bridge and -gate. They were joined by others, both horse and foot, -who had left Alençon’s escort and had halted in the -neighbourhood for that purpose; they formed a column, -and in one compact mass burst into the town. The -uproar alarmed the citizens stationed on the walls; -from both sides of the gate they hurried to the fray, -and climbing down into the road began to fight with -the party who had been left to guard the entrance; the -contest ended in the victory of the townsmen, who -succeeded in beating their opponents and shutting the -gate. They say that presently Alençon rode back and -demanded admission, but the cannon’s mouth was the -only mouth that answered!</p> - -<p>Meantime, the French spread themselves through -the city; on every side they could see the townsmen -flocking to the fray, but there was no quailing or fear, -for they felt certain that their superior skill would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span> -ensure their victory over a set of untrained civilians. -Some made for the citadel, others, without any thought -for that which was the real object of the enterprise, -began plundering private houses; but it was not long -before their ranks were broken by the charge of the -men of Antwerp, and, with a few exceptions, they -paid with their lives the penalty of their rash attempt.</p> - -<p>They say that the Queen Mother, on hearing the -news, burst into tears, and cried ‘Alençon, Alençon, -would you had died long years ago, rather than so -many of our nobles should have perished through you, -and such great trouble and distress have been brought -upon France! Moreover, you are also endangering the -safety of the realm, for you have brought yourself, the -heir of the throne, into the most imminent peril, and -every effort will be needed if you are to be extricated -from your unfortunate position.’</p> - -<p>They say that the Duke of Guise has tendered his -services to the Queen, promising, if 3,000 French -horse are given him, to find Alençon, wherever he may -be, and bring him home. Round him accordingly the -nobles are gathering, and the clatter of the armourer’s -hammer is to be heard in every street. But I do not -myself believe that anything will come of it.</p> - -<p>This scheme of Biron<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> (assuming that it is his -scheme) will go far to confirm the judgment of those -who maintain that, though an active and experienced -commander, he is in all other respects a person of little -discernment. Alençon, being shut out of Antwerp, -spent the night with his army at the monastery of St. -Bernard. There he was joined by the officers of his -household. They had remained in their quarters -during the disturbance, and, being held guiltless of any -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span>part in the conspiracy, were sent back to their master -by the men of Antwerp. However, Alençon’s first -object was to cross the Scheldt before any attempt -should be made to obstruct the passage; so all night -the Swiss were hard at work building a bridge. As -soon as it was finished, he crossed from Brabant into -Flanders, and came to Dendermonde, where he is -supposed to be still lying. The question now is, what -is he to do? Ought he to lead his forces back to -France, and abandon all interest in the Netherlands? -Or again, ought he to make up his quarrel with the -people of Antwerp? Now that there is an end of all -confidence between them, I fail to see how this latter -alternative is possible; but the French are wonderful -fellows when they set their minds on a thing!</p> - -<p>These details, which I have picked out of several -different versions, I have thought it my duty to place -before your Majesty. Time will give us further particulars, -and accounts on which we can better rely.</p> - -<p>Your Majesty and the Archduke<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> Ernest are supposed -to have played a part in this drama. This -notion was very rife when the news first came, and no -particulars had as yet transpired. Some people about -the Court, who fancied themselves to be wondrous -wise, would have it that the eldest daughter of the -King of Spain was betrothed to your Majesty, and -the younger to the Archduke Ernest, with all the -provinces of the Netherlands as her dowry, and that it -was, therefore, of prime importance to your Majesty -and the Archduke that the French in Antwerp should -be cut to pieces, and Alençon driven from the city; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span>that on this account there had been secret negotiations -with the townsmen, who had been promised an amnesty -for all past offences, on condition of their -exterminating the French; and further, that your -Majesty and the Archduke had secured the concurrence -and assistance of the Prince of Orange; for they -argue, the townsmen of Antwerp would never have -ventured to go so far had they not been thus aided -and abetted.</p> - -<p>The Prince of Orange, it appears, had a presentiment -of what was coming, and when Alençon desired -to have his company to the camp, he steadily refused -to go, giving as an excuse the state of his health and -the badness of the weather. His presence saved the -lives of several Frenchmen, among whom was Fervaques, -one of Alençon’s favourite officers. But here -in France this gentleman’s life is in danger in quite -another way. They declare that the scheme of seizing -the citadel was his suggestion, and wish him to be -tried and executed. It is thought that a reconciliation -between Alençon and the citizens of Antwerp will be -brought about by the intervention of the King, who -will send men of note to conduct the negotiations; the -names of Bellièvre and Pibrac are mentioned as members -of the commission. The latter is also marked -out as Alençon’s chancellor.</p> - -<p>So far from blaming the men of Antwerp, the -French are actually beginning to praise them for their -kind feeling and politic behaviour, for it appears that, -after the excitement had abated, they showed every -possible attention to their prisoners, and to those of the -Frenchmen who had remained in their quarters.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>February 5, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER XV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I felt</span> confident, when I despatched my last letter -to your Majesty, that it would not be long before I -should have further news of a more trustworthy description -from Antwerp. After all, I am disappointed; -though several days have elapsed, there has been no -fresh arrival from the Netherlands of anyone able, or at -any rate willing, to tell us the truth of what happened. -The few who have come were all sent by Alençon -to the King, to repeat a set story which was put into -their mouths, and hide the blackness of Alençon’s case -under a cloud of specious words. There is no letter-carrier -or merchant from Antwerp; indeed, the wardens -of the marches put a complete stop to the travelling of -Frenchmen to Antwerp, and of Antwerp people to -France. Of late, however, the restrictions have been -removed, and the merchandise, on which an embargo -had been laid, having been released by both sides, the -old rules, regulating the commercial intercourse between -the two countries, are once more in force. But, -in spite of this change, scarce anyone will run the risk -of so hazardous a journey. One letter-carrier, it is -true, has come by way of England, but he has brought -no fresh tidings, except that the number of slain and -captured is greater than was at first reported; in other -respects his news differs little from the account given -in my last letter.</p> - -<p>Alençon’s friends, and those who are anxious to -save his reputation, say that, though he is a mild and -gracious Prince, yet, being no longer able to stomach -the pretensions of the Prince of Orange and the independent -ways of the men of Antwerp, so distasteful to -a Frenchman, he endeavoured to take possession of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span> -the city, as the best means of freeing himself from his -intolerable position, not having any idea that the enterprise -would be either difficult or attended with much -loss of life; but expecting that, after a few citizens had -been killed at the first entry of the troops, the remainder -would be so terrified as to abandon all thought -of defence, and, laying down their arms, would submit -to any conditions he might think fit to impose, provided -that their lives were spared, so that he would have -an excellent opportunity of binding down the city of -Antwerp to his own terms. But he was utterly mistaken -in his calculations, for he did not find the hearts -of the citizens so tame, or their arms so weak, as -Frenchmen would have them to be.</p> - -<p>Some people put a totally different construction on -the whole affair; but this is Alençon’s explanation. -As to what really took place, it seems needless to write -more, for your Majesty is no doubt in possession of all -the facts, since there has been far freer communication -with Germany than with France. In case, however, -anything should be lacking, I enclose three documents. -(1) The statement of the citizens of Antwerp, published -in their own language. (2) A paper which is -attributed to Bodin,<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> author of the treatise <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De la République</cite>, -published a few years ago. The letter is -written in French. (3) A paper which is the production -of some unknown person, but it is plain that he is -a Frenchman, and his account is evidently untrustworthy.</p> - -<p>Mirambeau, the brother of Lausac, was first de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span>spatched -to Alençon by the King, and later on Bellièvre. -The issue is still uncertain. Some think Alençon and -the States will come to terms, while others are positive -they will not. As to my own opinion, I have determined -to reserve my judgment till time shall bring -more certain news.</p> - -<p>In the meanwhile several of the King’s commissioners, -who were sent round to collect money, have -returned. They report that nothing is to be obtained -without the risk of an insurrection, and that all reply -that if the King is straitened in any way, they know -their duty: but in their opinion, his only object in asking -for money is to lavish it on his young favourites; -they consider such grants unreasonable, and will have -nothing to say to them.</p> - -<p>I am not surprised, for a gentleman in the royal -treasury, on whose word I can rely, told me that since -his return from Poland the King has squandered six -million crowns in presents and other useless expenses. -The King having been disappointed of these supplies, -people think he will deprive the Queens Dowager of a -large part of their property, to satisfy the claims of his -young favourites. Your Imperial Majesty’s sister will -be one of the sufferers, as, in violation of the marriage -treaty, she has long ago been placed on the same footing -as the other Queens Dowager.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">148</a></p> - -<p>We have in France, as Governor of Brittany, a -brother of the Queen Consort, son of Vaudemont; his -title is the Duke of Mercœur.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> News was brought -during his absence from home that he had died of the -plague. Two men immediately asked for his post, -Nevers<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> and the Duke of Epernon, who stands well -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span>nigh first among the King’s favourites. Nevers’ application -was refused, and the other appointed Governor -of Brittany, conditionally on the office being vacant.</p> - -<p>Though the appointment came to nothing, since -news shortly arrived of the Duke of Mercœur’s recovery, -yet Nevers was so indignant that he then and -there gave orders to his retainers to prepare to leave -the Court, and two days later retired home, after first -upbraiding the King for his ingratitude.</p> - -<p>The King’s conduct in this matter is being unfavourably -criticised by many, and especially by the -aristocracy.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>March 20, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XVI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">We</span> have still no news from Antwerp of Alençon. -Most people agree with Mirambeau in thinking that -there is little hope of a friendly arrangement, the demands -of the States being exorbitant; they ask for the -restoration of Dunkirk and Cambrai, and henceforth -refuse to permit any one, who is not a Netherlander -born, to hold place in the suite or service of Alençon.</p> - -<p>The King is moving infantry and cavalry to the -frontier, so as to have them ready should need arise. I -doubt whether even with this help Alençon’s journey -is likely to be very rapid, as the district through which -his road lies is deep in mud at this season.</p> - -<p>Meantime the men of Antwerp are said to be exacting -money from their prisoners, and demanding -ransom for having spared their lives. Whether it be -so or not, the breach between them and Alençon seems -to be complete, so that they will hardly readmit him -into the town.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span></p> - -<p>Bellièvre stops behind with the hopeless task of -trying to arrange matters; there is an idea that, by his -oratorical powers and diplomatic skill, the wrath of the -Netherlanders may be appeased, and the way paved -to an agreement. But it is with the men of Antwerp -as it was with Alençon; success was too much for -his ill-regulated mind, and has proved his ruin; even -so some great disaster will overtake the citizens, if -they wax thus presumptuous on the strength of this -unexpected victory.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>April 12, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XVII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">This</span> very day it is still uncertain as to what will be -the issue of the affair at Antwerp. Though there -are the plainest signs of the deepest exasperation -on both sides, there are some who think an arrangement -possible; they admit that no real peace or friendship -can hereafter exist, now that confidence has -received so rude a shock, with the Netherlanders estranged -from Alençon by the recollection of his dishonourable -conduct, and Alençon burning to avenge the -heavy punishment he has received; but still hold that -it is to the interest of both parties that some sort of -reconciliation should be patched up, and the former -alliance be preserved, or at least the appearance of it. -To what other quarter, they ask, can the Netherlanders -look for assistance against the powerful foes who surround -them, or what other help have they than their -French allies? Or again, what could be more disastrous -to Alençon’s reputation, than thus to withdraw from -Brabant with the disgrace of having lost by his folly -the provinces which had so unexpectedly fallen into his<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span> -hands, and to have his shame blazed abroad throughout -the world, which is watching the result of his -enterprise? When a man has damaged his reputation, -oftentimes, if he is only patient, an opportunity will -come, which will enable him to restore it. But if, in -spite of these considerations, Alençon must leave the -Netherlands at an early date, still, if an interval is -allowed to elapse, he will be able to avail himself of -those numerous excuses for departure which may -arise,—or, at the worst, can be invented,—and thus -diminish materially the disgrace of his failure. Accordingly -they hold an arrangement to be possible on -the basis of a general amnesty. But this appears to -me to be easier said than done! Brussels, according -to their programme, is to be assigned to Alençon as a -residence, and there also the Estates of the Netherlands -are to meet; a few towns in the neighbourhood are -likewise to be given him, that he may feel more secure. -Brussels to be guarded by 1,500 Swiss and 500 French -troops. Orange to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, -or Imperial Vicar. The prisoners at Antwerp to be -discharged conditionally on remuneration being given -to their hosts who rescued them from the violence of -the people. In all other matters the late treaty to -stand good.</p> - -<p>In this arrangement the case of Fervaques is the -chief difficulty. The citizens of Antwerp hold him to -be the instigator and ringleader of this atrocious plot, -and demand his execution.</p> - -<p>Biron, by the way, has written a letter to the Queen -Mother, in which he completely clears himself of all -blame. He says he came too late to take any part in -the discussion, the matter was already decided, and -his share in the business consisted simply in yielding -to Alençon’s wishes and executing his pleasure.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span></p> - -<p>Some talk of a reconciliation on the terms which I -have given; but what will happen it is impossible to -say. It is well known that the other day, when Orange -went into the town hall of Antwerp to make a speech -in favour of reconciliation, a mob assembled in the -market place, shouting and threatening to throw anyone -out of the window who ventured to propose the -readmission of the French. Orange, they say, was -so alarmed by this demonstration that he spent the -night in the town hall. Though a considerable space -of time has elapsed, scarce a single Antwerp man has -crossed the French frontier, although the road is open, -and this, to my mind, is the surest proof that the prospects -of a reconciliation are dubious; so long as there -is a doubt as to the renewal of the alliance and arrangement -of terms, none of them care to risk their lives by -entering France.</p> - -<p>So much for this subject.</p> - -<p>Men, on whose authority I can rely, tell me that -the King is pressing the Duke of Lorraine to betroth -his daughter, who is now grown up and a great heiress, -to the Duke of Epernon, but that Lorraine, who loathes -the idea of such a <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mésalliance</em>, is doing his utmost to -avoid giving his consent to so unsuitable a match, -taking refuge in a proposition that, if the King will -bring about a marriage between his son, the Prince of -Lorraine, and the sister of the King of Navarre, he in -return will gladly comply with his request. This last -is a young lady who, if her brother, as is not unlikely, -should die childless, has very great prospects indeed. -For the King of Navarre’s wife has not yet presented -him with a child, and she is young enough to make it -probable that she will be the survivor. The family -feuds, however, which have been handed down from -father to son, between the Bourbons and the Guises<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span> -and House of Lorraine, render Navarre’s consent to -the match highly improbable. The Duke of Lorraine -sees clearly that Navarre inherited these feuds when -he inherited the Crown, so he protects himself behind -this entrenchment; whether it will be strong enough -for his purposes time will show.</p> - -<p>I must now give a description of Epernon. By the -King’s favour he has been created duke; five years -ago, before he became intimate with the King, he was -a poor unknown man, who passed by the name of -La Valette; at the outside his income did not exceed -400 crowns; his father was a gallant soldier, but his -grandfather was a scrivener or notary. Now this -upstart is a duke, and, what is more, a wealthy duke, -for he can always dip his fingers into the royal treasury. -But his present position is nothing to what he -has in prospect; he aspires to one of the great dignities -of the realm, and a governorship of the first rank, -such as that of Brittany, touching which I wrote the -other day. If, in addition to this promotion, he should -obtain a wife so nearly connected with the King that no -other Frenchman, however high his rank, would venture -to aspire to her hand, he will be one of the most -marvellously successful men that ever lived; and yet -neither in birth nor deserts has he aught to boast of; -in the King’s opinion no doubt he is a man of great -promise, but no one else thinks so; whether it be envy, -or his own fault, that causes him to be thus esteemed, -I cannot say, but almost every one detests him on -account of his exclusive and supercilious manners, and -there is no one so hated by the Princes of France.</p> - -<p>His colleague, if I may so term him, who, however, -takes precedence of him, is the Duke (formerly -Count) of Joyeuse, husband of the Queen’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span> -sister; this last, however, has the advantages given by -ancient and illustrious descent, amiable disposition, -and natural talent; the other day he was made Admiral -of France, now he has been appointed Governor -of the whole of Normandy; in order to give him this -command, three noblemen of the highest rank, who -shared the province amongst them, had to be turned -out. These two young fellows are the men in whose -friendship the King considers himself blessed, and -envies not the success of Alexander the Great! This -infatuation of the King’s awakes the indignation and -despair of France. The men who formerly held the -highest positions next to the throne fly from the -Court to avoid the painful sight; the rest are dumbfoundered -at the King’s caprices.</p> - -<p>This is the reason the King is always in difficulties, -always poor, never able to reward or honour a good -servant; his wealth is being piled on these young -fellows, and they are being fashioned out of nothing -into pillars of the State, so that they may occupy the -greatest places in France. Amongst those who are -greatly offended is Alençon; he is intensely indignant -at being assisted with so niggardly a hand in an enterprise -which he considers of the first importance, and -complains that the King thinks more of his favourites -than of his brother.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">151</a></p> - -<p>As I shall often have occasion to allude to these -gentlemen, I have described them at some length, so -that, when they are referred to, your Majesty may have -some idea of them.</p> - -<p>Don Antonio is still at Rouen and Dieppe, busily -engaged in the equipment of his fleet, or fleetlet, if I -may so term it, for it falls far short of what was talked -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>of, and will carry scarce 500 soldiers to reinforce his -troops in the Azores.</p> - -<p>Great supplies will be collected of such things as -are needed in those localities.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>May 2, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xviii" id="xviii">LETTER XVIII.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Messengers</span> have lately come from Alençon with the -news that the negotiations for a reconciliation promise -well; in confirmation of this, they produced the terms -of an arrangement, which I now enclose. Alençon -refuses Brussels and prefers Dunkirk<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> as his permanent -residence. When he gets there, people think -he will cross over to France, press his grievances upon -the King, and ask him why he is more anxious for -the aggrandisement of certain young fellows than for -the prosecution of a most important enterprise.</p> - -<p>Orange has invited from France Teligny’s widow, -daughter of Coligny, some time Admiral of France, -with the view of making her his wife; he is also giving -the hand of his daughter, the Comte de Buren’s grandchild,<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> -to Laval, son of d’Andelot, brother of the aforesaid -Coligny; they say that Laval will be Governor of -Antwerp.</p> - -<p>The King is instituting a new order of Flagellants, -or Penitents.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> It is talked of everywhere in Paris, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>and all the more because lately when a celebrated -preacher,<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> though a most orthodox Catholic, attacked -the order from the pulpit in a sermon full of sarcasm, -the King ordered him to leave the city.</p> - -<p>Touching the Flagellants there is a merry story to -be told. The footmen of the nobles, of whom we -have crowds at Paris, out of sheer wantonness, were -mimicking in the palace itself certain rites of the -brotherhood;<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> the King ordered some eighty of them -to be carried off into the kitchen, and there flogged to -their hearts’ content, so their representation of the -Flagellants and Penitents was turned from a sham -into a reality!</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>May 20, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xix" id="xix">LETTER XIX.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> reports of fresh disturbances, which I mentioned -lately, are gaining ground, and worst of all, there is -no certainty as to whether Alençon is concerned in -them or not.</p> - -<p>In consequence of these rumours his mother -(Catherine de Medici) has been for some time intend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span>ing -to visit him at Calais, but he has been detained at -Dunkirk by sickness; he is supposed to be suffering -from the French disease, and has placed himself in -the hands of his physicians and surgeons. As soon -as he recovers, people think he will cross over to -Calais; but there is no telling, for some maintain that -he will go to Normandy, and others that he will take -ship for Brittany. If war ensues the King will be in -great straits, since neither financially, nor in any other -way, is he prepared to meet it.</p> - -<p>Bellièvre has returned from Antwerp; he tells us -that concessions have been made on both sides, and -all obstacles to a satisfactory understanding removed.</p> - -<p>One of the points arranged was the release of the -prisoners, amongst whom was Fervaques; on this -gentleman’s rejoining Alençon the latter presented -him with an abbacy<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> worth 6,000 crowns per annum, -in acknowledgment no doubt of his brilliant conception -and its admirable execution! When this was -told to the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici) she -lost all patience, and called Alençon a fool and madman, -repeating her words again and again.</p> - -<p>A letter of Biron’s has been discovered in Alençon’s -cabinet at Antwerp, written the day before the -disastrous attempt of the French, in which he does -his utmost to induce Alençon to abandon his foolish -scheme. This discovery has made Biron extremely -popular at Antwerp; in fact he stands first in favour of -the citizens, and this is the man on whose head not -long ago rested most of the odium!</p> - -<p>Pibrac, who lately joined Alençon, has been -despatched by him to Antwerp as his representative -with the States; he is an ambassador who will, I -fancy, cause more mischief than several thousand -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span>soldiers. Endhoven, a little town of Brabant, has -capitulated to the King (of Spain) in spite of de Bonnivet’s -defence. On the other hand, Biron has retaken -some small forts. They say that the Prince of Parma -is making preparations for the siege of Alost, thus -threatening Brussels.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>June 1, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XX.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> King’s inordinate devotion to religious observances -is the subject of general remark; some -declare that he will end by changing his crown for a -cowl. The Queen Mother, they say, disgusted with -the way he neglects his duties as Sovereign, roundly -rebuked one Edmund,<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> a Jesuit, who is the King’s -chief adviser, for having well nigh turned her son from -a king into a monk, to the great detriment of the realm.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile serious disturbances are taking place in -Aquitaine and Languedoc. In consequence of these -movements the King has despatched Monsieur du -Ferrier, whom he employed for a long time as his ambassador -at Venice, to the King of Navarre. He is -an old man and reputed wise.</p> - -<p>The Queen Mother would have rushed to meet -Alençon at Calais, if he had not written to stop her, -warning her that a visit from her would wake the suspicions -of the States of the Netherlands, and so -damage his prospects. This is the excuse he gives, -but most people think his letter was written to suit the -views of the gentlemen responsible for the catastrophe -at Antwerp, who are afraid of meeting with hard -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span>language and reproaches from the Queen, and haply -also of being dismissed from their places.</p> - -<p>Don Antonio was here the other day with the -Queen, having run away from Dieppe and Rouen on -account of the plague. He has now left for a village -in the neighbourhood called Ruel, where he is living in -a pleasant house lent him by Alençon. His household -consists of some sixty people, who consume daily a -quarter of an ox, two sheep, one calf, and 150 loaves.</p> - -<p>It is now quite certain that Orange openly assumes -the position of Count of Holland. Flushing,<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> a city of -Zealand, he bought with his own money; so that he -commands the communications of those provinces with -the sea. Thus amid the downfall and ruin of others -Orange has secured a success.</p> - -<p>The King is preparing for a journey to Mézières, -with the intention of going on to a château called -Foullenbraye, where he will stay to drink the Spa waters -for the benefit of his health. During his absence the -government is placed in the hands of the Queen Mother -and the Privy Council. It is thought he will be away -the whole summer. His days, I fear, are numbered.</p> - -<p>After several feints, by which he kept every one -in suspense as to where he would next strike, Parma -has settled down to the siege of Cambrai. It will be a -tedious affair, and success is by no means certain, still -the capture of the town would go far towards deciding -the struggle. He is said, moreover, to have recovered -the town of Diest. Brussels, too, seems inclined to -go over.</p> - -<p>People are again beginning to be afraid of the -plague. There are serious signs of its presence in -Paris, and also in several other French towns.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>June 25, 1583.</p></blockquote> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="xxi" id="xxi">LETTER XXI.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> Queen Mother has been with the King. After -her interview she flew off to Boulogne-sur-Mer to meet -Alençon, with Marshal de Retz in attendance on her. -Alençon himself is levying fresh soldiers with the purpose, -I suppose, of sending them to the relief of -Cambrai.</p> - -<p>The States and Biron have received a severe -check at Steenbergen,<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">160</a> losing a great many men. -Biron was wounded, and had difficulty in protecting -himself behind the walls of Steenbergen.</p> - -<p>The Governor of Namur has been sent by Parma -to the King. A messenger also came from Casimir to -ask a free passage through France; he is sending -him to the Queen of England about the Cologne -business. The Pope, through his nuncio, is urging -the King to accept the decrees of the Council of Trent, -and to publish them throughout the kingdom. I do -not think his representations will have much effect, -not because the King is a supporter of the privileges -of the Gallican Church, but because there is a suspicion -that the real object is the introduction of the Inquisition -into France. Fresh disturbances would be the -certain consequence of so unpopular a measure.</p> - -<p>For these reasons people say the King, though -personally disposed to accede to the demands of the -Pope, will not grant them, being determined, as far as -in him lies, to avoid all risk of rebellion and civil war.</p> - -<p>The King was desirous of placing the Duke of -Epernon in command of Metz, but the present governor -is an obstacle. He refuses to transfer his command to -any one until he shall have received the reward due -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span> -to him for long service in the army and years of honest -work. In my opinion the King has another reason -for prolonging his stay in those parts. Cologne is not -far distant, and he may be thinking of making his own -advantage out of the disturbances.</p> - -<p>Then, after conducting his wife to Bourbon-les-Bains, -he will make a <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">détour</em> to Lyons, not returning -to Paris till the end of the summer.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Joyeuse is expected back. He crossed -the mountains into Italy with a brilliant train on a pilgrimage -to the shrine of the Holy Virgin of Loreto, -in fulfilment of a vow he had undertaken when his -wife was ill.</p> - -<p>On his way he visited Rome to do reverence to -the Pope, and possibly also to give him a private message<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> -from the King.</p> - -<p>The men of Antwerp have lost a great deal of -their old confidence and love for Orange, who seems -only to care for making his kingdom of Holland secure, -and does not pay sufficient attention to the safety of -the other provinces. From Brussels also there is news -of some disturbance, touching which I am expecting a -report from a trusty correspondent.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile I pray God to grant good health to -your Imperial Majesty, whose most humble servant I -remain.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>July 3, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xxii" id="xxii">LETTER XXII.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">As</span> the Queen Mother was hastening through Picardy -to Boulogne, Alençon met her at La Fère. He did -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>not leave Dunkirk an hour too soon. No sooner -had he gone than Parma’s army sat down before -it, and the siege was so skilfully conducted that the -garrison were compelled to surrender;<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> they were, however, -able to obtain honourable terms. With Dunkirk -Alençon has lost all footing in the Netherlands -except Cambrai, and even that is hard pressed and in -great want of provisions, by reason of the garrisons -and outposts which encompass it on every side. However, -Alençon, with a relieving army, is not far off, -and stores of wine and corn, collected in Picardy, have -been laid up at St. Quentin to supply the famished -town. As to what the end of it will be, no one knows.</p> - -<p>The ambassadors, who were expected from Antwerp -for the ratification of the terms of reconciliation, did -not arrive, in consequence of which Alençon returned -to France in high dudgeon with the States of the -Netherlands. Biron is said to be at Antwerp, with -one word and one word only in his mouth, which he -is ever repeating, and that word is ‘money;’ no one -listens to him, for there seems no possibility of extracting -a penny from the townspeople without running -the risk of an outbreak; in good sooth, the funds -which the citizens supplied have so often been wasted -that they are sick of the business.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, Orange does what he can to -awake the zeal of Antwerp, but, since Alençon’s disastrous -attempt, his influence has fallen low, and there is -a suspicion abroad that he is more anxious for his own -personal advantage than for the welfare of his country. -Some say he has crossed over to Zealand, to make all -safe in that quarter, and transact some pressing business.</p> - -<p>The fall of Dunkirk has been followed by the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span>surrender of Nieuport, St. Winoc, and other neighbouring -towns, so that they are in hopes of taking Bruges -and Ypres. Thus affairs in the Netherlands are -mending;<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> and possibly a little skilful management -would induce the people to come to terms. I was -expecting a man from Brabant, who would have given -me accurate information on all these points, but I am -afraid his return will be delayed by the capture of -Dunkirk, which has greatly added to the difficulties of -a sea passage.</p> - -<p>There was in Paris a royal messenger, famous for -his skill in conveying to their destination the orders -and despatches of his master; nor was there any one -in whose loyalty and discretion the King placed -greater confidence. His Majesty had ordered him to -cross the Alps with an autograph letter, filling two -sheets, to the Duke of Joyeuse. He had not gone far -before he fell in with four horsemen, who were dogging -his path; they stabbed him in several places, and -carried off the King’s letter; by this means, it is supposed, -several important secrets have been discovered -by the opponents of the Court. Whether it was for -this reason or not I cannot say, but the King immediately -hurried back to Paris, instead of accompanying -his wife to Bourbon-les-bains, as he had intended. -However, in a few days he will join her at the baths, -going on to Lyons, but what he intends to do when he -gets there is a secret to most people.</p> - -<p>For myself, I am inclined to think that he wishes -to see whether his presence on the spot will enable -him to turn Montmorency<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">164</a> out of the government of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>Languedoc, and place the Duke of Joyeuse, or one of -his other minions, in possession.</p> - -<p>I am not, I say, certain that he will give it to the -Duke of Joyeuse, since a most handsome provision -has been made for him in the governorship of Normandy, -which was refused to Alençon himself. But -perhaps ere long we shall learn the truth.</p> - -<p>Every one in Paris is talking of the news that Don -Antonio’s new fleet has reached the Azores in safety. -The commander is Monsieur de Chattes, a knight of -Malta, and also a relation of the Duke of Joyeuse, -Admiral of France.</p> - -<p>Some time ago one St. Hilaire entered your -Majesty’s service as a gentleman cadet. I understand -he is now serving in Hungary. This young -gentleman’s eldest brother is dead, and, if I mistake -not, he stands next in succession to the estate; there -are several brothers, and, if he is not present when the -property is divided, there is danger of his not getting -his proper share; as the loss to him might be considerable, -his friends have come to the conclusion that -he ought to be summoned home, and have requested -me to write to your Majesty, and ask for an honourable -discharge, which request I hereby comply with. It -will be a good occasion for your Imperial Majesty to -exercise your kindness by graciously giving him leave -of absence for the transaction of private business.</p> - -<p>The plague is breaking out afresh in several places, -the wind being unusually steady, and never shifting, -unless it be from south to west.</p> - -<p>As to the Greek books, I most humbly repeat my -request that your Majesty would keep the matter in -mind.</p> - -<p>There was lately in Paris a gentleman of good -family, who was a notorious duellist. His name was the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span> -Baron de Viteaux,<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> and he had attained some celebrity -by the bold and successful way in which he had killed -sundry gentlemen with whom he had differences. The -son of one of his victims was anxious to avenge his -father’s death; he had also another motive, for having -lately been discovered in a plot against the Baron’s -life,<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">166</a> he knew that unless he killed him his doom was -sealed. Accordingly he determined to take a decided -course; so last Sunday he invited the Baron to -measure swords with him in a field near Paris; the -arrangement was that they should have in attendance -only one servant apiece, and a gentleman of rank, the -common friend of both parties, to act as umpire and -marshal of the lists; the duel to be with sword and -dagger, no other weapon being allowed, and only to -be terminated when one of the combatants should -have fallen. The Baron accepted the challenge; as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span>soon as they met he ran his opponent through the arm -and stretched him on the ground; not liking to strike -him when he was down, he told him to get up. This -act of kindness cost him dear, for his opponent, in no -way daunted by his wound, but burning to avenge -his fall, with one vigorous and skilful thrust, ran the -Baron through the heart; then, as he lay dying on the -ground, he stabbed him again and again, and thus -rewarded his folly in sparing an antagonist whose arm -still held a sword. Though scarcely twenty-one, the -young man had for years been devoting himself to the -art of fencing, with a view to this meeting. Thus -died the famous Baron, who was looked on here as a -second Mars, and is thought to have frightened the -King<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">167</a> more than once. His end was like that of Montal<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>and Bussy,<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> both of whom died as they deserved -to die. ‘Aspiciunt oculis superi mortalia justis.’ The -victor is not yet out of danger. He received two -wounds, one, as I mentioned, in his arm, and the -other in his thigh. Even if he recovers, another duel -awaits him, as he will be challenged by a relation of -the late Baron, who is well qualified to avenge his -death.</p> - -<p>I thought there was no harm in giving your Majesty -a full account of this affair, though it has but little -connection with my business.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, August 10, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span></p> -<h3>LETTER XXIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">However</span> famous Africa may have been of old for tales -and wonders, it must yield the palm to modern -France.</p> - -<p>Scarcely had our ears recovered from the flood of -gossip aroused by the death of the Baron, which I have -already described, when there crops up another scandal, -calculated to produce quite as much astonishment and -conversation. The King, publicly before a large audience, -gave a severe lecture<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> to his sister the Queen -of Navarre, reproving her for her disreputable and -immoral courses; he gave her the exact dates at which -she had taken on each new lover; he reproached her -with having had a son of whom her husband was not -the father; in each instance his dates and particulars -were so accurate, that one would have thought he had -been an eyewitness. The Queen (Marguerite de Valois) -was overwhelmed, being ashamed to confess, and at -the same time unable to refute, the charges brought -against her. The King concluded his lecture by ordering -her to leave Paris forthwith, and no longer pollute -the city with her presence.</p> - -<p>In obedience to this command, the Queen of Navarre -packed in haste, and left Paris on the following -day; no one paid her the attention of escorting her -from the city, and she had not even a complete train of -servants. Her destination is supposed to be Vendôme, -one of her husband’s towns. Two ladies of rank,<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> who -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span>are at the head of her household, were arrested on the -road, brought back to Paris, and placed under guard.</p> - -<p>Nor was the King satisfied with the punishment he -had inflicted, but must needs write a letter to the King -of Navarre with a full account of his wife’s delinquencies. -People say that, if her husband accepts this -statement, and refuses to receive her, it is the intention -of the King to immure his sister in some -lonely fortress, where she can injure no one by her -immorality and intrigues. Nor need this excite surprise, -for there is some fear that, if she should return -to her husband, and make herself out innocent to him, -she will be the source of much disturbance and disquiet -to the realm; of will and malice for such work she has -good store, and of ability there is enough and to spare.</p> - -<p>Immediately after the interview between the King -and his sister, a gentleman, named de Chanvallon,<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> fled -to Germany; for a long time he had stood high in -Alençon’s favour; but when it was discovered that he -had sent news from Antwerp to the French Court, -touching matters which Alençon wished to be suppressed, -he fell out of favour with the Prince, and was -ordered to leave his presence. He returned to Paris -and took refuge with the Queen of Navarre, to the -great annoyance of Alençon, who is now completely -estranged from him, if one may believe what one -hears.</p> - -<p>De Chanvallon is a young man whose claims to -noble birth are doubtful; he has, however, the advantage -of pleasing manners, and is a handsome young -fellow; he holds a high place among the admirers of -the Queen of Navarre. They say the Queen Mother -also is greatly incensed with her daughter for her in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>discretions. -How that may be I cannot tell; but at -any rate the Queen of Navarre has, as I told your -Majesty, left Paris, declaring again and again that ‘she -and the Queen of Scots are the most unhappy beings -in the world; a little drop of poison would give her -relief, if anyone would help her to it, but she has -neither friend nor foe to do her this service.’</p> - -<p>This story, which is now current in France, is -perhaps hardly deserving of your Majesty’s attention, -or a fit subject for a confidential despatch; but I was -induced to give these details by the circumstance that -I had an opportunity of sending a letter, and the -business of the Queen made it necessary that I should -write to her. So, having little else in the way of -news, I have filled my letter to your Majesty with this -gossip.</p> - -<p>The Queen Mother has returned to Alençon at -La Fère. The King himself has set out for Lyons, -his chief object being, as he professes, to meet his dear -Duke of Joyeuse, on his return from Italy.</p> - -<p>There is a report that Alençon will marry his niece, -the daughter of his sister and the Duke of Lorraine, -and that the sister of the King of Navarre is intended -for the Duke of Savoy. Strange reports, methinks, -and not worthy of much credit as yet.</p> - -<p>The Prince of Parma’s victorious career in Flanders -has been stopped at Ostend; the town was reinforced -by the Prince of Orange, and refused to -surrender. Ypres is lost; Dixmude is said to be hard -pressed, for the people of Bruges were obliged to call -in the garrison of Menin for the further protection of -the town. Menin was evacuated, and left to be plundered -and sacked.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>August 27, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER XXIV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">At</span> last the gentleman whom I expected from the Netherlands, -as I have already told your Majesty, has -returned. The only news he brings is that the Netherlanders -are acting in the maddest way, the citizens -quarrelling, the towns disagreeing, there is no steady -policy, and a reckless spirit prevails. However, in -one point they all agree, to wit, their detestation of the -French; who since the outrage at Antwerp have become -positively hateful to the Netherlanders, a sentiment -which they on their part warmly reciprocate. It is on -account of this feeling, he says, that Biron has returned -with his forces to France. When he was embarking, -there were not enough transports for the conveyance -of the troop horses, so the men piled straw round a -number of them, and burnt them; others they stabbed -or hamstrung, so as to render them useless. Everywhere -Netherlanders are being stopped on the road -and plundered by the French, who tell them that they -are returning the favours they have received in the -Low Countries. All this plainly shows how untrustworthy -is a league between ill-assorted allies, however -much it be varnished over with a pretence of friendship, -and how quickly ancient national feuds break out -afresh.</p> - -<p>They say that Puygalliard, commander of the -royal cavalry in Picardy, is acting governor at Cambrai -for the King of France, Alençon having handed -over the city to his brother, and Biron is on his way to -join him.</p> - -<p>Apparently Alençon’s plan is to throw a strong -garrison into Cambrai, and retake some places in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span> -neighbourhood, while harassing the cities of Hainault -and Artois, and thus proving to the men of Brabant -and the rest of the Netherlanders, who, as he is aware, -hate him cordially, how much protection he could have -afforded, and how much he would have done if they -had continued to cultivate his friendship.</p> - -<p>This is supposed to be his only chance of reinstating -himself in their good graces. Towards carrying -out this scheme he has received material assistance, -it is said, from the King, who has appointed him his -Lieutenant; but his powers are so far limited, that he -cannot levy money or draw on the royal treasury at -his own discretion. Still his success is in no way -assured, for the French are so unpopular in the Netherlands, -that the Prince of Orange himself is roundly -abused for supporting their interests; he does not -carry anything like the weight he once possessed; his -influence has declined even among the Hollanders and -Zealanders, who were supposed to be on the point of -making him their Count and Sovereign; now, however, -he is compelled to listen to language from them -which is not merely blunt, but actually rude and insulting. -Some go so far as to insinuate that he was privy -to Alençon’s schemes, when he made his disastrous -attempt on Antwerp.</p> - -<p>He is consequently living in retirement at Flushing, -in a position hardly above that of a private gentleman. -Occupied solely with sundry family affairs, he is -quietly waiting till the storm of unpopularity shall have -spent itself, for well he knows how changeable the -masses are, and that neither their favour nor disfavour -is likely to last long.</p> - -<p>The following piece of news I give, but do not -vouch for, though the report is generally current. -Those who do not like it explain it away. All France<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span> -rings with the story of another defeat at the Azores;<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> -the fleet, they say, is lost; the French cut to pieces; -the Portuguese condemned to the galley and the oar; -the commander of the expedition a prisoner. If this -be true, and it does not seem improbable, France will -have paid dearly for her hospitalities to the Portuguese.</p> - -<p>Among other instructions given by the King to -the Duke of Joyeuse, when setting out for Italy, was -one of special importance; he was to obtain the Pope’s -permission for the sale of ecclesiastical property to the -value of some hundred thousands of crowns; it is now -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span>reported that the Duke’s attempt to obtain the Papal -sanction was a complete failure. So the King’s hopes -in this quarter were frustrated, and the Duke has not -been more successful than the great men whom the -King lately sent round France to obtain supplies. -The first debates on the King’s return will be, I imagine, -on the best method of scraping up money! With -the lower orders in this country distress has gone so far -that they are like to hang themselves from sheer -despair, consequently they take these frequent and -heavy demands upon their pockets in very bad part.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>September 15, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The aged Bishop of Rimini, the Apostolic Nuncio, -has died here of fever. He was a man of kindly feeling -and high character.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>September 20, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I have</span> not much to report. Alençon is at Cambrai, -in great want of many things, especially money, which -in his case is all important. His captains attempted -to surprise Le Quesnoy, a strongly fortified town in -Hainault, and were repulsed with great slaughter.</p> - -<p>St. Aldegonde, and a gentleman named Junius, -who acted as secretary to the late Count Palatine,<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> are -said to have come to Cambrai as ambassadors from the -States, to treat with Alençon for a reconciliation; but -treat or reconcile as they please, it is plain they will -not be supported by public sentiment, for the Netherlanders -loathe the very name of Frenchman.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span></p> -<p>Ypres is still blockaded by the enemy’s works, -though there is a story that the besiegers have suffered -some loss at the hands of the garrison of -Bruges.</p> - -<p>The plague, which is now raging at Paris with -extraordinary violence, will, I think, cause the King -to defer his return. People expect that Alençon will -meet him here.</p> - -<p>A new religious fashion<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> is in vogue among the -French. The townsmen and peasants of some place, -of all ages and all ranks, quit their homes in a body, -and make a pilgrimage of two or three days to some -famous shrine. The pilgrims are generally clothed in -white linen robes, and carry crosses in their hands. -Some people think that this movement had its origin -in supernatural warnings, which frightened the people, -and led them to take this means of appeasing the -Deity, and saving themselves; others think that it is -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span>to gratify the King that these pilgrimages are undertaken, -and that their object is to ask God to grant -him children.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>October 6, 1585.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXVI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I have</span> received a letter from the Counsellors of your -Imperial Majesty’s chamber, in which they state that -the books which I presented to the library some seven -years ago, during the lifetime of the Emperor Maximilian, -of blessed memory, have been valued at one -thousand florins; if your Imperial Majesty regards -this sum in the light of a present in return for my -present of books, I shall consider it most handsome, -and humbly offer my best thanks to your Majesty for -the same; but if it is a matter of business and strict -account—if this sum, I say, is to be reckoned as the -ascertained value of all those precious volumes, the -antiquity of which renders them so important an -acquisition to the Imperial Library—I must confess -that such a price in no way represents their value. -The precious character of the books and the high -regard I have ever felt for them<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> render it incumbent -on me to make this protest. As far as I am -personally concerned, I am ready to acquiesce in your -Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>October 9, 1583.</p></blockquote> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="xxvii" id="xxvii">LETTER XXVII.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> King has at last returned. On account of the -plague it was determined that he should not enter -Paris. It was arranged, as the most convenient plan, -that he should stay at Saint-Germain en Laye. On his -arrival, his first care was to summon the gentlemen -who, as I told your Majesty in a former letter, were -sent round the provinces and cities of France to collect -money. They are all men of high standing.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> The -King will now receive an account of the steps they took -and the reply they got. Their report must needs be -that all made answer with one accord, their burden -was already so heavy, that if they were to bear it any -longer, it must be lightened rather than increased by -the addition of a fresh tax.</p> - -<p>This will compel the King to consult these gentlemen -as to the best means of raising funds, for, one -way or another, money must be had. As to what -course they will recommend there is no certainty; but -some people are disposed to think that the honour of -replenishing the treasury will be assigned to the Church. -The King, it seems, desired the Duke of Joyeuse to -open negotiations with the Pope for obtaining his -sanction to a fresh sale of ecclesiastical property to the -value of several hundred thousand crowns; but for -some reason or other nothing came of it.</p> - -<p>These conferences at Saint-Germain would have -been brought to a conclusion had not Alençon made a -<em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">détour</em> to Château Thierry, some 26 miles<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> from Paris, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span>on his way from Cambrai to his own town of Angers, -where he intends spending the winter; his mother has -gone to visit him, hoping to bring him to the court, in -order that he may be present at the above-mentioned -conferences; but whether he will be persuaded is still -uncertain, for he persists in his complaint that he has -not been properly supported in the great work he has -undertaken, and that the King has had more regard -for the interests of utter strangers than for those of his -own brother.</p> - -<p>As to other matters, Cambrai is neither safe against -attack nor adequately provisioned. Biron tried to -storm Cateau Cambrésis, but, unluckily for him, the -Prince of Parma came to the rescue; the French army -was in great danger, and had to beat a hurried retreat; -Biron, however, managed to save his cannon.</p> - -<p>The rebel States of the Netherlands, having met at -Middelburg<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> to transact federal business, the party of -the Prince of Orange urged strongly the advisability -of a reconciliation with Alençon; they were, however, -repeatedly told by other members of the meeting that -the late disastrous affair (at Antwerp) had shown them -how impossible it was to trust the word of Frenchmen. -There were some who wished for the King of Denmark, -while several mentioned Casimir, who had the -support of the Queen of England; but the assembly -broke up without arriving at any decision.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>October 29, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXVIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Alençon</span> has retraced his steps to Laon, whither the -Queen Mother has gone to visit him. Of the reason -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span>of this step I am not sure, but probably his object is to -be near Cambrai. It is well known that great disturbances -lately took place there; certain of the citizens -conspired with officers commanding posts in the -neighbourhood, and either took the town or were within -an ace of taking it. The French, however, still hold -the citadel.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>November 2, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xxix" id="xxix">LETTER XXIX.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> Queen Mother has returned from her visit to -Alençon. All her trouble has been to no purpose, for -he could not be induced to accompany her to Court.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> -The King’s distress at his absence is not overwhelming!</p> - -<p>The Queen of Navarre has joined her husband; he -received her courteously, but she will live apart from -him until the truth be ascertained concerning the immoralities -of which she is charged. It is on this business -that Bellièvre has been sent to the King of Navarre. -He is to make a recantation on the King’s behalf, and -reconcile husband and wife.</p> - -<p>They say the King has been brought to task for -allowing himself, in a fit of passion, to blast the reputation -of a member of his own family, and is now sorry -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span>for what he has done.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> He tries to clear himself by -saying that in a rash moment he believed what certain -people told him. The King of Navarre demands that, -if his wife be guilty, she should receive the punishment -she deserves; but that, if she has been falsely accused, -and is innocent, her calumniators should pay the penalty. -It is well known that the King was provoked into this -by the murder of the messenger<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> he sent to the Duke -of Joyeuse, of which I informed your Majesty in a -former letter, for he suspected that his sister had been -privy to the assassination. Those who are acquainted -with the character of the lady say that, unless they are -greatly mistaken, she will one day signally avenge the -insult she has received.</p> - -<p>The story of a disturbance at Cambrai, which I -mentioned at the end of my last letter, arose from the -Seigneur de Goigny, commandant of a neighbouring -place for the King (of Spain), being seen in the city. -It was assumed that he could not be staying in Cambrai -without the consent of the townsmen. The assumption -was ill-grounded, as the event proved, for he -had come to Cambrai to have an interview with Alençon, -whom he has followed to France; for aught I -know, he is still at his quarters.</p> - -<p>The reason of his visit was the hope that had been -thrown out of some arrangement for recovering Cambrai, -a large sum of money having been promised to -Alençon on behalf of the King of Spain.</p> - -<p>The ruined and impoverished condition of the -nobles in Alençon’s train renders it by no means im<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span>probable -that this scheme may come to something, as -it would provide the means to save them from starvation -and destitution; but in the Royal Court, and -throughout France, the negotiation is held to be most -discreditable, and is regarded as a striking proof of the -fickleness of the French.</p> - -<p>A report is current that the King has written a -letter to his brother cautioning him. An arrangement -for the exchange of prisoners furnishes the pretext -under which this negotiation is being conducted.</p> - -<p>In spite of all this, some are inclined to think that -the States of Brabant are getting ready a fresh embassy, -which will shortly be sent to arrange the terms -of a reconciliation with Alençon. It would appear -that they have been driven to this course by the successes -of the Prince of Parma, who has seized nearly -all the country save Ghent and Antwerp. The -Netherlanders, however, have opened the dykes with -the double object of protecting themselves, and making -Parma’s conquests of no avail to him. It is supposed -that their next step will be to send a fresh embassy, -since they are determined to suffer the worst that may -befall, rather than submit once more to the authority of -Spain. However this may be, there is news that the -Zealanders and Hollanders will shortly appoint Orange -as their Count.</p> - -<p>De Puygaillard has left Cambrai; de Balagny<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> is in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span>command of the citadel and garrison, and he is not the -sort of man to surrender the town to anyone, even -though Alençon himself should give the order. The -latter has changed his plans; it is thought he will -not go, as formerly reported, to Angers for the winter, -but will stop in his present quarters at Château -Thierry. He has returned from the Netherlands with -such discredit that he is only thinking of where he -may best hide his dishonoured head. Meanwhile the -King is holding his assemblies, which will continue -sitting for at least two months; not only will the -financial question be considered, but also a general -reform of all abuses; it is the purpose of the King, in -conformity with his present strict religious views, to -correct all vices and faults in the administration of his -realm and thus promote the welfare of his people; it -is probable, however, that the upshot of these changes -will be to make the King’s interest the paramount -consideration. For instance, the Crown claims the -right of conferring Church patronage, and in consequence -you may see children, military men,<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> and women -holding bishopricks and abbacies; well, first there -was a debate as to the advisability of replacing matters -on their old footing, and making these appointments -elective, but a resolution was passed that, inasmuch as -the old purity in voting had passed away, and all principle -had been lost, there appeared no reason for -depriving the Crown of the valuable right it had -acquired, and that the matter had better be left on its -present footing, with the understanding that the King, -when exercising his patronage, should have regard to -the character and qualifications of the candidates. In -many other cases there will be a similar result—that -is, projects will be ushered in with fine phrases as to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span>the <em>interests of the people</em> and the mitigation of their -burdens, and then in the end the <em>interests of the Crown</em> -will carry the day. The King indeed takes care that -the law he enacted with regard to dress should be -strictly observed; it had not been in force many days -when it met with the usual fate of such edicts, and was -disregarded by the Parisians, whereon his Majesty -sent the Provost of the Court into the city with orders -to throw into jail all persons whom he might find -transgressing the law. There were several arrests -both of men and women, and a great commotion was -the consequence, amounting almost to an insurrection. -‘Were they to be arrested by the Provost as if they -were highwaymen or burglars? They had their own -judges and magistrates to punish offending citizens. -If the Provost<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> continued to interfere it should cost -him his life.’ It seemed likely that the people would -be as good as their word, so the magistrates of the -city came to the King and informed him of what was -going on; at first he took them roundly to task for -their laches in allowing these salutary laws to fall into -abeyance, telling them that it was through their negligence -he had been driven to other means of enforcing -them; he then hurried to Paris, went straight to the -prison and set free all who had been arrested on this -charge, paying out of his own purse the jailor’s dues -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>for each prisoner. Since then the law has been more -strictly enforced.</p> - -<p>Cardinal de Birague<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> is dead, at the age, if I mistake -not, of more than eighty years; the Court followed -its usual fashion, and gave a magnificent funeral -at death to one whom it loved not during his life. -He held the title of Chancellor of France, but the -duties of his office were discharged by a deputy; he -was a man who loved fair dealing, and consequently a -good friend and supporter of the Queen Dowager of -France, your Imperial Majesty’s sister; his successor<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> -is his exact opposite in character, disposition, and intentions.</p> - -<p>Orange is scheming to recover Zutphen, a city of -Gueldres, which has been taken by the Spaniards. The -Count of Gueldres is suspected of having a secret understanding -with Parma; there is a report that he has been -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>sent as a prisoner to Zealand with his children. At -Ghent also a conspiracy<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> of some nobles against the -city authorities has been detected through Imbize, who -for a long time was an exile in the Palatinate; this discovery -has placed them all in imminent danger; among -the number is Ryhove, who was ambassador at Constantinople.</p> - -<p>However the others may fare, Champagny, who -was the prime mover and soul of the plot, can hardly -hope to save his head.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>December 4, 1583.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXX.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Nothing</span> of importance, as far as I know, has happened -since I last wrote, unless it be that some men were -caught at Alençon’s quarters, with arms in their hands, -under suspicious circumstances; it was thought that -they were waiting to assassinate some one. Alençon -was strongly impressed with the idea that they were -cut-throats hired to murder him. At last, after a careful -investigation, it was discovered that it was not his -life they designed to take, but Fervaques’; moreover, -it was ascertained that the man who set them on was -at open feud with the latter, on account of some injury -he had received at his hands.</p> - -<p>The Queen Mother has again set out on a visit to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>Alençon. She has several objects in going, but the -chief one is to remove whatever suspicions he may still -entertain. People say Alençon is also about to receive -ambassadors from nearly all the rebel States of the -Netherlands, with the exception of Flanders, which -has not yet been induced to sanction his recall. For -the aforesaid ambassadors, whose arrival is expected, -eighteen gold chains are being worked up at Alençon’s -quarters. The Hollanders, however, are supposed to -have already sworn allegiance to Orange, or to be on -the point of so doing, with the reservation that the -supreme sovereignty be vested in Alençon. Whatever -else Orange may lose, he will always retain his power -of perpetuating disturbances and revolutions. His -chief assistant and adviser, St. Aldegonde, has been -made burgomaster of Antwerp. For many years past -I have been unable to see any prospect of a peaceful -settlement for the Netherlands. Parma has, it is true, -done much, but I doubt whether there is not quite as -much more to be done.</p> - -<p>We have news of disturbances in Gascony and -Aquitaine; in both of these provinces places have -been seized, and attempts are being made to recover -them by force of arms.</p> - -<p>That the year on which we have just entered and -many, many coming years may bring prosperity to -your Imperial Majesty is the hope and prayer of your -most humble servant.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>January 9, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXXI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> King is bent on a plan for reforming his life, and -devoting himself more exclusively to religion. It was -supposed that he would spend the Carnival at Paris;<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span> -he used to say that not to be at Paris at that season -was as bad as being in Poland, for he should miss all -the fun and pleasure of the capital, and last, but not -least, the society of certain ladies whom he had been -accustomed to meet on that occasion.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">189</a></p> - -<p>In his present humour he does not care to leave -Saint-Germain, where he lives like a hermit. Meanwhile -the assembly, which was convened for the purpose of -reforming the people and remedying abuses in the -government, is still sitting. Every day it passes a -number of wholesome measures, of which I shall now -proceed to give your Majesty an example. There is -no greater burden laid on the realm of France than -the multiplication of official posts, which the King -creates to the benefit of his own pocket and the impoverishment -of his people; these are now, to a great -extent, abolished. For instance, the King had as -many as 150 chamberlains, all of whom are now dismissed, -with the exception of sixteen, or, according to -another version, twenty-four. The same course, it is -supposed, will be followed in all similar cases, to the -great advantage and relief of the nation, on whose -shoulders the entire burden of supporting these sinecures -used to rest.</p> - -<p>This reform, however, will draw complaints from -individuals who have purchased such offices with hard -cash out of their own pockets. Their claims, it is -true, will be commuted, but they will suffer great inconvenience -and loss by the change.</p> - -<p>Meantime there is a vague idea that France is on -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>the eve of a fresh civil war, and there are people who -assert that Navarre has sent to Germany to hire reiters. -Whether that be so or not, at any rate the King is -raising troops.</p> - -<p>It is supposed that the Queen of Navarre will -shortly be reconciled to her husband, if indeed the -reconciliation has not already taken place, through the -mediation of one Pernantius of Lorraine, a notable -champion of Protestantism. The Netherland ambassadors -are now with Alençon, waiting for fuller instructions -from the States. Alençon is urging his -claim to be appointed Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, -with the same powers as the present Sovereign -held during the reign of his brother Charles, which were -very extensive; but the King objects, and it seems -hardly likely that they will come to terms. This difference, -it is feared, will, in the event of war, be the -source of yet more serious quarrels.</p> - -<p>Every day men<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> are coming over from England -to France who have been concerned in the great conspiracy -against the life of the Queen (Elizabeth). The -Earl of Norfolk<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> has been arrested in England for -his part in the plot, and everyone expects that he will -lose his head, but the Earl of Arundel’s case is not regarded -as equally desperate, as the Queen seems more -inclined to show him mercy. Even the Queen of -Scots, who is accused of having been privy to all their -designs, is considered to be in great danger. The -Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> of the King of Spain, they say, was the -prime mover in the conspiracy, and on this account -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span>has been ordered to leave England. There is an idea -that he will pass through France on his way to Spain.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>February 12, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The King has returned from Saint-Germain to -Paris, on account of the illness of the Queen Mother. -She had an attack of fever, which lasted longer than -was expected.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>February 15, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xxxii" id="xxxii">LETTER XXXII.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Alençon</span> has paid a visit to his sick mother, staying -with her some days before he showed himself to the -King. At last, by her advice, as I suppose, he approached<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> -the King in a most respectful and submissive -manner, insomuch that for some time he kept his -knee well nigh touching the ground. When raised by -the King, he commenced his address by imploring forgiveness -for any offences he might have committed -against him.</p> - -<p>The King replied there was no need of pardon; -he was quite aware that in certain points he did not -agree with his brother, but for his own part he was -prepared to submit such questions to the arbitration of -their mother, and would abide by her decision.</p> - -<p>People say that Alençon was advised to make sure -of Joyeuse and Epernon, through whose eyes the -King sees everything, if he wanted his brother to help -his party, and interfere in the affairs of the Netherlands. -The King could be led to anything, if they chose to -exert their influence. This advice he seems inclined to -adopt.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span></p> -<p>The ambassadors of Brabant and Flanders have -now arrived; people say that they have offered Alençon -the right of placing garrisons in any of their cities -with the exception of two, viz., Antwerp and Ghent. -They have also been to Paris to plead their cause before -the King.</p> - -<p>Alençon, after spending a few days with the King, -returned to his old quarters at Château Thierry, with -the intention of coming again to Paris before Easter.</p> - -<p>When he left the whole court escorted him out; -there was a great fuss, and none so forward as Joyeuse -and Epernon, on whom he bestowed every mark of -favour at parting.</p> - -<p>The King, it seems, is about to take Cambrai under -his protection, and will send some troops thither, which, -however, are nominally to be Alençon’s.</p> - -<p>Everyone is talking of the campaign against Damville, -whose present title is the Duke of Montmorency.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> -He is Governor of Languedoc, and appointments of -this kind are held for life, and not for a term of years, -the holder not being superseded unless he has become -a rebel or been convicted of high treason. The King is -determined to bestow the governorship of the province -on the father of Joyeuse, but Montmorency, it seems, -does not intend surrendering his post as long as there is -life in his body. The King has caused Montmorency to -be tried before his Parliament, and pronounced contumacious -and rebellious. This campaign, people say, -will be taken in hand after Easter. Alençon is to act -as the King’s Lieutenant in proof of his submission to -the royal authority. The result is anxiously expected.</p> - -<p>Montmorency has great resources in Languedoc, -and is supported by a united and numerous party. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span>Many will suspect that his downfall will pave the way -to their destruction.</p> - -<p>A few days ago the King was within an ace of -committing an act in his own council-chamber hardly -consistent with the gracious character which befits a -Sovereign. Among his councillors was a knight of -Malta, the Prior of Champagne,<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> a violent and reckless -man. The King was speaking earnestly on some important -point, and the Prior, who took an opposite -view, went so far as to say, ‘If you wished,<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> Sire, -to speak the truth, you must remember, &c.’ The -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>King took his words as a personal insult, and was -furious. ‘What?’ cried he; ‘do you think I am telling -a lie? Down on your knees at once, and beg my -pardon.’ When he had done so, the King forgave him, -but at the same time ordered him out of his sight. -When the Prior was somewhat slow in obeying, or, it -may be, said something in reply, the King again lost -his temper, and, drawing his sword, was on the point -of running him through, when he was held back by the -gentlemen present. The Bishop of Paris<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> is still -suffering from a wound in the hand, which he received -in grasping the naked blade. Thus the King in his -council-chamber all but perpetrated a crime little becoming -his character as a ‘penitent.’ Several people -interceded for the Prior, and the King accordingly -pardoned him, but at the same time required him to -leave the Court and enter his presence no more—a -severe punishment to a man who is court bred, and -knows no pleasure elsewhere.</p> - -<p>The Ambassador, who is said to have been an accomplice -in the English tragedy, Don Bernardino de -Mendoza, has arrived at Paris, where he is waiting -for an answer from the King of Spain, but on what -business I cannot say. Some think he is seeking the -post of ambassador at the French court.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>March 20, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXXIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Alençon</span>,<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> after his return to Château Thierry, fell -seriously ill, and his life was in great danger. This -gave rise to a story that he had been poisoned. How<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>ever, -he is now said to be better. From his bringing -up large quantities of blood, some suspect that his lungs -are affected. The Queen Mother, who went to see -him, has not yet returned.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>March 29, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXXIV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">When</span> the people from Flanders saw that they made -no way with Alençon, and all hope of help from France -was at an end, they returned home, reversed their -policy, and opened negotiations with Parma.<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> Their -ambassadors were entertained courteously by the -Prince, and received presents from him on leaving, -while the envoys whom Parma sent with his reply -had like treatment from the town of Ghent.</p> - -<p>Very different is the feeling at Antwerp, where the -citizens will endure the worst sooner than submit to the -old yoke, and have therefore determined to cast in their -lot with Zealand and Holland for weal or woe. This -new combination will prolong the war, as they are the -wealthiest people in the world, are girt with fortifications, -and have the keys of the sea in their possession.</p> - -<p>The rest of the towns of Brabant are supposed to -be on the eve of returning to their allegiance to the -King of Spain, in company with Flanders; the men -of Antwerp do not object, as they wish to be relieved -of the obligation. Bergen, which the Hollanders have -taken under their protection, is the only exception. -Alençon indeed has something else to think of just now -besides the affairs of the Netherlands, aye, and something -that touches him more closely, for there is a report -that he is in a decline, which has reached the con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>sumptive -stage. If this be true—and it is generally believed—he -cannot be long for this world, and then, -however little the House of Valois may like it, the -Bourbons will be the heirs presumptive to the Crown—first -the Cardinal, and then Navarre. The Queen -Mother is staying in the country at some distance from -Paris, and the report is that she is ill from grief. The -King, it seems, has laid aside the idea of a campaign -against Damville,<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> of which every one was talking, and -has issued a proclamation to the effect that there is -nothing he loves so much as peace, no one is to rise in -arms, all are to do their best to prevent an outbreak. -This Edict is construed by the opposite faction to mean -exactly the reverse, and to be proof positive that war -is intended; they say this is his usual trick when he -means to attack them.</p> - -<p>Whether they are right or wrong time will show.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>April 10, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXXV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Alençon’s</span><a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> life is despaired of. Indeed a day or two -ago he was reported as dead, and not only was the -date of his decease given, viz., the 25th of this month, -but also the hour, viz., 10 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span> For several hours, it -seems, he had lain motionless, so that he was thought -to be dead; afterwards he became conscious, and is -still alive, if a man can be called alive, whose case is -hopeless and whose death is hourly expected. The -King’s chief physician has visited him; on his return -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span>he made the Queen Mother quite hopeful by his report, -but privately he told his friends that he did not -expect him to last a month. Well, the matter is in -God’s hands, and that He will preserve your Majesty, -is the prayer of your humble servant.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>April 29, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXXVI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">That</span> Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend have come to terms -with Parma is considered certain; they say indeed that -service in the cathedral of Ghent is already celebrated -after the Roman rite; and this is also the case in three -churches in Bruges. In that district Sluys alone stands -out, and holds by its treaty with Flushing. The terms -of the arrangement will, people think, shortly be made -public.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>May 3, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xxxvii" id="xxxvii">LETTER XXXVII.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Alençon</span> is still confined to his chamber, or, to speak -more correctly, to his bed; no one is allowed to see -him save one or two of his adherents, who encourage -him to hope that he will recover, but impartial people -consider his case desperate; while some think he is -already dead, but that his death is kept secret.</p> - -<p>The greatest anxiety is felt throughout France, and -it is indeed a critical time, for Alençon’s death will be -a most serious matter to the kingdom. For some time -past the King has been estranged from his wife; people -trace this estrangement to the rivalry between the Duke -of Mercœur, brother to the Queen, and the Duke of -Joyeuse, husband to the Queen’s sister. The latter has -been appointed by the King Admiral of France with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span> -very extensive powers; while the Duke of Mercœur -has been made Governor of Brittany. Now the Duke -of Mercœur maintains that all appointments within the -limits of his province belong to him, and Joyeuse disputes -his claim. The King on being informed of this -difference spoke sharply to the Duke of Mercœur, and -from that time forth his manner to his wife has been -less kind, from an idea that the Duke of Mercœur -would not be so proud and stubborn, if it were not for -his sister’s countenance and support. This has given -rise to a notion on the part of some people, that the -King is thinking of divorcing his wife, on the plea -that she is barren, it being most important, under -present circumstances, that children should be born -to the King of France.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Epernon has been sent into Aquitaine -with a numerous and splendid retinue; his mission -is a mystery and has furnished much material for -conversation and conjecture; only one or two, besides -the King, being acquainted with the secret.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">202</a> The -King also himself, they say, is intending to visit Lyons -shortly; no doubt there is some important reason for -this visit, but what it may be, there is no one who can -explain with such accuracy and clearness as Time!</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>June 5, 1584.</p></blockquote> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER XXXVIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">That</span> Alençon’s case was desperate has been proved -by his death. He breathed his last on the tenth of -this month, almost at the same hour and minute as his -brother Charles some years ago; it is certain that he -died of the same complaint, tubercular consumption, as -your Imperial Majesty will have already learnt from -the King’s own letter.</p> - -<p>Some people declare<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> his death is a far greater -benefit to the world than his birth; they say he had -fallen under the influence of worthless satellites, and -was incapable of distinguishing between friends and -flatterers; he made notoriety his object, but the notoriety -he sought might more correctly be described as -infamy; he lightly undertook, and yet more lightly -abandoned that which he had undertaken. His life -was in accordance with his character; fickle, unstable, -restless, his one great object was to destroy concord -and promote disorder. His mother’s grief for him is -genuine, the tears of the rest are constrained tears, I -fancy, and their sorrow a sham. A magnificent funeral, -people say, is being prepared, but the mourning will -not last beyond St. John’s Day, which is now near at -hand. The corpse is to come to Paris. The King has -put on black; this is unusual, for on former occasions -it has been the custom for Kings of France to wear -violet when in mourning. Some prognosticate that -Alençon’s death will give rise to great changes in -France, and I think they are not far wrong, for the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>chief provinces and cities of the kingdom will not be -disposed to accept any Sovereign whose religion differs -from theirs, neither will they lack leaders when they -rise, for the governors of the provinces will come -forward, and others to boot.</p> - -<p>Some take such a hopeless and gloomy view of the -future, that they are already thinking of emigrating. -The King indeed is heaping honours on Navarre;<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> he -has presented him with the duchy of Alençon, and in -his letters gives him the title of distinction which is by -custom assigned to the heir presumptive to the throne;<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> -moreover, a way has been discovered of perpetuating -the miseries of the Netherlands in spite of Alençon’s -removal, for they say he has bequeathed Cambrai<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">206</a> to -his mother; this legacy will probably carry with it all -his other acquisitions in the Netherlands, and his interests -in that quarter; it is thought that the Queen -Mother will make all this bequest over to Navarre. In -this way she will be able to carry out all her schemes -in the Netherlands, without giving the King of Spain -ground for complaint against the King of France. -Meanwhile Cambrai is a thorn in the side of Artois -and Hainault, for the garrison pursues its forays far -and wide, burning and harrying the country.</p> - -<p>The town of Bruges has received a garrison of the -troops of the King of Spain; Ghent has admitted -Orange’s forces, but there was such want of forage -that shortly afterwards the cavalry were obliged to -leave. People have a notion that the departure of the -cavalry may lead the men of Ghent to resume their -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span>negotiations with Parma; another reason assigned is -the alarm inspired by the arrival of the Spanish reinforcements.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>June 18, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XXXIX.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">On</span> the festival of St. John and the two following days -the last rites were paid to Alençon; there was nothing -in the ceremonies to call for remark, except that in the -funeral speech no mention was made of his connection -with the Netherlands, nor were the banners of any of -the provinces of the Low Countries introduced into -the procession. I have appended to my letter a copy -of what is commonly supposed to be Alençon’s will.</p> - -<p>To his Majesty’s great delight, the King of Navarre -treated the Duke of Epernon, on his arrival, -with every mark of consideration and honour; but -Navarre’s wife (Marguerite de Valois) refused to admit -him to her presence. Epernon is supposed to be -going through the province of Narbonne, and so to -Lyons, where the King will meet him.</p> - -<p>Marshal de Retz is busy in Picardy strengthening -the garrisons of forts and towns, where needful, so that -they may be ready in case of attack or sudden emergency. -Strong bodies of infantry and cavalry are being -stationed in different parts of the country, with the -object, as I suppose, of having a relieving army at -hand in case Cambrai shall be hard pressed. The Hollanders -and Zealanders have raised a fleet to prevent -any supplies being introduced into those ports of the -Netherlands which are in the occupation of their adversaries, -and this will probably cause a rise in the -price of corn.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>July 10, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER XL.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> news has come of Orange’s death; there is no -doubt as to the accuracy of the report. He was shot -with a pistol.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> The assassin has been taken and tortured, -but refused to confess at whose instigation he -committed the murder. His only statement consisted -of a paper in his own handwriting to the effect that he -was prompted to the deed by the desire of delivering -the Provinces from so despotic a master.</p> - -<p>The ambassadors from the Netherlands have come -to Paris, in the hope, I suppose, of inducing the King -to give them his support, but his answer was not -favourable. They are now importuning the Queen -Mother, and if she refuses they will probably apply to -the King of Navarre and the Bourbons for assistance.</p> - -<p>Fort Lillo, which is one of the outworks of Antwerp, -is closely besieged by Parma; three attempts have been -made to take it, but in each case the assailants were -repulsed with great slaughter.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">208</a></p> - -<p>The King has set out for Lyons; his chief object, -people think, is to supersede the present governor and -appoint Epernon, or the Duke of Joyeuse’s father, in -his place.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> The King has asked Navarre to come to -him, and offered to make him Lieutenant-General of -the kingdom.</p> - -<p>The party of the Guises are striving to make themselves -masters of the State. There is an anxious feel<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>ing -abroad, but why or wherefore no one exactly knows. -Time will solve the riddle. It is said that Marshal de -Retz has made the people of Cambrai swear allegiance -to the Queen Mother.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>July 23, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xli" id="xli">LETTER XLI.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> Netherland ambassadors are trying hard to -induce the King to give them his support. This is -the only fact worth recording in my present letter. -Their appeal is strongly supported by the Queen -Mother, and her influence is said to have had some -weight with the King. One of the ambassadors has -been sent back to the Netherlands in company with -the gentleman<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> who was formerly Alençon’s representative -at Antwerp.</p> - -<p>They are the bearers, people say, of a favourable -answer to the States from the King, promising to give -them advice, countenance, and reinforcements with a -liberal hand. The terms which the States offer in -return are extravagant, and almost past belief. The -result of the negotiations is awaited with the deepest -interest. Some people are sounding the war-note right -lustily. What, say they, would the King wait for, or -what better opportunity could he find for commencing -a struggle which must inevitably come before -many years are out? Why does not he take the -initiative, when such an opportunity and such advantages -are placed within his reach? It is folly to -keep longing for that which it is in one’s power to possess. -Granted, that the Netherlanders at the bottom -of their hearts distrust the French, and will not submit -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span>to them, still, is it a small advantage to withdraw them -from their allegiance to their ancient lord? Let them -live in a state of semi-independence, and not as subjects -of France, so long as they remain the bitterest -foes of Spain. Assuredly the estranging of so many -provinces will be a heavy blow to the King of Spain, -even if the King of France should not succeed in subjecting -them to himself. No sensible man can fail to -see that the Spaniards, who are naturally greedy of -empire, when they have consolidated their position, -will not allow their vast powers to lie dormant, but -will endeavour to make themselves masters of the -whole of Christendom. But how little remains for -them to win, compared with what they have already -secured! Henceforth there will be no liberty in Europe, -and all other princes and states will be placed in a -humiliating position. Everything will depend on the -pleasure of the Spaniard—a most miserable and degrading -prospect! No time, therefore, must be lost in -encountering this attack on the liberties of Europe, -before the Spanish power is consolidated. There is -no doubt that all kings, princes, and states who have -any regard for their own safety and reputation would -gladly join their forces and unite in extinguishing a -conflagration which is dangerous to everyone.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">211</a></p> - -<p>My own opinion is that these views are popular, -and that they are only waiting for the death of the -King of Spain, as the most favourable opportunity for -a general movement.</p> - -<p>Parma has transferred his camp from Lillo to Dendermonde, -after great losses, if we may believe the -report. He retains, however, the fort of Calloo, which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span>enables him to cause much trouble to the ships as they -sail by. They hope to take Dendermonde<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> without -much difficulty, as the larger part of the garrison has -been cut off from the town.</p> - -<p>Marshal de Retz is at St. Quentin, and trying hard -to induce Balagny,<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> the governor of Cambrai, to surrender -the town to the King and the King’s nominee. -Balagny’s tyrannical conduct has rendered him most -unpopular at Cambrai, and there are hopes that some -arrangement may be made. Marshal de Retz has -proved himself a skilful and sagacious diplomatist in -affairs of this kind.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris, August 18, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XLII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I have</span> hardly any news, and yet I feel I ought not to -allow a longer time to elapse before writing.</p> - -<p>The King has returned from Lyons without achieving -anything worth notice, as far as I know. He stayed -for some time at the castle of <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">le Bois de Vincennes</em>, -in the neighbourhood of Paris, where he is building a -church, to be held by the order of St. Jerome, for the -benefit of himself and his society of Penitents.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> At -the same time he is carrying on his campaign against -vice by punishing heinous offences, especially those -which are connected with malversation of public moneys, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span>whether they belong to the privy purse or the exchequer, -France being full of offenders of this kind.</p> - -<p>In dealing with these matters he does not spare -even men of high rank; consequently there is a panic, -and people are leaving the country. He will next -attack the Parliaments, it is supposed, and require -them to give an account of the way they have administered -justice, and the sentences they have pronounced, -for these courts of justice are, it is considered, full of -corruption and in great need of reform. In France the -Parliaments have powers almost equal to the King’s; -in them justice is sold, or given as a matter of favour.</p> - -<p>Though well stricken in years,<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">215</a> the Cardinal de -Bourbon is apparently unwilling to surrender the right -of succession to the throne to his nephew Navarre, and -therefore inclines to the Guises, whom a numerous party -regard as their leaders; nay, a little while ago it was -stated that he intended to resign his orders, surrender -his Cardinal’s hat, and marry the widow of Montpensier, -sister to the Duke of Guise. The report is still -current.</p> - -<p>Marshal de Retz is still in Picardy, strengthening -fortifications and garrisoning posts, for the Queen -Mother has, it appears, set her mind on keeping Cambrai, -and some of the household troops have been despatched -thither with that object. The Queen herself -has left Paris for the banks of the Loire, and is going -from place to place in the hope of arranging an interview -with Navarre, but the probability of his meeting -her is not great, as he is afraid of treachery, and will -not trust either her or the King. That his wife may -meet her mother is not impossible. The King too has -set out for the Loire, and will stop some time, should -the plague, which keeps him from Paris, allow him to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>remain. At Paris it is still doubtful as to what the -King’s destination really is.</p> - -<p>Matters in the Netherlands have taken a turn very -favourable to the King of Spain. Ghent<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> has made -its peace with him. If report says true, the terms are -as follows: they are to pay him 200,000 crowns, restore -the churches, allow two citadels to be built, -and give up any six men who may be demanded.</p> - -<p>Moreover, the men of Brussels are also talking of -surrender. In spite of this Antwerp does not lose -heart, nor are the Hollanders and Zealanders abandoning -any part of their programme. The Queen Mother’s -Ambassador has arrived from the Netherlands, and -talks much of the highly favourable terms on which -they are willing to conclude a bargain with the King -of France. The result is doubtful. Meantime, that -God Almighty may preserve your Imperial Majesty -is the prayer of your humble servant.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>October 4, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xliii" id="xliii">LETTER XLIII.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I have</span> allowed an unusually long interval to elapse, -partly because I was every day expecting Sancerre to -leave, and partly because I had no news worth sending.</p> - -<p>The King, who had been dodging the plague from -place to place, at last stopped at Blois; the plague,<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>however, gave him notice to quit by carrying off one -of the ladies of the Queen’s bedchamber, so after all he -has returned to Saint-Germain en Laye, where he intends -prosecuting his social and legal reforms. I saw -him at Blois, whither I went to express to him and the -two Queens, his mother and his wife, the grief and -sorrow of the Most Christian Queen, your Majesty’s -sister, at the death of Alençon.</p> - -<p>There was some talk of disturbances in the south of -France, but they seem to have subsided.</p> - -<p>Don Bernardino de Mendoza, whom I mentioned as -travelling from England to Spain by way of Paris, has -returned to these parts. He comes to express his -master’s grief at the death of Alençon, and also to -supersede Tassis<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">218</a> as ambassador to France. Tassis -has gone to the Netherlands <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en route</em> for Spain. If -laying out large sums be the proof of a good ambassador, -Don Bernardino must be the best in the world, -for they say he intends spending as much as 16,000 -crowns a year. I hope the rest may be in keeping, -and that he may prove in every way as good as -Tassis.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Epernon, who is the King’s second -self, is ill with a severe attack of scrofula, a disease -which the Kings of France profess to heal by a touch -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span>of the hand,<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> so the King has an admirable opportunity -of putting his power to the test! I write this because -I have nothing else to say. Everything is at a standstill -from the frost, but this pause will probably lead -to greater movements in the spring.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>December 10, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XLIV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Ambassadors</span> have again come from the rebel States of -the Netherlands, with very extensive powers, they say, -to induce the King to take them under his protection. -The result is, to my mind, extremely doubtful. There -are men about the King who would fain lead him into -war.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile Antwerp is said to be strictly blockaded, -the navigation of the Scheldt being almost entirely -stopped.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>December 15, 1584.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xlv" id="xlv">LETTER XLV.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">A numerous</span> deputation has again come here from the -insurgent States of the Netherlands with very full -powers and large offers. On condition of the King’s -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>receiving them into his protection, they undertake to -hand over to him twelve towns in which his authority -shall be supreme; they promise to contribute 100,000 -crowns a month towards the expenses of the war, one-half -to be paid by themselves, and the other by the -Queen of England. An English ambassador is expected -here, with a large and numerous train, to take -part in these negotiations; the ostensible object of the -embassy is to convey the Order of the Garter to the -King of France. Meantime the Netherland ambassadors -have been ordered to stop short at a neighbouring -town,<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> but for all that they are treating with -the King by means of letters and memorials; their -expenses are defrayed by the French treasury. They -assure the King of an easy success, if he will only cut off -the enemy’s supplies by stopping all exports from -France. If this is done, they declare that in a year’s -time there will not be a single foreign soldier in the -Netherlands, for the Spaniards must needs be starved -out, their supplies by sea being already cut off; even -now, they say, though there is nothing to interrupt -their communications with France, provisions in the -enemy’s camp are scarce and dear. What the King’s -decision will be it is hard to say. If he shall espouse -their cause, he will thereby involve himself in a serious -war; if he helps rebels against their Sovereign, he -supplies the rebels in his own kingdom with an awkward -precedent; lastly, he must take up arms for -heretics, when he hates and loathes the heretics in his -own realm, and endures them only because he cannot -help himself. Such a policy would be inconsistent; -but, however that may be, he will not, people think, -openly espouse the cause of the Netherlanders, the -ostensible leadership in the war being assigned to the -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>Queen Mother, while the King is to support her with -his forces, and countenance the undertaking; but as to -who is to have the conduct of the campaign is more -than I can make out. The King of Navarre or Condé -would, it is true, be well qualified for the post, but -neither of them will place himself in the King’s power, -as they have not forgotten the wedding and massacre -of Saint Bartholomew; notwithstanding, some say that -Navarre will give the hand of his sister, who is the -sole heir of his kingdom, to Condé, with the view to -securing his own safety, as well as the Prince’s, since in -that case, if either of them be murdered, there will be a -survivor to avenge his death.<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> The decision arrived at -must be known before long.</p> - -<p>The Monsieur de Selles,<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">222</a> whom your Majesty -knew in Spain, has died in his prison in Zealand.</p> - -<p>The proclamation touching the reform of abuses, -which has been so long under consideration, has at -length been published, but save in a few particulars it -is not of the description generally expected; I enclose -a copy for your Imperial Majesty.</p> - -<p>That God may long preserve your Majesty is the -prayer of your most humble servant.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>January 25, 1585.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span></p><h3>LETTER XLVI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> King has granted a private audience to the Netherland -ambassadors; I cannot give the terms of their -address, but it is easy to guess what they were. As -to the King, they say, he replied that he would not -fail in his duty as a good neighbour. The ambassadors -are fifteen in number, and their retinue comprises some -sixty gentlemen; they have been joined by the Prince -of Espinoy,<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">223</a> who, with his brother, the Marquis of -Richebourg, was for some time resident at the Court -of the late Emperor Maximilian.</p> - -<p>It is generally reported that ambassadors, or at -any rate despatches, are also coming from the King of -Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of Savoy, to remind -the King of his engagements and to call on him to -fulfil them; but, for my own part, I incline to think -that neither letters nor ambassadors from the King of -Spain or Duke of Savoy will have much influence; as -to how much weight will be attached to the Pope’s -remonstrance, I cannot say. The expenses of the -Netherland ambassadors are being defrayed by the -French treasury. Lastly, the English Ambassador, -who was expected, has arrived with a numerous and -gallant following. His name is the Earl of Derby<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">224</a>; -he is of royal blood the French say, and the English -confirm the statement. He was met and escorted into -Paris with the utmost pomp; a house next the Palace -was appointed for his use, and 200 crowns a day -assigned for his expenses. He is the bearer of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>Order of the Garter from the Queen to the King of -France. This is the ostensible object of his mission, -but the real and more important reason is supposed to -be connected with the affairs of the Netherlands. On -the last day of last month the King was invested with -the insignia of the Order in the Church of St. Augustine -during vespers, in the presence of the whole Chapter -of the Knights of the Holy Ghost; all the ambassadors -attended the ceremony by invitation; amongst them -were the envoys from the Netherlanders, but their -coming gave deep offence to the Spanish Ambassador.</p> - -<p>To-morrow has been appointed for giving audience -to the aforesaid ambassadors, in company with the -English Ambassador, but, as to what the issue is likely -to be, people differ. There is no doubt that the King -is entering into the business without much heart, and -is even dissatisfied with certain terms in the proposed -arrangements, which do not go so far as he would like; -but the Queen Mother, whose hatred to anything -Spanish is unbounded, is exerting her influence in the -matter. People think that the King will give way to -his mother, and take up the cause of the Netherlands, -giving them secret support, even if he does not openly -adopt their quarrel. If so, war, I am afraid, will be the -consequence. The most important part in this adventure, -people say, will be assigned to Don Antonio<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">225</a>; by -their account, he is to be given the command of the -French forces. In a business of this kind we can be -certain of the past, but of nothing else!</p> - -<p>These are our troubles here; still, mischief is not -confined to Paris. A man tried to poison the King -of Navarre, but failed in the attempt, either by reason -of the strength of the King’s constitution, or the weakness -of the poison; the assassin then had recourse -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>to open violence and levelled a pistol at the King. -He failed again, was arrested, and is being tried in -chains.<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> The King is greatly distressed at the affair, -as indeed he has good reason to be, for his own -reputation is seriously affected. He has therefore -sent a distinguished judge to be present at the trial -and examination of the assassin under torture; he is -to bring back a true and accurate report as to whether -the fellow was suborned by some one, or acted from -motives of personal malice.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>March 6, 1585.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER XLVII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Positive</span> news has come from Brabant that Brussels<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> -has been compelled by famine to surrender to Parma, -and Antwerp is hard pressed, being debarred from all -use of the Scheldt by the completion of the bridge. -These tidings in all probability will rouse up the French -Court, and compel them to come to some decision with -regard to the Netherlanders, for, unless these last receive -some support, their defence must collapse. Indeed, -the ambassadors of the rebel States assume an -air of despondency, being disappointed at the King’s -handing over the responsibility to his mother, instead -of declaring war on his own account.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>March 7, 1585.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span></p><h3>LETTER XLVIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> English Ambassador left on the fourteenth of this -month, after a visit of twenty days, during which he -was treated with high honours, and received every -mark of respect. On leaving he was presented with -plate of the value of 4,000 crowns, and the chief gentlemen -in his train had also the honour of receiving -presents. A little later the Netherland ambassadors -took their leave, when each of them was presented -with a gold chain of the value of 200 crowns; their -visit has produced little or no result; at any rate, if any -arrangement has been made, it is a complete secret. -The King’s public answer was that he did not intend -to break the peace which subsisted between himself -and the King of Spain; the Queen Mother said, -she was deeply concerned for their preservation, -but was prevented by the King’s wishes from -giving them assistance. Whether any secret understanding -is implied in these ambiguous phrases, I -cannot say. The ambassadors have done their utmost -to draw the King into open war; this appears also to -have been the object of the English Ambassador, but -he does not seem to have had much success. Some -people think the King has undertaken to give them -considerable succours as soon as his present troubles -shall have blown over, and meanwhile to furnish -them with some little assistance. As regards the -troubles of which the King spoke, fresh storms are -without doubt brewing in his kingdom. The Guises -are levying war; the popular account is that they are -angry<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> with the King for not recognising their own -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>and their family’s services, while a couple of young -fellows, distinguished for nothing save impudence and -conceit, are loaded with high offices and honours. But -this is not all; they wish to have a Catholic successor -appointed in case of the King’s death, and they are again -putting forward the Holy League and Confederacy -against heretics, in which they claim the leadership. -The meaning of all this is, that knowing there will be -no room for them in France, should Navarre, on the -death of the King, ascend the throne, they wish -betimes to grapple with this danger, and thus consult -their own interests, regardless of the great troubles -they must bring on the country. And, to be fair, there -is everywhere in France a feeling of great anxiety, as -people cannot tell what the position of the Church -will be after the King’s death. Many believe that their -ancient ritual, services, and sacraments will be profaned -and put down by Navarre, and that the Catholics will -be in the same position as the Protestants have hitherto -been, if indeed they be not in a worse case. These -fears give an excellent handle to those who are desirous -of a revolution, and men who have been true to -the old religion are in a peculiarly good position to -take advantage of it. Among these stand the Guises, -who are most popular in France, so much so that one -may hear them spoken of with greater deference than -the King himself. The family of Guise, they say, can -trace its descent in an unbroken line from Charlemagne,<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">229</a> -has ever been the bulwark of the Church, ever -loyal to King and country, in spite of the neglect with -which it has been treated, and the bestowal on others -of the honours it has earned, and now is justified in -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span>unsheathing the sword, exercising the Royal prerogatives, -and undertaking the defence of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">230</a></p> - -<p>The Cardinal de Bourbon also has deserted his -family and takes part with the Guises. The King -has warned them by letters and messengers to have a -care of whither the road leads on which they are travelling; -to which they replied, they had no designs -against him, they had never swerved from the paths -of loyalty and duty, so that he ought not to believe -the calumnies of their enemies.</p> - -<p>In spite of these protestations, reports are gaining -ground of German reiters being brought to France; -they say they are already on the borders of Lorraine, and -Guise will shortly have some 20,000 men under arms.</p> - -<p>If one inquires whence the money will be forthcoming -for the campaign, everybody has an answer -ready to the effect that, with the Pope and the King -of Spain<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> at their back, funds cannot be lacking, and -that there is an understanding between them and the -Guises is a matter beyond all doubt. Indeed, if one -considers who is to profit by these disturbances, it is -difficult to fix on any save the Pope and the King of -Spain; for the pacification of the latter’s provinces in -the Low Countries, and the successful accomplishment -of his plans are impossible so long as France is quiet -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span>and united. The King of Navarre is quite alive to -what is going on, and completely on his guard; indeed -he also is making ready to defend himself against any -murderous attack; he likewise offered the King his -services against the enemy. The King tells him not -to be uneasy; he is to make no movement, but -simply to keep his towns in readiness to repel any -sudden assault, and leave the rest to him.</p> - -<p>I cannot say how far Navarre believes the King, -for some are disposed to suspect him of knowing -and approving of all the plans of the Guises; others -again hold that, while hitherto he has not been -privy to their schemes, he will in no long time adopt -their ideas and join their party; not that he loves -them, but because he hates Navarre still more, on -account of their old quarrels and the difference of their -religious views. For my own part, I have no doubt -that the King would sooner have anyone than Navarre -as successor to his throne, since he can have no -confidence that after his accession his policy will not -be reversed, the position of his connections and relations -be impaired, and his friends cast down from their -high estate; lastly, it is most annoying to feel that -after one’s death people will be exalted, whom during -one’s life one has desired to keep down. However, it -is not easy to trace the workings of the heart, and so -it is better to suspend our judgment till time makes all -things clear.</p> - -<p>Not long ago the rumour was very general that a -fresh attempt against the life of the Queen of England -had been discovered.</p> - -<p>The Hollanders and Zealanders are busy preparing -a fleet, which is to break through the bridge and -relieve Antwerp; should this attempt fail, they intend -opening the dykes between Antwerp and Bergen, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span> -flooding the country as far as Antwerp, so as to bring -their fleet, in spite of the bridge, up to the walls of the -town; this plan, however, must cause great suffering -throughout the neighbourhood, and proves how obstinate -they are; their own account is that they have no -other course.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>March 26, 1585.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="xlix" id="xlix">LETTER XLIX.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">People</span> are becoming seriously alarmed. Suddenly -and unexpectedly France finds herself on the brink of -a great war; the King himself hardly knew of its -approach before it burst upon him. Two months -ago the Duke of Bouillon<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> wrote cautioning him to be -on his guard, as the Guises were preparing for a -campaign. People say he is for ever deploring his -imprudence in disregarding this warning.</p> - -<p>Nominally the chief mover in these disturbances is -the Cardinal de Bourbon, but, if I am not very much -mistaken, the real leaders are the three brothers—the -Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, and the Cardinal de -Lorraine, with their cousins the Duke of Aumale and -the Marquis of Elbœuf; they have also on their side -the Queen’s brother, the Duke of Mercœur, Governor -of Brittany; there are besides in the ranks of the insurrection -many gentlemen of less mark, with whose -names I need not trouble your Majesty.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span></p> -<p>The reasons of offence are numerous, but the chief -one is jealousy. For a long time the Guises have felt -bitterly their position at the Court, where they do not -hold the influence and station to which they consider -themselves entitled.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">233</a> Others are loaded with wealth -and honours, while they are held of no account, and -are left crippled by the debts, which they and their ancestors -have saddled themselves with in the service of -the State. The King, they complain, has picked out a -couple of young fellows on whom he lavishes his affection -and caresses, treating them like sons, squandering -on them the public revenues, living with them in the -closest intimacy, while the Guises are not merely kept -at a distance, but are actually insulted by having the -doors shut in their faces when they seek to enter into -the royal presence.</p> - -<p>Besides these causes for complaint, there is a -notion, I fancy, which is not altogether groundless, -that the sister of Navarre, the heir of his kingdom and -extensive possessions, will marry the Duke of Epernon, -who is generally supposed to have been appointed by -the King Constable of France, and that the King, -who is not at present favourably disposed towards Navarre, -will be reconciled by this alliance, and support -his claims to the succession. In all probability the -object of the Guises is to put a stop to this arrangement, -which would be most disastrous to their interests, -as it is quite clear that, with Navarre or Condé -on the throne, their influence in France would be -obliterated.</p> - -<p>The Cardinal de Bourbon<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> assumes the title of successor -to the throne, and is indignant at the preference -given to the claims of his nephew; he has thrown off -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span>his Cardinal’s robes and fancies himself so much in a -soldier’s coat, that people think he must be childish. -He is fully convinced that he owes it to the Apostolic -See, to the faith he professes, to his family, and to -himself, not to allow a Protestant to ascend the throne -on the death of the King. He therefore considers -himself the Chief of the League, and demands the first -place in it. The Church, the Commonwealth, the convening<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> -of the Estates, the security of the country, the -safety of honest people, the common pleas of all revolutionists, -are pressed into their service as a cloak for -their designs.</p> - -<p>Again, there was a report of a Bull<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> coming from -the Pope, which might arrive at any moment, pronouncing -Navarre and Condé incapable of ascending -the throne, as unfit and unworthy. For my own part, -I question the policy of such a step, showing as it -does the disunion of Christendom at a time when the -Turkish victories over the Persians render an invasion -more probable than ever; for there is no doubt that -the ultimate object of the Turks, in prosecuting their -long struggle with the Persians, is to prepare the way -for the extinction of Christianity. As soon as they have -secured their rear, by destroying or crippling their -Asiatic foe, they intend to concentrate their forces for -a struggle with us; they will fight with us for exist<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span>ence -and empire, and the chances are greatly in their -favour.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">237</a></p> - -<p>But yet the movement I have described is so popular -that I cannot tell what the result will be. To the -King, indeed, this outbreak is a most untoward and -unexpected event, as he has neither forces nor funds -wherewith to meet the emergency. There is hardly a -Catholic nobleman in France who is not suspected of -being concerned in the designs of the Guises, and -secretly favouring the movement; almost all the provinces -are wavering in their allegiance; of the great -cities some are disloyal, while others refuse to receive -garrisons from the King. Thus he hardly knows -which way to turn, surrounded as he is with open -enemies, while his friends are few and weak. Whatever -efforts he may make to muster his troops, it will -be too late, for he has to deal with an enemy near at -hand and well prepared.</p> - -<p>The only man I am surprised at is the Duke of -Mercœur;<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> I cannot understand his taking up arms -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span>against the King, when he is brother to the Queen, -and has lately received great promotion from the King. -He has, however, had some provocation, inasmuch as -he has been deprived of certain privileges which his -predecessors in the government of Brittany enjoyed, -these having been transferred to the Duke of Joyeuse -as Admiral of France.<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">239</a></p> - -<p>Orleans, the most important town after Paris, has -declared for the Guises. Caen, on the coast of Normandy, -which is commanded by the strong fortifications -of its citadel, is in the hands of the Marquis of -Elbœuf; the citadel is held by d’O, who was formerly -one of the King’s mignons, but has now attached himself -to the party of the Guises. The Duke of Aumale has -seized several other places, and the Duke of Joyeuse -is on the march to recover them. The younger -Lansac, who is also a Guisite, has garrisoned Blaye, -near Bordeaux, and will prove a thorn in the side of -that town if it remains loyal to the King.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">240</a> De Brissac<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> -holds the citadel of Angers. And thus, through the -length and breadth of the country, numbers are revolting -and bidding defiance to the King. An attempt -has also been made to seize Marseilles, but it proved -unsuccessful. These changes in the aspect of affairs -have made the Duke of Epernon a little more courteous; -he used to be so supercilious that when members -of the royal family spoke to him and removed -their hats, he kept his on his head; but now he has -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span>the grace to put his hand to his hat. This has given -rise to a popular joke, that Epernon has at last found -out where his hat is!</p> - -<p>The King has sent deputies all round the country -to calm the storm, but they do not bring back any -offers of a compromise.</p> - -<p>The Queen Mother is still staying with Guise, and -is oftentimes obliged to hear him speak of her son in -terms of bitter complaint. The Cardinal de Bourbon -is also with the Duke of Guise. Previous to his arrival -the latter used to protest against any application being -made to himself with reference to the rising, declaring -that he was not in command, but simply a private -gentleman fighting for the Holy League. The Archbishop -of Lyons is<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">242</a> also there, as the King’s representative, -with very extensive powers. Unless they come -to terms the prospect for France is desperate, and we -are therefore anxiously awaiting the Queen’s<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> return, -which will either mark the happy conclusion of a peace -with the party of the Guises or furnish the date for the -commencement of a disastrous war. According to -some, one of the terms of peace will be the restoration -of Cambrai to the King (Philip), which shows how -little the Guises care to hide the fact that in taking up -arms they are acting in concert with Spain.</p> - -<p>The Queen of England, who sees the serious effect -of this movement to herself, is, they say, offering the -King 6,000 horse, to be hired at her expense, and to -consist of Englishmen or Switzers, as the King shall -decide. The King of Navarre also offers a strong -force of his partisans, fearing, as he well may, that he -is the real object of attack.</p> - -<p>Without doubt your Imperial Majesty will have -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span>heard that the Marquis of Richebourg and sundry -others were killed at the Antwerp bridge;<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> they say -that the Seigneur de Billy is also amongst the slain.</p> - -<p>I am afraid I shall not be able to send despatches as -freely as before, since the roads to Metz and Nancy -are occupied by the soldiers of the two contending -parties, who examine and tear to pieces all communications; -indeed, I have my doubts as to whether this -very letter will be able to get through safely.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>April 25, 1585.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER L.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Guise</span> has taken the town of Verdun,<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> slaying several -of its defenders. It is believed that Lyons and Nantes -have also gone over to the Guises.</p> - -<p>There is news from England of a fresh conspiracy. -The Earl of Arundel,<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">246</a> who was concerned in it, has -been arrested.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>April 28, 1585.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER LI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> war is thickening apace, yet nothing has happened -deserving special mention. The clergy are said to be -furnishing the King with 100,000 crowns a month, on -condition of his shortening the term within which, according -to his previous decree, the Huguenots must -leave the country. He has acceded to this demand, -as your Majesty will see by reading the enclosed pro<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span>clamation;<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> -but even this has failed to convince the -people that the King really and honestly shares the -views of the League, and has joined the party; for, -according to some, it is only a device to extract money, -and when he has gained his object he will turn his -coat! Time will show.</p> - -<p>A small party of Huguenot soldiers, not twenty in -number, created a panic by seizing the citadel of Angers;<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> -the excitement was increased by the news that -the Prince of Condé was coming; he had crossed the -Loire, they said, and quartered his soldiers in the -suburbs. All the troops that could be got together -were hurried off to Angers, as well as the Swiss guard, -and thither went all the leaders, Joyeuse, Epernon, -Mayenne, and Biron.</p> - -<p>But Condé, finding himself surrounded by such -powerful forces, and seeing that he would not be able to -reach the citadel, abandoned his design and retired -across the Loire; he then broke up his army, and -sought safety in the country occupied by his own garrisons. -Meanwhile it was the common talk, and generally -believed, that he had been taken prisoner while -crossing some river or other, but it soon became -clear that the story had no foundation. Shortly -after this affair the King recalled his forces, which -have suffered severely from the incessant rains and the -hardships of an autumn campaign; neither have they -altogether escaped the epidemic which is now raging.</p> - -<p>The inhabitants of Auxonne, a town in Burgundy, -have accused their commander<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">249</a> of high treason, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span>charging him with intending to admit a Spanish garrison -into the citadel, and under cover of this assertion -they are pulling down a large part of the fortifications.</p> - -<p>The men of Lyons levelled their citadel to the -ground some time ago, and people say the King has -given orders that the citadel of Angers shall be treated -in the same way. So there is a great dismantling of -fortifications in France, while in other parts new ones -are being built.</p> - -<p>I shall enclose the Papal Bull<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> declaring Navarre -and Condé incapable of succeeding to the throne of -France. What effect it will have God only knows; -for my own part, I am afraid it will be the signal for -greater disturbances. Still the King, they say, <em>has</em> -confiscated all the property of Navarre on which he -could lay his hands, and placed it in the custody of the -Cardinal de Vendôme,<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> the owner’s cousin.</p> - -<p>The Bishop of Paris has gone to Rome, as the -King’s Ambassador, to treat for the appropriation of -ecclesiastical property to the service of the State, and, -no doubt, concerning other matters as well.</p> - -<p>Again, a new Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">252</a> of high rank is on his -way to Constantinople; his policy, I imagine, will be -anything but favourable to the peace of Germany. -There is nothing they are so much afraid of here as -German reiters, and they have apparently come to the -conclusion that the best way of keeping them employed -elsewhere is to threaten their country with a Turkish -war.</p> - -<p>I understand that one packet of the despatches I -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span>wrote in May is missing. I cannot tell where it was -stopped. I sent it by way of Brussels as the safest -route. My present letter will also go by the same -road, but I shall take further precautions to ensure its -safety. I trust that the missing packet will also eventually -reach your Majesty.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Paris: November 15, 1585.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER LII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Although</span> nothing worth recording has happened -since I last wrote, nevertheless I take up my pen because -I have a chance of sending a letter, which does -not often occur now-a-days.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Mayenne’s forces are now in close -contact with the enemy, and we shall soon see in what -direction he is moving, and his prospects of success in -the campaign.</p> - -<p>The King has made up his mind not to allow -a single Huguenot, or indeed anyone who is not a -Catholic, to remain in France; consequently all who -do not care to change their religion are leaving the -country. A few days ago a petition was presented -to the King on behalf of certain women and girls, -imploring leave to remain in France under his protection, -and promising that they would live in retirement -and give offence to no one. The King would -not grant their request, but took care that they should -not be injured, and sent them to England under his -safe conduct.</p> - -<p>As to the rest, the King is wrapt up in his new -religious services, and lives like a hermit. People are -afraid his health will be affected by the austerities he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span> -practises, or that he will become the victim of some -superstitious craze.</p> - -<p>The Queen of England is openly taking Holland -and Zealand, with certain towns besides, under her -protection, and has issued a proclamation to that effect. -I cannot say whether she will give much help to places -at a distance from the sea, but the maritime position -of England renders it probable that the towns on the -coast will derive great assistance from her powerful -navy.</p> - -<p>So, at any rate, the war will be prolonged, with all -its sufferings and all its uncertainties, while the blockade -by sea will bring the other provinces of the Netherlands -into danger of starvation.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>December 6, 1585.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER LIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">There</span> is a report that German cavalry is already on -the march for France. The King has despatched the -Duke of Epernon to his command at Metz, where -there have been great Protestant disturbances.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>December 8, 1585.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3><a name="liv" id="liv">LETTER LIV.</a></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Navarre</span>, having shaken off the enemy, determined to -assault the faubourgs of Paris. I lately hinted at the -probability of such a movement. Marching with all -his forces on the capital, he stormed and sacked the -four faubourgs of the Université,<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">253</a> each of which is as -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span>big as a good-sized town. The garrison, which consisted -of citizens, was severely handled, as Navarre’s -men contrived to slip in between them and the city -walls, and thus cut off their retreat. Many of them -were taken prisoners, and more of them killed, no -quarter being given except to those who could convince -their captors that they had the amount of their ransom -in hard cash in their houses. The number slain and -captured is believed to be at least 2,000. The day -after this defeat Mayenne entered the city. Navarre, -after halting for a time and offering battle, -retreated a few miles from Paris with his booty and -prisoners. He next retook Etampes, which the enemy -had occupied; although it is an open town, the position -is important from its commanding the road to Paris -from the principal corn-growing districts. Mayenne, -they say, can still muster a considerable force, but, as -he has not the means of paying his troops, his presence -is more a burden to the Parisians than an advantage. -Whatever the enemy has either not found out or not -thought worth taking, becomes their booty. Thus the -Parisians suffer equally from friend and from foe. No -wonder provisions get scarce, and Paris begins to feel -the effects of war in all their bitterness. Perhaps winter -and the difficulty of finding money will bring the -first act of this tragedy to a close, and then each party -will endeavour to support their cause by convening -the Estates of the Kingdom. The Lorraine party, the -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>towns, and the Order of the Clergy will meet at Paris; -Navarre and the leading nobles at Tours. He will -there, probably, do all he can to have some kind of -Coronation service performed, in order to increase his -authority, and justify his assumption of the title of -‘Royal Majesty.’ He will not however remain quite -idle in the meantime, but will carry on operations in -Berry, the Orleanais, Brittany, and elsewhere, as opportunities -may occur. At Tours he will be able, should -it prove desirable, to treat with the young Duke of -Guise, the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the other prisoners,<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> -with a view to a general pacification. Many are sure -that negotiations will be opened, and that steps have -already been taken in this direction with some prospects -of success. I remain your Imperial Majesty’s -most humble servant.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>November 13, 1589.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">255</a></p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span></p><h3>LETTER LV.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Navarre</span> has retaken Vendôme by storm. This strong -town, which forms part of his hereditary possessions, -had been lost by the governor’s treason. The governor, -who was a man of noble birth, was captured. In -order to mark the heinousness of his offence his throat -was cut, while a prior of a Dominican monastery, who -had been sent from Paris to preach there, was hanged.<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> -He next received the surrender of Le Mans, a rich -and famous town; such at any rate is the report, but -it is not positively confirmed. It is certain that money -is being secretly sent to Paris by the King of Spain, -but I am afraid not as much as they require. When -people have to supply their allies with money they soon -get tired! Six loaded waggons are starting from -Antwerp for Paris; large supplies of gunpowder are also -said to be coming by the same channel.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>November 29, 1589.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> -<h3>LETTER LVI.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">There</span> is a rumour that Navarre has been crowned at -Tours by Cardinal de Lenoncourt, the Archbishop of -Rheims,<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> four other bishops being present or assisting -at the ceremony. Some people add that he attended -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>divine service according to the Catholic rite. Others -deny this; but admit that, in the speech which he made -on the occasion, he declared that as regarded religion he -would soon give them such satisfaction that no one -would have any just ground for complaint left. They -say that he has appointed Montmorency Constable of -France; he is expected to come to Tours and do -homage to the King on his Coronation. There is no -longer any doubt of the capture of the town of Le -Mans, nor does the mischief stop there, for some -assert, that Chartres, a wealthy and fortified city, has -gone over to Navarre. He has for some time been -master of the territory of Bourges, and negotiations -are now in progress, they say, for the surrender of the -town itself. There is the same news about Melun, -which lies on the Seine above Paris; the position is -important for preventing the introduction of provisions -into the capital. Further, some would have it believed -that the governor of the port of Havre de Grâce in -Normandy is ready to come to terms with Navarre. -If even a part, and much more if all, of these rumours -be true, it is serious news for the Parisians. They are -now busy counting the Spanish money, which, they -say, amounts to 300,000 crowns. Still, I cannot see -that they have any trustworthy resources to support -their resistance, and I am consequently afraid that, -when Navarre returns, Paris will fall. According to -some he is to be expected shortly, others say not till -spring. I have great fears for the town where I am -now staying, and am therefore obliged to look out for -a new hiding place, as I would fain avoid the horrors -which occur when a city is taken by storm. The -Marquis of Pont-à-Musson<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> has crossed into Flanders, -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span>intending to return from there either through Brabant -or through Hainault and Namur. The Council at -Paris, which was called the Council of the Union,<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> is -said to have been dissolved, and the supreme authority -again restored to the Parliament, which issues decrees -in the name of Charles X. i.e. the Cardinal de Bourbon. -It is to be feared, however, that the Parliament, which -was removed to Tours by the late King Henry, is the -stronger of the two. The Duke of Parma is said to -be suffering from illness. I do not know the exact -nature of his complaint, but it is certainly a dangerous -one. The troubles of the times will greatly hinder the -Queen of France (Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of -Charles IX.) from receiving and enjoying her property -and rents in this kingdom as usual. At the utmost -they will be barely sufficient for half the necessary -expenses of the maintenance of herself and her household. -I have already ventured, I think, to call your -Majesty’s attention to the Queen’s position in this -respect, and now that this curtailment of her income is -at hand I have judged it to be my duty to repeat the -warning. I trust your Majesty will consider how the -Queen is to be provided for, until this storm has -passed by.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>December 14, 1589.</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER LVII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">A meeting</span> of the States-General of the kingdom has -been summoned at Tours by Navarre to consider the -state of the country, and to take measures for punishing -the King’s murderers. The 15th of March is the day -appointed for their meeting. The Pope’s Legate,<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">260</a> who -has been long expected at Paris, stopped at Dijon on -the way. Thither he summoned the people of Langres, -and invited them to abandon Navarre and acknowledge -Charles X. (the Cardinal de Bourbon) as King. -On their refusal, he laid them under an Interdict, and -transferred their bishopric to Dijon.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">261</a> People think he -entered Paris three days ago. There is a report going -about here of the arrival of a Turkish fleet, but it is -doubtful, and does not rest on any good authority. -The Sultan, they say, has written to Navarre, undertaking -to supply him with whatever he may want -against Spain.<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">262</a> People are anxiously waiting to see -at what point Navarre will make his next attack. He -has taken several important cities in Normandy. Some -think he intends to besiege Rouen,<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">263</a> which is already -exhausted by the calamities of war. Things, how<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>ever, -are not yet ripe for this, nor has he troops -enough for such an undertaking, but for us forces are -being raised, and will soon be ready. The result of -Mayenne’s enterprises remains to be seen. His plan -seems to have been to demolish all the forts of the -enemy on the Seine, and so free the navigation of the -river from Rouen up to Paris. This he will not find -an easy task, especially with Navarre so near at hand. -In proof of this the fort of Meulan,<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">264</a> before which, as I -mentioned, he sat down, shows no signs of alarm, and -does not seem likely to yield easily to his attacks. -The reputation of both generals is at stake; the question -being, whether Mayenne shall abandon his enterprise, -or Navarre allow his friends to be destroyed -before his eyes, or either commander refuse to engage -when offered battle by the other.</p> - -<p>I hear, to my great astonishment, that the King of -Scotland has married the eldest daughter of the King -of Denmark, as I thought Navarre’s sister was intended -for him. In the Netherlands the Duke of -Parma, they say, has taken offence at something or -other, and has therefore withdrawn himself from almost -all the duties of his position, and avoiding the crowded -Court has for some time past allowed himself to nurse -his vexation, and that Councillor Richardot has on -that account been sent to the King of Spain.</p> - -<p>To the other cities that Navarre has taken in a -short time, they think Evreux will soon be added. -Though it is not a strongly fortified town, it is the -seat of a bishopric and a county. It is ten miles -from here. He has already occupied the suburbs. -Both this town and the whole neighbourhood were -greatly terrified at the news, fearing a similar fate, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span>but he seems to intend to direct his march against -Rouen, for he sent a trumpeter thither to summon -them to surrender, and to threaten them with -destruction, if they refused. At the crash of so many -towns falling all around it, Rouen appears to be horror-struck, -and therefore to desire peace at any price. On -this Navarre builds his hopes. Meanwhile the siege -of the fort of Meulan, of which I spoke, goes on very -languidly.<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">265</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<h3>LETTER LVIII.</h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Mayenne</span> has arrived at Meaux with his army. He -is, however, too weak to raise the siege of Paris, or -to engage the King with a fair prospect of success. -When offered battle he declined it, and withdrew to a -safe position. The King thought this an additional -reason for pressing the siege. Though he had effected -a lodgment in the suburbs, yet the parts of -them which were nearest the city were more in the -citizens’ power than his own. He therefore resolved -to push forward his entrenchments to the walls of the -city. This operation was executed in a single night, -the breastwork of the besiegers being carried up to -the very gates. Thenceforth no one was able to -enter or leave Paris without his permission. Meanwhile -the famine was growing so sore, that it seemed -impossible for them to hold out much longer, and -more than 12,000 perished of hunger. The inhabitants, -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span>however, bore their sufferings patiently, and preferred -to hold out to the bitter end rather than abandon the -cause for which they were fighting. They were sustained -in this resolve by the promises of the Spanish -Ambassador and the Papal Legate, who declared that -the Duke of Parma himself was on the point of -coming with a mighty army to their relief, an assertion -which was soon afterwards verified. Parma arrived -at last, after negotiations for peace had actually -been opened. On the 6th of this month the Cardinal -de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons, the Primate -of Gaul,<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">266</a> went under a safe-conduct to the King. -They failed to come to terms, but the negotiations -were adjourned, in the hope that a further interchange -of views might lead to peace. Finally, it was agreed -that three commissioners on each side should meet at -the fortress of Nanteuil<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> and the mansion of Schom<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>berg, -nine French miles from Paris.<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">268</a> The prospects -of peace thus appeared to be improving, when letters -of Mayenne to his mother and wife were intercepted, -in which he exhorted them to hold out a little longer, -and told them that he was actually on the march to -their relief; there was no fear, he added, that <em>he</em> would -demean himself by acknowledging a heretic as his -King, or by coming to terms with him. The King -showed these letters to the Cardinal and Archbishop, -and was on the point of breaking off negotiations, but -at their entreaty he finally consented to await the day -which had been fixed for the termination of the armistice, -namely, the 26th of this month. He did not -sacrifice much by this concession, as he had already -decided to wait for a picked body of horse and foot, -under Nevers and the Vicomte de Turenne, whom he -expected in a few days. He only withdrew his cannon -from the gates of Paris, and deposited them in St. -Denis with his other heavy baggage, that he might -have his hands free, if he were obliged to fight or -should be summoned elsewhere, it being his usual -practice to leave his baggage behind, when he undertakes -any operation. Apart from this he made no -change, and did not move a single soldier from his -position under the ramparts of Paris.</p> - -<p>In case of an engagement taking place, the news -will in all probability reach your Majesty before my -account of it arrives. Therefore, in order that your -Majesty may be in a better position to estimate the -value of such reports, I feel it my duty to submit for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>your consideration a sketch of both generals, the -King and Mayenne, and their several forces. The -contest will be one between two famous leaders, -in the prime of life and at the height of their renown, -one of whom, Mayenne, will give up the command to -Parma, and will fight as his subordinate. The King -is a thorough soldier, and a general of the greatest -experience. When all his forces are concentrated, he -will have, it is thought, some 20,000 infantry and 6,000 -cavalry. The latter for the most part is composed of gentlemen, -well armed and splendidly mounted. Of French -infantry people think he will have 13,000, and of Swiss, -with whom are a few Germans, 7,000. The <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">élite</em> of -his foot consists of a body of four or five thousand -Gascon veterans. All his troops, horse and foot alike, -are devoted to their King, by whom they are accustomed -to be led, and whose presence inspires them with -confidence. Moreover, the King has with him veteran -generals of great experience, whose advice and -assistance are invaluable; namely, Biron, d’Aumont, -La Noue, and many others. Round him too have -gathered the Princes of the Bourbon blood, with the -leading gentlemen from every part of France.</p> - -<p>With regard to Parma and Mayenne, in point of -generalship there is not much to choose between them, -but it must be admitted that the latter is a most unlucky -commander, while the former is a favourite of -fortune, as is proved by his long list of successes in -the Netherlands, and in this respect he may fairly be -considered a match for the King. Their united infantry, -as report goes, amounts to 17,000, while their -cavalry is a little under 5,000 strong. Among their -foot the Spaniards and Walloons are considered the -best, and these, with the addition of some Italian companies, -are not much over 4,000 strong. Next to these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span> -come the Germans; the French and Lorrainers are -the worst.</p> - -<p>The King and Parma are now wholly engaged in -concocting devices against each other, the object being -to inflict the maximum of damage with the minimum -of loss to their own troops. To enable his men to -resist the charge of the French cavalry, Parma encloses -his infantry with a fence formed of ropes of the -strongest and thickest description, which are supported -by stout stakes at regular intervals. Immediately behind -the ropes he posts his musketeers, who can thus -fire on the French horse in perfect security. All the -musketeers have a store of double bullets fastened -together with copper wire, which will be very effective -against horses. The cannon also are loaded with -chain-shot, and masked batteries are planted in good -positions, with troops drawn up in front so as to conceal -them from the enemy; at the critical moment -they will open fire, and pour a withering volley among -the horses of their assailants.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile the King is not idle. Every day he -takes counsel with his craftiest and wisest captains, -to see if they cannot devise a new mode of attack. -Some weapon is to be invented or some wonderful -manœuvre to be executed, which is to discomfit the -enemy.</p> - -<p>On each side, therefore, is a distinguished general -and a powerful army. The King’s forces are supposed -to be somewhat larger than Parma’s, and he has also -a decided superiority in the composition of his troops, -for, with a few exceptions, they are all men of the same -nation and his own subjects, whereas Parma’s forces have -been recruited from various nations, and are to a large -extent made up of raw levies, on whom not much reliance -can be placed. Again, the King has the great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span> -advantage of fighting on his own ground, that is to -say, on ground which he has previously chosen and -fortified, while Parma, by the circumstances of his position, -is compelled to attack at a disadvantage.</p> - -<p>Such are the premises; whether they are sufficient -for forming an opinion as to what the result of a -battle would be, is more than I can say. They are -valuable only in the same sense as the warnings of a -sunset are valuable in enabling us to guess what -weather we shall have to-morrow. Besides, it is mere -guessing, and no more; victory does not depend on -scythed chariots, or horses, or on the number of soldiers, -or the abundance of munitions, but solely on the -will of God.</p> - -<p>If I have lingered longer over this subject than has -been agreeable, I trust I may be pardoned. That God -may long preserve your Majesty is the prayer of your -most humble servant.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Mantes, August 27, 1590.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">269</a></p></blockquote> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265-6</a></span></p> - -<h2>APPENDIX.<br /><br /> - -CONTENTS OF APPENDIX.</h2> - -<table summary="Appendix" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdr f07" colspan="4">PAGE</td></tr><tr> -<td class="tdr">I.</td><td class="tdl" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Sketch of Hungarian History</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_267">267</a></td></tr><tr> -<td class="tdr">II.</td><td class="tdl" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Itineraries</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_284">284</a></td></tr><tr> -<td class="tdr">III.</td><td class="tdl" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Editions</span></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_288">288</a></td></tr><tr> -<td class="tdr">IV.</td><td class="tdl" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Original Documents</span>:—</td></tr><tr> -<td class="td"> </td><td class="tdr">i.</td><td class="tdl">Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_292">292</a></td></tr><tr> -<td class="td"> </td><td class="tdr">ii.</td><td class="tdl">Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_295">295</a></td></tr><tr> -<td class="td"> </td><td class="tdr">iii.</td><td class="tdl">Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_300">300</a></td></tr><tr> -<td class="td"> </td><td class="tdr">iv.</td><td class="tdl">Copy of the Sauve-garde</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_303">303</a></td></tr><tr> -<td class="td"> </td><td class="tdr vertt">v.</td><td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of -Charlot Desrumaulx</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_305">305</a></td></tr><tr> -<td class="td"> </td><td class="tdr vertt">vi.</td><td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert -du Mortier</p></td><td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#Page_309">309</a></td></tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span></p> -<hr /> -<h3>I.<br /><br /> - -<i>SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY DURING -THE REIGN OF SOLYMAN.</i></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">In</span> order that the reader may be able to appreciate the -circumstances under which Busbecq’s Turkish letters -were written, and to understand many of the allusions -they contain, it is necessary that he should have the -power of referring easily to the leading events of Hungarian -and Transylvanian history during the reign of Solyman. -For Busbecq’s French letters, Motley’s ‘Dutch -Republic’ and ‘United Netherlands’ may be consulted, -but no such works in English upon Hungarian -history exist. The narratives of Robertson and Creasy -are meagre in this respect, and contain only scattered -and incidental notices of Hungarian events; while Von -Hammer, and the Austrian and Turkish histories in -Heeren’s Series, valuable as they are, have not been -translated into English, and besides are not easily -accessible. None of these works give a connected -narrative of Hungarian affairs, the notices of which -are mixed up with the general Turkish and Austrian -history, and have to be picked out from it with much -time and trouble. It is hoped that this sketch will -to some extent supply the deficiency, and furnish a -clue to the intricate maze of Hungarian politics. Some -curious facts have been gleaned from Katona’s ‘Critical -History of Hungary,’ a rare book, which is mostly -composed of original documents, including numerous -letters written by Busbecq’s colleague, Verantius, after<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span> -he had returned from his embassy, and long extracts -from Busbecq’s own letters.</p> - -<p>During the sixteenth century Hungary formed the -Debatable Land between Christendom and Islam. -The picture which the ‘Lay of the Last Minstrel’ -and the ‘Monastery’ give of the condition of the -English and Scottish border, will suggest a faint -notion of the state of things all along the frontier between -the Turkish and the Christian dominions. Upon -both sides continual forays were made, villages were -plundered and burnt, castles surprised, cattle driven -off, and, worst of all, prisoners were carried away into -hopeless slavery.<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> Every few years these desultory -hostilities broke out into open war, and, notwithstanding -occasional successes of Ferdinand’s party, the -tide of Turkish invasion rose steadily higher and -higher. In addition, the unfortunate country was distracted -by civil war, waged with varying success -between Ferdinand and the House of Zapolya, the -rivals for the throne, while the magnates of the kingdom -went over from one side to the other, according -as they thought they could thereby gain any advantage -for themselves.</p> - -<p>Solyman, the greatest Sovereign of the House of -Othman, was born in 1494, and succeeded his father, -Selim I., in September 1520. The first year of his -reign was marked by a campaign against Hungary, -and the fall of Belgrade,<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> the bulwark of that kingdom. -Louis, the King of Hungary and Bohemia, was -then a minor, and, in the party strife of the different -factions of the nobility, the defence of the country was -neglected. For several years Solyman’s attention was -diverted to other enterprises, of which the most famous -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span>was the siege and capture of Rhodes in 1522, but in -1526 he again invaded Hungary. On August 29, -the anniversary of the capture of Belgrade, he defeated -King Louis with great slaughter at Mohacz,<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> the King -himself perishing in the flight, and then advanced on -Buda, which surrendered on September 10. Thence -he crossed to Pesth, where he received the Hungarian -nobles, and, after promising them to make John -Zapolya, Count of Zips and Voivode or Viceroy of -Transylvania, King of Hungary, returned laden with -booty to Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. and his successor -as Emperor, and Zapolya were rivals for the -crown of St. Stephen. The first relied upon family -compacts, and upon his connection by marriage with -King Louis.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> Zapolya, on the other hand, was supported -by a strong party among the nobles, who disliked -Ferdinand as a foreigner. Zapolya’s partisans -took the initiative, and convened a diet at Tokay, at -which he was elected King, and he was duly crowned -at Stuhlweissenburg by the Archbishop of Gran. -Mary, however, the widowed Queen, with the Palatine -Bathory, assembled another diet at Presburg, which -declared Zapolya’s election void on the ground that the -diet of Tokay had not been summoned by the Palatine, -and elected Ferdinand King, who, after defeating -his rival at Tokay in 1527, and near Kaschau in the -following year, drove him out of the country. Zapolya -then threw himself on Solyman’s protection, offering -to hold Hungary and Transylvania as his tributary, -and a treaty of alliance was signed between them in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span> -February 1528. In the following year Solyman invaded -Hungary for the third time, and took Buda on -September 9. A few days afterwards Zapolya was -again installed on the throne by the first lieutenant of -the Aga of the Janissaries, and did homage for his -kingdom. Leaving a Turkish governor in Buda, the -Sultan then marched on Vienna, and besieged it on -the 27th, but was obliged to abandon the siege on -October 16, in consequence of the lateness of the -season and the gallant resistance of the garrison and -inhabitants.<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">274</a></p> - -<p>In the winter of 1530 Ferdinand’s troops besieged -Buda unsuccessfully. In the campaign of 1532 Charles -V. came with the forces of the Empire to the assistance -of his brother, and Styria and Austria were the seat of -war. The Sultan was detained for three weeks before -the little town of Güns by the gallantry of the commander -Jurischitz, who at last surrendered on honourable -terms.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> The delay, however, prevented the Sultan -from accomplishing anything considerable, though his -army ravaged Styria and Austria, and penetrated as -far as Gratz and Linz.</p> - -<p>In June 1533 peace was concluded between Ferdinand -and Solyman on the basis of Ferdinand’s retaining -what he actually held in Hungary, the Sultan -reserving to himself the ratification of any arrangements -that Ferdinand and Zapolya might make between -themselves.</p> - -<p>For some years afterwards Solyman’s attention was -devoted to his wars with Persia, and no invasion of -Hungary on a large scale occurred; but, notwithstanding -the peace, the Pashas of Bosnia and the adjoining -districts continued their inroads. To check -these incursions Ferdinand, in 1537, assembled at -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span>Kaproncza, on the Drave, an army of 16,000 foot -and 8,000 horse, under the supreme command of -Katzianer. He advanced on Essek, intending to -besiege it, but was surrounded by clouds of light -cavalry, who cut off his supplies and forced him to -retreat. After losing his siege-guns at the passage of -the Vouka, he encountered the enemy on December 1, -and, after an unsuccessful engagement, fled in the night -with some of the other generals. The troops that -were left were cut to pieces the next day with their -gallant commander, Lodron.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> Katzianer was accused -of causing the disaster by his cowardice, and was -thrown into prison at Vienna. He escaped by bribing -his gaolers, and fled to one of his castles in Croatia, -where he entered into negotiations with the Turks, -promising to betray the strong fortress of Kosthanitza. -However, his treasonable designs were cut short; -Count Nicholas Zriny, during an interview with him -at one of his castles, treacherously stabbed him, and -despatched him with the assistance of his servants. -His body was flung from a window into the castle -ditch, and his head was sent to Vienna.</p> - -<p>In 1538, under the mediation of Charles V., the -treaty of Gross Wardein was concluded between -Zapolya and Ferdinand. Zapolya was to retain the -title of King during his life with Transylvania and the -part of Hungary which was then in his actual possession, -on his death his male issue was to succeed -to Transylvania only, and by the same treaty both -parties united in a league for mutual defence against -the Turks.</p> - -<p>Zapolya had then neither wife nor child; but he -immediately afterwards married Isabella, the King of -Poland’s daughter, and, dying in July 1540, left by her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>a son—John Sigismund—who was born a fortnight -before his father’s death.</p> - -<p>Ferdinand then claimed that, according to the terms -of the treaty, he should be placed in possession of the -whole of Hungary; but Isabella, as guardian of her -infant son, and the party opposed to Ferdinand, under -the leadership of Martinuzzi, Bishop of Gross Wardein, -refused to adhere to the treaty, caused the infant to be -crowned, and appealed to the Sultan for protection. -Ferdinand then entered the country, and besieged Buda, -which was relieved by the Pasha of Belgrade.</p> - -<p>Solyman again invaded Hungary in 1541. On -August 29 his troops occupied the gates of Buda, and -he annexed that city to his dominions, making it the -seat of a Pashalic, and placing a strong garrison in it. -He declared, however, that he held it merely in trust -for John Sigismund during his minority, and in the -meantime appointed the latter Sanjak-bey of Transylvania, -under the regency of Martinuzzi and Petrovich. -The House of Zapolya held, in addition to Transylvania, -most of the country to the north as far as the -river Theiss.</p> - -<p>In 1543 Solyman again invaded Hungary, and took -the cities of Gran and Stuhlweissenburg, or Alba Regia, -the former being the primatial see of Hungary, and the -latter the burial-place of her Kings. At the end of -1544, Jerome Adorno, provost of Erlau, was sent by -Ferdinand as internuncio to Solyman, with John Maria -Malvezzi, a member of a noble family of Bologna, as -secretary; but he died shortly after his arrival at -Adrianople, in March 1545. Malvezzi, aided by -Nicholas Sicco, who was sent by Ferdinand as a new -ambassador, and Veltwick, the ambassador of Charles V., -then undertook the management of the negotiations, and -concluded in November an armistice for eighteen months<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span> -between Solyman on the one side, and Ferdinand and -Charles on the other.<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">277</a> This was followed, in June 1547, -by a peace for five years, in which the Emperor, the -Pope, France, and Venice were included, on the basis of -<em>uti possidetis</em>, Ferdinand paying the Sultan 30,000 -ducats a year, part of which sum was an equivalent for -the territories of some of the nobles, who had formerly -adhered to the Turkish side, and had afterwards gone -over to Ferdinand, and part was termed by him a present, -but was more justly considered by the Turks as -tribute for the portion of Hungary which still remained -in his possession.</p> - -<p>The Sultan’s motive for concluding this treaty was -his desire to turn his arms against Persia. Elkass -Mirza, a brother of Shah Tahmasp, the reigning -monarch, had taken refuge at his court in 1547,<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> and in -1548 Solyman led his troops into Persia, and obtained -considerable successes. In the following year Elkass -was captured by his brother in an expedition he had -undertaken, and was confined in a fortress for the rest -of his life.</p> - -<p>In July 1551, at Martinuzzi’s instigation, Isabella -ceded Transylvania and the part of Hungary that -remained in her hands to Ferdinand, in exchange for -the towns of Ratibor and Oppeln in Silesia, and the -Austrian troops, under the command of the Spaniard -Castaldo, took possession of these territories.<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> When -Solyman heard this news, he summoned Malvezzi -before him, who pledged his life that there was no -ground for this report; but, as he could not give -satisfactory explanations, and fell back on the insufficiency -of his instructions, he was thrown into prison in -the Black Tower of the Castle of Anatolia on the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>Bosphorus,<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">280</a> the Sultan excusing this violation of international -law by the argument that an ambassador was -a hostage for the good faith of his master, and should -suffer for any breach of it. From this incident it appears -that the post of ambassador at the Porte was -by no means unattended with danger.</p> - -<p>Ferdinand rewarded Martinuzzi by procuring for -him a Cardinal’s hat, and appointing him Archbishop -of Gran. Not content with these dignities, that wily -politician made overtures to the Turks, with the object -of gaining the sovereignty of Transylvania and -Hungary for himself; but he was assassinated by -Castaldo’s officers acting under Ferdinand’s orders, or, -at any rate, with his connivance, at Alvincz, December -18, 1551.</p> - -<p>In 1552 the Turks recommenced their attacks on -Hungary, which were attended with almost uniform -success. In February they gained a victory at Szegedin; -in April, Wessprim was taken by Ali, the Pasha -of Buda; and in July Temeswar fell. Its capture -was followed by the loss of the rest of the Banat. On -August 11, Ali Pasha defeated an army of Ferdinand’s -at Fülek, to the north of Buda, Sforzia Pallavicini was -taken prisoner, and Sbardellatus Dudich, the Bishop -of Waitzen, whom Busbecq calls by mistake the Bishop -of Fünfkirchen, was killed.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">281</a> Erlau, however, was besieged -by Ali unsuccessfully.</p> - -<p>In April 1552, Ferdinand wrote to Roostem, the -Grand Vizier, asking for Malvezzi’s release, and for a -safe conduct for two more envoys. In consequence, -Malvezzi was removed to the Seven Towers, and his -allowance was increased; but he was still kept in close -confinement.</p> - -<p>Fortunately for Ferdinand at this critical junc<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>ture, -a Persian invasion and the Sultan’s domestic -troubles created a diversion in his favour. In 1553 -the Sultan, on account of the mutinous disposition of -the army, which had been sent to defend Armenia -against the Persians, was obliged to take command of -it in person. The most notable event of the campaign -was the tragical end of Mustapha, Solyman’s eldest -and most promising son. The story of his cruel murder -is narrated in pathetic words by our author in his -first letter,<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> though he is mistaken in placing the scene -of it near Amasia, as Eregli, in Karamania, where it -really happened, is about 250 miles from that city. To -appease the indignation of the soldiery at the death of -their favourite, the Grand Vizier Roostem was deposed, -and his office conferred on Achmet Pasha. -Busbecq, during his visit to Amasia, in 1555, witnessed -the conclusion of peace between the Sultan and -the Shah.</p> - -<p>The Persian war relieved for a time the pressure -on Hungary. Solyman granted a six months’ armistice, -and Francis Zay and Antony Wranczy or Verantius, -then Bishop of Fünfkirchen, and afterwards -Bishop of Erlau, were sent as envoys to Constantinople.<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">283</a> -They arrived in August. They were instructed -to offer a tribute of 150,000 ducats for Hungary -Proper, and 40,000 for Upper Hungary and -Transylvania. The Viziers, however, told them that -the abandonment of all claims to Transylvania was -an indispensable preliminary to opening negotiations. -Malvezzi was accordingly released, and sent to Vienna -to receive further instructions from Ferdinand; and it -was arranged that the peace should be prolonged for five -years, and that on account of the loss of territory Ferdinand -had sustained in Hungary the annual present or -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span>tribute should be reduced to 15,000 ducats. The peace -was not to be ratified till Malvezzi’s return, but the truce -was prolonged in the meanwhile.</p> - -<p>In May, 1554, Malvezzi was ordered to return, but -he was prevented by illness, and Busbecq was sent in -his stead.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> He arrived at Constantinople on January -20, 1555, and proceeded in March, with Verantius and -Zay, to the Sultan’s headquarters at Amasia. They -brought him a present of gilded cups, and 10,000 -ducats as tribute for Transylvania. They complained -of the numerous breaches of the armistice -on the part of the Turks, but, although they promised -80,000 ducats to the Sultan and large sums to the -chief viziers, they could only obtain an extension of -the armistice for six months, and a letter from Solyman -to Ferdinand, with which Busbecq was sent to -Vienna.</p> - -<p>On September 28, 1555, Achmet was executed, -and Roostem reappointed Grand Vizier.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">285</a></p> - -<p>Notwithstanding the truce of Amasia, guerilla raids -on both sides continued all along the Hungarian frontiers. -To check the incursions of the Heydons, -Touighoun, the Pasha of Buda,<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> attacked and took -Babocsa; and Ali, his successor, the victor of Fülek, -with the same object, commenced the siege of Szigeth, -on May 24, 1556, and assaulted the place a month -later, but was repulsed with heavy loss. In the meantime -the Palatine Nadasty had besieged Babocsa, and -Ali hastened with a detachment to relieve it, but was -defeated with great loss on the river Rinya (July 25). -Babocsa was then abandoned by the Turks, and -fell into the hands of the Hungarians, who burnt it, -and blew up the citadel. Ali resumed the siege of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span>Szigeth, but was so weakened by his defeat, that he was -obliged to raise it, retreating to Buda, where he died soon -afterwards.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">287</a> The fall of Szigeth was thus postponed -for ten years, when it was destined to be associated -with the termination of a more glorious career, and -the extinction of a more famous name.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">288</a></p> - -<p>Meanwhile Transylvania had again passed into -the possession of Isabella and her son. She had at -first gone to the Silesian duchies, which Ferdinand -had given in exchange for Transylvania; but she was -dissatisfied with them, and returned to her brother’s -court in Poland, where she entered into correspondence -with her partisans in Transylvania. The current -of feeling there ran strongly in her favour. The -Spaniard, Castaldo, Ferdinand’s governor, was ignorant -of the national laws and usages. His troops were -left unpaid, and supported themselves by plundering -the country. At last one corps after another mutinied -for their pay, and marched out of Transylvania; and -Castaldo himself, unable to check the dissolution of -his army, withdrew to Vienna. For a time anarchy -prevailed in Transylvania; but in June, 1556, the inhabitants -resolved to recall Isabella and her son. The -envoys found her at Lemberg, and invited her to return. -The Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia entered -Hungary to protect her passage, and on October -22 she and her son entered Klausenburg in -triumph.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">289</a></p> - -<p>Meanwhile Bebek, the representative of Queen -Isabella, was using every means in his power to thwart -the efforts of Busbecq and his colleagues. The latter -returned home in August, 1557. Verantius was rewarded -with the bishopric of Erlau. As far back as -June, 1555, allusions to the prospect of his appoint<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span>ment -may be found, and the see had been kept vacant -for him for more than a year before his actual translation -in November, 1557. His office was no sinecure. -He was perpetually occupied in providing for the defence -of his diocese, in writing to the Pasha of Buda -to remonstrate against the continual invasions of the -neighbouring Sanjak-beys, and in counterworking the -intrigues of Zapolya’s party. His remaining time and -energies were devoted to attempts to check the spread -of Lutheranism in his diocese. It may be remarked -here that John Sigismund was much assisted by his -patronage of Lutheranism. His court was the refuge -of many Lutheran, and even of Socinian, teachers. -An anecdote Verantius gives in one of his letters will -show what a hold Lutheranism had obtained in parts -of Hungary. When a fire, supposed to be the work -of an incendiary, broke out in the monastery of Jaszbereny, -most of the inhabitants of the town refused to -help to extinguish it, declaring that they would rather -the Turks had the monastery than the monks. Zay, -the other ambassador, was appointed Governor of -Kaschau.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">290</a></p> - -<p>In 1558 the fortress of Tata, near Komorn, eight -miles from the right bank of the Danube, was surprised -by Hamza, Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg.</p> - -<p>Throughout the negotiations the Sultan insisted on -the cession of Szigeth, but was induced in the winter -of 1557 to grant a fresh armistice for seven months. -In 1559 Ferdinand sent by Albert de Wyss<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">291</a> four projects -for a treaty, the first of which demanded the restoration -of Tata and Fülek, but the last omitted these -conditions. The last was presented by Busbecq in -the camp at Scutari to Solyman, but was not accepted -by him; and the Sultan, on his return to Constanti<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>nople, -placed Busbecq in a sort of confinement in his -house.</p> - -<p>In the beginning of 1559 the health of Queen -Isabella began to fail, and Melchior Balassa, a great -Transylvanian noble, wrote to Ferdinand proposing, -on her death, to place Transylvania in his hands. -This letter was intercepted, and sent to Isabella, who, -having such a proof of the treachery of one of her most -trusted adherents, thought it advisable to open negotiations -with Ferdinand herself, and, with the Sultan’s -approval, did so through her brother the King of -Poland. It was proposed that one of Ferdinand’s -daughters should marry John Sigismund, and that the -latter should have Transylvania and Lower Hungary -(the north-eastern part of Hungary, between Poland -and Transylvania), but should abandon the title of -King. These negotiations were broken off by her -death, which took place at Karlsburg in September, -and an attempt in the following year to renew them -also came to nothing, as John Sigismund refused to -renounce the title of King.</p> - -<p>In the winter of 1561 Andrew Bathory persuaded -his brother Nicholas and Melchior Balassa to go over -to Ferdinand’s side.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">292</a> As soon as Ferdinand had recovered -the town of Munkats, Balassa was to receive -it for his life, with the right of maintaining a certain -number of soldiers at Ferdinand’s expense, and, in -return, to give up to Ferdinand various towns immediately -to the north of Transylvania Proper, which were -his possession.</p> - -<p>Roostem died in July 1561, and was succeeded by -Ali, who proved much more pliant in his negotiations -with Busbecq, and the latter at last succeeded in ob<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>taining -a peace for eight years. The principal stipulations -of the treaty were as follows:<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">293</a></p> - -<p>1. Ferdinand to pay an annual tribute of 30,000 -ducats, and also the arrears due in respect of the last -two years.</p> - -<p>2. The Sultan engaged not to attack Ferdinand -either directly, or by furnishing assistance to John -Sigismund. He also undertook that John Sigismund -should respect the territories of Ferdinand.</p> - -<p>3. Melchior Balassa and Nicholas Bathory, and -others in a similar position, who had returned to their -allegiance to Ferdinand, to be included in the peace -with their property and lordships, and to be the vassals -of Ferdinand and John Sigismund conjointly.</p> - -<p>4. If any of Ferdinand’s subjects had been expelled -from his property by the adherents of John Sigismund, -or <em>vice versâ</em>, no suits or proceedings to recover such -property to be taken during the peace.</p> - -<p>5. If new and otherwise irreconcilable differences -should arise between the contracting parties with regard -to the limits of their jurisdiction, as a provisional arrangement -the <em>de facto</em> subjects of each party at the commencement -of the peace to remain so during its continuance, -and, in particular, certain villages near the -Danube and the fortress of Tata, some of which were -in Ferdinand’s and some in the Sultan’s possession, -to remain respectively as they were, and those in Ferdinand’s -possession not to be molested by the garrison -of Tata.</p> - -<p>6. Any Turkish nobles who were in the power of -any of Ferdinand’s officers, either as fugitives or otherwise, -to be released without ransom.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span></p> -<p>7. Runaway slaves with any property they might -have stolen to be mutually restored.</p> - -<p>8. Ferdinand’s officers to be allowed to fortify and -provision castles, towns, and villages on the borders of -Hungary within their own territories.</p> - -<p>9. Disputes about boundaries or the like between -the subjects of the two parties to be settled by arbitration, -and the persons at fault punished as truce-breakers.</p> - -<p>10. The treaty to be in force for eight years, -and to be binding upon all the officers and subjects -on both sides, particularly the Voivodes of Moldavia -and Wallachia, and on John Sigismund, and none of -Ferdinand’s subjects or their property to be molested -or injured in any way. Any property taken contrary -to this stipulation to be restored to its owners, and -any person taken prisoner to be released uninjured.</p> - -<p>11. Ambassadors and envoys to be granted full permission -to travel in the Sultan’s dominions, with liberty -of ingress and egress to and from his court, and to -be supplied with interpreters.</p> - -<p>On the arrival of Busbecq at Frankfort with -Ibrahim, the first dragoman of the Porte, important -differences were found to exist between the Turkish -and Latin texts of the treaty. The former only included -the barons who had already returned to their -allegiance to Ferdinand, and not those who might -afterwards do so; it stipulated for the extradition of -refugees, as well as that of brigands and rebels, and -included the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia. -The Emperor demanded that these points should be -corrected; but his demands seem to have been ineffectual, -and the Turkish incursions on the Hungarian -frontier continued.</p> - -<p>Ferdinand died on July 25, 1564, and was succeeded -as Emperor by his son Maximilian, who had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span> -been elected King of Hungary and Bohemia in his -father’s lifetime. Fighting still went on between him -and John Sigismund on the frontiers of Transylvania. -Szathmar was taken by the latter, and Tokay<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">294</a> and -Serencs by the former. The Grand Vizier Ali, who -was inclined to peace, died in July 1565, and was -succeeded by the more warlike Mehemet Sokolli. -During 1565, the Sultan was fully occupied with the -siege of Malta, but in the beginning of the following -year war was declared against Hungary, Albert de -Wyss, who had succeeded Busbecq as ambassador, -was thrown into prison, and on May 1 Solyman -started from Constantinople on his last campaign. -His age and infirmities obliged him to quit the saddle -for a carriage.</p> - -<p>On June 29 he received John Sigismund at Semlin, -and intended to march on Erlau, but, hearing that -Count Nicholas Zriny, the commander at Szigeth, had -surprised and killed the Sanjak-bey of Tirhala, he -resolved to make Szigeth the first object of attack. -The siege commenced on August 5. Two furious -assaults on the 26th and 29th were repulsed with great -slaughter. On September 8, Zriny, finding he could -hold out no longer, set the fortress on fire, sallied forth, -sword in hand, at the head of the garrison, and met a -soldier’s death. The Turks poured into the citadel, -intent on murder and plunder; but the fire reached the -powder-magazine, which blew up, burying in the ruins -more than three thousand men. Solyman did not live -to witness his triumph. His health had long been failing, -and he died on the night of the 5th or 6th of -September. His death was concealed by the Grand -Vizier for three weeks, to give his successor, Selim, -time to reach Constantinople from Kutaiah.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span></p> -<p>The death of Solyman seems to form a fitting -termination to this sketch. With the exception of his -successor, Selim, he is the last survivor of the personages -who figure prominently in Busbecq’s pages. -The Emperor Ferdinand, the Grand Viziers Achmet, -Roostem, and Ali, and the unfortunate Bajazet, have -passed away. The greater part of Hungary and -Transylvania continued subject to the successors of -Solyman, either immediately or as a vassal State, till -near the close of the following century. In 1683 -Vienna was once more besieged by the Turks, under -the Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha, but was relieved by -John Sobieski. The reaction from this supreme effort -was fatal to the Turkish dominion in Hungary. In -1686 Buda was recaptured by Charles of Lorraine, and -by the Peace of Carlowitz, concluded in 1698, the whole -of Hungary and Transylvania was ceded to the Emperor -Leopold.</p> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span></p> - -<h3>II.<br /><br /> - -<i>ITINERARIES.</i></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">In</span> describing his first Turkish letter as an ‘iter,’ -or itinerary, Busbecq places it under a class of composition -of which there are several examples still extant. -In Busbecq’s days it was a common practice for -scholars to write an account in Latin verse of any -journey they might happen to make. These itineraries -are generally extremely amusing, the writers being -men of keen observation, with a great sense of humour, -and condescending to notice those trifles which are -passed over by the historian.</p> - -<p>As an example, Nathan Chytræus gives an account -of his trip to England during the Long Vacation of -the University of Paris. He lands at Rye, and, going -to an inn, eats his first English dinner, which he hugely -enjoys, noticing at the same time the handsome faces -and dignified bearing of the waitresses. On his way -to London he is struck with the comfortable appearance -of the country seats, and specially with the belts -of laurel with which they were surrounded. As he -passes over London Bridge he is delighted with the -handsome shops full of every kind of merchandise -which lined its sides. He visits Westminster Abbey, -and wonders at not finding the tomb of Dr. Linacre, -the celebrated physician, who, though a canon of St. -Peter’s, Westminster, was buried at St. Paul’s. He -goes eastward, and visits the Tower of London, noticing -the menagerie, and specially two lions at the entrance -of the Tower. Of the collection of arms he says that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span> -a visitor would imagine it to be the greatest in the -world if he had not seen the Arsenal at Venice. He -has a word for Southwark across the river, telling us -that it was covered with small houses, and the home -of numerous dogs and bears, which were kept for baiting. -He visits Hampton Court, Nonsuch Park,<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">295</a> and -Windsor; at the last place Elizabeth was staying, with -all her court. The Queen is duly complimented on her -learning, but he can spare a couple of lines also for the -rabbits which then, as now, were scampering fearlessly -about the Park:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line">Quin et in effossis habitare cuniculus antris</div> -<div class="line">Assuetus prodire solet camposque vagari.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>It will be seen that the itinerary of Nathan -Chytræus is written very much in Busbecq’s style, -while there are other itineraries which require notice as -taking us over nearly the same ground as our author.</p> - -<p>Among the companions of Veltwick (vol. i. page -<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>), when he went as Ambassador to Constantinople, -was Hugo Favolius, who has left us an account of the -expedition in Latin hexameters. Having ingeniously -introduced the date 1545 into his verses, he tells us -that was the year—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line">Cum decus imperii Romani, Carolus ingens,</div> -<div class="line">Pertæsus belli tandem, metuensque tumultus</div> -<div class="line">Hellespontiacis qui forte fremebat in oris,</div> -<div class="line">Principiis prudens sic obvius ire parabat.</div> -<div class="line">Ergo a consiliis regi fidissimus unus</div> -<div class="line">Deligitur sermone potens Veldvicius heros,</div> -<div class="line">Quicum partitus curarum ingentia dudum</div> -<div class="line">Pondera tractandas rerum committit habenas;</div> -<div class="line">Atque illum ad celebrem Byzanti destinat urbem,</div> -<div class="line">Præstanti eloquio et placido sermone Tyranni</div> -<div class="line">In melius si forte queat convertere mentem.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>After this humiliating confession of the power of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span>Turk, Favolius tells us how they sailed across the Gulf -of Venice and landed at Ragusa. After a short rest -the party travelled over the mountains to Sophia, and -thence to Constantinople. In returning Veltwick made -the journey to Vienna by land, taking, no doubt, the -same route as was afterwards traversed by Busbecq, -while Hugo Favolius and some of the younger members -of the party obtained leave to go back to Venice -by sea.</p> - -<p>It seems strange that in a piece of this kind the -writer should so frankly admit the superiority of the -Turkish power; it would appear to be but an ill compliment -to the sovereigns from whom Favolius must -have looked for advancement. In order, however, to -gauge the real amount of terror which the Turks inspired -it is necessary to take the account of P. Rubigal, -the Hungarian, who was attached to an embassy sent -shortly after the death of John Zapolya<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> by the leading -nobles of his party to convey their tribute to -Solyman. Rubigal’s itinerary may be considered to -furnish us with an idea of the position of a Hungarian -in the middle of the sixteenth century. His description -is ludicrous, no doubt, but it is no less horrible.</p> - -<p>He begins thus:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line">Tempore concedens quo rex in fata Joannes</div> -<div class="line i1">Liquerat Hungaricæ regia sceptra domus,</div> -<div class="line">Inque patris titulos natus successerat infans</div> -<div class="line i1">Et dubia imperii forma recentis erat,</div> -<div class="line">Turca ferox, Medo qui cinctus acinace gaudet,</div> -<div class="line i1">Ad proceres regni plurima scripta dedit,</div> -<div class="line">Pannoniæque petens perfricta fronte tributum,</div> -<div class="line i1">Terruit innumeris tristia corda minis.</div> -<div class="line">Quid facerent? ratio sic temporis ipsa ferebat,</div> -<div class="line i1">Quamlibet inviti ut pacta tributa darent.</div> -<div class="line">Nec mora, magnatum venerando ex ordine lectos</div> -<div class="line i1">Verbetium mittunt Essetiumque pium;</div> -<div class="line">Hosque jubent regni Turcis offerre tributa,</div> -<div class="line i1">Flectere et immitis pectora dura Getæ.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span></p> - -<p>The party started from Szegedin, on the river -Theiss, going by boat to Belgrade, and thence by land -to Constantinople.</p> - -<p>They were entertained at a banquet by Solyman, -and were much disgusted at two things: first, he gave -them sherbet instead of wine; and secondly, at the -conclusion of the banquet he caused the ghastly heads -of men who had been recently executed to be set before -them. The grim pleasantry could not be misunderstood. -The heads, no doubt, were those of Hungarians, -whom Solyman was pleased to regard in the -light of rebels. Whilst at Constantinople Rubigal had -an opportunity of seeing the Turkish fleet, which was -then commanded by the famous Barbarossa. The -Hungarian was evidently horribly frightened at the -formidable preparations of the Turks, for immediately -afterwards he gives his readers plainly to understand -that his tastes are of a domestic turn, and that he has -no hankering after—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line i5">the perils which environ</div> -<div class="line">The man who meddles with cold iron.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>Oddly enough, however, he gives us an account of -two Germans he met with fetters on their legs, who -beg him to tell their friends at home that it will be -the easiest thing in the world to drive the Turks into -the Bosphorus. He gives their message, but cautiously -refrains from either endorsing or contradicting their -opinion.</p> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span></p> - -<h3>III.<br /><br /> - -<i>EDITIONS.</i></h3> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> following is a list of the various editions and -translations of Busbecq’s works, with which we are -acquainted.</p> - -<p class="center"><i>In Latin.</i></p> - -<p class="noindent"><small>DATE.</small></p> - -<p class="indent2">1581. Printed by Plantin, at Antwerp. <em>Editio Princeps.</em> -It contains only the first Turkish Letter, under -the title of <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Itinera Constantinopolitanum et -Amasianum</cite>, and the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Acie contra Turcam -Instruenda Consilium</cite>.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1582. Also printed by Plantin. At the end of the contents -of the first edition the second Turkish -Letter is added, under the title of <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ejusdem -Busbequii Secunda in Thraciam Profectio</cite>.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1589. <i>Paris.</i> Contains all four Turkish Letters and -the <em>De Acie.</em></p> - -<p class="indent2">1595. <i>Frankfort.</i> The same as the previous one.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1605. <i>Hanau.</i> The same as the last, with the addition -of the Speech of Ibrahim to Ferdinand at -Frankfort, and the text of the treaty of peace.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1620. <i>Munich.</i> Edited by Sadoler. The same as the -last. It contains portraits of Busbecq and -Solyman.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1629. <i>Hanau.</i> The same as the edition of 1605.</p> - -<p>None of these editions contain any but the -Turkish Letters.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span></p> - -<p class="indent2">1630. <i>Louvain.</i> Edited by Howaert. It contains -the letters to Rodolph from France, 1-53 -inclusive.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1632. <i>Brussels.</i> Also edited by Howaert. This edition -contains the letters to Maximilian from -France. Then follow the letters to Rodolph -as in the last edition, and at the end come -five more letters to Rodolph.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1632 (?). Evidently struck off from the same type as the -last. There are, however, a few alterations, -and there is no date on the title page.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1633. <i>Leyden.</i> The Elzevir edition. Two editions -with slight variations appeared in the same -year. They contain the four Turkish Letters, -the <em>De Acie</em>, the Speech of Ibrahim, the -Treaty, and the Letters to Rodolph, 1-53. -At the end of the third Turkish Letter there -are variations from all the preceding editions. -See vol. i. page <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>, note.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1660. <i>Amsterdam.</i> Elzevir. A reprint of the last.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1660. <i>Oxford.</i> The same contents as the Elzevir.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1660. <i>London.</i> The same contents as the Elzevir. -There is also an <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epitome de Moribus Turcarum</cite>, -not written by Busbecq, which follows -the Treaty.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1689. <i>Leipsic.</i> The same contents as the Elzevir.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1740. <i>Bâle.</i> The same contents and characteristic -readings as the Elzevir, except in one passage.</p> - -<p class="center"><i>In German.</i></p> - -<p class="indent2">1596. <i>Frankfort.</i> It contains the four Turkish Letters -and the <cite>De Acie</cite>. The translator was -Michael Schweicker, Master of the School at -Frankfort.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span></p> - -<p class="center"><i>In English.</i></p> - -<p class="indent2">1694. <i>London.</i> ‘The Four Epistles of Augerius Gislenius -Busbequius, concerning his Embassy -into Turkey, with his Advice how to Manage -War against the Turks. Done into English.’ -It contains a dedication to the Earl of Bolingbroke -by Nahum Tate, from which it appears -that the translator died before the book was -published. The English is racy, but the -book is full of mistakes and misprints.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1761. <i>Glasgow.</i> It contains only the Turkish Letters, -and is said to be the third edition. It is a -reprint of the last with some of the mistakes -corrected.</p> - -<p class="center"><i>In Bohemian.</i></p> - -<p class="indent2">1594. <i>Prague.</i> Translated by Leunclavius. It contains -the First and Second Letters and the -<cite>De Acie</cite>.</p> - -<p class="center"><i>In French.</i></p> - -<p class="indent2">1649. <i>Paris.</i> A translation by Gaudon.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1718. <i>Amsterdam.</i></p> - -<p class="indent2">1748. <i>Paris.</i> A translation in three volumes of the -Turkish Letters and the Letters to Rodolph, -by the Abbé Louis Étienne de Foy, Canon -of Meaux.</p> - -<p class="indent2">1836. <i>Paris.</i> A translation of the Letters to Rodolph, -1-53, is contained in ‘Archives Curieuses de -l’Histoire de France, Première Série,’ tome -10, by MM. Cimber and Danjou.</p> - -<p class="center"><i>In Flemish.</i></p> - -<p class="indent2">1632. <i>Dordrecht.</i></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span></p> - -<p class="center"><i>In Spanish.</i></p> - -<p class="indent2">Before 1650. <cite>Pampeluna.</cite> A translation by Stephanus -Lopez de Reta, published by Charles de -Lobaien. <cite>Viaje de Constantinopla</cite>, and also -the <cite>De Acie</cite>.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span></p> - -<h3>IV.<br /><br /> - -<i>ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.</i></h3> - -<p class="center">A.</p> - -<p class="center"><i>Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin.</i></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Charles</span>, etc., sçavoir faisons à tous présens et advenir -nous avoir recue lhumble supplication de Ogier, filz illégitisme -de George Ghiselin, escuier, seigneur de Bousbecque, -et de Catherine Hespiel jeune fille, lors non mariez, contenant -que ledit Ogier de son jeune eaige a esté entretenu aux -estudes à Louvain et ailleurs, où il sest conduict et gouverné -bien et honnestement comme celluy qui a désir de parvenir -à estatz honnourables avec volunté et bonne affection de bien -faire vivre et de mourir soubz nous et en nostre obéissance, -se nostre plaisir estoit le légittimer et sur le deffaulte de sa -nativité luy impartir nostre grace si commil dit, dont il nous -a très humblement supplié. Pour ce est-il que ce considéré -nous icelluy Ogier suppliant inclinans favorablement à sadite -supplication et requeste, avons, de nostre certaine science -auctorité et plaine puissance, légittimé et légittimons, et ledit -deffault de sa nativité aboly et effacé abolissons et effacons -de grâce speciale par ces présentes, luy octroiant et accordant -par icelles et de nostre dite grâce quil puist et poira comme -personne légittime et habile succéder en tous les biens -meubles et immeubles et aultres quelzconques esquelz de -droit et selon la coustume et usaige de noz pays et seignouries, -il debveroit et pourroit succéder sil estoit né et -procrée en léal mariaige et venir aux successions de sesdits -père et mère et aultres que luy compétent et compéteront cy -aprez, pourveu toutesvoyes que à ce se consentent ses plus -prochains parens de lignaige et que aucun droict ne soit desja -acquis à aultres et en ce cas qu’il puist avoir et tenir pour -luy, ses hoirs et successeurs à tousiours tous les biens que<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span> -lui adviendront et escherront desdites successions et aultrement -et qu’il a acquis et acquerra et diceulx biens ordonner -et disposer et les laissier ou légater par testament ou aultrement -ainsi que bon luy semblera; et qu’il soit doresnavant -receu selon sa vocation à tous honneurs, estatz, offices, -dignitez et aultres faiz légittimes quelzconques et tenu et -réputé doresnavant pour personne légittime, tout ainsi que -s’il estoit né en léal mariaige et aussi que après son trespas, -ceux de son lignaige procréez ou à procréer en léal mariaige -luy puissent succéder par droit d’hoirie en tous sesdits biens, -meubles, héritaiges, possessions et aultres choses quelzconques -acquises et à acquérir ou à luy venuz et escheuz, ou que luy -viendront et escherront cy aprez, tout ainsi et par la forme -et manière qu’il eusse fait et peut faire et pourroit se il estoit -né et procrée en léal mariaige si aultre chose ne luy répugne -que ladite deffaulte de procréation légittime, saulf que à -cause de bastardise et illégittimation, nous ou noz successeurs -y puissons ou doyons quereller ou demander aulcun droit ou -temps advenir, nonobstant quelzconques constitutions, ordonnances, -statuz, droiz, coustumes et usaiges à ce contraires, -parmy et moyennant toutesvoys que à cause de ceste nostre -présente légittimation, ledit suppliant sera tenu payer certaine -finance et somme de deniers pour une fois à nostre prouffit, -selon la faculté et qualité de ses biens à larbitrage et tauxation -de nos amez et féaulx les président et gens de noz -comptes à Lille, que commectons à ce. Si donnons en -mandement auxdits de nos comptes que ladite finance et -somme de deniers par eulx tauxée, arbitrée et par ledit suppliant -payée à celluy de noz receveurs qu’il appartiend, lequel -sera tenu en faire recepte et rendre compte et reliqua à nostre -prouffit avec les aultres deniers de sa recepte. Ils, nostre -gouverneur de Lille, les président et gens de nostre conseil -en Flandres et tous noz aultres justiciers et officiers quelzconques, -présens et advenir, cui ce peult et pourra touchier -et regarder leurs lieutenans et chacun deulx en droit soy -et si comme à luy appartiend, facent seuffrent et laissent -ledit suppliant, ensamble sesdits hoirs, successeurs et ayans -cause à tousiours procréer en léal mariaige de nostre présente -grace et légittimation, et de tout le contenu en ces dites<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span> -présentes selon et par la manière que dit est, plainement, -paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user, sans luy faire -mectre ou donner, ne souffrir estre faict, mis ou donné ores -ne ou tempes advenir, aucun destourbier ou empeschement -au contraire en maniere quelconque. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. -Et affin que ce soit chose ferme et estable à tousiours, nous -avons faict mectre nostre scel à ces présentes, saulf en aultres -choses nostre droit et laultruy en toutes. Donné en nostre -ville de Gand, ou mois d’Avril apres Pasques, de nostre -empire le xxi<sup>e</sup>, et de noz règnes de Castille et aultres -le xxv<sup>e</sup>.</p> - -<p>Sur le ploy estoit escript par l’empereur et signé du -secrétaire, Bourgois, et sur le ploy estoit encoires escript ce -que sensuit. Cette chartre est enregistrée en la chambre -des comptes de l’empereur, nostre sire a Lille, ou registre des -chartres y tenu commenchant en avril xv<sup>e</sup> quarante-neuf, -folio ii<sup>e</sup> xvi, et apres que Messrs. les president dicelle chambre -ont esté bien et deuement informez des faculté et puissance -des biens de l’impetrant, la finance dicelle a par eulx esté -tauxée a la somme de neuf vings dix livres de xi gros -monnoye de Flandres la livre: ordonnée estre payée es -mains de Jehan Hovine, conseiller de l’empereur nostre dit -Sire, m<sup>e</sup> en la dite chambre et commis a la recepte de lespargne -des pays ortissans en icelle chambre lequel sera tenu -en baillier sa lettre et en faire recepte avec les aultres deniers -de son entremise. Et au surplus ladite chartre a este expediée -en ladite chambre selon sa forme et teneur, le xxiii<sup>e</sup> -jour de novembre xv<sup>e</sup> quarante. Ainsi signe moy present.</p> - -<p class="right padr2"><span class="smcap">A. Gilleman.</span></p></blockquote> -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span></p> - -<h4>B.<br /><br /> - -<i>Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq.</i></h4> - -<blockquote> - -<p class="noindent"><span lang="la" xml:lang="la"><span class="smcap">Ferdinandus</span> etc., etc., nobili fideli a nobis delecto Augerio -a Busbeck, equiti aurato, Consiliario nostro gratiam nostram -Cæsaream et omne bonum.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Cum nihil sit inter mortales sublimius Imperiali Majestate -et celsitudine, quam Deus Optimus Maximus cæteris humanis -dignitatibus eminere voluit, ut micantissimis radiis -suis terrarum orbem et commissum Imperium illustret, par -equidem est, ut, quem Deus ad fastigium hoc evexit, is etiam -dignitatem et munus sibi demandatum ita administret, ut, -quantum fieri potest, in hac vita quam proxime accedat ad -exemplum divinæ ejus Majestatis a cujus nutu tota hujus -mundi machina dependet, nullisque finibus clementiam et -liberalitatem suam teneat circumscriptam, sed in omnes eam -exerceat, præcipue, quos summa virtus, prudentia, doctrina, -integritas ac rerum usus aliæque ingenii et animi dotes, nec -non præclara in Rempublicam Christianam merita præ cæteris -claros reddidere, omnem in eo operam et diligentiam adhibendo, -necubi virtutem debitis premiis destituisse videatur. -Etsi enim virtus se ipsa facile sit contenta neque magnopere -indigeat alienæ laudis adminiculo, quam alioquin etiam honos, -amplitudo et gloria ut certissima premia sponte plerumque -sequuntur, fit tamen, ut si quando illa summorum Imperatorum -ac Regum judicio atque decreto comprobetur, multo -illustrior et clarior evadat et alios quoque non tam ad admirationem -quam ad imitationem et studium accendat.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Qua in re sicuti olim divi prædecessores nostri Romanorum -Imperatores ac Reges omnem adhibuere curam, sic nos -quoque hunc eorum laudatissimum morem secuti in eandem -semper curam et cogitationem incubuimus ut optimorum -virorum de nobis atque Republica bene meritorum virtus a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span> -nobis condignis honoribus cohonestaretur. In quorum sane -numero, cum te prefatum <i>Augerium a Busbeck</i> haud postremum -locum obtinere compertum habeamus, æquum est -profecto, ut in te ipso nostram erga tales homines clementissimam -animi propensionem omnibus declaremus, et contestatam -reddemus, idque ejuscemodi ornamenti genere, quod -virtutibus ac meritis tuis quam maxime respondeat. Tu -namque nobili et honesto loco in Belgio natus, ingenii acumen -et vim, quod Deus tibi dedit præstantissimum vitæ morumque -honestate, probitate ac bonarum literarum studiis, -diversitate linguarum multarumque rerum cognitione et aliis -plurimis excellentibusque animi dotibus ita excoluisti, ut ad -gravissima et maxima quæque Reipublicæ negotia exequenda -visus sis aptus esse. Quapropter quum existimaremus te aliquando -nobis magno usui futurum haud gravatim te in aulam -nostram recepimus, ubi quidem nostræ de te expectationi non -modo cumulate satisfecisti, sed eam longe quoque superavisti. -Cum enim superioribus annis nobis occurrissent ardua -quædam negocia, de quibus a nobis mittendus erat ad Solymannum -Turcharum Principem Orator, qui fide, prudentia, -rerum usu atque industria præstaret, te ex Anglia revocatum, -quo tunc temporis jussu nostro profectus fueras, ad id -muneris suscepimus, quo magna tua cum laude et ingenti -nostro ac Regnorum Dominiorumque nostrorum imo totius -Reipublicæ Christianæ commodo octo annos functus es, -confecta ad postremum inter nos et ipsum Turcharum principem -octennali pace. In qua legatione quas sustinueris -curas, incommoditates, molestias, quos tuleris labores, quæ -vitæ pericula subieris, quam etiam ostenderis in rebus agendis -ingenii vim, quam fidem, quam solicitudinem, quam -solertiam, prudentiam et industriam, quam intrepidi animi -constantiam, et qua denique usus sis pietate in redimendis, -juvandis et fovendis miseris Christianis, qui Constantinopolim -tuo tempore in fœdam captivitatem adducti fuerunt, -magno etiam fortunarum tuarum dispendio, nimis longum -foret sigillatim recensere. Illud profecto consecutus es, quod -non omnibus qui talem provinciam suscipiunt, ne dicamus -perpaucis, contingere solet, ut non modo a nobis ac Serenissimis -filiis nostris et aliis sacri Romani Imperii Principibus,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span> -statibus et ordinibus summam gratiam iniveris, verum etiam -ipsismet Turcis propter virtutes tuas, quas naturæ instinctu -in te prospexere et admirati sunt, valde gratus exstiteris. -Quare merito probandum est præclarum de te judicium -Serenissimi Principis Domini Maximiliani secundi, Romanorum -ac Hungariæ et Bohemiæ, etc., Regis, Archiducis -Austriæ, etc., filii nostri charissimi, in eo, quod te dignum et -idoneum reputaverit, quem Dapiferis Serenissimorum filiorum -suorum Rudolfi et Ernesti, Archiducum Austriæ, charissimorum -nepotum nostrorum cum profisciscerentur in Hispaniam -præficeret. Quod si ergo olim apud veteres, qui luctu -et saltu in Olympiaco stadio celebres athletæ virium suarum -specimen aliquod egregium edidissent, divinis propemodum -honoribus affici, qui vero in bello vel murum primi ascendissent -vel civem morti seduxissent corona vel murali vel -civica donari soliti fuerunt, et nostra quoque ætate, qui vel -cum hoste singulari certamine congressus victor evasit vel -in prelio strenuam præ ceteris operam navavit vel alias rem -bellicam caute et recte administravit, auratæ militiæ titulis -insignitur, quanto magis tu, Augeri, tali dignitate condecorandus -fuisti, cui non cum uno homine nec uno prelio per -unum aut alterum mensem res gerenda, sed totos octo annos -cum gente Christiano nomini infensissima adeoque cum -ejusdem gentis Principe potentissimo ac pluribus victoriis et -successibus elato, cumque ipsius præcipuis consiliariis et -ministris, callidissimis et versipellibus diesque noctesque -acerrime dimicandum fuit, quorum potentiam et nefarios -impetus tu, divino adjutus auxilio, tua prudentia, industria -ac rerum agendarum dexteritate postpositis quibuslibet -periculis infracto animo sustinuisti et a cervicibus Regnorum -et Dominiorum nostrorum avertisti. Quæ cum ita se habeant -optimo certe consilio factum est quod præfatus Serenissimus -Romanorum Rex superiore mense Septembri, quando paterna -voluntate nostra Rex Hungariæ renunciatus publicatus ac -Regali corona insignitus fuit, te publice in spectantibus et -grato applausu probantibus ac suffragantibus prælatis, proceribus, -Ordinibus et Statibus ejus Regni nostri, quorum -saluti et incolumitati potissimum studueras, ictu ter vibrati -ensis benedicti Militem seu Equitem auratum fecerit atque<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span> -creaverit, quia te et eo et alias longe clarioribus ornamentis -dignum censemus. Et licet ad perpetuam gloriam tibi -sufficere queat publicus ille Serenissimi filii nostri Romanorum -Regis actus neque is ulla approbatione Cæsareæ et -paternæ auctoritatis nostræ opus habeat, pro nostra tamen -in te mirifica benignitate volumus te eam dignitatem ab -Imperiali quoque culmine obtinere, quo luculentius sit in -omnem posteritatem virtutis tuæ testimonium.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Itaque nos ipsi etiam te antedictum Augerium a Busbeck, -Militem sive Equitem auratum fecimus, creavimus, ereximus, -ac præsenti nostro Cæsareo edicto ex certa scientia et authoritati -nostra Imperiali Militem et Equitem auratum -facimus, creamus et erigimus et ad statum militarem assumimus -militarisque cinguli et balthei decore, fascibus et -titulis atque stemmate militiæ insignimus, accingentes te -gladio fortitudinis et omnia ad hunc ordinem pertinentia -ornamenta tibi conferentes hoc nostro Imperiali edicto statuentes, -ut deinceps ubique locorum et terrarum pro vero Milite -et Equite aurato habearis, honoreris et admittaris, possisque -et debeas pro suscepto dignitatis equestris ornamento, torquibus, -gladiis, calcaribus, vestibus, phaleris, seu equorum -ornamentis aureis seu deauratis ac omnibus et singulis privilegiis, -honoribus, dignitatibus, præeminentiis, franchisiis, juribus, -insignibus, libertatibus, immunitatibus et exemptionibus, -prærogativis et gratiis tam realibus quam personalibus sive -mixtis et aliis quibuscunque militaribus actibus et officiis -uti, frui et gaudere, quibus cæteri Milites et Equites a nobis -stricto ense manu et verbo nostro creati ac ejusmodi ornamentis -insigniti gaudent et fruuntur et ad ea admitti, ad quæ -illi admittuntur, quomodolibet consuetudine vel de jure, -absque alicujus contradictione vel impedimento.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Mandantes universis et singulis Principibus tam ecclesiasticis -quam secularibus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Prælatis, -Ducibus, Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Nobilibus, -Militibus, Clientibus, Capitaneis, Vicedominis, advocatis, -præfectis, procuratoribus, quæstoribus, civium Magistris, Judicibus, -Consulibus, armorum Regibus, Heroaldis, Civibus, -Communitatibus, et cæteris quibuscunque nostris et Imperii -sacri subditis et fidelibus cujuscunque præeminentiæ, digni<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span>tatis, -status, gradus, ordinis et conditionis fuerint, ut te -præfatum <i>Augerium a Busbeck</i> pro vero milite et equite aurato -habeant, teneant et reputent et in hoc militari et Equestri -ordine et dignitate et notis ad eum spectantibus prærogativis -et libertatibus conservent, quatenus gratiam nostram charam -habuerint, ac pœnam <i>quinquaginta Marcharum auri puri</i> -pro dimidia fisco seu ærario nostro Imperiali, reliqua vero -parte <i>tibi antedicto Augerio a Busbeck</i> vel hæredibus tuis toties -quoties contrafactum fuerit, irremissibiliter applicandam maluerint -evitare.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Harum testimonio literarum manu nostra subscriptarum -et sigilli nostri Cæsarei appensione munitarum.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Datum Viennæ die tertia mensis Aprilis anno Domini -millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo quarto.</span><a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">297</a></p> -</blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span></p> - -<h4>C.<br /><br /> - -<i>Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque.</i></h4> - -<blockquote> -<p class="noindent"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"><span class="smcap">Comparut</span> en sa persone messire Jehan de Thiennes, -chevalier, seigneur de Willergy, etc., procureur espécial de -Charles de Eydeghem, escuier, seigneur de Weze, &c., souffisament -fondé par lettres procuratoires données des advoé, -eschevins et conseil de la ville d’Ypre le xvi<sup>e</sup> jour de décembre -xv<sup>e</sup>iiii<sup>xx</sup> sept, desquelles la teneur s’ensuyt.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">A tous ceulx, etc., lequel comparant oudit nom et en vertu -du pooyr a luy donné par lesdictes lettres recognut avoir -vendu bien et léallement à messire Ogier Ghiselin, chevalier, -conseillier de l’Empereur, et grand maistre d’hostel de la -Royne Elisabet, douagière de Franche quy le cognut avoir -acheté, toute la terre et seigneurie de Rume dit de Bousebecque, -comprendant la seigneurie temporelle et paroissialle dudit -Bousebecque, contenant quinze bonniers demy d’héritaige -ou environ séans en la paroisse dudit Bousebecque, chastellenie -de Lille, si comme six bonniers ix<sup>e</sup> ou environ tant -pret que labeur, par une partye et par aultre huict bonniers -xv<sup>e</sup> de bois en ce comprins et que sont réunis audit -fief ung bonnier de pret que feu Collart Lejosne tenoit en -fief de ladicte seignourie; item, huict cens quy estoyent -tenus de l’allengrie de Le Becque, avecq deux aultres bonniers -x<sup>e</sup> et ii<sup>e</sup> estants présentement à uzance de bois quy -estoient tenus en commun contre le seigneur de Péruwez; -item, sept quartrons de pret de l’allengrie de la Westlaye -et iiii<sup>e</sup> de terre en la mesme allengrie, auquel fief et seignourie -appartient des rentes seignouriales chacun an en -l’allengrie de la Plache, en argent iiii l. iii s. et au Noël -six chapons et le quart d’un; item en l’allengrie du commun, -contre le seigneur de Péruwez, cent sept razières ung havot -et ung quart de Karel d’avaine molle quy se prendent sur<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span> -quarante cincq bonniers xvii verges ou environ chergiez -du x<sup>e</sup> denier à la vente, don ou transport, moictié au prouffit -dudict Seigneur de Bousebecque allencontre dudit Seigneur -de Péruwez; item, en l’allengrie du commun de le Becque, -quarante razières ung quareau et demye d’avaine brune, trois -havots, trois kareaux de soille, trois chapons et le vi<sup>e</sup> d’ung, -et en argent i s. ix d., lesquelles rentes se lieuvent sur xi bonniers -ix<sup>e</sup>xi verges; item, en l’allengrie de Péruwez xii razières -ii havots trois karelz et demy et xii<sup>e</sup> d’ung havot -et le vii<sup>e</sup> d’un francquart, tierch d’un quareau de bled fourment, -trente neuf razières vi<sup>e</sup> et vii<sup>e</sup> d’un havot, les deux tiers -et le quart d’un quarel d’avaine blanche, six chapons et en -argent sept solz iii deniers, quy se prendent sur xix bonniers -xiiii<sup>e</sup> demy d’héritaige ou environ. Item, en l’allengrie -de la Westlaye cinq razierès trois havots ung quart et le -quart d’un karel de bled, vingt razières deux havots trois -quareaux d’avaine brune, ii kareaux et environ viii<sup>e</sup> d’un -quarel de soille; item, deux chapons, xviii<sup>e</sup> et lxxii<sup>e</sup> d’un -chapon et en argent cinq gros iii deniers i party quy se -ceullent sur quattre bonniers xiiii<sup>e</sup> cinq verges d’héritaige ou -environ, le tout déduction faicte desdictes partyes réunites et -rentes qu’elles doibvent, lequel fief et seignourie est tenu du -Roy nostre sire de sa salle de Lille en justice viscontière à -dix livres de relief à la mort de l’héritier et le x<sup>e</sup> denier à la -vente, don ou transport et sy appartient a icelle ung bailly, -lieutenant et sept eschevins avecq plaids généraulx trois fois -l’an, plusieurs arrentemens de maisons et héritaiges gisans -allentour de la place dudit Bousebecque portant environ cent -florins par an pardessus les rentes cy dessus déclarées, les -fondz desquelles l’on croyt estre prins du gros dudit fief et -seignourie cy-dessus déclaré avecq la place et chimentière. -Sy appendent cincq fiefz et hommaiges en tenus, lesquelz -sont chergiez de certains reliefz à la mort de l’héritier et du -x<sup>e</sup> denier à la vente, don ou transport, et les aultres héritaiges -tenu de ladicte seignourie chergiez de double rente de relief -à la mort de l’héritier et du x<sup>e</sup> denier à la vente, don ou transport, -lesquelles rentes dessus déclarées se payent à la priserie -du Roy nostre sire de son Espier de Lille quy se faict au terme -de sainct Remy, la razière de soille estimée aux deux tiers de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span> -celle de bled, fourment, l’avaine molle aux deux tiers de la -blanche, et la brune au pris moyen d’entre la blanche et la -molle. Ladicte vente faicte moïennant six florins de denier à -Dieu, et pour le gros et principal dudit marchié la somme de -six mil florins carolus de vingt patars pièche, francq argent, à -payer cejourd’huy comptant que ledit vendeur a confessé avoir -receu en deschargant la loy pour dudit fief, terre et seignourie -de Bousebecque, ses appartenances et appendences telles que -dessus sans aultrement riens livrer par mesure ainsy que de -tout temps l’on en a joy et possessé, joyr et possesser par ledit -messire Ogier Ghiselin depuis cedit jourd’huy en tous -droix, prouffictz et émolumens le cours de sa vie durant et -après son trespas retourner et appartenir audit seigneur de -Wize, ses hoirs ou ayans cause et leur demourer héritablement -et à tousjours à la charge d’entretenir par ledit seigneur -second comparant tels baulz, lesquelz les occuppeurs feront -apparoir. Et pareillement debvra ledit Seigneur de Wize, -ses hoirs ou ayans cause entretenir les baulz que lors se -trouveront faictz par ledit s<sup>r</sup> Ghiselin, comme à viagier et -usufructuaire appartient de faire selon la coustume de la salle -de Lille, promectant ledit s<sup>r</sup> de Willergy en ladicte qualité -ladicte vente, entretenir, conduire et garandir envers et -contre tous soubz l’obligation des biens du dit Seigneur de -Wize et de sesdis hoirs vers tous seigneurs et justices.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ce fut aussy fait et passé à loy les xviii<sup>e</sup> et pénultiesme de -decembre xv<sup>e</sup> iiii<sup>xx</sup> sept, pardevant Mons<sup>r</sup> le bailly de Lille, ès -présences de maistres Jehan Denys, Philippes Carle, Noël -Waignon, Pierre Hovine, Josse et Simon Vrediére.</span></p> - -<p class="p padl2"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Archives départementales du Nord,<br /> -<span class="h">Archi</span>Chambre des comptes de Lille.</span></p></blockquote> -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span></p> - -<h4>D.<br /><br /> - -<i>Copy of the Sauve-garde.</i></h4> - -<blockquote> - -<p class="noindent"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"><span class="smcap">Messire</span> Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit -lieu, et jadis ambassadeur en Constantinople de très-hauts, -très-puissants et très-excellents princes Ferdinand et Maximilien, -empereurs des Romains de louable mémoire; aussi -conseiller de l’empereur Rodolphe, second de son nom présentement -régnant, conseiller et grand maître d’hostel de la -royne Isabelle (Elisabeth), douairière de France, et surintendant -les affaires de ladite royne chez le roi très chrestien.</span></p> - -<p class="tb"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Alexandre, duc de Parme, chevalier de l’ordre, lieutenant, -gouverneur et capitaine général,</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">A tous lieutenants, gouverneurs, chiefs, colonnels, capitaines, -conducteurs, fourriers et aultres officiers des gens de -guerre du Roy monseigneur, tant du cheval que du pied, de -quelque nation qu’ils soient, salut:</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Sçavoir vous faisons que, en contemplation des bons et -aggréables services que Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, -seigneur dudit lieu, conseiller de l’empereur et grand -maistre d’hostel de la royne Isabelle (Elisabeth) douairière de -France a faict à feus de louable mémoire les empereurs Ferdinand -et Maximilien (que Dieu fasse paix) tant en qualité -d’ambassadeur en Turquie que de gouverneur des archiducs -d’Austrice, au temps dudit feu empereur Maximilien, et depuis -aussi à l’empereur moderne en diverses charges et qualités, -ainsi qu’il faict encore à présent aujourd’hui dame Royne.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Nous avons au nom de Sa Majesté pris et mis, nous par -ces présentes prenons et mettons en notre protection et -sauvegarde spéciale les maisons, terres et seigneurie dudit -Bousbeque, vous mandant partant, et commandant au nom -et de la part que dessus, à chacun des bons endroits, soy et<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span> -comme eux appartiendra, bien expressément de ne loger ni -permettre que soient logés au village de Bousbeque aucuns -gens de guerre sans expresse ordonnance notre ou du mareschal -et chef de camp de Sa Majesté.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Et au surplus affranchissons et dégrevons les manants et -habitants dudit village avecq leurs familles, leurs meubles, -fourrages, advestures et bestial, de toutes foulles, torts, invasions, -mengeries et exactions, les laissant de ceste notre -présente sauvegarde pleinement et paisiblement jouir et user, -sans y aller au contraire ny autrement les molester ni endommager -en corps ny en biens en quelque manière que ce fut, -sous peine d’encourir l’indignation de Sa Majesté et la notre -et être punis comme infracteurs de sauvegarde.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Et afin que personne n’en puisse prétendre cause d’ignorance, -nous avons consenti et consentons audit seigneur de -Bousbeque que puisse et pourra faire mettre et afficher aux -advenues dudit village nos bastons, blasons et pannonceaulx -armoyés de nos armes.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Donné au camp devant Berghes sur la Zoom, sous notre -nom et cachet secret de Sa Majeste, le 15<sup>e</sup> jour d’octobre, -1588.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Soubs etait le cachet du Roy, etc.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Colleaction faicte à l’originale, etc.</span></p> - -<p class="p padl2 f08"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Archives de Bousbecque E. E. I.</span></p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span></p> - -<h4>E.<br /><br /> - -<i>Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of Charlot -Desrumaulx.</i></h4> -<blockquote> -<p class="noindent"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"><span class="smcap">Charles</span> par la grâce de Dieu etc. Savoir faisons à tous -présens et advenir, Nous avons receu l’umble supplication -de Daniel de Croix Escuyer filz de Geraerd Seigneur de -Wambrechies, jeusne homme à marier, contenant que ledit -suppliant s’est, à certain jour passé, trouvé avecq George -Giselin Seigneur de Bouzebecque Jacques de Sauch et autres -en la ville de Comines vers le Seigneur de Halewyn. Lesquelz -ilz ont servi en leur jonesse. Or est que à certain -jour de feste du soir que lors on s’estoit esbatu au chasteau -du dit lieu, entre huyt et neuf heures du soir, le dit -Seigneur de Hallewyn avec le Seigneur de Croisille se -retirèrent au dit chastel pour eulx coucher. Et quant au -dit suppliant, George Giselin et Jacques de le Sauch, ilz -se retirèrent vers le marchié avec Jehan Homme, Bailli -du dit lieu, et les sievoit feu alors vivant Charlot Desrumaulx, -joueur du luut, qui démonstroit avoir assez fort beu, -et en allant leur chemin, l’un d’entre eulx mist en bouche -aux autres d’aller bancquetter à la maison d’ung nommé -maistre Franche Barbier demourant auprès dudit marchié, -à quoy ilz saccordèrent et allèrent tous ensemble celle part, -où ilz furent syevis par le dit Charlot sans y estre appellé. -Que lors les dits suppliant et de le Sauch, qui alloient devant -vers la dite maison, le dit Suppliant ayant son esprivier sur -son poing, prièrent au dit Charlot, obstant qu’il estoit noyseulx -après boire, qu’il se retirast et allast couchier, et qu’ilz -ne le voloient point avoir, ce qu’il ne voloit faire, mais entra -en la dicte maison, parquoy le dit Suppliant le print par le -col et le poussa hors de la dite maison à l’ayde du dit Jacques, -dont il se courroucha et se mist en tous debvoirs de tyrer son<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span> -baston pour les villonner, mais il fut empesché par le dit -Jacques, et soubit survint le dit bailli qui le print au corps, -mais finablement soubz promesse qu’il fist de soy partir et -aller couchier, le dit bailli à la requeste des assistans le laissa -aller, et lui estant hors des mains du dit bailli se tyra d’un -lez oudit marchié contre une maison ou sur ung bancq, il -mist son luut et desvesty sa robbe tira sa dagge et proféra -plusieurs haultaines langaiges sentans menaces disant, ou -parolles en substance, qu’il estoit homme pour respondre -au plus hardy de eulx tous. Et craindant par le dit Daniel, -suppliant le débat appant contre lui bailla son oiseau à son -homme, et ainsi qu’il estoit sur le marchié, il veyt ledit -deffunct qui continuoit du dit langaiges haultains au deshonneur -de lui et des autres. Disant qu’il estoit homme -pour le plus hardy, ayant sa dage nue marcha vers lui comme -aussi fist le dit deffunct. Que lors le dit Suppliant ayant -son sang meslé, et mémoratif que lui qui estoit josne noble -homme sievant les armes, se il se retiroit pour ung menestrel -de basse condition ce lui seroit à toujours reproché en villonnie -entre tous nobles hommes. En ceste chaleur, non -puissant de la refrener ayant aussi son baston nud, frappèrent -l’un après l’autre aucuns cops et fut attaint par le dit deffunct -sur l’espaule, et du cop que icellui suppliant rua, il attaindit -ledit deffunct en la mesmelle, dont brief après il termina vie -par mort. Pour lequel cas le dit suppliant a esté appellé à -noz droiz au siège de notre gouvernance de Lille, en lui -donnant tiltre tel qu’il s’enssuit. Daniel de Croix, escuyer, -vous estez appellé aux droiz du Roy Catholicque, nostre -Seigneur, Archiduc d’Austrice, Duc de Bourgogne, Conte de -Flandres, pour et sur ce que en la ville de Comines, avez -allé en la maison de maistre France Barbier avec Jaquet de -le Sauch à l’intention de bancquetter, là ou vous auroit sievy, -sans y estre appellé, feu lors vivant, Charlot Desrumaulx, -lequel auroit par vous et le dit de le Sauch esté bouté dehors, -pourquoy il s’estoit courrouchié, et de faict auroit en partie -desgainié son espée, et ce voyant par Jehan Homme, bailli -de la dite ville le auroit prins au corps, et finablement eslargi -soubz promesse par lui faicte de aller couchier, et lui venu -au bout du marchié, et laissant vous, Daniel, le dit de le<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span> -Sauch avec George Ghiselin, escuyer, Seigneur de Bousebecq -et autres, auroit desgaignié sa dite dagge et proféré aucunes -parolles deshonnestes, incitant le plus hardy à venir vers luy. -Lesquelles parolles vous Daniel seriez marchié vers le dit feu -ayant desgaigné vostre rapière, et à l’aborder entre vous et -le feu y ont aucuns cops ruez, et entre autres de votre rapière -donnast au dit feu ung cop d’estocq au dessus de la mammelle -dextre, du quel cop brief aprez le dit feu termina vie par -mort sans confession. Qui est cas de souveraineté et privéligié -au Roy notre Seigneur, et querra la darraine tierchaine le -iii<sup>e</sup> d’aoust xv<sup>e</sup>xix. Sie est ainsi signé. A Cuvillon.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Obstant lequel cas le dit Suppliant, doubtant rigueur de -justice, s’est absenté de notre chastellenie de Lille, et n’y oseroit -retourner, hanter ne converser combien qu’il ayt fait pays -et satisfaction à partie, se de notre grâce ne lui est, sur ce, -impertie. Dont actendu ce que dit est, mesmement les -services qu’il nous a faiz en estat d’homme d’armes, soubz la -charge et compaignie de notre amé et féal cousin, le Seigneur -de Fiennes, aussi que en autres choses, il est bien famé et -renommé, il nous a très humblement supplié et requis. Pour -ce est-il, que nous les choses dessus dites considérées audit -Suppliant inclinans à sa dite requeste, et lui voulans en ceste -partie préférer grâce à rigueur de justice, Avons au cas dessus -quicté, remis et pardonné, quictons, remectons et pardonnons -de grâce espécial par ces présentes, le cas de homicide dessus -déclairé, ensemble toute paine et amende corporelle et criminelle -en quoy pour raison et à l’occasion dudit cas et les -circunstances et deppendances il peult avoir mesprins, offencé -et est encouru envers nous et justice. En rappelant et mectant -au néant tous appeaulx, deffaulx, contumaces et procédures -pour ce contre lui faiz et ensuyz, et l’avons quant à -ce remis et restitué, remectons et restituons à ses bonne fame -et renommée à nostre dite chastellenie de Lille, et tous noz -autres pays et seigneuries, ensemble à ses biens non confisquiez, -saucuns en a, tout ainsi qu’il estoit avant l’advenue -du cas dessus dit. En imposant sur ce scillence perpétuelle -à nostre procureur général et tous noz autres officiers quelzconcques, -satisfaction toutesvoyes faicte à partie interressée -se faicte n’est et elle y chiet civilement, tant seullement et<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span> -moyennant qu’il l’amendra aussi civillement envers nous selon -l’exigence du cas et la faculté de ses biens. Et avec ce, -aussi qu’il sera tenu payer et respondre les mises et despens -de justice, Pour ce faiz et ensuyz à l’arbitraige et tauxation de -nostre Gouverneur de Lille ou son lieutenant que commectons -à ce. Si donnons en mandement à notre dit Gouverneur de -Lille ou son dit lieutenant que appellez ceulx qui pour ce -seront à appeller, il procède bien et deuement à la vérification -de ces dites présentes et à l’arbitraige et taxation desdites -amende civille et mises de justice, ainsi qu’il appartiendra. -Et ce fait et les dites amende civille et mises de justice -tauxées et payées ainsi qu’il appartiendra, de laquelle amende -cellui de noz recepveurs ou autre notre officier cuy ce regarde -sera tenu faire recepte et rendre compte et reliqua à notre -prouffit avecq les autres deniers de sa recepte. Il et tous -aultres noz officiers quelzconques présens et advenir facent -seuffrent et laissent le dit suppliant de noz preséntes grâce, -remission et pardon, selon et par la manière que dit est, -plainement paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user sans -lui mectre, faire ou donner ne souffrir estre faict mis ou -donné aucun arrest, destourbier ou empeschement au contraire -en corps ne en biens en manière quelconque. Ains se son -corps ou aucuns de ses biens non confisquiez sont ou estoient -pour ce prins saisiz, arrestez ou empeschiez, les mectent ou -facent mectre incontinent et sans delay à playne et entière -délivrance. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce soit -chose ferme et estable a tousjours nous avons fait mectre -nostre scel à ces présentes, saulf en autres choses, notre droit -et l’autruy en toutes.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Donné en nostre ville de Malines, ou mois de novembre -l’an de grâce mil chincq cens et dix neuf, et de nostre règne -le iiii<sup>e</sup>.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ainsi signé par le Roy en son conseil.</span></p> - -<p class="right padr2"> -<span class="smcap"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Desbarres.</span></span> -</p> - -<p class="p f08"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chambre des comptes de Lille. Registre des chartes de l’audience -B. 1730, fo. 104.</span></p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span></p> - -<h4>F.<br /><br /> - -<i>Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert du -Mortier.</i></h4> -<blockquote> -<p class="noindent"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"><span class="smcap">Phelippe</span>, Roy de Castille, d’Arragon, &c., Comte de Flandre, -&c., sçavoir faisons à tous présens et à venir. Nous avons -receu l’humble supplication et requeste de Jehan Dael, contenant, -que le 23<sup>e</sup> Septembre dernier, ayant esté convocqué -au bancquet de nopces de l’enfant de Michel Dael, son frère, -en la paroisse de Halluin, y seroit aussy esté appellé Guillibert -du Mortier, lequel voiant la table couverte et la -pluspart des convives y assisse, seroit ingéré de vouloir faire -ung présent à la compaignie avec quelque peu de vau mis sur -deux plats dans lesquels il avait enclos deux grenouilles, -vulgairement appellées ronnes, lesquelles à l’ouverture d’iceulx -plats, ont sauté sur la table et viandes, ce que auroit causé -ung tumulte, et qui le tout auroit esté culbuté, ce qui auroit -despleu fort audict remonstrant, tant à cause que les viandes -estoient partie gastées et contaminées, comme aussy à raison -de ce que la perte en resultant estoit assez de consideracion -pour son dit frère qui est honneste homme, et bien qui le dit -Guillebert debvoit endurer la reprinse de son faict, neanmoings -au contre, il auroit injurié du mot ——<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> deux de la compagnie, -et notamment le dit remontrant, ce quy l’occasionna -de luy dire: Quy at il tant à (dire comme cela). A quoy il -auroit respondu: Je te —— aussy, advienne. A quoi luy fut -reparty par ledit remontrant en ces termes, ou en substance, -Je pauleroy bien à toy, ce qu’entendu par le dit Guillebert -auroit tiré son coustel et s’approché le remontrant, quy l’obleige -de tirer pareillement le sien, et se mectre en deffence, du quel -il en auroit donné un coup au dict Guillebert vers le dos, dont -<span class="pagenum2"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span>environ xii jours aprez il seroit allé de vie à trespas, au grand -regret dudit remonstrant. C’est à quoy il a prins son recours -vers nous, suppliant humblement qu’il nous pleust luy pardonner -le dit cas et homicide luy en accordant et faisant depescher -nos lettres patentes de remission en forme.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Pour ce est-il que nous, les choses susdites considérées, -et sur icelles eu l’advis de noz chers et féaux les lieutenant -et autres officiers de nostre gouvernance de Lille, voulans en -ceste partie préférer au dit Jehan Dael, suppliant, grâce et -miséricorde, ut in forma.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Interrinement de la dite gouvernance de Lille, &c.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Donné en nostre ville de Bruxelles, le 27<sup>e</sup> de janvier l’an -1643, signé Robiano, de nos regnes xxii<sup>eme</sup>.</span></p> - -<p><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Au bas estoit, pour le Roy en son conseil et ceste visue.</span></p> - -</blockquote> - -<p class="p f08"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chambre des comptes de Lille, Registre des chartes de l’audience. -B. 1817, fo. 11.</span></p> - -<hr /> - -<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> Albert III., Duke of Bavaria, married in 1546 Anne, daughter of -Ferdinand, and had by her two sons, William, the hereditary Prince, his -successor, and Ferdinand.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> For details of these negotiations, see Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite> -Part IV., ch. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> See Motley, <cite>Dutch Republic</cite>, Part IV., ch. ii. The siege was eventually -raised on October 3rd.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> In the original the place is given as ‘Augustæ’ = Augsburg; but -from the first line of the letter it appears it was written at Speyer. -‘Augustæ’ is probably a mistake caused by ‘Augusti’ following immediately.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Nearly twelve years have elapsed since we parted company with -Busbecq on his return from Turkey. A sketch of his life during this interval -will be found in vol. i. pp. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>-64. We there expressed some doubt -as to whether there was any trustworthy authority for his visit to Spain in -attendance on the younger Archdukes; we have, however, since obtained -evidence of it in the Archduke Albert’s decree, creating the Barony of Bousbecque. -In it are recited Busbecq’s services, and amongst them this visit -is mentioned. The date of the decree is September 30, 1600, and it states -that the visit took place twenty-five years before. This is obviously an -error, as we can account for his time from August 1574 to February 1576; -in all probability the true date of the visit lies between the years 1570, -when Albert and Wenceslaus went to Spain with their sister Anne on her -marriage to Philip II., and 1572, when we find Busbecq residing at -Vienna. See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> That is, about thirty-five English miles. See note, vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> For an account of this interesting lady, who was at this time barely -twenty years of age, see note to Letter <a href="#xxxvia">XXXVI.</a></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> After Henry III.’s flight from Poland, he stayed some time at -Vienna, where Maximilian, through Pibrac, made overtures to him, offering -the hand of his daughter, the widowed Queen. Henry was under -such great obligations to Maximilian, that he was disinclined to give -a downright refusal. <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. p. 8. The following quotation from -an account of Busbecq’s Queen will show what these obligations were. -‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Or, estant veufve, plusieurs personnes d’hommes et dames de la Court, -des plus clair voyans que je sçay, eurent opinion que le Roy, à son retour -de Pologne, l’espouseroit, encore qu’elle fust sa belle sœur; car il le -pouvoit par la dispense du Pape, qui peut beaucoup en telles matieres, et -sur tout à l’endroit des grands, à cause du bien public qui en sort. Et y -avoit beaucoup de raisons que ce mariage se fist, lesquelles je laisse à -deduire aux plus hauts discoureurs, sans que je les allegue. Mais, entre -autres, l’une estoit pour recognoistre par ce mariage les obligations -grandes que le Roy avoit reçeues de l’Empereur à son retour et depart de -Pologne; car il ne faut point douter que, si l’Empereur eust voulu luy -donner le moindre obstacle du monde, il n’eust jamais peu partir ny -passer ny se conduire seurement en France. Les Polonnois le vouloient -retenir s’il ne fust party sans leur dire adieu; car les Allemans le guettoient -de toutes parts pour l’attrapper (comme fut ce brave roy Richard -d’Angleterre, retournant de la Terre Saincte, ainsi que nous lisons en nos -chroniques), et l’eussent tout de mesme arresté prisonnier et faict payer -rançon, ou possible pis; car ils luy en vouloient fort, à cause de la -feste de la Sainct Barthelemy, au moins les princes protestans.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, -v. 298-299.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> Henry of Navarre is generally spoken of in these letters as the -Duke of Vendôme, or at most, the titular King of Navarre. The greater -part of the kingdom had been seized by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1515, -and has ever since been held by the Kings of Spain. Henry’s power -was derived from his position as a great French noble, the first Prince of -the blood after the King’s brother, and from his vast possessions in -France, and not from the fragment of Navarre from which he derived -his title. Subjoined is a short sketch of his family:—<br /><br /> -</p> - -<table class="table2" width="300" summary="Henry of Navarre" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdr" colspan="5">Charles de Bourbon, Duc de Vendôme,<br /> -descended from the sixth son of Louis IX.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr padr3" colspan="4">│</td><td class="tdr">(Saint Louis)</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="5">┌─────────────────────┬──────────┐<br /> </td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Anthony, Duc de Vendôme</td><td class="tdl vertt" colspan="2">= Jeanne d’Albret,<br />│ Queen of Navarre<br />│<br />│<br />│</td> -<td class="tdc vertt" rowspan="3">Louis de Bourbon, Prince de Condé, killed at Jarnac, 1569<br /> <br />│<br />│<br />│<br />│<br />│<br />│<br />│</td> -<td class="tdl vertt" rowspan="3">Charles, Cardinal de Bourbon, set up as King by the League after Henry III.’s death under the title of Charles X.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">┌────────┐<br /> </td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Henry Duc de Vendôme<br />afterwards Henry IV.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt">Catherine = </td> -<td class="tdl vertt">Henri, Duc de Bar, eldest son of the Duke of Lorraine</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc" colspan="5">┌──────────┬──────┬────────┐<br /> </td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr vertt" colspan="2">Henri, born 1552,<br />Prince de Condé.</td> -<td class="tdc vertt">François, Prince de Conti, born 1558.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt">Charles, Cardinal de Bourbon, born 1562.</td> -<td class="tdc vertt">Several other<br />children.</td></tr></table></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> Montmorency, the eldest son of the famous Constable Anne de -Montmorency, and himself Duc de Montmorency and Marshal of France. -He was born in 1530, and fought at St. Quentin, and at the taking of -Calais. He and Cossé were suspected of being implicated in the rising -of Shrove-Tuesday, 1574, concerted between Alençon and the Huguenots, -and were imprisoned in the Bastille. His wife was a natural daughter of -Henry II. by Diane de Poitiers, who had been legitimated. He died -without issue in 1579. His four brothers were, Damville, Monsieur de -Montbéron, killed at the battle of Dreux in 1562, Monsieur de Méru, -and Monsieur de Thoré. See note page <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, and also note page <a href="#Page_16">16</a>. -</p> -<p> -Cossé took part in Guise’s famous defence of Metz in 1552, was -appointed <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">surintendant des finances</em> in 1563, and Marshal in 1567. He -fought at St. Denis and Moncontour, but was defeated by Coligny at -Arny-le-Duc in 1570. He died in 1582, aged 70. According to Brantôme -(ii. 434), he remarked on his imprisonment: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Je ne sçay pas ce que -M. de Montmorency peut avoir faict, mais quant à moy, je sçay bien que -je n’ay rien faict pour estre prisonnier avec luy, sinon pour luy tenir -compagnie quand on le fera mourir, et moy avec luy; que l’on me fera -de mesmes que l’on faict bien souvent à de pauvres diables, que l’on -pend pour tenir compagnie seulement à leurs compagnons, encor qu’ilz -n’ayent rien meffaict.</span>’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le peuple de la ville, n’agueres partisan de cette famille, les reçeut -avec injures et contribua 800 harquebusiers de garde tant que leur -prison dura.</span>’—<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Aubigné</span>, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire</cite>, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. vi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> By <em>Nove</em> Busbecq probably means the town which d’Aubigné -(<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire</cite>, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) calls Nonnai, now Annonay, 24 French miles -from Lyons. D’Aubigné says the distance is nine leagues, which -roughly corresponds with Busbecq’s twelve miles. See note, vol. i. -page <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>. Annonay was a town in the Vivarais, one of the districts which -were the strongholds of the Protestant cause, and was itself a Protestant -town. For an account of the sieges it underwent, and of the civil -war in the Vivarais, see Poncer, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires sur Annonay</cite>. On this occasion -the town was summoned on October 22nd, and blockaded till -December 8th, so the news in the text was premature. Dr. Dale, the -English representative at the French Court, mentions the raising of -the siege of ‘Noue,’ in a letter dated December 23rd.—<cite>Calendar of State -Papers, Foreign Series</cite>, 1572-74, p. 583.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> Louis de Bourbon, Duc de Montpensier, born in 1513, was descended -from a branch of the Bourbon-Vendôme family, and on his mother’s side -was nephew to the Constable de Bourbon. He served as a volunteer at -St. Quentin, where he was made prisoner. He was a bitter enemy to -the Huguenots. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Quand il prenait les heretiques par composition,</span>’ says -Brantôme (iii. 364), ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">il ne la leur tenait nullement, disant qu’à un heretique, -on n’estoit nullement obligé de garder sa foy.</span>’ He distinguished himself -at Jarnac and Moncontour. He took a prominent part in the Massacre -of Saint Bartholomew. From 1574 to 1576 he commanded in Poitou and -Saintonge, and died in 1582. By his first wife, Jacqueline de Longwy, -who was a Protestant, he had a son and four daughters, one of whom, -Charlotte, married the Prince of Orange. See Letter <a href="#xixa">XIX</a>. and note. -His son—who, till he succeeded to the title of Montpensier, on his father’s -death, was known as the <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prince Dauphin d’Auvergne</span>—is frequently mentioned -in Busbecq’s letters to Rodolph. Fontenay is a town, nearly due -west of Poitiers, and about fifty-five English miles from it.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Guy du Faur, Seigneur de Pibrac</span>, was born at Toulouse, in 1529. -He became member of the Parliament there, and was one of the -French ambassadors at the Council of Trent in 1562. In 1565, at the -recommendation of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, he was appointed <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Avocat-Général</span> -to the Parliament of Paris. He accompanied Henry to Poland -as Chancellor, and was in great danger during the precipitate flight of -the King. After his return to Paris he sold his office of Advocate. He -was again despatched to Poland, to persuade the Diet to allow Henry to -retain the crown, but his mission proved unsuccessful. He was afterwards -Chancellor of the Queen of Navarre, with whom he was supposed to -be in love. He went with Alençon to Flanders, as his Chancellor, and -died in 1584. He was celebrated for his eloquence.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> The Comte de Damville was second son of the Constable, and brother -to the Duc de Montmorency (see page <a href="#Page_8">8</a>). He was born in -1534, and was made Governor of Languedoc in 1563, which he held for -nearly fifty years, almost as an independent sovereign. He was the -leader of the moderate Roman Catholic party, known as the Politiques, -and after the death of Henry III. adhered to the cause of Henry IV., who -on December 8th, 1593, created him Constable. He succeeded to the -Dukedom of Montmorency on his brother’s death in 1579. He died -in 1614.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> The Castle of Lusignan was the original seat of the famous family -of Lusignan, which gave kings to Jerusalem and Cyprus. In the keep of -the château was a fountain, said to be haunted by the fairy Melusine, the -ancestress and tutelary genius of the family. According to the legend, -the founder of the family first met her by a forest spring. Before she became -his wife she exacted a promise from him that he would not attempt -to see her on the Saturday in every week, or to find out where she had -gone. For a time all went on well, but unfortunately the husband was at -last persuaded to peep into the room to which Melusine had retired. To -his horror he discovered that on every Saturday half her body was transformed -into a serpent. Finding the secret was no longer hers, she thrice -flew round the château, and then vanished. She was believed to appear -at times on the keep of the <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">château</span>, and whenever she was seen it was -said to presage a death, either in the Lusignan family or in the Royal -family of France. -</p> -<p> -Lusignan is situated about fourteen English miles south-west of -Poitiers. De l’Estoile, i. 49, gives some details of the siege and capitulation. -“<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le mardy, 25<sup>e</sup> janvier, la ville et chasteau de Lusignan furent rendus par -les Huguenos à M. de Montpensier, chef de l’armée du Roy en Poictou, -soubs condition de vies et bagues sauves, et d’estre conduits seurement à -la Rochelle: de quoi furent baillés ostages pour seureté de ladite capitulation, -encores que la foy de M. de Montpensier ne peust ni ne deust -estre suspecte aux Huguenos, lesquels furent assiégés trois mois et vingt -et un jours, durant lesquels furent tirés de sept à huict mil coups de -canon.</span>” If Brantôme does not belie Montpensier (see note 2, page 9), the -besieged had good reason for the precautions they took.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> Published September 10th at Lyons.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> The Seigneur de Rambouillet was sent by the Queen Mother, and -the Seigneur d’Estrées by Alençon, to Henry on June 4th, to congratulate -him on his accession.—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 5. ‘Rambouillet, that was -aforetime captain in one of the guards, and his three brothers, has left -the Court, because the King has given away an office, that one of the -Rambouillets looked for.’—<cite>Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series</cite>, -1572-74, p. 560.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> These towns had been retained by the French when the rest of the -possessions of the Duke of Savoy were restored to him, partly after the -treaty of Cateau Cambrésis, in 1559, and partly by Charles IX. in 1562. -With the exception of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, they were the last -remains of the French conquests beyond the Alps. The Duchess of -Savoy was Margaret, daughter of Francis I., and therefore aunt to -Henry III. She was born in 1523, married in 1559, at the conclusion of -peace, to Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and died September 14th, -1574. The indignant protest of the Duc de Nevers against the surrender -of these towns may be found in the compilation known as his <cite>Mémoires</cite>, -vol. i. page i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> Frederic III. was Elector Palatine from 1559 to 1576. He was the -first important German prince who embraced Calvinism, and was the -head of that sect in Germany. His Court was the asylum of the French -and Flemish exiles. When Henry III. passed through Germany on his -way to Poland, he visited Heidelberg at the Palatine’s invitation. He -found the gates of the town guarded, the streets lined with soldiers, -match in hand, and no one to receive him at the Castle except armed -men. Halfway up the stairs he was met by the Rhinegrave, attended by -two of the survivors of the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. The Rhinegrave -asked him on the Elector’s behalf to excuse his coming down, on -account of indisposition. Henry found him at the entrance of the room -supported by a gentleman, in the attitude of a man who finds it a great -effort to stand upright. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">On n’y pouvoit entrer sans jetter la veüe sur un -grand Tableau de la mort de l’Admiral, et des principaux Seigneurs tués à -Paris. Voyant que le Roi portoit sa veüe de ce costé, il poussa un grand souspir, -et dit tout haut, “Ceux qui les ont fait mourir sont bien malheureux, -croyez qu’ils estoient gens de bien et grands Capitaines.” Le Roy respondit -doucement, “Qu’ils estoient capables de bien faire s’ils eussent -voulu.” Ce Prince sentoit un grand contentement en son ame de pouvoir -faire esclatter l’excez de sa passion en la presence du Roy, il en fit voir -les effets en diverses façons, lui donna à souper, et le servit de poisson, -mais il n’eut pour Gentilhomme que ceux qu’on luy dit avoir eschappé -le jour de Saint Barthelemy, qu’il appelloit “La boucherie et le massacre -de Paris.”</span>’ The next day the Count took more than thirty turns with -the King up and down the great hall of the Castle, with a firm step and -in perfect health, so as to show that his indisposition of the previous -evening had been entirely feigned.—Matthieu, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de France</cite>, i. p. -363. The Palatine’s second son, John Casimir, born in 1543, is a prominent -figure in the religious wars of the time. He was one of the military -adventurers who hoped in the general confusion to win themselves a -throne by their sword. He conducted several expeditions to the aid of -the French Protestants, and was one of the many princes suggested as -a husband for Queen Elizabeth. At her instigation he was given the -command of the German army which entered the Netherlands in 1578. -For an estimate of his character see Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>. -Part V. ch. v. He died in 1592.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> The two sons of the Constable were his two youngest sons, de Méru -and de Thoré. While the Marshal and Damville, their elder brothers, -remained Catholics, they became Protestants. The reason of their flight -to Germany was that they had been implicated in the rising of Shrove -Tuesday, 1574, and the conspiracy to seize Charles IX. at St. Germain. -‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les cousins [du Prince de Condé] de Thoré et de Méru se rendent à -Geneve, où le Seingneur de Thoré se déclare et fait profession de la Religion -et là est arresté et retenu, et son frère de Méru mis hors ladite ville, -pour ne vouloir faire semblable profession.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> François de Foix de Candale, Bishop of Aire, in Gascony, third son -of Gaston de Foix, Comte de Candale, Captal de Buch, &c. His father’s -sister Anne married Ladislaus, King of Hungary and Bohemia, by whom -she had two children—Louis, King of Hungary, killed at Mohacz in 1526, -and Anne, who married the Emperor Ferdinand, and was the mother of -the Emperor Maximilian. The Bishop was one of the most learned men -of his time, especially in mathematics and natural philosophy. Besides -the works mentioned in the text, he translated Euclid into Latin. He -invented various mathematical instruments, and founded a chair of mathematics -in the College of Aquitaine at Bordeaux. He died in 1594, -aged eighty-four according to Thuanus, but eighty-one according to -his monument. D’Aubigné, in his <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires</cite> under the year 1580, relates -the following anecdote of him and Henry IV. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le roi de Navarre, -passant un jour à Cadillac, pria le grand François de Candale, de lui faire -voir son excellent cabinet, ce qu’il vouloit bien faire, à condition -qu’il n’y entreroit pas d’ignares. “Non, mon oncle,” dit mon -maître, “je n’y mènerai personne qui ne soit plus capable de le voir -et d’en connoître le prix que moi.” La compagnie s’amusa d’abord -à faire lever le poids d’un canon par une petite machine qu’un enfant de -six ans tenoit entre ses mains. Comme elle étoit fort attentive à cette -operation, je me mis à considérer un marbre noir de sept pieds en quarré, -qui servoit de table au bon Seigneur de Candale; et ayant apperçu un -crayon, j’écrivis dessus pendant qu’on raisonnait sur la petite machine, -ce distique latin:</span>— -</p> -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line"><cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Non isthæc, princeps, regem tractare doceto,</cite></div> -<div class="line i1"><cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sed docta regni pondera ferre manu.</cite></div> -</div></div></div> -<p> -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cela fait, je recouvris le marbre et rejoignis la compagnie, qui étant -arrivée à ce marbre, M. de Candale dit à mon maître, “Voici ma table;” -et ayant ôté la couverture et vu ce distique, il s’écria, “Ah! il y a ici un -homme.” “Comment,” reprit le roi de Navarre, “croyez-vous que les -autres soient des bêtes? Je vous prie, mon oncle, de deviner à la mine -qui vous jugez capable d’avoir fait ce coup.” Ce qui fournit matière à -d’assez plaisans propos.</span>’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> He was killed February, 1573, in an attack on the château of -Soumiere, in Languedoc.—Mezeray, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de France</cite>, iii. 282.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> The Egyptian deity Thoth, was identified with the Greek Hermes, -and was considered the real author of everything produced or discovered -by the human mind. Being thus the source of all human knowledge and -thought, he was termed <span lang="gr" xml:lang="gr">τρὶς μέγιστος</span>, or Thrice Greatest. A variety of -works are preserved, of which he is the reputed author. The most probable -opinion as to their real origin is that they were forgeries of Neo-Platonists -in the third or fourth century of our era. The most important -of them is the <span lang="gr" xml:lang="gr">Ποιμάνδρης</span>, the book translated by the Bishop. It is -written in the form of a dialogue, and treats of nature, the creation of -the world, the nature and attributes of the deity, the human soul, &c.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> In the Vivarais. It cut off Lyons from communicating with Marseilles -by water. See <cite>Mezeray</cite>, iii. 360.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> It is impossible within the compass of a note to give more than -the briefest outline of the principal events in the life of this famous Breton -chief. He was born in 1531, and became a Protestant in 1558. In 1561 -he was one of the French nobles who escorted Marie Stuart to Scotland. -Brantôme was another of the suite. In 1570 he was wounded by a musket-shot -at the siege of Fontenay; gangrene set in, and it was found necessary -to amputate his left arm; Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of Navarre, held -the shattered limb during the operation. This arm was replaced by one -of iron, whence he obtained the famous sobriquet, by which he is best -known, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bras de fer</cite>. In 1573 Charles IX. sent him to La Rochelle in the -hope he would be able to effect some compromise with the citizens, and -he was for some time regarded with suspicion by both sides; but he -appears to have always acted an honest and straightforward part in a -very delicate position. When he found a reconciliation was impossible, -he placed his sword once more at the service of the French Protestants. -He fought for the Protestant cause not only in France but also in the -Netherlands, was Count Louis of Nassau’s right-hand man at the surprise -and subsequent siege of Mons in 1572, and at one time, in 1579, occupied -Bousbecque and the places in the neighbourhood, Menin, Comines, -Wervicq, &c. He was mortally wounded at the siege of Lamballe, in -Brittany, and died on August 4, 1591. Thuanus (v. p. 180) calls him -‘a truly great man, who for bravery, prudence, and military knowledge -deserved to be compared with the greatest generals of the time, -and for the purity of his life, his moderation, and his justice to be preferred -to most of them.’ For a further account of him see Letters to -Rodolph, <a href="#ix">IX.</a> and <a href="#liv">LIV.</a>, note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> This report was correct. See <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mezeray</cite>, iii. 360, where an interesting -account is given of the siege.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> The second Edict, of October 23. The purport of it was, that no -person should be troubled on religious grounds.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> The Comte de Fiesco was <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">chevalier d’honneur</em> to the Queen. The -Fieschi were Counts of Lavagna, and one of the four principal families of -Genoa. The conspiracy of the Fieschi in 1547 is one of the most famous -incidents of Genoese history. The object of the conspirators was to -overthrow the power of Andrew Doria, and to detach Genoa from the -Imperialists, and bring the republic into close connection with France. -The conspiracy miscarried, owing to its leader, Count John Louis Fiesco, -falling from the planks by which he was boarding a galley, and being -drowned. Owing to the darkness of the night the accident was not discovered -till it was too late to assist him. His brothers were executed -except Scipio, the youngest, who escaped to France, and is the person -mentioned in the text. In 1568 he was Ambassador to the Court of -Maximilian. He was afterwards <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">chevalier d’honneur</em> to Louise de -Vaudemont, the Queen of Henry III., and one of the original knights of -the Order of the Holy Ghost.—Lippomano, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ambassadeurs Vénitiens</cite>, -ii. 413. He married Alphonsina Strozzi, who is the Countess mentioned -by Busbecq. She was originally <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dame d’honneur</em> to <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Catherine de -Medicis.</span></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> The Sorbonne was ‘a society or corporation of Doctors of Divinity -settled in the University of Paris, and famous all over Europe. It was -founded by the French King St. Lewis, and Ralph de Sorbonne, his -confessor, a Canon of the Church of Paris, who gave it its name from the -village of Sorbonne, near Lyons, which was the place of his nativity.’—<cite>World -of Words.</cite> -</p> -<p> -Their determination, dated July 2, 1530, is given by Holinshed, -<cite>Chronicles</cite>, iii. 924. It is to the effect that ‘the foresaid marriage with -the brother’s wife, departing without children, be so forbidden both by -the law of God and of nature, that the Pope hath no power to dispense -with such mariages, whether they be contract or to be contract.’ It was -read to the House of Commons with the decisions of the other Universities, -March 30, 1531.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> Leonhard or Lamoral von Thurn and Taxis succeeded his father in -1554 as Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, and in 1595 was appointed -Postmaster-General of the Holy Roman Empire. He died in -1612, aged upwards of 90. He was brother of J. B. Taxis or Tassis, the -well-known Spanish Ambassador. See Letters to Rodolph, <a href="#xliii">XLIII.</a>, and note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> Sebastian, grandson of Charles V., became King of Portugal in -1557, when he was only three years old. At the time Busbecq wrote he -was a gallant young man of twenty, dreaming of great exploits as a -Crusader. Four years later he attempted to put his ideas into practice, -and invaded Africa with a large force. His army was annihilated in the -battle of Alcazar (August 4th, 1578), and the brave young King perished -on the field. His romantic end produced a deep impression on his subjects. -‘It may be mentioned,’ says the <cite>Times</cite> (December 1825), ‘as a -singular species of infatuation, that many Portuguese residing in Brazil, -as well as in Portugal, still believe in the coming of Sebastian, the romantic -king, who was killed about the year 1578, in a pitched battle with -the Emperor Muley Moluc. Some of these old visionaries will go out -wrapped in their large cloaks, on a windy night, to watch the movements -of the heavens, and frequently, if an exhalation is seen flitting in the air, -resembling a falling star, they will cry out, “There he comes!”’ For a -curious story of a hoax played on one of these fanatics, see Hone’s <cite>Everyday -Book</cite>, vol. ii. page 88.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> In this and some other letters, passages referring to arrangements -connected with the dower have been curtailed or altogether omitted. It -is sufficient to state that Elizabeth’s dower had been fixed at 60,000 -francs per annum, and that Busbecq’s object was to see that it was properly -secured.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Pierre de Gondi</span>, see note, page 39.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> John Evelyn made the same expedition by water from Lyons to -Avignon, some seventy years later. A full account of his voyage is given -in his <cite>Diary</cite> (p. 69, Chandos edition). Like Busbecq he stopped at -Valence. ‘We then came to Valence, a capital Citty carrying the title -of a Dutchey, but the Bishop is now sole lord temporal of it and the -country about it. The towne having an University famous for the study -of the civil law, is much frequented; but the Churches are none of -the fairest, having been greatly defaced in the time of the warrs.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Jean de Montluc</span>, Bishop of Valence, was one of the most successful -diplomatists of his day; he had been ambassador at Constantinople -in 1537, on which occasion he received the pot of balsam, which he -afterwards lost in Ireland (see vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_387">387</a>). Henry III. owed his Polish -Crown to his exertions and diplomatic skill. He was father of that bold -and unscrupulous adventurer, Balagny. -</p> -<p> -His career is thus sketched by a contemporary:— -</p> -<p> -‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il avoit esté de sa premiere profession jacobin, et la feue royne de -Navarre Margueritte, qui aymoit les gens sçavans et spirituels, le cognoissant -tel, le deffrocqua et le mena avec elle à la Court, le fit cognoistre, le -poussa, luy ayda, le fit employer en plusieurs ambassades; car je pense -qu’il n’y a guieres pays en l’Europe où il n’ayt esté ambassadeur et en -negotiation, ou grande ou petite, jusques en Constantinople, qui fut son -premier advancement, et à Venize, en Polongne, Angleterre, Escosse -et autres lieux. On le tenoit Lutherien au commencement, et puis Calviniste, -contre sa profession episcopalle; mais il s’y comporta modestement -par bonne mine et beau semblant; la reyne de Navarre le deffrocqua -pour l’amour de cela.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, iii. 52.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monsieur de Vulcob</span>, French Ambassador at the Court of Maximilian. -See <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Charrière</span>, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Négotiations de la France dans le Levant</cite>, iii. 596, -note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Jean de Morvilliers</span> was born at Blois in 1506. He was ambassador -at Venice from 1546 to 1550, and was rewarded for his services by receiving -the Bishopric of Orleans in 1552. After he became bishop, the -Chapter of his cathedral, by a statute passed in November 1552, ordered -him to shave off his beard. He refused to comply, and the quarrel raged -fiercely for four years, till finally in 1556 it was appeased by a letter -from the King to the Chapter, in which he declared that he required -to send Morvilliers to various countries in which a beard was necessary, -and therefore ordered the Chapter to receive him beard and all. He did -not, however, take possession of his cathedral till 1559. Francis II. -appointed him a Privy Councillor, and in 1561 he took part in the Conference -of Poissy, and in the following year attended the Council of -Trent, as one of the French representatives. He was afterwards ambassador -to the Duke of Savoy, and in 1564 was one of the negotiators of -the Treaty of Troyes, between Charles IX. and Queen Elizabeth. In the -same year he gave up his Bishopric in favour of his nephew. On the -disgrace of the Chancellor <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">l’Hôpital</cite>, in 1568, he became Keeper of the -Seals, but in 1571 had to resign them to Birague. In de Thou’s opinion -(iii. 209), he was honest and prudent, but cautious to the verge of timidity, -and therefore always pursued a policy of expediency. He was the head -of the party who were in favour of peace but thought no religious reform -was required, and who therefore, in order to remain on good terms with -the extreme Catholic party headed by the Guises, did not hesitate to -evade or violate the pledges given to the Protestants. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. -35. De Thou’s estimate of his character is borne out by a State-paper -preserved by <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">d’Aubigné</cite> (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire</cite>, vol. ii. bk. i. ch. ii.), written by Morvilliers -at the request of Charles IX. in 1572, in opposition to Coligny’s -project of war with Spain.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> Elizabeth’s marriage portion had never been paid, and Busbecq was -afraid that this fact might be adduced as a reason for not paying her dower -now she was a widow; and also, in case of the failure of Maximilian’s issue -male, a claim might be set up on behalf of her daughter, that Elizabeth’s -renunciation of her rights of succession was invalid for the same reason. -That Busbecq’s fears were not ill-founded is shown by the fact that Louis -XIV. argued that his wife’s renunciation of her rights to the Crown of -Spain was invalid, as her marriage portion had never been paid.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> The <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Comte de Retz</span> was the son of a Florentine banker at Lyons, -named Gondi, <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Seigneur du Péron</span>. His wife entered the service of Catherine -de Medici, and took charge of her children in their infancy. She -endeared herself to the Queen, who being Regent during the minority of -Charles IX. advanced her children to the highest posts: the Comte de -Retz became first Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and a Marshal -of France; he acquired enormous wealth. His brother, Pierre de -Gondi, was made Bishop of Paris, and afterwards Cardinal; he had -other preferments worth 30,000 or 40,000 livres per annum, and property -worth 200,000 crowns; while a third brother was Master of the Wardrobe -to the King.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> The following is an extract from a diary kept by a French official -during this same year 1575:—‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le mardi 6<sup>e</sup> juillet, fust pendu à Paris, et -puis mis en quatre quartiers, un capitaine nommé la Vergerie, condamné à -mort par Birague, chancelier, et quelques maistres des requestes nommés -par la Roine-mère, qui lui firent son procès bien court dedans l’Hostel de -ladite Ville de Paris. Toute sa charge estoit que, s’estant trouvé en -quelque compagnie, où on parloit de la querelle des escoliers et des -Italiens, il avoit dit qu’il faloit se ranger du costé des escoliers et saccager -et couper la gorge à tous ces.... Italiens, et à tous ceux qui les portoient -et soustenoient, comme estans cause de la ruine de la France: -sans avoir autre chose fait ni attenté contre iceux.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 69.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> Maximilian put on record his protest against the Massacre of Saint -Bartholomew in a letter to Lazarus Schwendi:—‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quod attinet ad præclarum -illud facinus quod Galli in Amiralio ejusque sociis tyrannicè perpetrarunt, -equidem id minimè probare possum, magnoque cum dolore intellexi -Generum meum sibi persuaderi passum tam fœdam lanienam. -Quanquam scio magis alios imperare quàm ipsum. Attamen hoc ad -excusationem facti non sufficit, neque hoc satis est palliando sceleri.</span>’—Maximilian -to Laz. Schwendi. Leyden, 1603. 2nd edition.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Jean St. Chaumont</span>, being at Nismes with a picked body of soldiers, -determined to make an attempt on Aigues-Mortes. Guided by some Protestants -who had been driven out of the town, he contrived one night -to blow open the gates; his troops rushed in and took possession of the -place. The garrison fled to the tower of Constance, which two days later -was compelled to surrender. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 83.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> Stephen Bathory, Voivode of Transylvania. He and Maximilian -were eventually both elected in 1576, and civil war was imminent in consequence; -but the death of Maximilian a few months later left Bathory -in undisputed possession of the Crown.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> See page <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, and note, page <a href="#Page_14">14.</a></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> In order to show her contempt for the besieging army, one of the -women of Livron brought her distaff to the breach, and sat herself down -to spin. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 83.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Charles, son of Claude Duke of Guise and Antoinette de Bourbon, -born 1524. Archbishop of Rheims 1538. Cardinal 1547. There is -little doubt as to the cause of his death being that which is given by -Busbecq, though some declared that he was murdered by means of a -poisoned torch, and others that he was presented with a poisoned purse. -For some time before he had been complaining of severe pain in the -head. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 47, 48. -</p> -<p> -‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le dimanche 26<sup>e</sup> décembre à cinq heures du matin, Charles, cardinal -de Lorraine, aagé de cinquante ans, mourust en Avignon d’une fiebvre, -symptomée d’un extrême mal de teste provenu du serein d’Avignon, -qui est fort dangereux, qui lui avoit offensé le cerveau à la procession des -Battus, où il s’estoit trouvé, en grande dévotion, avec le crucefix à la main, -les pieds à moictié nuds et la teste peu couverte, qui est le poison qu’on -a depuis voulu faire accroire qu’on lui avoit donné.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 40. -The character the zealous Protestant d’Aubigné gives of the Cardinal -(<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire</cite>, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. xi.) is as follows: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">esprit sans borne, tres chiche -et craintif de sa vie, prodigue de celle d’autrui, pour le seul but qu’il a eu -en vivant, assavoir d’eslever sa race à une desmesurée grandeur.</span>’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> Catherine de Medici was supposed to be endowed with second-sight. -Her daughter gives several instances in her memoirs. -</p> -<p> -‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mesme la nuict devant la miserable course en lice, elle songea comme -elle voyoit le feu Roy mon pere blessé à l’œil, comme il fust.... Elle n’a -aussy jamais perdu aucun de ses enfans qu’elle n’aye veu une fort grande -flamme, à laquelle soudain elle s’escrioit: “Dieu garde mes enfans!” -et incontinent apres, elle entendoit la triste nouvelle qui, par ce feu, lui -avoit esté augurée.... Elle s’escrie, continuant ses resveries, comme si -elle eust veu donner la bataille de Jarnac: “Voyez-vous comme ils fuient! -Mon fils a la victoire. Hé, mon Dieu! relevez mon fils! il est par terre! -Voyez, voyez, dans cette haye, le Prince de Condé mort!”</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de -Marguerite</cite>, p. 42-43. The story of the Cardinal’s ghost is given more -fully in De l’Estoile’s diary: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Puis aiant demandé à boire, comme on -lui eust baillé son verre, elle commença tellement à trembler, qu’il lui -cuida tumber des mains, et s’escria: “Jésus! voila M. le cardinal de -Lorraine que je voy!”</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 41.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> Pomponne de Bellièvre, jurist and diplomatist. Born at Lyons in -1529, he was twice Charles IX.’s ambassador to Switzerland, and accompanied -Henry III. to Poland. In 1586 he was sent to England to ask -for the release of Mary Queen of Scots. In 1599 Henry made him -Chancellor, a post which he held till 1604. He died in 1607.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> The following extract from a letter, dated November 3, 1574, and -written by the King to his representative at Constantinople, proves the -truth of this statement:—‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Toutesfois je veux vous advertir et luy aussy -(the bishop of Acqs, the late Ambassador), s’il est encores par delà, que -tout fraîchement j’ay receu et de bon lieu que l’empereur se plaint fort de -luy et des offices qu’il a faicts par delà contre ses affaires. Je sçay bien -qu’il n’a eu considération qu’à mon service; toutesfois je seray bien aise -que durant votre légation vous vous comportiez envers ses ministres le -plus amiablement que vous pourrez et leur presterez toute faveur en ce que -touchera le particulier d’iceluy S<sup>r</sup> empereur où vous verrez que mon -service ne sera point engagé, afin qu’il cognoisse que je me ressens du bon -recueil et faveur qu’il me fist dernièrement passant par ses terres, et ay en -recommandation la légation qui est en nostre royaume.</span>’—<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Charrière</span>, -<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Négotiations de la France dans le Levant</cite>, iii. 578.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> Maximilian gave this advice to Henry III. when he stopped at Vienna -on his way back to France. ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Cæsarem prudentissimum juxta et optimum -principem hoc Regi consilium dedisse memorant, ut pacem primis regni -auspiciis et in Galliæ ingressu suis daret.</span>’—<cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> Her name was Catherine. She eventually married in 1599 Henry, -Duke of Bar, son of Charles, Duke of Lorraine, and died in 1604.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> This was no kindness to Louise de Vaudemont. Brantôme praises -her for her loyalty to her husband: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Aussi que dès le beau premier commencement -de leur mariage, voire dix jours après, il ne luy donna pas -grande occasion de contentement, car il luy osta ses filles de chambre -et damoiselles qui avoient tousjours esté avec elle et nourries d’elle estant -fille, qu’elle regretta fort.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, v. 334.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine. See page <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, and note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> Queen Leonora, sister of Charles V. and widow of Francis I., one -of the Princesses to whom Busbecq’s grandfather, Gilles Ghiselin II., had -been <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">premier écuyer trenchant</em>. See vol. i. page <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>, note 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part IV. chap. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> Louis d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara and Archbishop of Auch, was -son of Hercules II., Duke of Ferrara, and Renée, daughter of Louis XII. -of France. He was born in 1538, made Cardinal in 1561, and died at -Rome in 1586. He deserved, says de Thou, to be called the treasure of the -poor, the glory of the Sacred College, and the ornament of the Court of -Rome.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> Miss Freer, in her history of Henry III., has charged Busbecq’s -Queen with heartlessness. ‘Under these circumstances Elizabeth gladly -accepted her father’s invitation to return to Vienna. With all her virtue -and simplicity Elizabeth appears not to have possessed much tenderness -of character; else, herself feeling so keenly the disadvantages of a residence -at Paris, she could not have abandoned her infant daughter to the -care of Catherine de Medici; nor even, as far as it can be discovered, made -any attempt to convey her to be educated far from the levity of the -Court.’—Vol. ii. p. 39. Miss Freer evidently did not know of Busbecq’s -letters to Maximilian; she frequently quotes the letters to Rodolph, but -does not appear to be aware that they were written by the man whom -she describes as ‘Auger de Ghislin, Seigneur de Boësbecq, a German -noble resident in France.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le 22<sup>e</sup> mars les députés de M. le prince de Condé, mareschal -Damville et autres associés, tant de l’une que de l’autre religion, selon la -permission qu’ils avoient eue du Roy d’envoier vers lui tels personnages -qu’ils aviseroient pour l’avancement et conclusion d’une paix générale et -asseurée à tout son roiaume, aians, par un commun advis, articulé leurs -conditions et icelles dressées en forme de requeste, partirent de Basle le -dit 22<sup>e</sup> mars pour venir trouver Sa Majesté à Paris, où ils arrivèrent le -mardi 5<sup>e</sup> avril.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 54. For a full account of these negotiations -see <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de Nevers</cite>, i. 308.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> The Queen had so much difficulty in procuring funds that she was -obliged to postpone her visit to August. Her child, Princess Marie -Elizabeth (god-daughter of Queen Elizabeth of England), was at this -time three years old. Amboise, near Blois, was considered particularly -healthy, and on that account appointed as the nursery for the royal -children. Evelyn speaks of it as a very agreeable village, built of stone -and roofed with blue slate; he gives a full description of the castle -which was the residence of the young Princess. <cite>Diary</cite>, p. 63.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> Don Rodolph Khuen von Belasii, Baron of Neu-Lembach, descended -from an ancient Tyrolese family. He was also Privy Councillor to the -Emperor.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> See note, p. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> Roger de Saint-Lary de Bellegarde attached himself to the Comte -de Retz, was introduced by him to Catherine de Medici, and rose as -rapidly as his patron. Henry III. on his return from Poland created -him a Marshal, and gave him the command of his forces in Dauphiny. -His position was, however, undermined by du Guast, and he was -despatched to Poland. Regarding this mission as merely a pretext for -his banishment, he went no further than Piedmont, entered the Duke of -Savoy’s service, and with his assistance took possession of the Marquisate -of Saluzzo, the last of the French conquests beyond the Alps, driving -out Birague, the Governor. Afterwards the Duke of Savoy, accompanied -by the Marshal, had an interview, near Lyons, with the Queen Mother. -The sequel may be told in Brantôme’s words. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Elle luy fit tout plein de -remonstrances. Luy, ores planant, ores connivant, et ores conillant et -amusant la Royne de belles paroles, se trouva atteint de maladie par -belle poison, de laquelle il mourut.</span>’—<cite>Brantôme</cite>, iv. 103.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> About a mile from Montbéliard Pibrac was captured by Brysach -and a band of brigands, who assumed the character of Huguenot -refugees. The Ambassador was compelled to leave his carriage, and follow -his captors into the forest. Meanwhile a hue and cry was raised, and -the people turned out to hunt the banditti. Pibrac was now in great -danger, as the brigands threatened to kill him if one of their party should -be hurt. From noon to midnight he was compelled to accompany Brysach -and his band through the recesses of the forest. Fortunately he -was able to turn his talents as a diplomatist to good account, and at -last persuaded his companions to set him free. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 98. -Compare the account of Busbecq’s capture, vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>. -</p> -<p> -The country of Montbéliard, or Mümpelgard, lay between Franche -Comté and Alsace, and belonged to a branch of the House of Würtemberg. -It remained in their hands till near the end of the last -century. In 1792 the French took possession of it, but it did not become -French <em>de jure</em> till 1801, when, with the other German <em>enclaves</em> in -Alsace, it was ceded by the treaty of Luneville.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> So in March 1538 Holbein was despatched to Brussels to take a portrait -of Christina, the widowed Duchess of Milan, and daughter of Elizabeth -of Denmark, sister of Charles V. (see vol. i. page <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>, note 2), for whose -hand Henry VIII. had been negotiating. She is reported to have declined -his offer, saying, ‘if she had had two heads one should have been at the -service of the King of England, but as she had only one, she preferred to -keep it on her own shoulders.’ Holbein’s portrait now belongs to the -Duke of Norfolk, and was exhibited at the Winter Exhibition of the -Royal Academy in 1880. The lady afterwards married Francis Duke of -Lorraine, and became the mother of Charles Duke of Lorraine and -Dorothea, the wife of Duke Eric of Brunswick. Hence came the connection -between the Houses of Austria and Lorraine, alluded to on page -59, Maximilian II. being Christina’s first cousin. -</p> -<p> -Similarly Holbein, in the following year, was again sent abroad to -take a portrait of Anne of Cleves.—<cite>Froude,</cite> ch. xvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le dimanche 19<sup>e</sup> juing arrivèrent à Paris M. le duc de Lorraine -et M. de Vaudemont, père de la Roine, pour achever le mariage du Marquis -de Nomenie, fils aisné dudit seingneur de Vaudemont aveq la damoiselle -de Martigues. En congratulation et resjouissance des venues de -ces princes, se firent à la Cour plusieurs jeux, tournois et festins magnifiques, -en l’un desquels la Roine-Mère mangea tant qu’elle cuida -crever, et fust malade au double de son desvoiement. On disoit que -c’estoit d’avoir trop mangé de culs d’artichaux et de crestes et rongnons -de coq, dont elle estoit fort friande.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 64.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> The Ilsings or Ilsungs were an ancient Swabian family, several of -whom had been burgomasters of Augsburg. The person mentioned in -the text was probably George Ilsing von Lichtenberg, Privy Councillor -to Charles V., Ferdinand, Maximilian, and Rodolph, and Statthalter in -the Duchy of Würtemberg.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> The Princess Charlotte de Bourbon was compelled to take the vows -before she had arrived at the legal age. She became Abbess of Joüarrs; -but ran away in 1572, and took refuge with the Elector Palatine. The -Prince of Orange saw her at Heidelburg and fell in love with her. St. -Aldegonde conducted her to Brill, where the Prince met her. They were -married June 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mareschal d’Amville vint à estre empoisonné de telle façon, que, -s’il ne fut esté secouru prestement et par bons remedes, il estoit mort; et -de faict les nouvelles en vindrent au Roy qu’il estoit mort de ceste poison. -J’estois lors en sa chambre quand ces nouvelles luy furent apportées ... -il ne s’en esmeut autrement, et ne monstra le visage plus joyeux ny fasché, -sinon qu’il envoya le courrier à la Reyne; et ne laissasmes à causer avec -luy. Ce gouvernement de Languedoc fut aussi tost donné à M. de Nevers.... -Vindrent apres nouvelles que ledit sieur mareschal n’estoit point -mort et tendoit peu à peu à guerison, laquelle tarda beaucoup à luy -venir. Plusieurs disoient que s’il fust mort de ceste poison, que M. de -Montmorancy fust esté sententié ... mais on craignoit que ledict mareschal, -voyant son frere mort, qu’il eust joué à la desesperade, craignant -qu’il ne luy en arrivast autant s’il estoit pris, et avoit un tres grand moyen -de faire mal avec l’alliance des Huguenots, voire du roy d’Espagne, qu’il -eust pris.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, ii. 436-7. -</p> -<p> -Montmorency’s relations had good reasons for their apprehensions. -It was intended to strangle him, and, to cover the murder, Miron, chief -physician to the King, was sent to see him, and told to give out that he -had apoplectic symptoms. Gilles de Souvré, chief chamberlain to Henry, -was selected as his executioner, and to his reluctance to undertake the -office the prisoner owed his life. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 105. -</p> -<p> -Montmorency was conscious of his danger. ‘Tell the Queen,’ said -he, ‘that I am well aware of her intentions towards me; there is no -need to make so much fuss. She has only to send the Chancellor’s -apothecary: I will take whatever he gives me.’ See <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 63.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> The date shows that this letter ought to follow Letter XXI., but we -have retained the order of the Latin Edition.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> The following quotation from Marguerite de Valois’ autobiography -shows that Busbecq was right:—‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Nous nous en retournasmes à Paris trouver -le Roy, qui nous receust avec beaucoup de contentement d’avoir la -paix; mais toutesfois aggreant peu les advantageuses conditions des -huguenots, se deliberant bien, soudain qu’il auroit mon frere à la cour, -de trouver une invention pour rentrer en la guerre contre lesdits huguenots, -pour ne les laisser jouir de ce qu’à regret et par force on leur avoit -accordé seulement pour en retirer mon frere (Alençon).</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de -Marguerite</cite>, p. 79.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">J’ay ouy dire à de grands capitaines que si le Piedmont au moins -nous fust demeuré ... il eust servy d’escolle tousjours et d’amusement -aux gens de guerre françois, et s’y fussent tous arrestez, et ainsy ne se fussent -adonnez ny affriandez aux guerres civiles; estant le naturel du François -de vacquer tousjours aux œuvres de Mars et d’hayr l’oysiveté, le repos et -la paix.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, v. 234.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> John Listhius, a Hungarian noble, married the sister of Nicolas -Olahus, Archbishop of Gran and Primate of Hungary, by whom he had -two sons; after her death he took orders, and became Bishop of Wessprim -in 1568, and Bishop of Raab in 1572. He died in 1578. He was -Privy Councillor to Ferdinand and Maximilian.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> Lazarus von Schwendi, Seigneur of Hohen-Landsperg in Upper -Alsace, was a very remarkable man. He was a friend of Count Egmont, -by whose side he fought at the battles of St. Quentin and Gravelines. -At Maximilian’s request Philip II. allowed him to take command of his -forces in Hungary. He retook Tokay from the Turks in 1565. (Katona, -<cite>Historia Regum Hungariæ</cite>, xxiv. 45; see also <cite>Sketch of Hungarian -History</cite>.) He was also distinguished as a scholar; he wrote a book, <cite>De -Bello contra Turcas gerendo</cite>, and two other treatises. But what marks -his position more than anything else is the fact that two of the most important -manifestos of that age were addressed to him. (1) Orange’s -protest against the administration of Granville. See Motley, <cite>Rise of the -Dutch Republic</cite>, Part II. chap. iv.:—‘This letter, together with one in a -similar strain from Egmont, was transmitted by the valiant and highly -intellectual soldier to whom they were addressed, to the King of Spain -with an entreaty that he would take warning from the bitter truths which -they contained.’ (2) Maximilian’s protest against the Massacre of Saint -Bartholomew (see note 1, page 42). Schwendi eventually retired to his -estates in Alsace, and died at Kirchofen in 1583, aged sixty-two.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> De Blot obtained the appointment (see Foppens, <cite>Bibliotheca Belgica</cite>, -i. 491).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> The Emperor Frederic III., the great-grandfather of Charles V. and -Ferdinand, married Eleonora, daughter of Edward, King of Portugal, in -1452.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> See page <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> Montbrun cut to pieces the Swiss troops of de Gordes, who commanded -for the King in Dauphiny. After a less decisive engagement the -day before, he overtook them on June 13 at the passage of the Drome -near Die. Eight hundred Swiss were killed together with their Colonel, -and eighteen standards were taken, while the victors only lost six men. -See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 93.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> These Palatines were great Polish magnates.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> Charles du Puy Montbrun, a member of one of the oldest families in -Dauphiny, was born about 1530. One of his sisters became a Protestant, -and took refuge in Geneva. He pursued her thither, declaring that -he would either bring her back a Catholic or kill her; but instead of reclaiming -her, he fell under the influence of Beza and became himself a -convert. In 1560 he raised a small partisan force, with which he carried -on a guerilla war in Dauphiny and the Vivarais. His young wife accompanied -him on these expeditions, as the camp was her safest abode. He -took an active part in the civil wars, and fought bravely at Jarnac and -Moncontour. -</p> -<p> -The affair mentioned in the text was a mere skirmish. Montbrun -was engaged in hot pursuit of the King’s troops, whom he had defeated -a few days before (see page <a href="#Page_78">78</a>), when a daring attempt was made -by a party of the royal cavalry to seize the bridge of Gervane, and cut -off his retreat. Though he had only a small force in hand, he charged -the enemy, but finding himself outnumbered was compelled to retreat. -His horse fell in trying to leap a ditch, and he was taken prisoner. Busbecq’s -account shows that the affair was represented in Paris as a decisive -victory. Compare Thuanus, iii. 94, who also states that Montbrun -was the first to raise the Huguenot standard after Saint Bartholomew. -D’Aubigné (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire</cite>, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) says he will give him no -eulogy except the title La Noue conferred upon him—to wit, the Valiant -Montbrun.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> The King, however, was at the entertainment. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">A ces nopces se -trouvèrent le duc de Lorraine et MM. de Guise, avec la pluspart des -princes et seingneurs, qui lors estoient à la Cour, et y dansa le Roy tout du -long du jour, en grande allégresse.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 82.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers, third son of Frederick II., Duke of -Mantua, was born in 1539, and was brought up in France with Henry -II.’s children. He had a horse killed under him at St. Quentin, was taken -prisoner, and was ransomed for 60,000 crowns. In 1565 he married -Henriette de Clèves, the sister of the two last Ducs de Nevers, and of -Catherine de Clèves, wife of the Duke of Guise, and was created Duc de -Nevers. In 1567 he became Governor of the French possessions in -Piedmont, and protested strongly against their cession by Henry III. -(<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires</cite>, i. 1). He was deeply implicated in the Massacre of Saint -Bartholomew. A partisan of the Guises at the beginning of the -League, he afterwards went over to Henry III. At the death of the -latter, he at first assumed an attitude of neutrality between the League -and Henry IV., but soon espoused the royal cause. He died in 1595.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> See note 2, page <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> See note, p. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> The Fregosi were one of the four great plebeian families of Genoa, -and gave many Doges to the Republic. Mario de Birague was sent -as ambassador to Genoa in the summer of 1574, and John Galeazzo Fregoso -commanded the two galleys of the said ambassador. Both were received -with great joy at Genoa, though Fregoso was a banished citizen. -Charrière, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Négotiations de la France dans le Levant</cite>, iii. 609. For a -full account of the disturbances at Genoa see <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 113-128.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> Beauvoir, or Beauvois, de la Nocle was one of the Huguenot chiefs -(among whom were Montgomery and the Vidame de Chartres), who were -in the Faubourg St. Germain during the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, -and succeeded in making their escape. He and d’Arènes were the principal -spokesmen of the Deputies at Paris. He was one of the French gentlemen -who accompanied the army of Casimir which invaded France in -1587 under Dohna. In 1591 Henry IV. sent him as his ambassador to -England.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> Buren, in Gelderland, was taken by the Spanish General Hierges, at -the end of June 1575. For details of the siege see <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 73; -<cite>Strada</cite>, i. 393. The date of the final rupture of the negotiations was -July 13, 1575.—Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part IV. ch. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> For a sketch of Mondragon’s life and character see Motley, <cite>United -Netherlands</cite>, iii. 342-3. The expedition which Busbecq mentions as -contemplated was carried out on September 27. See Motley, <cite>Rise of the -Dutch Republic</cite>, Part IV. ch. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> ‘At the same time in the assembly of the Confederate States, the -question of asking the protection of some powerful neighbouring Sovereign -was long and hotly debated, as some were inclined to the Empire, and -the Princes and States of the Empire, others to the King of France, and -others again to the Queen of England. The side, however, prevailed -which was in favour of an English alliance.’—<cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 79. For a -full account see <cite>Meteren</cite>, 153-155.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> See page <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, and note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> Duke Eric of Brunswick succeeded his father the Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, -in the principalities of Gottingen and Calenberg. -Brought up as a Lutheran, he afterwards became a Roman Catholic. He -fought on the Spanish side at St. Quentin, and was subsequently employed -in the Netherlands and Portugal. He does not seem to have taken his -rejection much to heart, as in the following December he married Dorothea, -daughter of Christina, Duchess of Lorraine (see note, page 63), and -sister of Charles, the reigning Duke. Busbecq’s Queen honoured the -marriage of her rejected suitor with her presence (see page <a href="#Page_129">129</a>). He -died at Pavia in 1584. In the opinion of Thuanus (iii. 703), he was -‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">terribilis suis, neque tamen re ulla memorabili gesta admodum clarus.</span>’ -His widow afterwards married the Marquis de Varembon, the lover of -Mademoiselle de Tournon, whose pathetic story is told by her royal mistress. -See <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de Marguerite</cite>, 110-114.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> Bourg-la-Reine, near Sceaux.—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 85.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> Marie Elizabeth (or Isabel) was born October 27, 1572, a few weeks -after the massacre of Saint Bartholomew; Queen Elizabeth of England -was her godmother. An interesting account of her is given by Brantôme, -whose aunt, Madame de Crissé, was her governess. According to -him she had a great idea of her own importance: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Une fois, elle estant -malade, le Roy son oncle (Henry III.) demeura trois jours sans l’aller voir; -au troisiesme il y alla. Lors qu’elle le sentit à la porte elle fit semblant -de dormir, et se tourna de l’autre costé; et, encore que le Roy l’appellast -par trois fois, elle fit de la sourde, jusques à ce que madame de Crissé, -ma tante et sa gouvernante, la fit tourner vers le Roy, envers lequel -elle fit de la froide, et ne luy dict pas deux mots: et s’en estant departi -d’avec elle, sa gouvernante se corrouçant contre elle, luy demanda pourquoy -elle avoit faict ce trait et cette mine. Elle respondit: “Hé quoi! ma -mere, comment me fust-il esté possible de faire cas de luy, et luy faire -bonne chere, que, despuis trois jours que je suis malade, il ne m’a pas -veue une fois, non pas seulement envoyé visiter, moy qui suis sa -niepce, et fille de son aisné, et qui ne luy fais point de déshonneur.”</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, -v. 245. -</p> -<p> -She died before she completed her sixth year. The following touching -notice was written at the time of her death:—‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ce jour (April 2, -1578), mourust en l’Hostel d’Anjou, à Paris, Madame Marie Ysabel de -France, fille unique et légitime du feu Roy Charles IX<sup>e</sup>, aagée de cinq -à six ans, qui fust pleurée et regrettée à cause de son gentil esprit -et de sa bonté et douceur, qu’elle retenoit de madame Ysabel d’Austriche, -fille de l’Empereur Maximilian d’Austriche, sa mère</span>’.—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, -i. 239.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> According to Mezeray, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de France</cite>, iii. 380, and Amyraut, -<cite>Life of La Noue</cite>, 166, his real name was Dianovitz, and he was a Bohemian -by birth (Bohesme, Boësme, Besme). He is, however, generally -called simply Besme. Brantôme, who knew him well, tells us he was a -page of the Cardinal de Guise, and married an illegitimate daughter of -the Cardinal de Lorraine, a former maid of honour to Elizabeth of -France, Queen of Philip II., who gave her a marriage portion. Two -years afterwards he was sent to Spain, by Guise, under the pretext of -buying horses, but in reality, it was said, to renew the secret alliance -which had existed between Philip and the late Cardinal de Lorraine. According -to Brantôme, he went ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">tant pour querir son mariage que pour -braver et se monstrer en piaffe devant le Roy et les Espagnols, et dire que -c’estoit luy qui avoit faict le coup de M. l’Admiral.</span>’ On his return he was -taken prisoner between Barbezieux and Chasteauneuf, and brought to the -Castle of Bouteville. Being recognised, he offered a large sum for his -ransom, and to get Montbrun exchanged against himself. The Guises, -too, made great efforts to obtain his release. However, when news -came of Montbrun’s execution, the inhabitants of Rochelle, ‘qui le -vouloient acheter pour en faire faire justice exemplaire’ (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 83), -offered 1,000 crowns for him to Bertoville, the Governor of Bouteville. -The latter, for fear of reprisals against the Huguenot prisoners, did not -wish to put him to death openly, and, on the other hand, had no intention -of letting him go unpunished for the murder of Coligny. He therefore -had recourse to the following stratagem. He caused one of his soldiers -to enter into communication with Besme, and to agree for a bribe to let -him escape. The soldier then reported Besme’s plans to the Governor, -who posted an ambush where the fugitive was to pass. He fell into their -hands and was killed on the spot. For an account of his murder of -Coligny, see <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, iii. 280.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> The English Ambassador—or more properly Minister—at that time -was Dr. Valentine Dale.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> Compare his sister Marguerite’s account. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le soir venu, peu -avant le soupper du Roy, mon frere changeant de manteau, et le -mettant autour du nez, sort seulement suivy d’un des siens, qui n’estoit -pas recongneu, et s’en va à pied jusques à la porte de Saint-Honnoré, où -il trouve Simié (Jean de Seymer, master of Alençon’s Wardrobe) avec -le carrosse d’une dame, qu’il avoit emprunté pour cet effect, dans lequel -il se mit, et va jusques à quelques maisons à un quart de lieue de Paris, -où il trouva des chevaux qui l’attendoient, sur lesquels montant, à quelques -lieues de là il trouva deux ou trois cens chevaulx de ses serviteurs -qui l’attendoient au rendez-vous qu’il leur avoit donné. L’on ne s’apperçoit -point de son partement que sur les neuf heures du soir. Le Roy et -la Royne ma mere me demanderent pourquoy il n’avoit point souppé -avec eux, et s’il estoit malade. Je leur dis que je ne l’avois point veu -depuis l’apres-disnée. Ils envoyerent en sa chambre voir ce qu’il faisoit; -ou leur vinst dire qu’il n’y estoit pas. Ils disent qu’on le cherche par -toutes les chambres des dames, où il avoit accoustumé d’aller. On -cherche par le chasteau, on cherche par la ville; on ne le trouve point. -A cette heure l’allarme s’eschauffe; le Roy se met en colere, se courrouce, -menace, envoye querir tous les princes et seigneurs de la cour, -leur commande de monter à cheval, et le luy ramener vif ou mort. . . . . -Plusieurs de ces princes et seigneurs refusent cette commission, remonstrans -au Roy de quelle importance elle estoit. . . . Quelques aultres accepterent, -et se preparerent pour monter à cheval. Ils ne peurent faire -telle diligence qu’ils peussent partir plustost que sur le poinct du jour, qui -fut cause qu’ils ne trouverent point mon frere, et furent contraincts de -revenir pour n’estre pas en esquipage de guerre.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de Marguerite</cite>, -p. 64.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> See note, p. <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> Claude Antoine de Vienne, Baron de Clervant, born at Metz, 1505. -He was the chief leader of the Huguenots in the north-east of France.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> See note 3, p. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> Marguerite de la Marck, sovereign Countess of Aremberg, in her -own right, was widow of Jean de Ligne, the Comte d’Aremberg who -died so gallantly at Heiliger-Lee (see Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, -Part III. ch. ii.) She had already had the honour of escorting Elizabeth, -when she came to France as a bride. She visited Marguerite de Valois -when she went to Spa in 1577. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Plusieurs seigneurs et dames d’Allemaigne -y estoient venus pour me voir, et entre aultres madame la comtesse -d’Aremberg (qui est celle qui avoit eu l’honneur de conduire la royne -Elizabeth à ses nopces à Mezieres, lors qu’elle vint espouser le roy -Charles mon frere, et ma sœur aisnée au roy d’Espaigne son mary), -femme qui estoit tenue en grande estime de l’imperatrice, de l’empereur, -et de tous les princes chrestiens.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de Marguerite</cite>, p. 109.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> Du Guast was one of Henry III.’s favourites, and possessed unbounded -influence over his master. On his return from Poland, whither -du Guast had accompanied him, Henry gave him the bishoprics of -Amiens and Grenoble. The former ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">il vendit à une garse de la Cour la -somme de 30,000 francs: aiant vendu auparavant l’évesché de Grenoble -40,000 francs au fils du feu seingneur d’Avanson.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 39. -The King also gave him 50,000 livres he had raised by a forced loan -from the Councillors and Advocates of the Parliament and Châtelet at -Paris (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 54). <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</span>, i. 92, gives an account of his -murder. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il fust tué dans sa maison à Paris, rue Saint-Honoré, et avec -lui son valet de chambre et un sien laquais, par certains hommes armés -et masqués, qui l’assassinèrent à coups d’espées et de dagues, sans estre -congneus ne retenus. Il dit, mourant, que c’estoit le baron de Viteaux, -qui estoit à Monsieur, qui l’avoit tué: toutefois cela ne fust point avéré, -encores que la présumption en fust grande, et que ce coup avoit esté fait -soubs bon adveu et par commandement; d’autant que ce mignon superbe -et audacieux, enflé de la faveur de son maistre, avoit bravé Monsieur -jusques à estre passé un jour devant lui en la rue Sainct-Antoine, sans le -saluer ni faire semblant de le congnoistre, et avoit dit par plusieurs fois -qu’il ne recongnoissoit que le Roy, et que quand il lui auroit commandé -de tuer son propre frère, qu’il le feroit.</span>’ <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</span> makes the reflection -that, as he had shed much innocent blood at the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, -so according to the word of God his own was shed, and that he -himself was surprised and killed in his bed in the same manner as -he used to boast he then surprised and killed others. Six months -before the murder, Brantôme, who was an intimate friend of both parties, -had made an attempt to induce du Guast to withdraw his opposition to -the pardon which de Viteaux was anxious to obtain for the murder of -Millaud. (See page <a href="#Page_189">189</a> and notes.) He thus concludes his account -of the murder: ‘Pour fin, le baron de Viteaux après avoir fait son coup, -sort si heureusement du logis, et se retira si bien et sans aucun bruit, -qu’on n’en soupçonna celuy qui avoit fait le coup que par conjectures, -tant il fut fait secrettement, et ne se put jamais guieres bien prouver; -mesmes à moy, qui luy estois amy intime, ne me l’a voulu confesser.’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, -vi. 93. The Baron de Viteaux was a notorious duellist; his -death is described by Busbecq (pages 189, 190). Du Guast was hated -by Alençon, and his sister Marguerite. The former’s income depended -on the favourite’s pleasure, ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mon frere n’ayant eu jusques alors son -appennage, et s’entretenant seulement de certaines pensions mal assignées, -qui venoient seulement quand il plaisoit au Guast</span>’ (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de -Marguerite</cite>, p. 63). He had also got Marguerite into scrapes, and was -the deadly enemy of her lover, Bussy d’Amboise. All the evidence -points strongly to the fact that he was murdered at her instigation. Not -only do Thuanus (iii. 108-9) and Mezeray (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de France</cite>, iii. -391) give graphic accounts of her visit to de Viteaux at the monastery -of the Augustins at Paris, where he had taken sanctuary, and tell -how she persuaded him by her caresses to commit the murder, but her -friend Brantôme, while he praises her for not oftener availing herself of -this means of punishing her enemies, and asserts that she never retaliated -on du Guast, makes the following admission (v. 187): ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il est vray que -lors qu’on l’eut tué, et qu’on luy vint annoncer, elle estant malade</span>’ (she -had a bad cold, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires</cite>, p. 66), ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">elle dict seulement “Je suis bien -marrie que je ne suis bien guerie pour de joye solemniser sa mort.</span>”’ In -her <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires</cite> (p. 79), she alludes to du Guast’s death only incidentally, -but at the same time leaves on record unmistakeable evidence of her -feelings towards him. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Guast lors estoit mort, ayant esté tué par un -jugement de Dieu, pendant qu’il suoit une diette, comme aussy c’estoit -un corps gasté de toutes sortes de villanies, qui fust donné à la pourriture -qui des longtemps le possedoit, et son ame aux dæmons, à qui il avoit -faict hommage par magie et toutes sortes de meschancetez.</span>’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> See note 2, p. <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> The word in the text is Casteldunum (Châteaudun), but this must be -a misprint or mistake, as Châteaudun is on the other side of the Loire, -and a long way from Poitiers. From a journal kept by an Avocat of -Saint-Maixent in Poitou, we are able to fix Alençon at La Guerche, which -is close to Châtelherault, on October 1. Châtelherault is therefore probably -the place intended. See <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Riche</cite>, p. 238.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> The Duke of Guise seems hardly to have deserved the credit he -acquired at the battle of Château Thierry. With 10,000 infantry and -1,000 heavy cavalry, he attacked Thoré, whose troops did not number -more than 2,500; even of these some had been tampered with and went -over to the Duke. Neither was the way in which he received the wound -which gave him the soubriquet of ‘le Balafré’ much to his credit as -a soldier. The struggle had been decided, and he was engaged in hunting -down one of the fugitives in a thicket of brambles, when the man -turned and shot him in the face. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 105-6. -</p> -<p> -‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le mardi 11<sup>e</sup> octobre, le seingneur de Fervacques arriva á Paris, et -apporta nouvelles au Roy de deux mille, que Reistres, que François, conduits -par M. de Thoré, desfaits par le duc de Guise, près Fismes, en -passant la rivière de Marne au-dessus de Dormans. Dont le Roy fait -chanter le <em>Te Deum</em> solennel. Ceste desfaite estoit avenue le jour de -devant 10<sup>e</sup> octobre, entre Dameri et Dormans, dont le bruit fust plus -grand que l’effait; car il n’y mourust point cinquante hommes de part et -d’autre, et après que deux ou trois cornettes de Reistres, prattiquées -par argent, eurent fait semblant de se rendre à la merci du duc de Guise, -le seingneur de Thoré passa sain et sauf à Nogent-sur-Seine avec mil -ou douze cens chevaux, et s’alla rendre à M. le Duc (d’Alençon) à -Vatan. Le duc de Guise, en ceste rencontre, par un simple soldat à -pied qu’il attaqua, fut grièvement blessé d’une harquebuzade, qui lui -emporta une grande partie de la joue et de l’aureille gauche.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De -l’Estoile</cite>, i. 91.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> Giovanni Michel, the Venetian Ambassador, paid his respects to -Busbecq’s Queen, and has left an interesting notice of her appearance in -her white widow’s dress. ‘I was most cordially received by the Queen, -the wife of the late King, and daughter of the Emperor. She knew me at -once, and appeared delighted to see me. She looked very well in her -widow’s dress.’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ambassadeurs Vénitiens</cite>, ii. 220.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> John von Manderschiet Blankenheim, Bishop of Strasburg, 1572-92. -The town of Saverne was an appanage of the Bishopric, and here in later -times the Bishops of Strasburg had a magnificent château.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> ‘Limer, or Lime-hound, the same as Bloud-hound, a great dog to -hunt the wild boar.’—<cite>World of Words.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> Gaspard de Schomberg, Comte de Nanteuil, was descended from a -German family of Meissen, but educated at Angers, in France. In 1562 -he fought in defence of the last-named town on the Protestant side. He -afterwards entered the royal service and fought for the king at Moncontour. -He was next employed on a mission to the German Princes -to induce them to form a league against Spain. He accompanied -Henry III. to Poland, as his Seneschal. He was one of those who persuaded -Henry IV. to go to Mass, and took a prominent part in the negotiations -for peace between him and his rebellious subjects. He was on -several occasions employed as the agent of the French Government for -raising German troops. When Busbecq saw him he had just come to -Paris with Bassompierre and Count Mansfeldt to conclude a bargain -with the King for a levy of 8,000 mercenaries. -</p> -<p> -The Kinskys were an ancient Bohemian family. Perhaps, in the -course of his negotiations for hiring German troops, Schomberg had some -dealings with Maximilian’s <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">protégé</em>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> This was no exaggeration, as the following extract from the Diary of -a contemporary will show: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le lundi 5<sup>e</sup> décembre, la Roine veufve, -madame Ysabel d’Austriche, partist de Paris, pour s’en retourner à -Vienne, chés son père et sa mère: et lui bailla le Roy messieurs de -Luxembourg, comte de Rais, et l’évesque de Paris, pour l’accompagner: -qui la rendirent entre les mains des députés par l’Empereur son père, -pour la recevoir à Nanci en Lorraine. Elle fut fort aimée et honorée par -les François tant qu’elle demeura en France, nommément par le peuple de -Paris, lequel, plorant et gémissant à son départ, disoit qu’elle emportoit -avec elle le bonheur de la France.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 95. -</p> -<p> -Miss Freer (<cite>Henry III.</cite>, vol. ii. p. 40), says ‘the Queen quitted Paris -during the first week of August, 1575.’ She was led into this error by the -description given by Godefroy (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Cérémonial François</cite>, i. 927) of Elizabeth’s -entrance into Orleans on August 21, and has confounded her -journey to Amboise (see p. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>), with her return to Germany.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> I.e., Hither Austria. The possessions of the House of Hapsburg in -Swabia and Alsace.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> This is the lady who refused to marry Henry VIII. because she -had only one head! See note p. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> The incidental touches, in which Busbecq makes us acquainted -with the character of his mistress, require some little additions in order -to place before the reader an adequate idea of this good and interesting -lady. She was born June 5, 1554, and was consequently a baby of a few -months old when Busbecq started for the East. She was married to -Charles IX. of France, Nov. 26, 1570, when she was but sixteen. In her -new sphere she quickly won the respect and love of all who knew her. -Two years after her marriage, and just before the birth of her daughter, -came the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. During that awful night she was -quietly sleeping, unaware of the horrors that were passing around her. -Next morning she heard the news, ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Hélas, dit-elle soudain, le Roy -mon mary, le sçait-il?—Ouy, madame, repondit-on: c’est luy mesme -qui le fait faire.—O mon Dieu! s’escria-t-elle, qu’est cecy? et quels -conseillers sont ceux-là qui luy ont donné tel advis? Mon Dieu, je te -supplie et te requiers de luy vouloir pardonner; car, si tu n’en as -pitié, j’ay grande peur que cette offense ne luy soit pas pardonnée.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, -v. 297. -</p> -<p> -During her husband’s last illness it was noticed that when she -came to see him she did not take a seat by his pillow, but chose the -position from which she could best gaze at the loved features; she did not -speak, no sound passed her lips, but ever and anon she raised her handkerchief -to her face, and wiped away the silent tears; even the hardened -courtiers were touched by this picture of agony suppressed. After -her husband’s death it was observed by one of the women of her bedchamber -that she constantly took the little silver candlestick, which -served as a night-light, inside the curtains of her bed, and as soon as she -thought her attendants were asleep, she knelt up to read and pray. It is -interesting to find that during her widowhood she became a diligent -reader of the Bible. After her return to Vienna she founded the Nunnery -of Santa Clara, where she resided till the time of her death, which took -place January 22, 1592, in the 38th year of her age. See vol. i. p. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>. -</p> -<p> -One story yet remains to be told. She had known Marguerite de -Valois in the pride of her beauty; towards the end of her days she heard -of her as an outcast from her family, poor and desolate. If her own relations -deserted her, her sister-in-law was not forgetful of the poor fallen -woman. She not only sent her kind messages, but most generously bestowed -on her one half of her French revenues. It seems strange that so -warm and loving a nature should ever have been accused of heartlessness -(see note, p. 56). In spite of the silence and reserve which marked her -character she was, beyond all doubt, a most affectionate daughter, a -thoughtful mother, and a devoted wife.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> Cosmo Gienger, a distinguished soldier, who fought against the -Turks. He was at this time <em>vice-dominus</em> of Austria. He died in 1592, -aged 77.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part V. ch. v.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> For the outrages committed by Alençon’s troops in French territory -see <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 13-14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> Just six years have elapsed since Busbecq conducted his Royal mistress -to Vienna. The reason suggested (vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>) may perhaps partly -account for this gap in the correspondence. Meanwhile he had been -engaged in watching the Queen’s interests in France, and no doubt also -in enforcing the admirable rule of which he was probably the suggester. -The Queen had the right of appointing certain officers and judges in the -towns and districts from which her revenues were derived. Such posts -were commonly bought and sold, but Elizabeth gave strict directions that -no such traffic should be allowed with regard to the appointments of which -she had the patronage. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 87.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> Charlotte de Bourbon, Princess of Orange, died May 5, 1582. For -this letter see Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part VI. ch. v. See -also p. 66.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> A great many Albanians (Epirotes) were serving in the Spanish -cavalry, see <cite>Strada</cite>, and also Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, ii. 47-51, and -iii. 108, where a gigantic Albanian is mentioned.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> In 1578 Sebastian, the boy King of Portugal (see p. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, note), was -killed in battle against the Moors on the field of Alcazar. By his -death the crown devolved on his uncle Henry, the Cardinal, who, though -nearly seventy years old, at first thought of marrying; this project was -stopped by Philip of Spain; he then appointed a council of regency -to arrange the succession. The two most prominent candidates were -Philip of Spain, who had the best right by blood, but who was most unpopular -in Portugal, and Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, the illegitimate -son of Luis, Duke of Beja, brother of the reigning King. Don Antonio -received the support of the representatives of the people, but, on the -death of Henry in 1580, he was quickly driven out of Portugal by Alva, and -took refuge alternately in France and England, where he received countenance -and support from Henry III. and Elizabeth. The French expedition -to the Azores is frequently mentioned in Busbecq’s letters. The -importance of these islands consisted in their affording a station for ships -coming home either from America or India. We learn from a contemporary -historian (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de Portugal</cite>, 1610), that Catherine de Medici -had agreed with Antonio to accept Brazil in settlement of her claims on -the Portuguese throne (see note, page 161), hence the interest which she -took in this expedition, at the head of which she placed her gallant cousin -Philip Strozzi, with de Brissac, son of the Maréchal de Brissac, as his -lieutenant. They were attacked off St. Michael’s by a greatly superior -force of Spanish ships under Santa Cruz; de Brissac cut his way through -and escaped, Don Antonio contrived to be absent, and Strozzi and Don -Antonio’s Constable, the Count of Vimioso, were wounded and captured. -The latter, being a relation of Santa Cruz, was kindly treated, but died -two days later of his wounds. Strozzi, according to some accounts, was -treated with great barbarity; at any rate he was thrown overboard by -the orders of the Spanish Admiral. His gallant end, and the cruelty of -his captors, excited a strong feeling in France, which found expression in -epigrams, of which the following is a specimen. -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line">‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Qui a l’or et l’argent du ciel pour couverture</span></div> -<div class="line"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Et du grand Océan le saphir pour tombeau,</span></div> -<div class="line"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Embaumé d’un renom et los illustre et beau,</span></div> -<div class="line"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Marrannes, n’a besoin de vostre sepulture.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 79.</div> -</div></div></div> -<p> -An old historian speaks of these epigrams as ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">tumbeaux cizelez de la -plume,</span>’ and of this specimen as one to which none but a Spaniard could -object.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> The Andalusian fleet under Martinez de Recalde, one of the chiefs -of the Spanish Armada.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> It is interesting to find Raleigh criticising Strozzi’s tactics in fighting -at close quarters with the huge galleons of Spain. It would appear that -the engagement supplied a warning to the captains who five years later -baffled the Armada. See <cite>Historie of the World</cite>, p. 791.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> Prince Dauphin of Auvergne, son of Louis de Bourbon, Duc de -Montpensier and Dauphin d’Auvergne. He distinguished himself at -Jarnac, Moncontour, and Ivry. Died in 1592.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> The brother of Admiral Coligny. His son succeeded to the County -of Laval in right of his mother, Claude de Rieux.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part VI. chap. vi. According -to Motley, Parma received a severe check. Froude tells us that -Norris and the English repulsed the Spanish forces after the States’ -troops had fled. <cite>History of England</cite>, chap. lxvi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> The Earl of Morton, late Regent of Scotland, was executed on a -charge of being an accomplice in the murder of Darnley. His ruin was -brought about by Comte d’Aubigny, then Earl and afterwards Duke of -Lennox. See Froude, <cite>History of England</cite>, chap. lxiii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part VI. chap. vi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> See note 2, page <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> The case of Salceda was one which greatly exercised the mind of -de Thou, the historian, who ascribes the death of his father Christopher -de Thou to vexation at finding his advice neglected when the ruffian was -brought to trial. Salceda had been condemned to death by the Parliament -of Rouen, for forging money. The Guises, who had need of his -services, obtained his pardon, or to speak more correctly perhaps, a suspension -of his sentence, for his pardon was not registered by the Parliament -of Rouen, though granted by the King. His mission, according to -Motley, was to poison Alençon and Orange, but according to Salceda’s -own confession he was to join Alençon with some troops, gain his confidence, -and get himself appointed to the command of Dunkirk or some -other strong place, which he was to betray to the Guises. These last -were then to rise and compel the King to place them at the head of his -army which they intended to lead against Alençon and Orange. On -being arrested Salceda made various confessions implicating the Guises -and other leading men in France. Christopher de Thou, President of -the Parliament of Paris, one of those before whom he was tried, was convinced -that there was a great deal of truth in Salceda’s statements, and -was most anxious that his life should be spared with a view to bringing -others to justice, but too many great people were interested in stopping -the mouth of their unfortunate tool, and he was therefore executed. It is -probable that the story of an attempt to poison Alençon and Orange -was a mere veil to cover the grounds on which he was executed. The -fact that a distinguished Netherlander, Lamoral Egmont, cousin of the -French Queen, and son of the famous general, was concerned in Salceda’s -plot, seems to point to the accuracy of de Thou’s version. It is evident -that Busbecq thought there was something more in the matter than appeared -on the surface. Compare <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 565-566, and especially -the account in his life. <cite>De vita suâ</cite>, 27-31. Miss Freer gives a very -full and interesting account of Salceda’s conspiracy; see <cite>Henry III.</cite> vol. -ii. pp. 304-319.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> The following note was made by one who was in all probability an -eye-witness: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Quand Tanchou, lieutenant de robbe courte, présent à -l’exécution avec ses archers, vinst dire au Roy que sur le bas eschaffaut, -sur lequel estoit son corps quand il fust tiré, il s’estoit fait deslier les -deux mains pour signer sa dernière confession, qui estoit qu’il n’estoit rien -de toutes les charges qu’il avoit mises sus aux plus grands de ce roiaume, -le Roy s’escria: “O le meschant homme! voire le plus meschant dont -j’aye onques ouï parler!” Ce disoit le Roy, pource qu’à la dernière -question qui luy avoit esté baillée (où le Roy avoit assisté caché derrière -une tapisserie), il lui avoit ouï jurer et affermer, au milieu des tortures, que -tout ce qu’il avoit dit contre eux estoit vrai (comme beaucoup l’ont creu -et le croient encores aujourdhui, veu les tragœdies qui se sont jouées en -France par les accusés.)</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 75.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> See note 2, p. <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> See note 3, p. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> La Noue. The famous <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bras de fer</cite>. See note 2, p. <a href="#Page_21">21</a>. For an interesting -account of his captivity, see Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, -Part VI. chap. iv. Parma was offered Count Egmont and de Selles (see -Letter <a href="#xlv">XLV</a>.), in exchange for La Noue; his answer was that he would not -give a lion for two sheep. Philip expressed his willingness to restore his -illustrious captive to liberty if he would consent to have his eyes put out. -Busbecq must have felt some little grudge against this gallant soldier, -for three years before, 1579, he had stormed Comines and established -himself in the castle of the Halluins. Bousbecque was also occupied by -his troops. See Dalle, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de Bousbecque</cite>, p. 247.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> The following is an account of one of the royal pilgrimages: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’onziesme -jour d’avril, qui estoit le lendemain de Pasques, le Roy avec la Roine -son espouse partirent de Paris à pied et allèrent à Chartres, et de Chartres à -Cleri, faire leurs prières et offrandes à la Belle Dame révérée solemneilement -ès églises desdits lieux, à ce que, par son intercession, il pleust à -Dieu leur donner la masle lignée que tant ils désiroient. D’où ils furent -de retour à Paris, le 24<sup>e</sup> dudit mois, tous deux bien las et aians les plantes -des pieds bien ampoullés d’avoir fait tant de chemin à pied.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De -l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 121.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> See Letter <a href="#xxvii">XXVII.</a> and note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> I.e., a son and heir.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> St. Luc had been one of the ‘mignons’ of Henry III. An amusing -story is told of his fall from favour. The King had procured him a bride -in the daughter of Maréchal de Brissac; when they were married she -objected to her husband’s taking part in the dissipations of the Court. -St. Luc, anxious to remain in the Court circle, and at the same time -desirous of gratifying his wife, determined to frighten Henry into -reforming his ways. Accordingly he had a secret passage cut through -the panels of the King’s bedchamber, and one night presented himself -dressed up in the character of an angel. With a piece of brass piping he -imitated the scene of Belshazzar’s feast, and threatened the King with a -most horrible fate if he did not reform his ways. The King was completely -taken in and thoroughly frightened. For sometime afterwards, -whenever it thundered, the King imagined it to be the sign of his approaching -doom, and took refuge under the beds, and in the cellars of the -palace. Unfortunately for St. Luc he could not keep the joke to himself; -at last the King heard of it, his fears were relieved, and his favourite -was dismissed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il arriva de mesme à M. de Sainct-Luc à Anvers, dans la chambre -de M. d’Alençon, luy estant en son cabinet; mais le prince d’Orange en -vit le jeu en sortant, qui fut contre le sieur de Gauville, où il y eut quelques -coups, dont le prince d’Orange s’en estonna, et dit que telles choses -ne furent jamais veues ny faites en la chambre, ny salle, ny logis de l’Empereur -son maistre; autrement il eust mal basté pour les délinquants.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, -vi. 136. -</p> -<p> -‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il arriva de mesmes à M. de Sainct-Luc, brave et vaillant seigneur -certes. Ayant esté deffié et appellé par M. de Gauville, dont j’ay parlé -cy-devant, estans tous deux à Anvers au service de Monsieur, ainsi qu’il -alloit resolu au combat, et qu’il vouloit sortir hors la ville, fut arresté par -La Vergne, capitaine de la garde françoise de Monsieur.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, vi. -182.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> Busbecq too received a gold chain from the King, which he afterwards -lost. See p. <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> See p. <a href="#Page_158">158</a>. The phrase ‘coining money’ is a joke.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> Catherine de Medici’s claim was through her mother, a lady of the -House of Auvergne and Boulogne; in order to establish it she had to go -back more than 300 years to the first marriage of Alphonso III. to the -widow of a Count of Boulogne. Catherine alleged there were children of -this marriage from one of whom she was descended. Some have thought -that her only object was to show that she came of royal and ancient descent; -this may have been the motive in part, but there can be no doubt -that she hoped to exchange her visionary claim for some substantial advantage; -thus, as has been already stated, she was willing to sell her -pretensions to Don Antonio for Brazil. (See note p. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>). She was eager -also to get an offer from Philip in satisfaction of her claims. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Je ne diray -jamais ce que je demande, au contraire, attendrai ses offres qu’il fault -qui soient raisonnables, puis qu’il est saisy et occupateur de ce que je -pretendz m’appartenir.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lettre de la Reine Mère à Longlée</cite>, January 16, -1585, quoted by Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 104. Henry threatened -to retaliate by accepting the sovereignty of the Netherlands, if -Philip did not compromise the matter. Catherine de Medici’s pretensions -to the Crown of Portugal were an important factor in the politics of -the time. See <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de Portugal</cite>, 1610, and Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, -i. 101-105.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> ‘The largest unbroken plain in Belgium is called <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Campine</em>, and comprises -the north-east portion of Antwerp, and north-west of Limburg.’ -Mac Culloch, <cite>Geographical Dictionary</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> One of the steps in Alençon’s scheme for the seizure of Antwerp -not noticed by Motley.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> These troubles were occasioned by Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, -Archbishop of Cologne, having fallen in love with Agnes Mansfeld. -He married her and became a Protestant, but tried notwithstanding to -keep his see and electorate. See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, -Part VI. ch. vi., and <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 31, 32, and elsewhere. For -a full account, see <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 582-8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part VI. ch. vi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> Busbecq hesitates to accept what is now known to have been -Alençon’s version of the affair.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> It seems probable that Busbecq’s diplomacy was directed towards -securing the governorship of the Netherlands to a member of the Austrian -house. Hence his dislike of French interference. (Letters <a href="#i">I</a>. and -<a href="#x">X</a>.) Ernest did ultimately become Governor of the Netherlands in 1594.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> Jean Bodin was Alençon’s chancellor, and acted as his adviser -during the Prince’s stay in England and the Netherlands. After -Alençon’s death he settled down at Laon where he used his influence in -favour of the League; after a time he changed his views, and induced the -citizens to declare in favour of Henry IV. He was the author of a treatise -<cite>On the Republic</cite> in six books, and other works.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> Catherine de Medici and Mary Queen of Scots; the latter, before -her execution, disposed of money due to her from the King of France. -See Froude, <cite>History of England</cite>, chap. lxix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> See Letter <a href="#xlix">XLIX</a>, note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> See note, p. <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> See <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 29.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> We see from this notice of Busbecq’s that Alençon intended -making Dunkirk the seat of his Government. It is not referred to by -Motley, but Ranke regards it as a most important piece of information. -See <cite>Civil Wars and Monarchy in France</cite>, chap. xx.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> Daughter of William by his first marriage. Her brother Philip -William had been carried off into Spain by Philip II.’s orders. She -eventually married Count Hohenlo.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> This order was called the Penitents of the Annunciation, because it -was first instituted at that festival. The members of the fraternity used -on certain occasions to go in procession from church to church, walking -two and two, and wearing sacks of different colours, the knights of the -King blue, the knights of St. Michael black, and the rest white. They -were distinguished from similar associations, which were numerous at -that time, by having their faces covered with a mask, and a large whip -hanging from their girdles. The cross was generally carried by the Cardinal -de Guise, who had as his acolytes the Chancellor and the Keeper of the -Seals (i.e. Birague and Cheverny.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> Maurice Poncet. The King and his courtiers had gone in procession -on a wet day. Poncet, in allusion to their dress, quoted a French proverb -as to the folly of trying to keep off rain with wet sackcloth. He was -rewarded for his temerity by imprisonment in the monastery of St. Peter -at Melun. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 627.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le 29<sup>e</sup> mars, le Roy fist fouetter, au Louvre, jusques à six vingts, que -pages, que laquais, qui en la Salle Basse du Louvre avoient contrefait la -procession des Penitents, aians mis leurs mouschoirs devant leurs visages, -avec des trous à l’endroit des yeux.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>., ii. 112.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> See Letter <a href="#xxix">XXIX</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> Edmund Auger, the King’s confessor. He was not favourably disposed -towards the League, and on this account was recalled by his -superiors. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 626. De l’Estoile, who detested him, -declares that he was originally a juggler, ‘basteleur.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 342.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> See <cite>Strada</cite>, ii. 261-2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> For his real object, see <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 630-631. He tried to obtain -the Pope’s approval of a scheme for attacking Montmorency, Governor of -Languedoc, and met with a refusal and rebuke. See Letter <a href="#xxxii">XXXII.</a></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> See <cite>Strada</cite>, ii. 264.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> Busbecq was evidently on the watch for some turn in the affairs of -the Netherlands which might tend to the advantage of the House of -Austria. He did not care for decisive Spanish successes. See Letter <a href="#xli">XLI.</a></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> See Letter <a href="#xxi">XXI.</a>, note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> De Viteaux was the murderer of du Guast, see page <a href="#Page_116">116</a>. The duel -is described by Brantôme at great length; he had an account of it from -Seigneur Jacques Ferron, who had acted as fencing-master to young -Millaud, de Viteaux’s antagonist. Ferron climbed up a tall walnut tree -in order to get a good view of the contest. Brantôme was a great -admirer of de Viteaux. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ainsi mourut ce brave baron, le parangon de -France, qu’on nommoit tel, à bien venger ses querelles par grandes et -determinées resolutions. Il n’estoit pas seulement estimé en France, -mais en Italie, Espaigne, Allemaigne, en Pouloigne et Angleterre; et -desiroient fort les estrangers venant en France le voir; car je l’ay veu, -tant sa renommée volloit. Il estoit fort petit de corps, mais fort grand de -courage. Ses ennemis disoient qu’il ne tuoit pas bien ses gens que par -advantages et supercheries. Certes, je tiens de grands capitaines, et mesmes -d’italiens, qui sont estez d’autresfois les premiers vengeurs du monde, <em>in -ogni modo</em>, disoient-ils, qui ont tenu ceste maxime, qu’une supercherie ne -se devoit payer que par semblable monnoye, et n’y alloit point là de -deshonneur.</span>’—<i>Brantôme</i>, vi. 89.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le mercredi 15<sup>e</sup> febvrier, le baron de Viteaux, revenant sur le soir -du Louvre, fut chargé, en la rue Saint-Germain, près le fort l’Evesque, -par dix ou douze hommes de cheval, bien montés et armés à l’avantage. -Et mist ledit Viteaux brusquement la main à l’espée, et, vaillamment se -défendant, se retira enfin sain et sauf.... On eust cette opinion que -ceste charge avoit esté faicte par le jeune Millaud, désirant venger la -mort de son père.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 105.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> Brantôme gives a long list of de Viteaux’s achievements. He adds—‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">S’il -eust vescu, il en vouloit tuer encores deux que je sçay bien, qui, je -croy, ne regrettérent guieres sa mort ... et possible s’il eust eschappé -de ce combat, il fust tumbé en une embuscade qu’on luy avoit préparée, -comme j’ay sceu despuis: car il commençoit à estre plus craint qu’aymé -de quelques très-grands et très-grandes: si que ce trait du meurtre de M. -du Guast fut estimé de grande résolution et asseurance.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, vi. -86-95.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> In the early part of 1575 Montal, the governor of Lower Auvergne, -was killed in a defile by the cavaliers of Magdelene de Senetaire, the -widow of Guy de Saint-Exupery, Seigneur de Miraumont. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cette -Amazone, l’une des merveilles de son siécle pour la beauté, mais encore -plus pour le courage et pour la vertu, avoit toûjours auprés d’elle soixante -jeunes Gentils-hommes en bon équipage, qui s’efforçant tous à l’envy de -meriter l’honneur de son estime, faisoient voir dans leur petite troupe -l’échantillon de cette verité autrefois énoncée par un Ancien, Qu’une -armée composée d’Amans seroit invincible.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mezeray</cite>, iii. 375. -</p> -<p> -The Latin is <em>Montenellus</em>, and we have identified him with <em>Montal</em> -on the authority of de Foy; his case, however, hardly furnishes a parallel -to the death of de Viteaux, and possibly Louvier de Montrevel (or -Maurevert) is intended, who was killed about this time by the son of a man -he had assassinated. This atrocious scoundrel had been like Besme -(see p. <a href="#Page_99">99</a>) a page in the household of Guise, had murdered the governor -of the pages and deserted. In spite of his crime he was readmitted to -his old position, and undertook to murder Coligny. With this object he -deserted to the Huguenots, and was most kindly received by Moüy, -governor of Niort, who shared with him his bed, his board, and his -purse. Unable to find an opportunity of assassinating the Admiral, -Montrevel murdered his benefactor in the most dastardly manner. -Mezeray draws a parallel between him and de Viteaux, who had at least -the redeeming quality of courage. See <cite>Mezeray</cite>, iii. 224 and 555.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> Bussy d’Amboise was a notorious duellist. On one occasion, for -instance, a gentleman named Saint-Phal was looking at a piece of embroidery, -and made the innocent remark that a certain letter worked on -it was X; Bussy, in order to provoke a quarrel, insisted that it was Y. -The upshot of the dispute was a duel with six champions on either side; -at the first meeting Bussy was slightly wounded, on which Saint-Phal -withdrew from the combat. Bussy endeavoured to arrange another -meeting, but was prevented by the King. -</p> -<p> -His end was as follows. The King obtained some letters of Bussy’s -boasting of an intrigue with a married lady, and showed them to her husband, -the Count of Monsoreau. The latter carried off his wife to a -lonely castle and compelled her to write a letter to Bussy, inviting him to -visit her. He fell into the trap, and was murdered by a band of assassins -as soon as he entered the castle. No one regretted him, not even -Alençon, to whom he had attached himself.—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ambassadeurs Vénetiens</cite>, -ii. 453. -</p> -<p> -Bussy’s sister Renée afterwards married Balagny (see Letter <a href="#xxix">XXIX</a>.) -on condition that he would avenge her brother, a promise he never fulfilled. -She is the heroine of Cambrai described by Motley, <cite>United -Netherlands</cite>, iii. 350, 351.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> For the real reason of this outburst, see Letters <a href="#xxii">XXII</a>. <a href="#xxix">XXIX</a>. The -King suspected her of causing his despatches to be intercepted and his -messenger murdered. Whether Margaret was guilty of this murder or -not, she was capable of such acts. See note, p. <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> ‘La dame de Duras et la damoiselle de Bethune.’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, -ii. 130.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> Jacques de Harlay, Seigneur de Chanvallon, was the reputed father -of Marguerite’s son.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> One of the chief objects of the first expedition of Santa Cruz to the -Azores (see Letter <a href="#vi">VI</a>.) was to provide for the safety of the fleet which -was expected from India. Telles Silva, having secured Goa and the other -Portuguese possessions in India for Spain, despatched a messenger, Jerome -Lima, to Philip by an overland route, viâ Ormuz, Bagdad, Aleppo, Jerusalem, -and Tripoli, to inform him of his plans. Matters appear to have -been well timed by the Spaniards, for shortly after the defeat of Strozzi -the Indian fleet hove in sight, and Santa Cruz, after throwing a garrison -into St. Michael, escorted the convoy to Lisbon. Don Antonio was thus -left master of the other islands, but, as has already been seen, he quickly -decamped, leaving Emmanuel Silva in command. The following year -the French sent their second expedition, consisting of 600 men under de -Chattes, Knight of Malta; on reaching Terceira this gallant officer -strongly urged the Portuguese commander to concentrate his troops in -some strong place, as he saw no hope of preventing the Spaniards, who -were shortly expected, from disembarking. Silva refused to take his advice; -Santa Cruz succeeded in landing, and after a sharp engagement the -French, who were deserted by their Portuguese allies, were driven into -the interior. -</p> -<p> -De Chattes asked Silva to join him, suggesting that with their united -forces they would be able to offer a better resistance or secure better -terms. Silva returned a most insolent answer, telling him to join the -Spaniards, and boasting that he and his Portuguese were a match for -them both, meanwhile he sent to Santa Cruz, offering to surrender and -betray his French allies. This proposition the Spanish admiral forwarded -to de Chattes by a man who had served with the latter at Malta. De -Chattes no longer hesitated to accept the liberal terms offered by Santa -Cruz, and surrendered with 400 men, on condition of their keeping their -side arms, and being sent back to France. Silva was quickly hunted -down, tortured, and executed. The French who had been taken prisoners -before the surrender of the main body were sent to the galleys. See -<cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 637-642.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> The father of Casimir. See note, page <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le 10<sup>e</sup> septembre, vindrent à Paris, en forme de procession, huict ou -neuf cens, qu’hommes, que femmes, que garsons, que filles, vestus de toile -blanche, aveq mantelets aussi de toile sur leurs espaules, portans -chapeaux ou de feutre gris chamarrés de bandes de toile, ou tous couvers -de toile sur leurs testes, et en leurs mains les uns des cierges et chandelles -de cire ardens, les autres des croix de bois, et marchoient deux à deux, -chantans en la forme des pénitens ou pélerins allans en pélerinage. Ils -estoient habitans des villages de S. Jean des deux Gemeaux et d’Ussy, -en Brie, près la Ferté Gaucher. Et estoient conduis par les deux gentilshommes -des deux villages susdits, vestus de mesme parure, qui les -suivoient à cheval, et leurs damoiselles aussi vestues de mesmes, dedans -ung coche. Le peuple de Paris accourut à grande foule pour les voir -venans faire leurs prières et offrandes en la grande église de Paris, esmeu -de pitié et commisération, leur voiant faire tels pénitenciaux et dévocieux -voyages pieds nuds, et en longueur et rigueurs des chemins. Ils -disoient avoir esté meus à faire ces pénitences et pélerinages pour -quelque feux apparans en l’air et autres signes, comme prodiges veus au -ciel et en la terre, mesmes vers les quartiers des Ardennes, d’où estoient -venus les premiers tels pélerins et pénitens, jusques au nombre de 10 ou -12 mille, à Nostre-Dame de Reims et de Liesse, pour mesme occasion.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De -l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 134.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> Busbecq regarded his books as personal friends; see the end of the -2nd Turkish letter (vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>). He will not have them slighted! De -Foy omits this letter from his translation on the ground that it has no -historic interest. His real reason is evidently his inability to reconcile its -statements with his own notes on Letter XII., in which he explains -Busbecq’s appeal for a settlement as to the Greek manuscripts, by supposing -that they had been stopped at the Venetian custom-house. For -an account of these books see vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_417">417</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> Their names are given, <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 633. The King selected three -Archbishops, each of whom was accompanied by a distinguished layman.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> Twenty-six of Busbecq’s miles (see vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_82">82</a> note) are equivalent -to about sixty English miles, which is the distance of Château Thierry -from Paris.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, P. VI. ch. vi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> To those who know the history of the times, it will not be surprising -that Alençon did not care to come to court. Henry III. allowed and -encouraged his favourites to treat his brother in the most insolent manner, -mimicking him to his face, and pointing at him. The following is the -description of their behaviour at St. Luc’s wedding:—‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le duc d’Anjou -(Alençon) ne voulut point assister à la cérémonie; cependant, par complaisance -pour la reine-mère, il se présenta le soir au bal, et eut tout lieu -de s’en repentir.... Chacun le montroit au doigt; on le regardoit en -ricanant: on se parloit de lui à l’oreille, assez haut cependant pour qu’il -entendît que sa taille, son air, sa démarche étoient la matière des plaisanteries.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Anquetil</cite>, -viii. 77.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> The King had on a former occasion acted with great precipitation -with regard to Alençon, entering his room at night, searching his bed for -papers, and insisting on seeing a note which his brother with clasped -hands implored him not to open. It turned out to be a billet-doux!—See -<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de Marguerite</cite>, 136-7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> See Letter <a href="#xxii">XXII.</a></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> Busbecq’s opinion was amply confirmed by Balagny’s subsequent -career. He established himself at Cambrai as an independent Prince.—See -<cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 8, 100; and iii. 347-350. See also p. 227. -Balagny was the son of Busbecq’s friend Jean de Montluc, Bishop -of Valence (see p. <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, note 2), who considered himself married to his -mother. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Je croy qu’il ne prit point l’ordre de Prestrise, mais il se donna -la licence d’avoir une femme, dont vint Jean de Montluc-Balagny; car -ayant fort pratiqué les Docteurs des nouvelles opinions, il estoit dans ce -mauvais sentiment que le Celibat n’estoit pas une qualité necessaire aux -Ecclesiastiques.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mezeray</cite>, iii. 450.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> As for instance du Guast, Fervaques, and Brantôme.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le dimanche 13<sup>e</sup> de novembre, le Prévost de l’Hostel et ses archers -prirent prisonnières 50 ou 60, que damoiselles, que bourgeoises, contrevenant -en habits et bagues à l’édit de la réformation des habits, sept ou huit -mois auparavant publié, et les constituèrent prisonnières au fort -l’Evesque et autres prisons fermées, où elles couchèrent, quelque remonstrance -et offre de les cautionner et paier les amandes encourues que -peussent faire les parens et amis: qui fut une rigœur extraordinaire et -excessive, veu que par l’édit il n’y gissoit qu’une amande pécuniaire. -Mais il y avoit en ce fait un tacit commandement et consentement du -Roy, qui ferma la bouche aux plaintes qu’on en vouloit faire.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, -ii. 139.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> Cardinal de Birague’s unpopularity with the Court may be partly -accounted for by a very amusing story told by Thuanus. As Chancellor -of France he was commanded by the King to make a speech before the -Parliament asking for the confirmation of some financial measures which -his Majesty had sent to them. Henry was present with all his courtiers. -Whether Birague intended the sarcasm or not it is impossible to say; but -to the great amusement of the ready-witted Frenchmen he said, looking -round on the royal favourites, ‘Really the causes of the King’s poverty -and want of money are so obvious that everyone can see them.’ He -repeated the phrase again and again, amid roars of laughter. See -<cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 626. Compare also pp. <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>. -</p> -<p> -The following is the opinion of his fellow officials:—‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ce chancelier -estoit Italien de nation et de religion, bien entendu aux affaires d’Estat, -fort peu en la justice; de sçavoir, n’en avoit point à revendre, mais seulement -pour sa provision, encores bien petitement. Au reste, libéral, -voluptueux, homme du temps, serviteur absolu des volontés du Roy, -aiant dit souvent qu’il n’estoit pas Chancelier de France, mais Chancelier -du Roy de France, ce que son successeur a sceu encores mieux prattiquer -que lui. Car il mourust pauvre pour un homme qui avoit longtemps servi -les Roys de France, n’estant aucunement ambitieux, et meilleur pour ses -amis et serviteurs que pour soi-mesmes. Il disoit, peu auparavant son -décès, qu’il mouroit cardinal sans tiltre, prebstre sans bénéfice, et chancelier -sans seaux.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 140.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> Philippe Hurault, Comte de Cheverny.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part VI., chap. vi. It is interesting -to compare the dates as given by Motley with Busbecq’s letter. -The latter throws a fresh light on the character of the ‘roaring demagogue’ -Imbize. It appears from <cite>Thuanus</cite> (iii. 646) that Imbize, to gain the favour -of the people, immediately on becoming Senator, threw into prison certain -citizens, whom he accused of intriguing with the Spaniards, and having -betrayed the Pays de Waes to them. The trick succeeded; Imbize won -the confidence of the people, and, having attained his object, yielded to -Champagny’s entreaties and released the prisoners.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> The following is a description of Henry III. at the Carnival of -1577:—‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il faisoit jouxtes, tournois, ballets et force masquarades, où il se -trouvoit ordinairement habillé en femme, ouvroit son pourpoint et descouvroit -sa gorge, y portant un collier de perles et trois collets de toile, -deux à fraize et un renversé, ainsi que lors les portoient les dames -de sa Cour.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, i. 180.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> When Throgmorton was known to have confessed, ‘there was a flight -of Catholics over the Channel thick as autumn swallows.’—<cite>Froude</cite>, -chap. lxv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> The Earl of Northumberland—a mistake of Busbecq’s.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> See <cite>Froude</cite>, chap. lxv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 679.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> See p. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, and note, p. <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> Michel de Seure, Grand Prior of Champagne, a great favourite with -Catherine de Medici. The following scene is described as occurring after -Alençon’s sudden arrest and liberation in 1578: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Laquelle estant finie de -cette façon, le chevalier de Seure, que la Royne ma mere avoit baillé à -mon frere pour coucher en sa chambre, et qu’elle prenoit plaisir d’ouyr -quelquesfois causer, pour estre d’humeur libre, et qui disoit de bonne -grace ce qu’il vouloit, tenant un peu de l’humeur d’un philosophe cynique, -se trouvant devant elle, elle luy demande: “Et bien, monsieur de Seure, que -dictes vous de tout cecy?” “C’est trop peu,” dict-il, “pour faire à bon -escient, et trop pour se jouer.” Et se tournant vers moy, sans qu’elle le -peust entendre, me dit: “Je ne croy pas que ce soit icy le dernier acte -de ce jeu; nostre homme (voulant parler de mon frere) me tromperoit -bien, s’il en demeuroit là!”</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de Marguerite</cite>, p. 148.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le 6<sup>e</sup> jour de mars, le Roy estant au Conseil, en son chasteau du -Louvre, entra en grande colère contre le chevalier de Seure, grand-prieur -de Champaigne, jusques à lui donner des coups de poing et de pied, -pource que (comme il est haut à la main et furieux en sa colère) il avoit dit -à Milon, seingneur de Videville, premier intendant des finances, qu’il estoit -un larron et assassin du peuple de France, d’ailleurs par trop affligé, l’aiant -chargé de huit millions d’escus, sous couleur de paier les debtes du Roy, -qu’il disoit monter à ladite somme, combien qu’elles ne montassent qu’à -cinq millions, et par ce moien surchargeoit furtivement le pauvre peuple -de trois millions. Et au Roy, survenant sur ces propos, osa encores dire: -“Sire, vous savez bien ce qui en est;” et lui aiant respondu le Roy qu’il ne -s’en souvenoit point, fust d’abondant si temeraire que de répliquer hautement -et superbement: “Si vous voulez mettre la main sur la conscience, -Sire, vous savez ce qui en est.” Ce que le Roy (ne prenant pas d’ailleurs -plaisir a ouïr de tels propos) print pour une forme de démenti, et par une -promte colère mist la main sur ledit chevalier, l’excédant, ainsi que dit -est.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 149. Michel de Seure was one of the commissioners -mentioned pp. 198, 201. See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 633.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> Pierre de Gondi. See note, p. <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> See <cite>Froude</cite>, chap. lxvi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> <cite>Strada</cite>, ii. 281.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> See Letter <a href="#xxxii">XXXII.</a></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Sur la fin de ce mois (May), la Roine-mère s’en alla à Monsseaux et de -là à Chasteau-Thierri, voir M. le Duc son fils, grièvement malade. Elle en -revinst le premier juing, et fist apporter par eau les plus précieux meubles -de son dit fils, abandonné des médecins et de tout humain secours.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De -l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 154.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> The secret is told us by a contemporary:—‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le 16<sup>e</sup> jour de may, le -duc Desparnon partist de Paris par mandement et commission du Roy, -pour aller en Gascongne trouver le Roy de Navarre, lui porter lettres et -créance de la part de Sa Majesté, par lesquelles elle l’ammonestoit, enhortoit -et prioit, pource que la vie du duc Dalençon, son frère, estoit -déplorée et n’en attendoit-on de jour à autre que nouvelles de sa mort, de -venir à la Cour près d’elle et d’aller à la Messe, parce qu’il le vouloit faire -recongnoistre son vrai héritier et successeur de sa couronne, lui donner -grade et dignité près de sa personne, tels que méritoient les qualités de -beau-frère et légitime successeur de ladite couronne de France, et recevoir -de lui tous les honneurs, avantages et bons traitemens que telles qualités -et la bonne amitié qu’il lui portoit pouvoient requerir.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, -ii. 153.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> This is evidently Busbecq’s verdict, which he cautiously assigns to -others. Compare Motley’s sketch of Alençon, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, -Part V. chap. v. Henry IV. expressed his opinion of Alençon as follows:—‘Un -cœur double, un esprit malin, et tourné comme son corps mal bâti.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> Navarre’s title to the succession was recognised in his marriage -contract with Marguerite.—See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iv. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> <i>I.e.</i> Monsieur. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">A nul appartient d’estre appellé en France simplement -<em>Monsieur</em>, que le premier prince du sang ampres le Roy.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Brantôme</cite>, -iii. 83.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> Compare <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 680.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part VI. chap. vii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> See <cite>Strada</cite>, ii. 306, 307. Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 156.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le 25<sup>e</sup> juillet, le Roy, après avoir fait quelque séjour à Vincennes, -pour y establir ses Hiéronimites, retourna à Fontainebleau, et de là -prist le chemin de Lyon; où estant arrivé, osta le gouvernement de la -ville au seingneur de Mandelot, et le bailla au seingneur du Bouchage, -frère du duc de Joieuse.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 164.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">210</span></a> Des Pruneaux. See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 58 seq.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 31, where this passage is quoted -as Busbecq’s own opinion. Such, no doubt, it is, but, with his usual caution, -he puts it in the mouth of others.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> A full account of Parma’s operations at Dendermonde is to be found -<cite>Strada</cite>, ii. 308-11. Busbecq’s brother-in-law, Jacques de Yedeghem, had -been captain, governor and high bailiff of Dendermonde (Tenremonde) -during 1566 and 1567. He kept the town quiet during those troublous -times, and gained the approval of the Governor-general of the Netherlands.—Dalle, -<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de Bousbecque</cite>, p. 50.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> See Letter <a href="#xxix">XXIX.</a></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> See Letter <a href="#xviii">XVIII.</a>, and note 3, p. <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 113, and note p. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 21-23. <cite>Strada</cite>, ii. 317.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le 19<sup>e</sup> octobre, le Roy, de Blois, et les Roines, de Chenonceau, -partirent en grand haste, pource que deux ou trois damoiselles de la Roine -se trouvèrent frappées de peste; dont l’une, nommée Monmorin, en -mourut. Et se trouvant Ruscellaï à Fontainebleau, au disner du Roy, et -s’estant meu propos de ceste peste, et de la peur que le Roy et les Roines -en avoient eue et avoient encores, il osa dire au Roy “que Sa Majesté ne -devoit point craindre ceste maladie, pource que la Cour estoit une plus -forte peste, sur laquelle l’autre ne pouvoit mordre.”</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 172.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> Jean Baptiste Tassis (or Taxis) was one of Philip’s most able -diplomatists. He was the son of Jean Baptiste de Tassis, who in 1545 -was appointed Postmaster General throughout Germany and the Netherlands -by Charles V., and whose uncle Francis had in 1516 established a -riding post between Brussels and Vienna by order of the Emperor Maximilian. -To his family, as Strada points out, the world is indebted for -the first regular system of posting in modern times—even down to 1866 -the Princes of Thurn and Taxis managed the posts of Würtemberg, -Nassau, Hesse, the Hanse towns, and some other German principalities. -This is the point of James I.’s complaint that ‘Spain sent him a postilion-ambassador.’ -Motley seems to explain the remark by stating -that Tassis was chief courier to Philip. It is hardly probable that a great -ambassador would be employed in such an office. See also note, p. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> The Kings of England claimed the same power. ‘The days on -which this miracle was to be wrought were fixed at sittings of the Privy -Council, and were solemnly notified by the clergy in all the parish -churches of the realm. When the appointed time came, several divines -in full canonicals stood round the canopy of state. The surgeon of the -royal household introduced the sick. A passage from the sixteenth -chapter of the Gospel of Saint Mark was read. When the words, “They -shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover,” had been pronounced, -there was a pause, and one of the sick was brought up to the King. His -Majesty stroked the ulcers and swellings, and hung round the patient’s -neck a white riband to which was fastened a gold coin.’—Macaulay, -<cite>History of England</cite>, chap. xiv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> Senlis.—<cite>Thuanus</cite>, iii. 714.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> The practical advantages of this plan are illustrated by the cases of -Montmorency and Damville. See pp. <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part VI. chap, iv., and Letter -<a href="#ix">IX</a>, note. He was a member of the house of St. Aldegonde, Seneschal to -the King of Spain, and Lieutenant of the Royal bodyguard of Archers. -He had been sent by Philip in 1578 to Don John of Austria and the -States-General to negotiate peace.—Tassis, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 95, note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> Busbecq calls this nobleman de Herbei. This was the regular -French spelling of the name. Noailles, the French ambassador to Queen -Mary, always uses it. See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 98, and -<cite>Froude</cite>, chap. lxvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 67.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> His name was Ferrand. He was secretary to the King of Navarre, -and asserted that he had made the attempt at the instigation of his -Queen (Marguerite).—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 181.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 139.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> See Ranke, <cite>History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France</cite>, chap xxi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> See Ranke, <cite>History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France</cite>, -chap. xxi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ligue sainte, dy-je, pourpensée et inventée par défunct Charles, -Cardinal de Lorraine, voiant la lignée de Valois proche de son période, -et l’occasion se présenter, sous ce beau masque et saint prétexte de -religion, d’exterminer les premiers de la Maison de Bourbon et les plus -proches de la Couronne, pour faire ouverte profession de ladite Religion -Prétendue Réformée, et par ce moien empiéter la couronne de France, -qu’ils disoient avoir esté ravie à Lotaire, dernier Roy de France de la race -de Charlemagne, et à ses enfants, leurs prédécesseurs, par Hugues Capet, -qui n’y pouvoit prétendre aucun droit que par la violente et injuste -usurpation, par le moien de laquelle il s’en estoit emparé.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, -ii. 184.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> This surmise was perfectly correct. See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, -i. 111.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> William Robert de la Marck, Duke of Bouillon and Prince of Sedan -from 1574 to 1588. A Huguenot like his father. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Roy, adverti de -tous ces remuemens de divers seingneurs et endroits de son roiaume, et -mesmes par le duc de Bouillon, qui lui donna advis de la grande levée de -gens de guerre que sous main faisoit le duc de Guise, pendant qu’il -s’amusoit à baller et masquer, fist responce qu’il ne le croioit ni ne -craingnoit.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 185.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> See Ranke, <cite>Civil Wars and Monarchy in France</cite>, chap. xxi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 117.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> They asked that the Estates should meet once every three years.—Ranke, -<cite>Civil Wars and Monarchy in France</cite>, chap. xxi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> Sixtus V. was elected Pope the day before this letter was written. -Gregory XIII., who died on April 10, though he was reported to have -approved of the Catholic Princes taking up arms in defence of their -religion (see Sismondi, xx. 150), yet refused to issue any Bull in their -favour. ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ce Pape n’avoit jamais adhéré à la levée des armes de la -Ligue, et peu de jours avant sa mort, avoit dit au cardinal d’Est, que la -Ligue n’auroit ni Bulle, ni Bref, ni Lettres de lui, jusques à ce qu’il vid -plus clair en leurs brouilleries.</span>’—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 190. The statement in -the text must therefore be a <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">canard</em> started by the Leaguers.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> Compare vol. i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>. For the war between Turkey and Persia, -see Creasy, <cite>History of the Ottoman Turks</cite>, chap, xii, and Von Hammer, -bks. xxxviii. and xl. Peace was concluded in 1590, Persia ceding Tabriz, -Shirwan, and Georgia.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> Philippe Emmanuel, Marquis de Nomeny, son of Nicolas Comte -de Vaudemont and Duc de Mercœur, married Marie, daughter and -heiress of Sebastian de Luxembourg, Vicomte de Martigues and Duc de -Penthièvre. (See page <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.) He succeeded his father as Duc de Mercœur -in 1577, and was appointed Governor of Brittany in 1582. During -the civil wars after Henry III.’s death, he aspired to make himself independent. -With this view he negotiated with Philip II., and introduced -Spanish troops into Brittany. He maintained his position till 1598, -when he was obliged to surrender to Henry IV. He then entered the -service of the Emperor Rodolph, and fought in Hungary against the -Turks. He died at Nuremberg on his way home in 1602. His only -daughter and heiress was married to Cæsar, Duc de Vendôme, Henry IV.’s -son by Gabrielle d’Estrées. In a caricature described by de l’Estoile (ii. -230) representing the chiefs of the League, the motto given to the Duc de -Mercœur is ‘Symbolum ingratitudinis.’</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> See Letter <a href="#xxxvii">XXXVII</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> For Lansac’s piracies, see <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 361.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> Charles de Cossé-Brissac, nephew of Maréchal Cossé (p. 8). He -acted as Strozzi’s lieutenant (see note p 146). Froude in his account of -the French expedition to the Azores calls him ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">the Huguenot de Brissac,</span>’ -whereas he was one of the chiefs of the League. For his attempted -seizure of Angers, see <cite>Mezeray</cite>, iii. 769, 770. He was appointed Governor -of Paris by Mayenne at the request of the Spanish Ambassadors -in 1594. <cite>Mezeray</cite>, iii. 1101-2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">242</span></a> See note 1, p. <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> See Ranke, <cite>Civil Wars and Monarchy in France</cite>, chap. xxii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> The Marquis of Richebourg and the Seigneur de Billy, a distinguished -Portuguese officer, were both killed. See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. -191-196.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iv. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> See <cite>Froude</cite>, chap. lxvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> The grant was made by the deputies of the Clergy assembled at -the Abbey of Saint-Germain des Prés, on October 2, and on the 16th, a -second Edict against the Huguenots was published ordering them to -conform or leave the kingdom within fifteen days.—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 213.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> See <cite>Thuanus</cite>, iv. 50 seq.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> The Seigneur de Tavannes, appointed Governor by the League. -See <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 216.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> Dated August 28, 1585. Published in Paris towards the end of -September.—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De l’Estoile</cite>, ii. 210. See Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, i. 132.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> Brother of the Prince de Condé. After his uncle’s death he assumed -the title of Cardinal de Bourbon, see note, page 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> M. Savary de Lancosme, nephew of M. de Villequier, one of the -King’s favourites.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Paris est divisé comme en trois villes par la riviere de Seine qui -passe au milieu.... L’autre partie, qui est à gauche de ladicte riviere, -est nommée l’Université.</span>’—Palma Cayet, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de la Ligue</cite>, i. 251. The -four faubourgs were those of St. Germain, St. Jacques, St. Marceau, and -St. Victor. -</p> -<p> -The famous La Noue on this occasion attempted to enter Paris by -wading along the side of the Seine immediately under the Tour de Nesle, -so as to land on the Quai des Augustins. Unfortunately, he rashly led -the way himself, and keeping too close to the foot of the tower, where the -water happened to be deepest, suddenly got out of his depth, and was -nearly drowned. The enterprise consequently proved a failure.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> The Cardinal de Bourbon, Henry IV.’s uncle, the Prince de -Joinville, son and successor to Henry, Duke of Guise, and the Duc -d’Elbœuf had been arrested by Henry III.’s orders, on December 23, -1588, the day of Guise’s assassination. Others, who had been arrested -at the same time, had been executed, had escaped, or had been released, -but these three still remained in close custody. The Cardinal was confined -at Fontenay, and the two Dukes at Tours.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> Between this letter and the last intervenes a period of nearly four -years. See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_69">69</a>. From the purchase-deed of the Seigneury of -Bousbecque and Parma’s <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Sauve-garde</em> (see Appendix), we know that -Busbecq continued to reside in France as the agent of Elizabeth. This -letter was written three months after the assassination of Henry III. -After that event Navarre had been obliged to retreat to Normandy -pursued by the Duke of Mayenne. The latter, however, after his attack -on Henry at Arques had failed, retired to Amiens and left the way -open for his enemy to make a dash on Paris.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> The governor was de Maillé-Brezé, Seigneur de Benehart; and the -monk was a cordelier named Robert Chessé or Jessé. Thuanus (v. 32) -gives an account of their execution. The monk died like a brave man, -the governor like a coward.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> Philippe de Lenoncourt, Bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne, and afterwards -of Auxerre, Cardinal of San Onofrio. It is a disputed point -whether he ever actually became Archbishop of Rheims. See <cite>Gallia -Christiana</cite>, ix. 156.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> Henry, eldest son and successor of Charles, Duke of Lorraine. He -sometimes bears the title of Duke of Bar. He married in 1599 -Catherine, Henry IV.’s sister (see note, page 51). After her death he -married Margaret de Gonzaga, daughter of the Duke of Mantua. He -died in 1624. He had taken part in Mayenne’s autumn campaign -against Henry, and was now on his way home from Amiens, where he had -been detained some time by illness.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mayenne exposa la nécessité d’établir un conseil général de l’union, -dont l’autorité seroit reconnue par toute la France. Des désignations -pour ce conseil suprême étoient déjà faites par le conseil particulier de la -ville. Il en donna le rôle; on y trouvoit trois évêques, de Meaux, de -Senlis et d’Agen, six curés de Paris, sept gentilshommes, vingt deux -bourgeois de Paris; ce qui, avec lui-même pour président et un secrétaire, -formoit quarante membres.</span>’—<cite>Sismondi</cite>, xx. 472.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> He was Cardinal Caietano, brother of the Duke of Sermoneta. He -arrived in Paris on January 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> The people of Dijon eleven years before had been desirous of having -a separate bishopric, but were prevented by the opposition of the Bishop -and Chapter of Langres, in which diocese Dijon was situated.—<cite>Gallia -Christiana</cite>, iv. 637.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> These reports were not unfounded. Sultan Amurath had in fact -written to Navarre promising protection against Spain, and offering to -send a fleet of 200 sail to Aigues-Mortes.—<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Collection des Documents -Inédits sur l’Histoire de France, Lettres Missives de Henri IV.</cite>, iii. 364. -Part of the letter is quoted by Motley, <cite>United Netherlands</cite>, iii. 48.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> The citadel of Rouen was actually betrayed to the Royalists on -February 19, but was recovered by Aumale four days afterwards.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> The siege began on January 9, and was raised in the middle of -February. <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Aubigné, Histoire</cite>, vol. iii. bk. iii. ch. iv; <cite>Thuanus</cite>, v. 41-3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> This letter is not dated, but from the mention of the Legate’s arrival -and the siege of Meulan, it appears to have been written towards the end -of the first half of January 1590. Busbecq was probably then at Mantes, -the place from which the next letter was written. Mantes is about -twenty-five English miles from Evreux, which corresponds roughly with -ten of Busbecq’s miles. See vol. i. page <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>, note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> Pierre d’Espinac was born in 1540, and became Archbishop of -Lyons in 1574. He was Speaker, or Prolocutor, of the States-General -held at Blois in 1576. Catherine de Medici, when the Leaguers first took up -arms, sent him to negotiate with them (see p. <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.) However, he went over -to that party, and was thenceforth one of the strongest partisans of the -League. According to his own account, he was forced to take this step -by the insults he received from Epernon, the King’s favourite; his enemies, -on the other hand, asserted that his motive was the hope of gaining -a Cardinal’s hat. After the assassination of Guise, at Blois, in December -1588, the Archbishop was one of those arrested, and he shared the prison -of the Cardinal, the brother of the murdered duke. Each expected to -meet the same fate, and each confessed to the other, and received absolution -at his hands. The Cardinal was put to death the following day -without trial, but the Archbishop’s life was spared. On his trial he refused -to answer when interrogated by the judges, on the ground that, as Archbishop -and Primate, he was subject only to the jurisdiction of the Pope, -or of delegates appointed by him. He was then imprisoned at Amboise. -On his release he again joined the League, and was Mayenne’s strongest -partisan. He died in 1599, refusing to the last to acknowledge Henry IV.—<cite>Thuanus</cite>, -v. 855.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> Nanteuil-le-Haudoin, 49 kilometres, or about 31 English miles, from -Paris. Busbecq’s ‘French miles’ must therefore be leagues. The château -had been purchased by Schomberg from the Guises in 1578, and he derived -from it his title of Comte de Nanteuil.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> The appointment of these commissioners, and the seizure of Mayenne’s -letters, are mentioned by Busbecq, and, as far as we have been able to -discover, by Busbecq alone. These facts are not noticed by Sismondi. -As has been already remarked (vol. i. page <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_64">64</a>, note), these letters have -apparently entirely escaped the notice of historians.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> Little more than two years intervened between the date of this -letter and the writer’s death. See vol. i. pp. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> See for example vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>, pp. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>-241, and p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> See vol. i. pp. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_407">407</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> Ferdinand and Louis had married each other’s sisters. Mary, the -wife of the latter, was afterwards Regent of the Netherlands for her -brother Charles V. See Motley, <cite>Rise of the Dutch Republic</cite>, Part I. -chap. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_410">410</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_409">409</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> See vol. i. pp. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> See vol. i. pp. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> See vol. i. pp. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_13">111</a>-118.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_81">81</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> See vol. i. pp. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>-239.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> See p. <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_348">348</a>, note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> See vol. i. p. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_386">386</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> This summary of the treaty is taken from a Latin version of the -Turkish original made by John Spiegel, Ferdinand’s first interpreter, -which is usually printed with Busbecq’s letters.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> See note 2, p. <a href="#Page_73">73.</a></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> Nonsuch Park, at Cheam, was a favourite residence of Queen Elizabeth.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> See pp. <a href="#Page_271">271</a>-2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> The original of this patent of Knighthood is preserved in the Imperial -Archives at Vienna.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> The blank supplies the place of a foul epithet.</p></div> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311"> </a></span></p> - -<h2><i>INDEX TO THE LETTERS.</i></h2> - -<ul class="IX"><li> -<i><span class="dropcap">A</span>A</i>, John Van der, member of Ferdinand’s privy council, -presents Busbecq to Ferdinand, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_78">78</a></li><li> -<i>Abbot</i> of Turkish Monastery—his alleged miracles, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_363">363</a>-365</li><li> -<i>Achmet</i> Pasha, appointed Grand Vizier, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_118">118</a>;<ul><li> -his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>;</li><li> -Busbecq and his colleagues visit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>;</li><li> -strangled, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>;</li><li> -details of his execution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>-190;</li><li> -many of his retainers join Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_275">275</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Aconite</i> or Napellus, used by Turkish pilgrim, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li><li> -<i>Acorus calamus</i>, plant sent by Busbecq to Mattioli, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_415">415</a></li><li> -<i>Adrianople</i>, town of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>;<ul><li> -Solyman’s winter residence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>;</li><li> -Busbecq summoned thither, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li> -earthquake there, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_200">200</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Affenstein</i>, commander of German reiters, killed, ii. <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li><li> -<i>Aga</i> of the Janissaries, mentioned, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_285">285</a></li><li> -<i>Agiamoglans</i>, name of a class among the Christian tribute children, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_306">306</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Aigues-Mortes</i>, seaport in Languedoc, surprised by the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -Italian nobles captured by the Huguenots taken thither, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Akschehr</i>, town in Asia Minor taken by Bajazet, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_273">273</a></li><li> -<i>Albacar</i>, Spanish physician sent by Busbecq to Lemnos, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_416">416</a></li><li> -<i>Albanians</i>, a Georgian tribe, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_246">246</a></li><li> -<i>Albanians or Epirotes</i>, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Aldegonde</i>, St., a prisoner in the hands of the Royalists, ii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;<ul><li> -said to be sent by the States as envoy to Alençon, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li><li> -made burgomaster of Antwerp, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Alençon</i>, Francis, Duke of, afterwards Duke of Anjou, waiting at Lyons for his brother, ii. <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<ul><li> -his constitution delicate, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li><li> -at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li><li> -at the ball given on the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li><li> -his restless spirit, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li> -supposed to have dealings with the Huguenots, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li> -accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his flight and his motives, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>-104, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -expected to return to Blois, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li><li> -demands that the negotiations be held at Blois instead of Poitiers, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li> -supposed to have instigated du Guast’s murder, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li><li> -interferes in his quarrel with Thoré, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li> -takes possession of Châtelherault, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li><li> -demands Bourges and other towns, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -will probably come to terms, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li> -his expedition to the Netherlands, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -intends ravaging Hainault, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li><li> -sends to Italy to hire horse, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -a champion of the Catholics, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li><li> -reinforcements for him, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li><li> -witnesses the battle at Ghent, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li><li> -disposition of his troops, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li><li> -expects to visit England <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li><li> -prevails on citizens of Antwerp to admit 300 French noblemen, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li><li> -his attempt to seize Antwerp, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li><li> -retreats to the monastery of St. Bernard, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li><li> -and thence to Dendermonde, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li><li> -his probable course of action, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">312</span> -blackness of his conduct, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li> -excuses made for it, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -complete breach with citizens of Antwerp, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li><li> -his ill-regulated mind, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li><li> -proposed compromise with him, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>-175;</li><li> -chooses Dunkirk as his residence, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li> -reported to be concerned in fresh disturbances, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li><li> -ill at Dunkirk, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li> -presents Fervaques with an abbacy, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sends Pibrac to Antwerp, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -writes to stop his mother from coming, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li> -meets her at La Fère, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li><li> -has lost everything in Netherlands but Cambrai, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li><li> -returns to France, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -said to be going to marry the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -said to have handed over Cambrai to his brother, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -his probable plans, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -appointed by the king his Lieutenant with limited powers, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li><li> -at Cambrai in great want of money, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li><li> -envoys to him from the States, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -likely to come to Paris, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li> -goes to Château Thierry, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -intends to winter at Angers, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li> -goes to Laon, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -will not come to court, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li> -his rumoured negotiations with Spain for sale of Cambrai, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li> -changes his plans, will winter at Château Thierry, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li><li> -his humiliating position, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -suspected attempt to murder, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li><li> -about to receive an embassy from the Netherlands, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li> -urges his claim to be made Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li> -visits his mother, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -by her advice approaches the king submissively, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -advised to secure the favour of Joyeuse and Epernon, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -returns to Château Thierry, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li> -his serious illness, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li> -reported to be in a decline, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li><li> -given over, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li> -confined to his bed, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li><li> -importance of his death for France, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li><li> -his character, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -preparations for his funeral, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -said to have bequeathed Cambrai to his mother, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li><li> -his funeral, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ali</i> Pasha, second vizier, and afterwards Grand Vizier, his origin and character, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_342">342</a>;<ul><li> -banquet given by him to Persian ambassador, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_157">157</a>;</li><li> -his foolish speech, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_234">234</a>;</li><li> -becomes Grand Vizier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_334">334</a>;</li><li> -grants Busbecq’s request to leave his house, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sends a cavasse to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -contrasted with Roostem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_343">343</a>-345;</li><li> -his interviews with Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>;</li><li> -his policy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_346">346</a>;</li><li> -his accident, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -conversation with Busbecq about the invasion of Moldavia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>-351;</li><li> -helps to procure the release of Busbecq’s servants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_368">368</a>;</li><li> -sends him sweetmeats, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>;</li><li> -informs him of Bajazet’s death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_385">385</a>;</li><li> -his presents to him on his departure, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>;</li><li> -what he wished in return, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_391">391</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ali</i> Pasha, the eunuch, appointed to the command in Hungary, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>;<ul><li> -visited by Busbecq and his colleagues, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>;</li><li> -description of him, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his operations in Hungary, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his rashness checked by a Sanjak-bey, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>;</li><li> -his discomfiture and death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li> -his speech on the loss of Gran, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_240">240</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Alost</i>, taken by Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li><li> -<i>Alva</i>, the Duke of, his death, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li><li> -<i>Amasia</i>, capital of Cappadocia, description of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>-151;<ul><li> -Bajazet ordered thither, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_267">267</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Amber</i>, great quantities of it exported to Turkey and Persia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_257">257</a></li><li> -<i>Amiens</i>, attempt to surprise, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> -<i>Amurath I.</i>, Sultan, his death, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Ancyranum Monumentum</i>, account of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_142">142</a>-143, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Angers</i>, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;<ul><li> -Alençon going to winter there, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Angers</i>, citadel of, held by de Brissac, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;<ul><li> -surprised by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li> -its destruction ordered, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Angoulême</i>, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li><li> -<i>Angora</i>, town of, description of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_142">142</a>;<ul><li> -<span class="pagenum2">313</span> -Bajazet occupies and raises forced loan from merchants of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_275">275</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Angora</i> goats, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -manufacture of mohair from their hair, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_143">143</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Annonay</i>, town in the Vivarais, siege of, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Ant</i>, Indian, as large as a dog, sent as a present by the Shah to Solyman, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Antonio</i>, Don, pretender to the crown of Portugal, his Constable killed, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;<ul><li> -returns to France, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li><li> -goes to Dieppe, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -engaged in equipping a fleet, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li> -expenses of his household at Ruel, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -his new fleet reaches the Azores, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li><li> -said to be intended as the commander of the French forces in the Netherlands, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Antwerp</i>, the French Fury at, ii. <a href="#Page_164">164</a>-168;<ul><li> -tumult against Orange there, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li><li> -strictly blockaded, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li><li> -hard pressed, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li><li> -equipment of fleet to relieve, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li><li> -cutting the dykes near, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -the bridge destroyed, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li> -gunpowder sent to Paris from, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Antwerp</i>, inhabitants of, their kind treatment of the prisoners, ii. <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;<ul><li> -their statement, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li><li> -demand ransom, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li><li> -complete breach between them and Alençon, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -demand the execution of Fervaques, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li><li> -their confidence in Orange diminished, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li><li> -ready to suffer the worst rather than submit, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li><li> -resolved to hold out, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Archery</i>, Turkish skill in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_253">253</a></li><li> -<i>Aremberg</i>, the Countess of, ii. <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -writes to announce her arrival at Nancy, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li> -notice sent to her of date of the Queen’s departure, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li> -delayed in reaching Nancy by a mistake, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Arslan Bey</i>, Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg, his feud with Veli Bey, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_244">244</a><ul><li> -<i>Arundel</i>, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li> -will probably be pardoned, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -again arrested, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Athenæus</i>, his statement as to the <i>pinna</i> and <i>pinna guard</i> referred to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_339">339</a></li><li> -<i>Aubigny</i>, Comte d’, and Duke of Lennox, reported to be besieged in Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Auger</i>, Edmund, the king’s confessor, rebuked by Catherine de Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li><li> -<i>Aumale</i>, the Duke of, accompanies the Queen to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;<ul><li> -a leader of the League, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li> -seizes places in Normandy, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Aumont</i>, Maréchal d’, with Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li><li> -<i>Auxonne</i>, town in Burgundy, its inhabitants charge their governor with treason and pull down the fortifications, ii. <a href="#Page_248">248</a>-249</li><li> -<i>Axylos</i>, woodless tract in Asia Minor, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_215">215</a><br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">B</span>ABOCSA</i>, a Hungarian fortress, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_237">237</a><br /></li><li> -<i>Baden</i>, the Margrave of, meets the Queen, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li><li> -<i>Bailen</i>, the Comte de, Spanish ambassador, starts for Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<ul><li> -arrives at Paris, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li><li> -leaves Paris, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Baily</i>, title of the Venetian ambassador, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_226">226</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -his interposition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li> -unable to help the imprisoned pilgrims, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>;</li><li> -his surprise at the release of Busbecq’s servants without a bribe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_368">368</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bairam</i>, the feast of, parents allowed to see their married daughters at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -description of its celebration by the Turkish army, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>-304</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bajazet I.</i>, Sultan, indignities he and his wife received from Tamerlane, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_112">112</a></li><li> -<i>Bajazet II.</i>, Sultan, defeats his son Selim, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_108">108</a></li><li> -<i>Bajazet</i>, son of Solyman, his mother’s favourite, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>;<ul><li> -implicated in the rising of Mustapha, the Pretender, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>;</li><li> -his interview with his father, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>-189;</li><li> -his story continued, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>-281;</li><li> -conspires against his brother, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_265">265</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">314</span> -removed from Kutaiah to Amasia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;</li><li> -complains of his new government, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -accuses his brother, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_268">268</a>-269;</li><li> -prepares for war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>;</li><li> -sends back Pertau Pasha, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_271">271</a>;</li><li> -his message to Solyman, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_272">272</a>;</li><li> -takes town of Akschehr, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>;</li><li> -occupies Angora, and raises a forced loan from the merchants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>;</li><li> -his appearance and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>-276;</li><li> -marches on Koniah, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>;</li><li> -his speech to his army, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>-278;</li><li> -his gallant conduct, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>;</li><li> -defeated at Koniah, retreats to Amasia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_279">279</a>;</li><li> -reputation acquired by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>;</li><li> -sounds his father’s disposition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>;</li><li> -warned by his friends to beware of him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li> -one of his spies executed, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -starts on his flight to Persia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>;</li><li> -his rapidity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>;</li><li> -his stratagems to deceive the Pashas of Siwas and Erzeroum, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>-305;</li><li> -offers double pay to soldiers joining him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_306">306</a>;</li><li> -crosses the Araxes and enters Persia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_306">306</a>-307;</li><li> -his speech to the Shah’s envoys, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_307">307</a>;</li><li> -his reception by the Shah, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_308">308</a>;</li><li> -his message to his father, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>;</li><li> -atrocious speech of one of his officers, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -is seized and thrown into prison, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>;</li><li> -conjectures as to his probable fate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>-312;</li><li> -the end of his story, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_378">378</a>-381;</li><li> -his execution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_381">381</a>;</li><li> -his four sons share his fate, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -execution of his infant son at Broussa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_382">382</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Balagny</i>, Governor of Cambrai, ii. <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -his tyrannical conduct there, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Baldi</i>, Philip, an Italian sent to Busbecq by the Emperor, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>;<ul><li> -mentioned again, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_263">263</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Baldwin</i>, Count of Flanders and Latin Emperor of Romania—taken and killed by the Bulgarians, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -mentioned, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_130">130</a>, <i>note</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Balsam</i>, given by Ali Pasha to Busbecq, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>;<ul><li> -its value, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -doubts thrown on its genuineness, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_416">416</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Balsam-tree</i>, not now to be found in Asia Minor, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_142">142</a></li><li> -<i>Basilicus</i>, John, Greek adventurer—his story, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_347">347</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -invades Moldavia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_347">347</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Baths</i>, intrigues carried on in them by Turkish women, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_231">231</a></li><li> -<i>Bavaria</i>, the Duke of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -his health, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li> -his handsome reception of the Queen, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -thinks the Danube her best route, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -presses her to remain, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bavaria</i>, the Duchess of, sends messages and letters to the Queen, ii. <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li><li> -<i>Bavaria</i>, Ferdinand, Duke of, meets the Queen, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li><li> -<i>Bavaria</i>, William, Duke of, with his wife meets the Queen at Nancy, ii. <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;<ul><li> -consulted as to her route, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li><li> -his kindness to her, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li><li> -goes to Vienna, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Belgrade</i>, town of, described, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>;<ul><li> -sieges and capture of, by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li> -fertility of the neighbourhood, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_165">165</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bellegarde</i>, Roger de Saint-Lary de, Marshal, sent as ambassador to Poland, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -said to have fallen sick, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bellièvre</i>, Pomponne de, Ambassador of Charles IX. in Poland, ii. <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -likely to be sent to the Netherlands, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li><li> -sent to Alençon, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li><li> -stays behind to arrange matters, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li><li> -returns from Antwerp, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li> -sent to King of Navarre, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Belon</i> (<i>Bellonus</i>), Pierre, French traveller and physician, his mistake about the hyena, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>;<ul><li> -referred to for figure of the <i>pinna</i>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_339">339</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bergen</i>, town in Brabant, taken by the Hollanders under their protection, ii. <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li><li> -<i>Bernard</i>, Monastery of St., outpost established there by garrison of Lier, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<ul><li> -Alençon passes the night there after the French Fury, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Berry</i>, Duchy of, the Queen’s dower partly charged on it, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">315</span> -<i>Besançon</i>, attempt to surprise, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> -<i>Besme</i>, murderer of Coligny, taken prisoner by the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Beyler-bey of Greece</i>, the, sent to Selim’s assistance, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_271">271</a>;<ul><li> -sent in pursuit of Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>;</li><li> -in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_378">378</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Billy</i>, Seigneur de, killed at the Antwerp bridge, ii. <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li><li> -<i>Birague</i>, Cardinal de, Chancellor of France, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;<ul><li> -Busbecq’s interview with him, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li><li> -contributes to forced loan, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li><li> -his death and character, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, and <i>note</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Biron</i>, Marshal, the probable commander in the Netherlands, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;<ul><li> -takes the command there, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>-150;</li><li> -asks for more cavalry, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -halts on the Somme, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li><li> -joins Alençon, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li><li> -his army, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li><li> -going to the Campine, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li><li> -said to be the author of the attempt on Antwerp, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li><li> -clears himself of all blame, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li><li> -his letter pressing Alençon to abandon the scheme discovered, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li> -retakes some small forts, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li> -defeated at Steenbergen, and wounded, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li> -at Antwerp pressing for money, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li><li> -returns to France, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -his attack on Cateau Cambrésis repulsed, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li> -with Navarre, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Black Sea</i>, Busbecq’s visit to it, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_131">131</a>;<ul><li> -Polybius wrong in supposing it was silting up, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_132">132</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Blaye</i>, town near Bordeaux, garrisoned by the younger de Lansac, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li><li> -<i>Blois</i>, Busbecq obliged to go thither, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;<ul><li> -king there, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li><li> -Busbecq goes thither to condole with him in the Queen’s name on Alençon’s death, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Blot</i>, Hugo de, recommended by Busbecq to Maximilian as librarian, ii. <a href="#Page_73">73</a>-74, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Bodin</i>, Jean, paper relating to French Fury attributed to him, ii. <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Bokhara</i>, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_360">360</a></li><li> -<i>Bonnivet</i>, de, defends Endhoven, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li><li> -<i>Bosphorus</i>, description of the Thracian, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_131">131</a>;<ul><li> -for distinction between it and the Cimmerian Bosphorus, see <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bouchain</i>, taken by Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li><li> -<i>Bouillon</i>, Godfrey de, first King of Jerusalem, mentioned, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_250">250</a></li><li> -<i>Bouillon</i>, the Duc de, warns the King of the Guises’ preparations, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Bourbon</i>, Charles, Cardinal de, claims to be successor to the throne, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;<ul><li> -reported to intend to give up his orders and to marry the Duchesse de Montpensier, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -joins the Guises, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li> -nominally their chief leader, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li> -claims the succession to the throne, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li><li> -changes his cardinal’s robes for a soldier’s dress, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li> -with the Duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -a prisoner, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -Parliament issues decrees in his name as Charles X., <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li><li> -the Legate summons the people of Langres to acknowledge him as their king, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bourbon</i>, House of, its position, ii. <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;<ul><li> -will be heirs presumptive to the crown on Alençon’s death, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bourges</i>, demanded by Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;<ul><li> -likely to surrender to Navarre, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Brabant</i>, people of, pronounce <i>sevene</i> differently from the Flemings, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_358">358</a>;<ul><li> -arrival of ambassadors from them, ii. <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li> -all except Antwerp and Bergen likely to submit, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Breda</i>, peace negotiations opened there, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li><li> -<i>Brissac</i>, de, a Leaguer, seizes the citadel of Angers, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Broussa</i>, execution of Bajazet’s infant son there, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_382">382</a></li><li> -<i>Bruges</i>, obliged to call in garrison of Menin for its protection, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;<ul><li> -said to have submitted, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li><li> -receives a Spanish garrison, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Brussels</i>, to be Alençon’s residence, ii. <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;<ul><li> -declined by him, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">318</span> -threatened by Parma, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li> -inclined to go over to him, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -thinking of surrendering, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li><li> -surrenders, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Buda</i>, city of, description of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_89">89</a>;<ul><li> -hot springs there, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_90">90</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Buda</i>, the Pasha of, Busbecq’s interviews with, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_396">396</a>;<ul><li> -see also <i>Touighoun</i> Pasha</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bulgarians</i>, their bread, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>;<ul><li> -dress of their women, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -their origin, history, and language, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>, and <i>note</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Buren</i>, town in Gelderland, taken, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Burgundian</i> secretary, letter from him to Busbecq, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_233">233</a></li><li> -<i>Busbecq</i>, Ogier Ghiselin de, at marriage of Philip and Mary, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;<ul><li> -summoned to Vienna, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -bids his family farewell, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sees Don Pedro at Brussels, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -travels to Vienna, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -interview with Ferdinand, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>;</li><li> -visits Malvezzi, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -returns to Vienna, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>;</li><li> -prepares for journey and starts, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -reaches Komorn, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -Gran, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>;</li><li> -Buda, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>;</li><li> -makes acquaintance with the Janissaries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>-87;</li><li> -his interview with the Pasha, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li> -embarks for Belgrade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>;</li><li> -collects coins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -journeys through Servia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li> -disgusted with Turkish inns, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>;</li><li> -lodges in a stable, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>;</li><li> -how he got wine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>;</li><li> -reaches Sophia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>;</li><li> -Philippopolis, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>;</li><li> -Adrianople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>;</li><li> -Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>;</li><li> -visits the ex-vizier Roostem, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sees the sights of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>, <i>et seq.</i>;</li><li> -has a dead giraffe dug up for examination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_128">128</a>;</li><li> -visits the Bosphorus and Black Sea, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li> -starts for Amasia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_133">133</a>;</li><li> -passes through Nicomedia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li> -Nicæa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>;</li><li> -Angora, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>;</li><li> -enjoys sherbet and preserved grapes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>;</li><li> -reaches Amasia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>;</li><li> -visits Achmet Pasha and the other viziers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>;</li><li> -his first audience of Solyman, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>-153;</li><li> -his second, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_158">158</a>;</li><li> -leaves Amasia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_159">159</a>;</li><li> -ill of fever, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_161">161</a>;</li><li> -reaches Constantinople, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -leaves, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>;</li><li> -finds <i>scordium</i>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li> -has another fever, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>;</li><li> -in danger from brigands, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>-8;</li><li> -visits Pasha of Buda, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>;</li><li> -compensates a Turk for his nose, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>;</li><li> -recovers from his fever, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -reaches Vienna, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -effects on him of his hardships, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sent back to Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_175">175</a>;</li><li> -arrives there, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>;</li><li> -unfavourably received by the Pashas, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>-178;</li><li> -left alone at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li> -his politic conduct, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>-197;</li><li> -summoned to Adrianople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li> -alarmed by an earthquake, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_200">200</a>;</li><li> -returns to Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -hires a house, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sent back to his former lodging, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his menagerie, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li> -shoots kites, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li> -his partridges, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his horses, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li> -his camels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li> -complains of his letters being intercepted, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_234">234</a>;</li><li> -Roostem tries to convert him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -his interview with Ali Pasha, the eunuch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>;</li><li> -his amusements and occupations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>;</li><li> -practises the Turkish bow <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his visitors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li> -his retort on Roostem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>;</li><li> -sees the Sultan leave Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_281">281</a>-287;</li><li> -his retorts on his cavasse, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>;</li><li> -summoned to the Turkish camp, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his sojourn and observations there, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>-297;</li><li> -presents Ferdinand’s gifts to the Sultan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li> -witnesses the celebration of the Bairam, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>-304;</li><li> -his policy influenced by Bajazet’s fortunes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_313">313</a>;</li><li> -apologises for his long letter, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_314">314</a>;</li><li> -overwhelmed by the news of the Spanish defeat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_316">316</a>;</li><li> -rescues the standard of the Neapolitan galleys, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;</li><li> -becomes surety for Don Juan de Cardona, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -his charity to the Spanish prisoners, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>-330;</li><li> -fears he will lose the money advanced to them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>;</li><li> -good effects of his example, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>;</li><li> -the plague in his house, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -allowed to import wine for his private use, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_332">332</a>;</li><li> -his request to leave his house on account of the plague refused by Roostem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">317</span> -granted by Ali, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_334">334</a>;</li><li> -visits Quacquelben on his death-bed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_335">335</a>-336;</li><li> -erects a monument to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_337">337</a>;</li><li> -goes to Prinkipo, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his fishing there, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his walk with the friar, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>;</li><li> -his acquaintance with the Metropolitan Metrophanes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>-342;</li><li> -Pashas afraid he may escape, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -returns to Constantinople, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -interview with Roostem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_343">343</a>;</li><li> -Ferdinand’s bounty to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>;</li><li> -his inquiries for Ali, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_347">347</a>;</li><li> -alarmed by the invasion of Moldavia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>;</li><li> -interview with Ali on the subject, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>-351;</li><li> -sends home the released pilgrims, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_353">353</a>;</li><li> -accused by Lavigne as a Spanish spy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_354">354</a>;</li><li> -his interview with Goths from the Crimea, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_355">355</a>-359;</li><li> -with Turkish pilgrims, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_359">359</a>-364;</li><li> -feats of a mountebank he saw at Venice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>;</li><li> -his confinement relaxed, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -refuses to appease the Cadi by a bribe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_368">368</a>;</li><li> -writes to encourage de Sandé, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_372">372</a>;</li><li> -asks Ferdinand to intercede for the Spanish prisoners, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_373">373</a>;</li><li> -argues with his cavasse on predestination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_383">383</a>-384;</li><li> -fears the effect of Bajazet’s death on his negotiations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_385">385</a>;</li><li> -hears of his death from Ali, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -makes inquiries of his friends, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his precautions in concluding peace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_387">387</a>;</li><li> -his presents from Ali, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>-389;</li><li> -starts for home, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>;</li><li> -a good walker, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_391">391</a>;</li><li> -recovers his appetite, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his application to Ibrahim, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_395">395</a>;</li><li> -reaches Buda, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_396">396</a>;</li><li> -visits the Pasha, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -reaches Gran and Vienna, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>;</li><li> -informs Ferdinand of his arrival, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -is graciously received by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_398">398</a>;</li><li> -longs for home, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>;</li><li> -prefers retirement to a court, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>-400;</li><li> -his high opinion of Hannibal, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_408">408</a>;</li><li> -books, plants, animals, &c.,</li><li> -brought back by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_414">414</a>-417;</li><li> -sent a physician to Lemnos, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>;</li><li> -his journey to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li><li> -stays at Speyer from illness, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his second visit to Spain, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <i>note</i>;</li><li> -reaches Paris, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li><li> -his interviews with Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-7;</li><li> -dissatisfied with the dower business, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li><li> -asks for instructions, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his forecast of the future, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li> -his conversation at Kaiserslautern, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -complains of Paris prices, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li><li> -intends going to the Netherlands, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his interview with Pibrac, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li><li> -his conversation about the dower with the Bishop of Paris and others, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li><li> -asks for credentials, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li><li> -goes to Lyons and sees the Spanish ambassador, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sails to Avignon, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li><li> -visited by Bishop Montluc at Valence, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li><li> -his interviews with the King and Queen-Mother, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li><li> -with the Bishops of Orleans and Limoges, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li><li> -sees the siege of Livron, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li><li> -draws up ciphers, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li> -asks for his salary, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li><li> -hopes Maximilian will pardon his being addressed as ambassador, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li><li> -asks for instructions and a speedy answer, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li> -intends going to Brussels, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li><li> -at Brussels, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li> -returns to Paris and delivers Maximilian’s letter to the King, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li><li> -his audiences of the Queen-Mother, the Queen and the King, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li><li> -recommends Hugo de Blot as librarian, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li><li> -asks Maximilian in the Queen’s name to intercede for Montmorency, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li><li> -his interview with the Portuguese ambassador, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li> -suggests, if the Queen marries the King of Portugal, the economy of sending her direct from Paris, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li><li> -suggests his recall, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li><li> -asks for new credentials, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li><li> -also for watches as presents, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li><li> -which are refused, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li><li> -his audience of the King, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li><li> -his interviews with Birague and de Morvilliers, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li><li> -requested by Maximilian to remain in Paris, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li><li> -his answer to the Duke of Brunswick’s envoy, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li> -hopes the Queen will not be long in Paris, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li><li> -his audiences of the King, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li><li> -is to accompany the Queen as her chief chamberlain, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">318</span> -complains of the non-payment of de Vulcob’s advances, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li><li> -writes to Governor of Upper Austria, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li><li> -obliged to go to Blois on the Queen’s business, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -his audience of the King, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -asks for settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li><li> -his account of the French Fury at Antwerp, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>-168;</li><li> -asks for St. Hilaire’s discharge, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li><li> -goes to Blois to condole with the King in the Queen’s name on Alençon’s death, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li><li> -fears his despatches will be stopped, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li> -some actually missing, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li><li> -seldom has opportunity of sending a letter, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -fears the town where he will be attacked, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li><li> -calls the Emperor’s attention to the Queen’s position, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li><li> -his description of Navarre and Parma and their respective armies, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>-264</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Busbecq’s house</i> at Constantinople, description of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_201">201</a>-203</li><li> -<i>Busbecq’s servants</i>, their first taste of Turkish luxury, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_84">84</a>;<ul><li> -wine as good as feather-beds to them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>;</li><li> -their practical joke, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_124">124</a>;</li><li> -quarrel between them and some Janissaries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>-296;</li><li> -quarrel of two of them with the Cadi of Pera, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>-368;</li><li> -scuffle of one with a Janissary, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_393">393</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Bussy d’Amboise</i>, notorious duellist, his end, ii. <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, and <i>note</i><br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">C</span>ADI</i> of Pera, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, and its consequences, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>-368</li><li> -<i>Caen</i>, seaport in Normandy, held by the Marquis of Elbœuf, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li><li> -<i>Cæsar.</i> See <i>Julius Cæsar</i></li><li> -<i>Calloo</i>, fort of, near Antwerp, held by Parma, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li><li> -<i>Calvi</i>, of Genoa, and <i>Capello</i>, of Milan, sent out of France on suspicion of sending money to Parma, ii. <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li><li> -<i>Cambrai</i>, its restoration demanded by the States, ii. <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;<ul><li> -besieged by Parma, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -hard pressed, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li><li> -said to be handed over to the King of France, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -Alençon there, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li><li> -its unsafe state, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li> -reported disturbances there, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li> -origin of reports, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li> -Alençon thinks of selling it to Philip, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -held by Balagny, <a href="#Page_206">206</a> and <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>note</i>;</li><li> -King about to take it under his protection, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li> -said to be bequeathed by Alençon to his mother, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li><li> -a thorn in the side of Artois and Hainault, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -said to be made to swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li><li> -its restoration to Spain one of the terms demanded by the League, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Camelopard</i>, dead, dug up and described by Busbecq, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_128">128</a></li><li> -<i>Camels</i>, description of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;<ul><li> -numbers of them in the Sultan’s baggage-train, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_219">219</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Campine</i>, district in the Netherlands, Biron going to the, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li><li> -<i>Cape Sheep</i>, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Capello.</i> See <i>Calvi</i></li><li> -<i>Caravanserai</i>, description of a, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_97">97</a></li><li> -<i>Carestran</i>, the meeting-place between Bajazet and his father, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_187">187</a></li><li> -<i>Cardona</i>, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, manages to get left at Chios, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>;<ul><li> -is ransomed by his brother-in-law, with Busbecq’s help, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_325">325</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Casimir</i>, John, son of the Elector Palatine, sketch of him, ii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -king undertakes to pay him 500,000 francs, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li> -his covenant for mutual defence with Condé, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sends one of his officers to Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li><li> -will not hear of a truce, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li> -sends to Queen of England about the Cologne business, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li> -application to him suggested in congress of Middelburg, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Castella</i>, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, his gallant conduct, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_320">320</a></li><li> -<i>Cat</i>, the, preferred by Turks to the dog, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>;<ul><li> -Mahomet’s, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Cateau Cambrésis</i>, treaty of, Turks indignant at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_369">369</a><ul><li> -<i>Cateau Cambrésis</i>, town of, taken by Parma, ii. <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li><li> -annoyance caused by its garrison, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">319</span> -Biron’s attempt on it repulsed by Parma, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Cathay</i>, or China, account of, given by a Turkish pilgrim, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_359">359</a>-362</li><li> -<i>Catherine de Medici</i>, Queen of France, waits for her son at Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<ul><li> -offended at Pibrac’s advice, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li> -supposed to favour war in order to keep her power, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li><li> -threatens execution of Montmorency, if his brothers invade France, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li><li> -grants Busbecq an audience, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li><li> -her power over the King, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li><li> -given good advice by Maximilian, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li><li> -her illness from walking in a procession at night, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li><li> -fancies she sees the Cardinal’s ghost, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -offers the Queen her services, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li><li> -her unpopularity, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li> -her regard for Maximilian, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li><li> -tries to keep Alençon quiet, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li> -follows him, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li><li> -interview between them, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li><li> -regrets she cannot bid Elizabeth farewell, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li><li> -concludes a six months’ truce with Alençon, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li> -intends visiting certain towns to persuade them to admit him, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li> -invested with the government in the King’s absence, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -grants Don Antonio an audience, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li><li> -her claims on Portugal, <i>ib.</i> and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -her exclamation on hearing of the French Fury, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li><li> -intends visiting Alençon, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li><li> -indignant at his folly, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li> -disgusted at the King’s neglect of his duties, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li> -rebukes his confessor, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -Alençon puts off her visit, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -goes to Boulogne to see him, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li> -meets him at La Fère, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li><li> -incensed with her daughter for her conduct, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li> -returns to La Fère, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -goes to Alençon at Château Thierry, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li> -and then to Laon, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -returns to Paris, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li> -again goes to Alençon, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li><li> -visited by him, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -her advice to him, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -visits him, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li><li> -said to be sick with grief, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li> -her grief for Alençon genuine, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li><li> -importuned by Netherland ambassadors, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li><li> -strongly supports their appeal to the King, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li><li> -resolved to keep Cambrai, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li> -goes to the Loire, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -her hatred of Spain, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -her answer to the Netherland ambassadors, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li><li> -with the Duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Cavasses</i>, nature of their office, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_201">201</a>;<ul><li> -Busbecq’s cavasse induces the Pashas to confine him in his old quarters, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -their general behaviour to Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>;</li><li> -rudeness of one, and Busbecq’s retaliation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>-260;</li><li> -one tries to prevent Busbecq seeing the Sultan’s departure, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li> -Busbecq retorts on him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>;</li><li> -Busbecq’s argument with his cavasse on predestination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_383">383</a>-384.</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Champagny</i>, M. de, brother of Cardinal Granvelle, in danger at Ghent on account of alleged conspiracy ii. <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li><li> -<i>Chanvallon</i>, M. de, former favourite of Alençon, and lover of the Queen of Navarre, flies to Germany, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;<ul><li> -his manners and appearance, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Charité</i>, La, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li><li> -<i>Charlemagne</i>, the Emperor, dispersed the Saxons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_359">359</a>;<ul><li> -House of Guise said to be descended from him, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Charles V.</i>, the Emperor, his truce with the Turks, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>;<ul><li> -Turkish recollection of his victories, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li><li> -standard with his arms rescued by Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>-323;</li><li> -etiquette at his court, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>-160</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Charles IX.</i>, King of France, questions as to his leaving a will, ii. <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;<ul><li> -had appointed his brother Henry his Lieutenant, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Charlotte de Bourbon</i>, daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, her marriage with the Prince of Orange, ii. <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -her death, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Chartres</i>, attempt on town of, ii. <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;<ul><li> -Nevers’ head-quarters, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li><li> -said to have gone over to Navarre, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li></ul></li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">320</span> -<i>Chattes</i>, M. de, a Knight of Malta, commanding Don Antonio’s fleet, ii. <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li><li> -<i>Chederle</i>, fabulous hero identified by the Turks with St. George, legend of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>-150</li><li> -<i>Chios</i>, tame partridges from, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>;<ul><li> -how reared, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -its Genoese inhabitants, and its form of government, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -Spanish officers left there, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Cicero</i>, his statements as to the <i>pinna</i> and <i>pinna-guard</i> referred to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_339">339</a></li><li> -<i>Ciphers</i>, Pashas puzzled by supposed, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_233">233</a>;<ul><li> -Busbecq draws some up, ii. <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Claudius</i>, the Emperor, the story of his murder alluded to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_172">172</a></li><li> -<i>Clervant</i>, M. de, Huguenot leader, taken prisoner, ii. <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Cocq</i>, Jerome de, Busbecq asks his salary to be paid to, ii. <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li><li> -<i>Codignac</i>, M. de, French Ambassador at Constantinople, his quarrel with his successor, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_370">370</a></li><li> -<i>Coins</i>, ancient, found by Busbecq, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_141">141</a></li><li> -<i>Colchians.</i> See <i>Mingrelians</i></li><li> -<i>Cologne</i>, disturbances at, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -King hopes to profit by them, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Compiègne</i>, attempt to surprise, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> -<i>Condé</i>, Prince de, expected to take the field, ii. <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;<ul><li> -messenger from him at Avignon, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li><li> -some wish him sent to Hungary against the Turk, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li><li> -likely to invade France, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li><li> -terms of peace to be referred to him, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li><li> -suggestion that he should go to assist Orange, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li><li> -said to be coming with an army, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li><li> -Mezières appointed as his residence, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li> -his covenant for mutual defence with Casimir, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -will not hear of a truce, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li> -spoken of for the command in the Netherlands, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li><li> -marriage reported between him and Navarre’s sister, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -report of a bull declaring him disqualified to succeed to the throne, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li><li> -marches on Angers, but fails in his enterprise, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Constantinople</i>, description of, and its antiquities, &c., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>-127;<ul><li> -the Sultan’s sons not allowed to enter, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li> -entry of Turkish fleet into, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_321">321</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Cossé</i>, Maréchal de, imprisoned in the Bastile, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;<ul><li> -sketch of him, <i>ib.</i>, <i>note</i>;</li><li> -his illness, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li><li> -will probably go with Montmorency to Alençon, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Crane</i>, story of a Balearic, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_207">207</a></li><li> -<i>Cratevas</i>, a Greek herbalist, fragments of, in Busbecq’s MS. of Dioscorides, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_417">417</a>, and <i>note</i><br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">D</span>ADIAN</i>, King of the Mingrelians, his appearance and character, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_245">245</a>;<ul><li> -his capture and escape, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>-247;</li><li> -his presents to Solyman, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>-252</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Dalmatian</i> horseman, his objection to fire-arms, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>-242</li><li> -<i>Damville</i>, Comte de, afterwards Duc de Montmorency, sketch of him, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -summoned by the King, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -said to have caused Montpellier to revolt, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li><li> -to have made an attempt on Avignon, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li><li> -prepares to defend himself, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li><li> -carries war through Languedoc and Guienne, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li> -report of his death, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -terms of peace to be referred to him, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li><li> -comes to life again, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li><li> -King wishes to deprive him of his government, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li> -intended campaign against him, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li> -pronounced contumacious by the Parliament, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -campaign given up, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li> -said to be appointed Constable of France by Navarre, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Dantzic</i>, amber merchant of, at Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_257">257</a></li><li> -<i>Dauphin</i>, the Prince. See <i>Montpensier</i></li><li> -<i>Delegates</i> from the rebels expected in Paris, and their demands, ii. <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;<ul><li> -sent back with the King’s answer, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li></ul></li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">321</span> -<i>Dendermonde</i>, Alençon withdraws thither, ii. <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;<ul><li> -attacked by Parma, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Denmark</i>, King of, application to the, suggested in Congress of Middelburg, ii. <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;<ul><li> -his eldest daughter married to King James of Scotland, <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Derby</i>, Earl of, comes to Paris as the bearer of the Order of the Garter from Queen Elizabeth to the King, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;<ul><li> -his magnificent reception, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li><li> -his departure, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Diest</i>, town belonging to Prince of Orange, blockaded by Parma, ii. <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;<ul><li> -surrenders to him, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li><li> -recovered by him, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Dietrichstein</i>, Adam von, Austrian Baron, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -ransoms his brother-in-law, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Dijon</i>, the Pope’s legate summons people of Langres to, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<ul><li> -transfers their bishopric to, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Dioscorides</i>, famous MS. of, found by Busbecq at Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_417">417</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Divan</i>, custom of entertaining ambassadors on leaving in the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_387">387</a>;<ul><li> -meaning of the word, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li> -Busbecq and his colleagues summoned thither, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -scene there, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>-234;</li><li> -de Sandé brought before, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -debate there as to whether Busbecq should be allowed to bring wine into Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_332">332</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Divorce</i>, Turkish laws about, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_230">230</a></li><li> -<i>Dixmude</i>, hard pressed, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li><li> -<i>Djerbé</i>, account of the Spanish defeat at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>, <i>note</i>, and <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>-321</li><li> -<i>Dodona</i>, the oak of, alluded to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_272">272</a></li><li> -<i>Dorothea</i>, sister of the Duke of Lorraine, her marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li><li> -<i>Dower</i>, the Queen’s, Duchy of Berry said to be assigned as, ii. <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li> -further reports about it, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li><li> -Pibrac’s statement about it, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li><li> -impossible to get the whole charged on Crown Lands, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li> -two proposals as to settlement thereof, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li><li> -valuation made of property assigned for it, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li><li> -final arrangement about it, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Duck</i>, species of, whose cry was like a post horn, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_139">139</a></li><li> -<i>Duel</i>, a, in France, ii. <a href="#Page_188">188</a>-191</li><li> -<i>Duelling</i>, Turkish opinion about, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_244">244</a><br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">E</span>ARTHQUAKE</i>, at Adrianople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_200">200</a>;<ul><li> -at Constantinople, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Egmont</i>, Count, Louise de Vaudemont his niece, ii. <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;<ul><li> -his brother compromised by Salceda’s evidence, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Egypt</i>, eggs artificially hatched in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;<ul><li> -disaffected to the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_273">273</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Elbœuf</i>, Marquis of, cousin of the Duke of Guise, one of the leaders of the League, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;<ul><li> -seizes Caen, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Elephant</i>, that danced and played ball, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_128">128</a></li><li> -<i>Elizabeth</i>, Queen of England, peace renewed between her and France, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;<ul><li> -anecdote of her, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -said to have sent Alençon money, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li><li> -conspiracy against her, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li> -sends the Garter to the King, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -reported attempt on her life, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li><li> -offers the King 6,000 horse, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -fresh conspiracy against her, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li> -openly takes Holland and Zealand under her protection, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Elizabeth</i>, daughter of Maximilian, widow of Charles IX., sends her carriages for Busbecq, ii. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;<ul><li> -her proposed marriage to Henry III., <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li><li> -the general topic of conversation, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li> -her uncomfortable position in Paris, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li><li> -difficulties about her dower, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -her illness apprehended, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li><li> -her recovery, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li><li> -questions as to her future arrangements, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li><li> -report of her marriage to Henry III. discredited, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li><li> -her health, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li><li> -marriage with King of Portugal talked of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li><li> -arrangements as to her establishment and return, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li><li> -wishes Busbecq to go to the King, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li><li> -her escort home, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">322</span> -consults Busbecq as to her conduct to the new Queen, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li> -shows him the Queen-Mother’s letter, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -suggested for the governorship of the Netherlands, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li><li> -how her current expenses are to be provided, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -intends going to Amboise after Easter, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li><li> -anxious to see her daughter, but prevented by want of funds, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li><li> -no money to pay her servants, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li><li> -her position intolerable, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li><li> -longs to return and also to see her daughter, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li><li> -her poverty, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -her illness caused by anxiety, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li><li> -arrangements about her journey, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li><li> -the municipality of Paris inclined to defray her expenses, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li> -requires money, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li><li> -receives proposal from Duke Eric of Brunswick, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li> -starts for Amboise, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li> -arrives there, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li><li> -the date of her departure, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li><li> -questions about her route, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>-111;</li><li> -her anxiety to leave, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li><li> -sends Orleans wine to her father, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li><li> -starts from Paris, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li><li> -arrives at Nancy, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li><li> -present at the Duke of Brunswick’s wedding, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sends courier to Madame d’Aremberg, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li><li> -arrives at Bâle, Augsburg, and Munich, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li> -whether her route is to be by land or water, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li><li> -her health, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>; anxious to reach her father, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li><li> -her life and character, <i>ib.</i> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -business relating to her, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -her rights disregarded, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li><li> -curtailment of her income from the troubles in France probable, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Elizabeth</i>, daughter of the preceding, probably will not be allowed to leave France, ii. <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;<ul><li> -is delicate, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li><li> -description of her, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, and <i>note</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Elkass</i> Mirza, assisted by Solyman against his brother, Shah Tahmasp, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_301">301</a></li><li> -<i>Endhoven</i>, town in Brabant, capitulates, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li><li> -<i>English</i> ambassador suspected of intriguing with Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_99">99</a>-100.;<ul><li> -See also <i>Derby</i>, Earl of</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Epernon</i>, Duke of, favourite of the King, applies for governorship of Brittany, ii. <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;<ul><li> -King wishes the Duke of Lorraine to give him his daughter, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li><li> -description of him, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li><li> -King wishes to make him governor of Metz, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li> -Alençon advised to secure his interest, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -escorts Alençon on his departure, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li> -sent to the King of Navarre, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li><li> -honourably received by him, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li> -ill of scrofula, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li><li> -his reported marriage to Navarre’s sister, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li><li> -finds out where his hat is, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -sent to his command at Metz, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Eric</i>, Duke of Brunswick, proposes for Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -reported preparations for his marriage to Dorothea, the Duke of Lorraine’s sister, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li><li> -his wedding, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ernest</i>, the Archduke, suspected of being concerned in the affair of Antwerp, ii. <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;<ul><li> -Philip II.’s daughter said to be betrothed to him, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Erzeroum</i>, the Pasha of, how deceived by Bajazet, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>-305;<ul><li> -afterwards put to death by Selim, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_305">305</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Espinoy</i>, Prince of, accompanies the Netherland ambassadors to France, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li><li> -<i>Essek</i>, town of, famous battle there, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_166">166</a></li><li> -<i>Este</i>, the Cardinal of, applies for the honour of escorting the Queen, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -accompanies her to Bourg-la-Reine, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li> -appointed to escort her, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li> -returns to Paris on account of plot to waylay him, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Estrées</i>, d’, family of, banished from Court, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li><li> -<i>Etampes</i>, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li><li> -<i>Eunuchs</i> of Solyman’s bed-chamber, the chief of the, procures Pialé Pasha’s pardon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>;<ul><li> -de Sandé recalled at his wish, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>.</li><li> -See also <i>Hassan</i> Aga</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Evreux</i>, town of, threatened by Navarre, ii, <a href="#Page_258">258</a><br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="pagenum2">323</span> -<i><span class="dropcap">F</span>AST</i>, the Turkish, how kept, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_290">290</a>-291</li><li> -<i>Ferdinand</i>, King of Hungary and Bohemia, King of the Romans and afterwards Emperor, summons Busbecq to Vienna, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;<ul><li> -Busbecq’s interview with him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>;</li><li> -sends Malvezzi to the Porte, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -recovers Transylvania, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>;</li><li> -sends Zay and Wranczy to the Porte, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>;</li><li> -engaged at the Imperial Diet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>;</li><li> -sends Busbecq back to Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_175">175</a>;</li><li> -his bounty to Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>;</li><li> -at Frankfort, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>;</li><li> -receives Busbecq graciously, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_398">398</a>;</li><li> -panegyric on him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_401">401</a>-414;</li><li> -his Fabian tactics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_409">409</a>;</li><li> -his difficulties, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_411">411</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ferdinand</i>, the Archduke, sees Busbecq at Vienna, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>-172;<ul><li> -commands at the relief of Szigeth, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>;</li><li> -honour he thereby acquired, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li> -declines to give Ibrahim an audience except <i>incognito</i>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_398">398</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ferrara</i>, the Duke of, a candidate for the Polish crown, ii. <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li><li> -<i>Ferrier</i>, M. de, formerly Ambassador at Venice, sent by the King to the King of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li><li> -<i>Fervaques</i>, officer of Alençon, said to be the suggester of the French Fury, ii. <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;<ul><li> -a prisoner, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his execution demanded by the Antwerp citizens, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li><li> -presented by Alençon with an abbacy, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li> -attempt to assassinate him, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Fiesco</i>, the Comte de, account of him, ii. <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -mentioned <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li><li> -refuses to leave the Queen’s service, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Fire-arms</i>, objection of the Turks to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>-243</li><li> -<i>Flagellants</i>, guilds of, ii. <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;<ul><li> -new guild of, instituted by the King, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li> -punishment of footmen who mocked, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Flushing</i>, town of, bought by Orange, ii. <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li><li> -<i>Foix</i>, François de, Comte de Candale and Bishop of Aire, dedicates a translation of Hermes Trismegistus to Maximilian, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, and <i>note</i><ul><li> -<i>Fontenay</i>, town in Poitou, besieged, ii. <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li> -taken, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Forez</i>, county of Le, the Queen’s dower partly charged on, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li><li> -<i>France</i>, M. de, the Queen’s first steward, ii. <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li><li> -<i>France</i>, state of, ii. <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-42, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>-50, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>-68, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>-73, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>-89;<ul><li> -no money but French or Spanish allowed in, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li> -dreadful weather in, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li><li> -on the brink of war, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Francis I.</i>, influences the Sorbonne to decide in Henry VIII.’s favour, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li><li> -<i>Franciscan friar</i>, story of a, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_340">340</a></li><li> -<i>Frederic III.</i>, Emperor, his alliance with the House of Portugal, ii. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Frederic III.</i>, Elector Palatine, his reception of Henry III., ii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a> <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Fregosi</i>, a great Genoese family, ii. <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>French gentlemen</i>, their characters, ii. <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li><li> -<i>Fünfkirchen</i>, Bishop of, defeated by Ali Pasha, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_236">236</a><br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">G</span>ANNAT</i>, town in the Bourbonnais, added to the Queen’s dower, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li><li> -<i>Gaston</i>, Don. See <i>Medina-Celi</i>, Duke of.</li><li> -<i>Genoa</i>, a safety-valve for restless Frenchmen, ii. <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li><li> -<i>George, St.</i>, identified by the Turks with their hero, Chederle, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>;<ul><li> -how painted by the Greeks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>;</li><li> -greatly venerated by the Mingrelians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_251">251</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Georgians</i>, their prudent answer when asked to attack the Shah, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_377">377</a></li><li> -<i>Germain, St., en Laye</i>, King at, ii. <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;<ul><li> -reforms of assembly at, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -King returns thither, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>German</i> reiters, report that 2,000 are coming to join Damville, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;<ul><li> -defeated by Guise, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li><li> -more reported to be coming, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li><li> -said to have crossed the Rhine, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">324</span> -scouring the country, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li><li> -seen from the ramparts of Nancy, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li> -1,500 hired by Alençon, near Cambrai, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li><li> -Navarre said to be hiring, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li> -rumours of some being brought to France, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li> -much dreaded in France, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ghent</i>, battle before, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<ul><li> -alleged conspiracy detected there, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li><li> -Parma’s envoys courteously received there, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li><li> -said to have come to terms with him, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li><li> -admits the troops of Orange, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li><li> -submits to Parma, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ghourebas</i>, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -mentioned, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_283">283</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Gienger</i>, Cosmo, governor of Upper Austria, ii. <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Gilles</i>, or <i>Gyllius</i>, Peter, French traveller, referred to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Goatsucker</i>, cruel treatment of a, by a Venetian goldsmith, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_226">226</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Goigny</i>, Seigneur de, officer of King of Spain, seen at Cambrai, ii. <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li><li> -<i>Goldfinches</i>, tricks of trained, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_228">228</a></li><li> -<i>Goldsmith</i>, story of a Venetian goldsmith and a bird, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_226">226</a></li><li> -<i>Goths</i> remaining in the Crimea, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_355">355</a>-359, and <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_355">355</a> <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -vocabulary of their language, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_357">357</a>-359</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Gotzen</i>, Dr. Joachim, sent by Duke Eric of Brunswick to propose for the Queen, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li><li> -<i>Gran</i>, city of, description of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>;<ul><li> -surprised by the Imperial troops, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_239">239</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Grapes</i>, Turkish mode of preserving, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>-148</li><li> -<i>Greeks</i>, their superstitions about unclean food, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_124">124</a>;<ul><li> -test Solyman’s prohibition of wine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_332">332</a>-333</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Guadagni</i>, an Italian in the French service, seneschal of Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;<ul><li> -sent to Maximilian, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li><li> -his statement to him, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Guast</i>, Louis du, one of the King’s favourites, his murder, ii. <a href="#Page_116">116</a>. and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -his quarrel with Thoré, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li><li> -his splendid mode of life, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li> -debts left by him, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Guise</i>, Henry, Duke of, le Balafré, hostile to Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;<ul><li> -accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li> -appointed the King’s Lieutenant, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li><li> -defeats the German reiters, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li><li> -wounded, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li><li> -his triumphal return to Paris, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li><li> -offers to go to Alençon’s rescue, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li><li> -one of the leaders of the League, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li> -declares he is simply a private gentleman fighting for the League, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -takes Verdun, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Guise</i>, the young Duke of, a prisoner, ii. <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Guise</i>, House of, its position, ii. <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;<ul><li> -its hereditary feuds with House of Navarre, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>-177;</li><li> -sets the League on foot, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li><li> -its claims to the throne, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -understanding with the Pope and the King of Spain, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li> -prepares for a campaign, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li> -its reasons for offence, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Guises</i>, their party striving to make themselves masters of France, ii. <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> -<i>Güns</i>, town in Styria, taken by Solyman, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_409">409</a><br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">H</span>ALYS</i> (Kizil Irmak), the river, fishing in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_145">145</a></li><li> -<i>Harrach</i>, Rodolph von, a minister of Ferdinand’s, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_412">412</a></li><li> -<i>Hassan</i> Aga, chief of the eunuchs of the bed-chamber, sent as ambassador to Persia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_380">380</a>;<ul><li> -and again as Bajazet’s executioner, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_381">381</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Havre de Grâce</i>, likely to surrender to Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li><li> -<i>Hawking</i>, Solyman’s taste for it, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_198">198</a></li><li> -<i>Hebrus</i>, or Maritza, the river, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_107">107</a></li><li> -<i>Henry</i>, one of Busbecq’s servants, his quarrel with the Janissary of Tolna, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_392">392</a>-396;<ul><li> -does not take de Sandé’s remonstrance in good part, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_394">394</a></li></ul></li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">325</span> -<i>Henry VIII.</i>, King of England, decision of the Sorbonne on the validity of his marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Henry III.</i>, King of France, his obligations to Maximilian, ii, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -expected at Lyons, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li><li> -hires Swiss and other troops, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li><li> -arrives at Lyons, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li><li> -resolves to continue the war, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li><li> -and begins it with a light heart, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li><li> -offers an amnesty, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -cedes certain towns to the Duke of Savoy, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his reception by the Elector Palatine, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <i>note</i>;</li><li> -his return to Paris uncertain, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li> -publishes a second edict, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li><li> -report of his marriage to his brother’s widow discredited and why, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li><li> -likely to go to Avignon, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li> -said to have fallen in love with Louise de Vaudemont, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li><li> -gives Busbecq an audience, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li><li> -under his mother’s influence, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li><li> -sets out for Rheims, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li><li> -his character, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li><li> -wishes to keep Poland for one of his children, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li><li> -orders his ambassador at Constantinople to support Maximilian’s interests, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -about to marry Louise de Vaudemont, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li> -his unpopularity <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li> -gives away all Damville’s offices, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li><li> -cannot digest the rebel demands, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li><li> -suffering from influenza, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li><li> -raises fresh cavalry, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li><li> -promises an escort for Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li><li> -his goodwill to Maximilian, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li><li> -hopes Montmorency is innocent, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -convenes a mock States-General, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li><li> -orders the crops in Languedoc to be burnt, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li><li> -his amusements, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li> -wishes to keep Poland, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li><li> -accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li> -his military preparations, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li><li> -appoints Guise his lieutenant, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li><li> -orders the ambassadors to move into Paris, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li><li> -sends Nevers in pursuit of Alençon, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li><li> -his remarks on Alençon’s conduct, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li><li> -his interference in the quarrel between du Guast and Thoré, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li> -regrets the Queen’s departure, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li><li> -sends Maximilian a present of grey-hounds and lime-hounds, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li><li> -undertakes to pay Casimir and his troops 500,000 francs, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li> -pledges jewels to Duke of Lorraine, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his unwilling consent to the truce, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li><li> -disclaims all responsibility for Alençon, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -goes to Lyons, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li><li> -his fondness for pilgrimages, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -goes to Bourbon-les-Bains, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li><li> -more favourable to Alençon’s enterprise, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li><li> -witnesses Salceda’s execution, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li><li> -his interview with him, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li><li> -his reply to the Spanish ambassador, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li> -makes a pilgrimage to Nôtre Dame de Liesse, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li><li> -commands the Bretons to build fifty galleys, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -orders money to be paid to Alençon, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -expected in Paris, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li><li> -sends commissioners through France, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -who returned without success, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li><li> -his financial expedients, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li><li> -his extravagance, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li> -his conduct unfavourably criticised, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li><li> -moves troops to the frontier, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -presses the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter to Epernon, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li><li> -his affection for Joyeuse and Epernon, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li> -institutes a new order of Flagellants, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li> -orders footmen who mimicked the Flagellants to be whipped, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li><li> -his devotion to religious observances, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li> -sends M. de Ferrier to the King of Navarre, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -going to Foullenbraye to drink the Spa waters, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -in bad health, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -urged by the Pope to accept and publish the decrees of the Council of Trent, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li> -wishes to make Epernon governor of Metz, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -hopes to profit by the troubles at Cologne, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li><li> -will go to Lyons, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sends a courier with an autograph letter to Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li> -hurries back to Paris, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -going to Lyons, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his outbreak against his sister, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">326</span> -writes to Navarre accusing her, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li> -sets out for Lyons to meet Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -his demands from the Pope through Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li> -refused, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li><li> -goes to Saint-Germain en Laye on account of the plague, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -his financial difficulties, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -not sorry for Alençon’s absence, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li> -regrets his outburst against his sister, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -said to have written to Alençon cautioning him, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li><li> -holding assemblies at Saint-Germain, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li><li> -attempts to enforce his sumptuary laws about dress, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li> -intends to reform, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li> -in retirement at Saint-Germain, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li><li> -returns to Paris, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -meets Alençon, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -going to take Cambrai under his protection, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li> -resolved to make Joyeuse’s father governor of Languedoc, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his attack on the Prior of Champagne, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>-216, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -gives up his campaign against Damville, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li> -estranged from his wife, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li><li> -said to be thinking of a divorce, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li><li> -sends Epernon to Aquitaine, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -intends going to Lyons, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -wears black mourning for Alençon, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li><li> -goes to Lyons, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li><li> -asks Navarre to come to him, offering to make him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -returns from Lyons, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li><li> -building a church for himself and his penitents, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his campaign against vice, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -goes to the Loire, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li><li> -is driven away from Blois by the plague and returns to Saint-Germain, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li><li> -has a chance of trying his power of healing scrofula, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li><li> -undecided as to assisting the Netherlanders, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li> -grants their ambassadors a private audience, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li><li> -invested with the Garter, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -reluctant to take up the cause of the Netherlands, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -distressed at attempt to assassinate Navarre, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li><li> -his final answer to the Netherland ambassadors, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li><li> -suspected of secretly approving of the Guises’ plans, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li><li> -neglects the Duke of Bouillon’s warning, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li> -difficulties of his position, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li><li> -sends deputies in vain, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -on condition of receiving 100,000 crowns a month from the clergy, orders the Huguenots to leave France within fifteen days, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>-248, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -recalls his army, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li> -sequestrates Navarre’s property, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li><li> -resolves not to let a Huguenot remain in France, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li><li> -sends some Huguenot women to England under his safe conduct, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -given up to his devotions and living like a hermit, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -Parliament removed to Tours by him, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Henry</i>, King of Navarre and Duke of Vendôme, afterwards King of France, his position and family, ii. <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -waits at Lyons for the King, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li><li> -attends the Cardinal of Lorraine’s funeral, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li><li> -accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li> -receives his wife courteously, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li> -demands her punishment if guilty, otherwise that of her accusers, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li> -said to have sent to Germany to hire reiters, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li> -given the duchy of Alençon, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li><li> -receives Epernon honourably, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li> -well qualified to lead an army to the Netherlands, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li><li> -likely to give his sister to Condé, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -attempt to assassinate him, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>-236, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -his accession dreaded by the Guises, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li><li> -on his guard, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li><li> -reported Bull declaring him disqualified for the throne, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -offers assistance to the King, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -Bull declaring him and Condé disqualified to succeed, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -his property sequestrated by the king, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -attacks the faubourgs of Paris, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li><li> -retreats after offering battle, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li><li> -retakes Etampes, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his plans for the winter, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li><li> -takes Vendôme and Le Mans, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li><li> -his reported coronation, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his declaration about religion, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li><li> -said to have made Montmorency Constable, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -convenes the States-General at Tours, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">327</span> -attacks Evreux, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li><li> -summons Rouen, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li> -besieges Paris, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -Cardinal de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons sent to him, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li> -threatens to break off negotiations, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li> -places his cannon at St. Denis, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -contrasted as a general with Parma and comparison of their armies, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>-264</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Hermes Trismegistus</i>, reputed work of, translated by François de Foix, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Heydons</i>, kind of banditti, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>;<ul><li> -Busbecq escapes an attack from them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>;</li><li> -their insolence inveighed against by Solyman, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_390">390</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Hilaire, St.</i>, French cadet in Rodolph’s service, his discharge requested, ii. <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li><li> -<i>Horses</i>, Busbecq’s, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;<ul><li> -account of Turkish, how they are reared, trained, &c., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>-217</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Humayoum</i>, Mogul Emperor of Delhi, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_299">299</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Hungarian</i> nobles, certain, go over from the Voivode to Ferdinand, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_386">386</a></li><li> -<i>Hungary</i>, its great fertility, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_165">165</a>;<ul><li> -events there, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>-242</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Hyena</i>, account of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>;<ul><li> -used for love-charms, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -story about it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_141">141</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">I</span>BRAHIM</i> Pasha, a eunuch, governor of Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>;<ul><li> -sent to Ghemlik to execute Mustapha’s son, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_120">120</a>-121;</li><li> -his escape from the women of Ghemlik, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_122">122</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ibrahim</i>, the interpreter, a Polish renegade, his notion of a cipher, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_233">233</a>;<ul><li> -disgraced by Lavigne’s and restored by Busbecq’s influence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_370">370</a>;</li><li> -his gratitude, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -encourages Busbecq to ask for de Sandé’s release, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_372">372</a>;</li><li> -appointed to go to the Emperor with Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_387">387</a>;</li><li> -rates the Janissary of Tolna for his conduct, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_395">395</a>;</li><li> -is to go to Frankfort, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_398">398</a>;</li><li> -wishes to visit the Archduke Ferdinand, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -witnesses the coronation, has an audience of the Emperor, and is sent home, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_399">399</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ilsing</i>, ii. <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -notice of the Queen’s departure to be given to him, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li><li> -notice sent to him, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Imaret</i>, Turkish word for hostel, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_110">110</a></li><li> -<i>Imbize</i>, accuses nobles at Ghent of conspiracy against the authorities of the city, ii. <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Imeritians</i>, a Georgian tribe, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>;<ul><li> -their feuds with the Mingrelians <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>-247</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Isabella</i>, widow of John Zapolya, returns to Transylvania, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_236">236</a></li><li> -<i>Ismael</i>, son of Shah Tahmasp, a deadly enemy of the Turks, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_300">300</a>-301</li><li> -<i>Italian merchants</i> of Pisa, their charity to the Spanish prisoners, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_330">330</a></li><li> -<i>Italian-Greek</i>, his reasons for refusing to help the prisoners, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_330">330</a></li><li> -<i>Italian renegadoes</i>, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_294">294</a>-296</li><li> -<i>Italians</i>, strong feeling in France against Italians in the French service, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>-40<br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">J</span>ACKALS</i>, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_135">135</a></li><li> -<i>Jagodin</i>, Servian village, Busbecq sees a Servian funeral there, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_95">95</a></li><li> -<i>James</i>, King of Scotland, said to be a prisoner, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<ul><li> -said to be about to attack England, and also to marry a Spanish princess, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -marries daughter of the King of Denmark, <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Janissaries</i>, account of the i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>-87, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -a few stationed in each town as police, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_392">392</a>;</li><li> -employed as firemen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li> -suspected of incendiarism, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -how Busbecq put his escort of Janissaries in good humour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li> -their tents, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>;</li><li> -their equipment and mode of fighting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li> -help Busbecq to get out, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;</li><li> -procession of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li> -defend their conduct against Busbecq’s cavasse, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>;</li><li> -frugal dinner of one, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li> -their punishments, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_293">293</a>;</li><li> -quarrel of some with Busbecq’s servants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>-296;</li><li> -how they are regarded by the Sultan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">328</span> -entitled to the Sultan’s dinner on the day of Bairam, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Janissary stationed at Tolna</i>, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_392">392</a>-396</li><li> -<i>Jehangir</i>, Solyman’s youngest son, his appearance, character, and death, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_178">178</a>-179</li><li> -<i>Jews</i>, Busbecq finds himself in a house full of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;<ul><li> -two sent by Janissary of Tolna to Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_395">395</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Jorneton</i>, mentioned, ii. <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li><li> -<i>Joyeuse</i>, account of the Duke of, a favourite of the King, ii. <a href="#Page_177">177</a>-178;<ul><li> -his pilgrimage to Loreto, and visit to the Pope, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li><li> -given the governorship of Normandy, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li><li> -his instructions on going to Italy, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li> -Alençon advised to secure his interest, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -escorts Alençon in his departure, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li> -King wishes to make his father governor of Languedoc, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his quarrel with the Duc de Mercœur, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li><li> -its origin, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li><li> -marches to recover places seized by the Duc d’Aumale, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Juliers</i>, Duke of, at the coronation at Frankfort, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Julius Cæsar</i>, his opinion of his soldiers, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_223">223</a>;<ul><li> -his intention in mounting the tenth legion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_224">224</a>;</li><li> -his despatch of <i>Veni, vidi, vici</i>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_408">408</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Junius</i>, secretary to the late Elector Palatine, sent by the States to Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Juppenbier</i> (spruce beer), a barrel of, presented to Busbecq, and its effect on his guests, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>-258<br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">K</span>ANÛNS</i>, or Turkish Domesday Book, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_142">142</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Katzianer</i>, Austrian General, his defeat alluded to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_166">166</a></li><li> -<i>Kevi</i>, Island in the Danube, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_167">167</a></li><li> -<i>Khodja</i>, story of a, at a Pasha’s table, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_377">377</a>-378</li><li> -<i>Khuen</i>, Don Rodolph, Master of Horse to Maximilian, Busbecq asks his salary to be paid to him, ii. <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Kinsky</i>, John, his business with Schomberg, ii. <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li><li> -<i>Kites</i>, the scavengers of Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>;<ul><li> -Busbecq shoots, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Kizilbash</i>, name given by Turks to the Shah, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_219">219</a></li><li> -<i>Koniah</i>, the ancient Iconium, Selim ordered to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;<ul><li> -its strategic importance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>;</li><li> -Selim posts himself there, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>;</li><li> -battle of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>-279</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Koran</i>, any Christian sitting on a, punished with death, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>;<ul><li> -copy of the, presented to the Sultan by the Persian Ambassador, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_375">375</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Kurds</i>, their origin, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -body of, hired by Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>;</li><li> -their sham fight, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_275">275</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">L</span>ANGRES</i>, Guise raises troops near, ii. <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;<ul><li> -bishopric of, removed to Dijon, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Languedoc</i> and <i>Guienne</i>, the chief Huguenot region, ii. <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;<ul><li> -the crops in, ordered to be burnt, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Lansac</i>, de, seizes Blaye, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>La Noue</i>, Huguenot leader, account of him, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -at Rochelle, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li> -a prisoner, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -attempts to surprise Paris, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <i>note</i>;</li><li> -with Navarre before Paris, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Laon</i>, Alençon goes there, ii. <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li><li> -<i>Lasso de Castilla</i>, Don Pedro, Ambassador of Ferdinand at the marriage of Philip and Mary, urges Busbecq to hasten to Vienna, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Laval</i>, the Comte de, son of d’Andelot, and nephew of Coligny, goes to the Netherlands, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -Orange intends giving him his daughter, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li> -to be governor of Antwerp, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Lavigne</i>, the French Ambassador, procures the release of the Venetian prisoners, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_353">353</a>;<ul><li> -had formerly calumniated Busbecq, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -dreaded by Roostem on account of his bluntness, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_354">354</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">329</span> -story of an interview between them, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -hates Ibrahim the interpreter, and procures his disgrace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_370">370</a>;</li><li> -his quarrel with de Codignac, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Lazarus</i>, an Albanian chief, recaptured after escaping, and impaled, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_131">131</a>-132</li><li> -<i>Legate</i>, from the Pope (Cardinal Caietano), summons people of Langres to Dijon, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<ul><li> -lays them under an Interdict for refusing to acknowledge the Cardinal de Bourbon, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -encourages the Parisians to hold out, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Le Mans</i>, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li><li> -<i>Lemnian Earth</i>, a medicine used by Quacquelben, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>;<ul><li> -how procured, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_256">256</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -Busbecq sends a physician to Lemnos to make inquiries about it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_416">416</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Lenoncourt</i>, Cardinal de, said to have crowned Navarre at Tours, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Leonora</i>, sister of Charles V., widow of Francis I., difficulties about arranging the settlement of her dower, ii. <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li><li> -<i>Leyden</i>, reports about the siege of, ii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li><li> -<i>Leyva</i>, Don Sancho de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the Neapolitan galleys, brought prisoner to Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>;<ul><li> -imprisoned in the tower of Pera, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>;</li><li> -how Busbecq procured his release, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_369">369</a>-373;</li><li> -hates de Sandé, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_373">373</a>;</li><li> -asks permission to return by Ragusa and Venice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_390">390</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Lier</i>, its garrison erect an outpost at the monastery of St. Bernard, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li><li> -<i>Lillo</i>, fort near Antwerp, besieged, ii. <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li><li> -<i>Limoges</i>, de l’Aubespine, Bishop of, ii. <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li><li> -<i>Listhius</i>, John, Hungarian noble, Bishop of Wessprim, ii. <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Livron</i>, siege of, ii. <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;<ul><li> -turned into a blockade, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Livy</i>, thought Alexander would have been defeated if he had attacked Rome, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_408">408</a></li><li> -<i>Lorraine</i>, Charles, Cardinal de, his illness, death, and character, ii. <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -his funeral, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li><li> -blamed as the cause of the war, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li><li> -formerly absolute master of France, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Lorraine</i>, Cardinal de, brother of the Duke of Guise, one of the chiefs of the League, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li><li> -<i>Lorraine</i>, Christina, Duchess Dowager of, her portrait taken for Henry VIII., ii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -sends a message to Maximilian, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Lorraine</i>, Duke of, expected in Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;<ul><li> -at the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li><li> -asked to allow the passage of Spanish troops through Lorraine, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li> -accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li> -his conversation with Busbecq at dinner, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -notice of the Queen’s departure sent to him, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li><li> -jewels sent by Henry III. to induce him to be security to Casimir, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li> -comes to meet Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li><li> -expected in Paris, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li><li> -arrives, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li><li> -demands Navarre’s sister for his son, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his horror at the notion of giving his daughter to Epernon, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li><li> -his subterfuges, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Lorraine</i>, House of, King devoted to, ii. <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;<ul><li> -its connection with Maximilian, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, and <i>note</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Luc, St.</i>, his outrageous behaviour in Alençon’s chamber, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -his repartee to Orange, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Lusignan</i>, castle of, account of the, ii. <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -its siege expected, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -commenced, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li> -continues, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li> -raised, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li><li> -surrenders, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Luxembourg</i>, M. de, mentioned as likely to escort Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li><li> -<i>Lynx</i>, story of an Assyrian, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_206">206</a></li><li> -<i>Lyons</i>, inhabitants of, demolish their citadel, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li><li> -<i>Lyons</i>, Pierre d’Espinac, Archbishop of, ii. <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -sent as ambassador to the Guises, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, <a href="#Page_260">260</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="pagenum2">330</span> -<i><span class="dropcap">M</span>AHOMET</i>, story of and his cat, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>;<ul><li> -why he forbade the use of wine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>-294</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Mahomet II.</i>, Sultan, builder of the castle of Europe on the Bosphorus, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_131">131</a></li><li> -<i>Mahomet</i>, son of Solyman, who died young, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_178">178</a></li><li> -<i>Malvezzi</i>, John Maria, former ambassador to the Porte, Busbecq visits him, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>;<ul><li> -his embassy and imprisonment, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>-80;</li><li> -his death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_81">81</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Mamelukes</i>, their ancient dominion in Egypt, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Mancup</i>, town of Goths in the Crimea, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_356">356</a></li><li> -<i>MSS.</i>, Greek, collected by Busbecq at Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>-417</li><li> -<i>Marasch</i>, the Pasha of, sent as ambassador to Persia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_380">380</a></li><li> -<i>Marche, La</i>, the Queen’s Dower partly charged upon, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li><li> -<i>Marguerite</i> de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, catches cold when walking in procession of Flagellants, ii. <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;<ul><li> -Alençon’s confidante and on bad terms with Henry III. and her husband, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li> -as yet childless, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li><li> -assailed by the King, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li><li> -leaves Paris for Vendôme, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -King said to intend to imprison her, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li> -declares she and the Queen of Scots are the most unhappy beings in the world, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -joins her husband, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li> -to live apart from him till her case has been investigated, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -expected to revenge the insult, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li> -said to be reconciled to her husband, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li> -refuses to see Epernon, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Marseilles</i>, attempt to seize, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li><li> -<i>Martigues</i>, the Vicomte de, his daughter about to marry the Marquis de Nomeny, ii. <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li><li> -<i>Mary</i>, sister of Henry VIII. and widow of Louis XII., her marriage with the Duke of Suffolk, ii. <a href="#Page_76">76</a></li><li> -<i>Mary</i>, Queen of England, her marriage, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_77">77</a></li><li> -<i>Mary</i>, Queen of Scots, her pension so settled as to be worthless, ii. <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;<ul><li> -expenses of her return home defrayed by Charles IX., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li> -her whole dower not secured on crown lands, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li><li> -remark of Marguerite de Valois about her, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -in danger for conspiring against Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Matarieh</i>, gardens of, near Cairo, the true balsam grown there, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_416">416</a></li><li> -<i>Mattioli</i>, Italian physician and botanist, specimens sent him by Busbecq, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_415">415</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Maximilian</i>, King of Bohemia, afterwards King of Hungary and Emperor, receives Busbecq graciously on his return to Vienna, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>;<ul><li> -his election as King of the Romans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>;</li><li> -his coronation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>;</li><li> -his advice to Henry III., ii. <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li><li> -asked to intercede for Montmorency, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li><li> -his views as to the settlement of the Dower, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li><li> -wishes Busbecq to remain in Paris, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Mayenne</i>, the Duke of, accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;<ul><li> -likely to escort Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li> -a Leaguer, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li> -hurries to relieve Angers, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li> -his troops in contact with the enemy, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li><li> -enters Paris, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li><li> -has large forces embodied but no means to pay them, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -attacks the fort of Meulan, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li><li> -arrives at Meaux, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li> -his letters intercepted, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li> -an unlucky general, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Medina Celi</i>, Duke of, commander of the expedition to Djerbé, retires to citadel and escapes by night, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>;<ul><li> -his son Don Gaston a prisoner, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>;</li><li> -his agents search for Don Gaston unsuccessfully, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>;</li><li> -Don Gaston probably murdered by Pialé Pasha, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Medina de Rio Sicco</i>, Duke of, coming from King of Spain to congratulate Henry III. on his marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li><li> -<i>Mehemet</i> Sokolli Pasha, third of -<span class="pagenum2">331</span> -the Vizierial Pashas, afterwards Grand Vizier, despatched by Solyman to Selim, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>;<ul><li> -returns and is sent to Asia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_271">271</a>;</li><li> -sent in pursuit of Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>;</li><li> -in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_378">378</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Melun</i>, town of, said to have surrendered to Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li><li> -<i>Menagerie</i>, Busbecq’s, stories of animals in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>-208</li><li> -<i>Mendoza</i>, Don Bernardino de, implicated in conspiracy against Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;<ul><li> -ordered to leave England, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -arrives in Paris, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li> -appointed Spanish ambassador to France, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li><li> -induces the Parisians to hold out, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Menin</i>, evacuated, and then plundered and sacked, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li><li> -<i>Meninx</i>, island of. See <i>Djerbé</i></li><li> -<i>Mercœur</i>, Duc de and Marquis de Nomeny, the king’s brother-in-law, ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -his approaching marriage, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li><li> -his marriage, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li><li> -accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li> -governor of Brittany, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li><li> -report of his death, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -untrue, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li><li> -his quarrel with the Duke of Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li><li> -its cause, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li><li> -a Leaguer, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li> -his ingratitude, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Méru</i>, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Metrophanes</i>, the Metropolitan, a friend of Busbecq’s, anxious for a union between the Greek and Latin churches, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>-342</li><li> -<i>Metz</i>, great Protestant disturbances at, ii. <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li><li> -<i>Meulan</i>, fort on the Seine, attacked by Mayenne, ii. <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li><li> -<i>Mezières</i>, appointed as Condé’s residence, ii. <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li><li> -<i>Michel</i>, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador, visits Busbecq, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Middelburg</i>, Congress of Netherland States at, ii. <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li><li> -<i>Milan</i>, useful as a training school for French soldiers, ii. <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Minarets</i>, serve the purpose of our belfries, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_291">291</a></li><li> -<i>Mingrelians</i>, account of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_245">245</a>-252;<ul><li> -their monarch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_245">245</a>;</li><li> -their feuds with the Imeritians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_246">246</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Mirambeau</i>, brother of Lausac, sent to Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;<ul><li> -thinks there is little hope of an arrangement, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Mohacz</i>, battle of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_407">407</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Mohair</i> goat. See <i>Angora</i> goat</li><li> -<i>Mola</i>, of Augsburg, a courier, ii. <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li><li> -<i>Mondragon</i>, Spanish officer, his projects, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Montal</i>, notorious bravo, his end, ii. <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Montbéliard</i>, Pibrac waylaid near, ii. <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Montbrun</i>, Vicomte de, Huguenot chieftain, said to be with Damville, ii. <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;<ul><li> -seizes towns in Dauphiny, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li><li> -throws reinforcements into Livron, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li><li> -defeats Swiss in Dauphiny, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -wounded and taken prisoner, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>-80;</li><li> -his character, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -beheaded at Grenoble, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Montluc</i>, Jean de, Bishop of Valence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -ii. <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, and <i>note</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Montmorency</i>, Duc de, Marshal of France, his imprisonment in the Bastille, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;<ul><li> -account of him, <i>ib.</i> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -his execution threatened, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li><li> -guarded more strictly, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -better treated, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li><li> -offers to stand his trial, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li><li> -considered innocent by Vaudemont, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li> -his release decided on, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li><li> -sets out to Alençon, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li><li> -a notable instance of the fickleness of fortune, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Montmorency</i>, Madame de, asks Elizabeth to request Maximilian to intercede for her son, ii. <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;<ul><li> -contributes to the forced loan, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Montpellier</i>, said to have revolted at Damville’s instigation, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li><li> -<i>Montpensier</i>, Louis de Bourbon, Duc de, account of, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -besieges Fontenay, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">332</span> -and Lusignan, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li><li> -his son the Prince Dauphin, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Montpensier</i>, Duc de, son of the preceding, intends going to the Netherlands, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;<ul><li> -in spite of his father’s death, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li><li> -joins Alençon, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Morvilliers</i>, Jean de, Bishop of Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -his interview with Busbecq, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li><li> -arrangement by which Busbecq receives his salary through him, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li><li> -contributes to the forced loan, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Mufti</i>, Turkish chief priest, consulted by Solyman, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_374">374</a></li><li> -<i>Mustapha</i>, Solyman’s eldest son, his high character and popularity, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>;<ul><li> -summoned to appear before his father, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>;</li><li> -his execution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>-118;</li><li> -his only son shares his fate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>-122;</li><li> -many of his retainers join Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_275">275</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Mustapha</i>, the Pretender, his first appearance, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>;<ul><li> -his story, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_181">181</a>-182;</li><li> -threatening aspect of his rising, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -deserted by his followers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li> -taken prisoner and executed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_185">185</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">N</span>ANTEUIL</i>, fortress of, appointed for the meeting of the Peace Commissioners, ii. <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li><li> -<i>Napellus.</i> See <i>Aconite</i></li><li> -<i>Napoli di Romania</i>, its surrender by the Venetians, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>-263</li><li> -<i>Navarre.</i> See <i>Henry IV.</i></li><li> -<i>Netherland</i> Ambassadors with Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;<ul><li> -try to gain the King’s support, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li><li> -their offers, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -come with fresh proposals to the King, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li><li> -granted a private audience, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li><li> -attend the investiture of the King with the Garter, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -return home, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li><li> -the King’s reply to them, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Netherlands</i>, news from the, ii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;<ul><li> -dykes opened in the, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Nevers</i>, Louis Gonzaga, Duc de, ii. <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -suggestion of placing Elizabeth’s affairs under his protection, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li><li> -sent in pursuit of Alençon, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li><li> -asks for governorship of Brittany, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li><li> -indignant at being refused, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li><li> -brings reinforcements to Navarre, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Nicæa</i> (Isnik), description of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_136">136</a></li><li> -<i>Nicomedia</i> (Ismid), ruins of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_134">134</a></li><li> -<i>Nicopolis</i>, battle of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_407">407</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Niort</i>, town of, given to Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li><li> -<i>Nissa</i> or <i>Nisch</i>, town of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_96">96</a></li><li> -<i>Nocle</i>, Beauvois de la, deputy from Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Nogarola</i>, Count, Commander of German horse, ii. <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;<ul><li> -returns to Vienna, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Nomeny</i>, Marquis de. See <i>Mercœur</i>, Duc de</li><li> -<i>Northumberland</i>, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <i>note</i><br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">O</span></i>, Monsieur d’, holds the citadel of Caen for the League, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li><li> -<i>Olympus</i>, Mount, in Asia, view of, from Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_202">202</a>;<ul><li> -Busbecq travels along its slopes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_136">136</a>;</li><li> -furnishes Constantinople with snow, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_291">291</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Orange</i>, William, Prince of, peace negotiations opened with him, ii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;<ul><li> -his plan of misleading the Spanish fleet by false beacons, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his marriage to Mademoiselle de Bourbon, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li><li> -suggestion that Condé should lead troops to his assistance, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li><li> -if beaten, will hand over the Netherlands to a foreign power, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li><li> -recovers from his wound, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -likely to secure Holland and Zealand for himself, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li><li> -rebukes St. Luc, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li><li> -prayed for during his illness by the reformed churches in France, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li><li> -excused himself from going with Alençon to the camp, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li><li> -to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li><li> -mobbed in Antwerp, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li><li> -intends to marry Teligny’s widow, and to give his own daughter to Laval, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li> -buys Flushing, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -his influence declining, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li><li> -tries to arouse the men of Antwerp, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">333</span> -crosses to Zealand, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -reinforces Ostend, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -in retirement at Flushing, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li><li> -likely to be soon made Count of Holland and Zealand, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li><li> -schemes to recover Zutphen, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li><li> -Hollanders said to have sworn allegiance to him, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li> -assassinated, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Orchan</i>, son of Bajazet, a marriage suggested between him and the Shah’s daughter, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_308">308</a></li><li> -<i>Orleans</i>, declares for the Guises, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li><li> -<i>Ostend</i>, resists Parma, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;<ul><li> -said to have come to terms with him, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Othman</i>, founder of the Turkish royal family, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_137">137</a></li><li> -<i>Oudenarde</i>, besieged, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;<ul><li> -surrenders, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ouloufedgi</i>, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -mentioned, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_283">283</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">P</span>ALYNA</i>, Paul, fails to keep his appointment with Busbecq, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>;<ul><li> -overtakes him at Buda, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_86">86</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Paper</i>, Turkish reverence for, and the reason of it, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_110">110</a></li><li> -<i>Paris</i>, proposal in the municipality of Paris to defray Elizabeth’s expenses, ii. <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;<ul><li> -regret of the inhabitants at her departure, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -<i>émeute</i> there in consequence of the King’s enforcing his sumptuary law, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li> -the faubourgs taken by Navarre, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>-252;</li><li> -besieged, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>-261;</li><li> -dreadful famine in, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Paris</i>, Pierre de Gondi, Bishop of, and Chancellor to Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;<ul><li> -his views about the dower, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li><li> -likely to escort the Queen, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li> -starts home from Nancy with an escort, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li><li> -wounded in the council-chamber, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li> -sent as ambassador to Rome, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li><li> -sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Parma</i>, Alexander Farnese, Prince of, besieges Oudenarde, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;<ul><li> -takes it, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li><li> -encamps at Arras, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li><li> -threatens to attack St. Quentin in case of a French invasion, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li><li> -sickness of his troops, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li><li> -retakes Cateau Cambrésis, and blockades Diest, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -takes Diest, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li><li> -prepares to besiege Alost and threatens Brussels, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li> -besieges Cambrai, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -sends the governor of Namur to the King, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li> -takes Dunkirk, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li><li> -checked at Ostend, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -relieves Cateau Cambrésis, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li> -master of nearly all the country but Ghent and Antwerp, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li><li> -receives overtures from Flanders, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li><li> -removes to Dendermonde, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li> -said to be dangerously ill, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li><li> -in retirement, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li><li> -comes to the relief of Paris, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li> -he and his army contrasted with Navarre and his army, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>-264;</li><li> -his devices for encountering the French cavalry, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Partridges</i>, from Chios, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>;<ul><li> -how reared, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_213">213</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Pashas</i>, keep open house before Ramazan, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_376">376</a></li><li> -<i>Patriarch of Constantinople</i>, consulted in vain by the Pashas, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_234">234</a></li><li> -<i>Pax</i>, John, commander at Komorn, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_83">83</a></li><li> -<i>Pernantius</i>, of Lorraine, said to have reconciled the Queen of Navarre to her husband, ii. <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li><li> -<i>Persia</i>, its barrenness, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>;<ul><li> -creates a diversion in favour of Christendom, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_221">221</a>-222;</li><li> -account of the country and its monarchs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>-301, and <i>note</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Persians</i>, their religious differences with the Turks, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_161">161</a>-162, and <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -complain of the violation of their territory, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_307">307</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Persian</i> Ambassador, his arrival at Amasia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>;<ul><li> -peace concluded with, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_157">157</a>;</li><li> -and honours paid to him, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his departure from Amasia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_160">160</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Persian</i> Ambassadors bring presents to Solyman, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>-157, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_375">375</a></li><li> -<i>Pertau</i> Pasha, fourth Vizierial Pasha, and married to the widow of Mahomet, the Sultan’s son, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>;<ul><li> -despatched by Solyman against Mustapha the Pretender, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>-184;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">334</span> -despatched by Solyman to Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>;</li><li> -sent back by him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_271">271</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Pescara</i>, Marquis of, report of his brother’s capture by the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li><li> -<i>Peter</i>, the courier, mentioned, ii. <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li><li> -<i>Philip II.</i>, King of Spain, his marriage, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;<ul><li> -Turkish reports of his power, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li><li> -said to have promised his daughter to the King of Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li><li> -supports the League, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li><li> -sends money to Paris, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Philippopolis</i>, town of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_106">106</a></li><li> -<i>Pialé</i> Pasha, the admiral, sent in command of the Turkish fleet to Djerbé, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;<ul><li> -sends a galley to Constantinople to announce his victory, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>;</li><li> -conceals Don Gaston in hopes of a large ransom, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>;</li><li> -his consequent peril, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -is forgiven by Solyman, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Pibrac</i>, Guy du Faur, Seigneur de, account of him, ii. <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -offends the Queen-Mother by advising the King to dismiss his Italian troops, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li> -reported to be coming from Lyons, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li><li> -arrives in Paris, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li> -his conversation with Busbecq, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li><li> -the advocate of peace, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li><li> -starts for Poland as ambassador, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -waylaid near Montbéliard, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -is to visit the Polish Palatines, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li><li> -his opinion of Polish affairs, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li><li> -his return expected, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li><li> -his unpleasant position in Poland, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -returns, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li> -what he thinks the Poles have gained from France, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li><li> -will probably be sent to the Netherlands as Alençon’s chancellor, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li><li> -sent to Antwerp by Alençon, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Pignerolo</i>, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to the Duke of Savoy, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li><li> -<i>Pigs</i>, Turkish prejudice against them turned to account by Busbecq’s friend, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_205">205</a></li><li> -<i>Pilgrimages</i>, fashion of making, in France, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li><li> -<i>Pilgrims</i> to Jerusalem, seized by the Syrians and imprisoned at Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>;<ul><li> -their release procured by the French ambassador, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_353">353</a>;</li><li> -sent home by Busbecq, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Pinnas</i>, a kind of mollusc, caught by Busbecq, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>;<ul><li> -account of them and their guards, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>-340</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Plague</i>, the, Busbecq’s suite attacked by, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>;<ul><li> -outbreak of, in Busbecq’s house, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>-335;</li><li> -death-rate from, at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>;</li><li> -appears in France, ii. <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -spreading, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li><li> -raging in Paris, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li> -prevents the King entering Paris, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -carries off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bed-chamber, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Plane-tree</i>, great, opposite Busbecq’s house, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_227">227</a>;<ul><li> -the cavasse when shut out ties his horse to it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_260">260</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Pliny</i>, his statements as to the <i>pinna</i> and <i>pinna-guard</i> referred to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_339">339</a></li><li> -<i>Poitiers</i>, attempt to surprise, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li><li> -<i>Poland</i>, account of affairs in, ii. <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;<ul><li> -French hope to keep, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li><li> -affairs there, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Pont-à-Musson</i>, Marquis of, eldest son of the Duke of Lorraine, goes to Flanders on his way home, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-256</li><li> -<i>Pope</i>, the, offers the King 3,000 Swiss, ii. <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;<ul><li> -urges him to accept the Tridentine Decrees, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li> -visited by Joyeux, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Portugal</i>, Sebastian, King of, account of him, ii. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -marriage between him and Elizabeth spoken of, ii. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>-78</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Portuguese Ambassador</i> arrives in Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;<ul><li> -expected, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li><li> -Busbecq’s interview with him, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>-77;</li><li> -suggests a marriage between Elizabeth and the King of Portugal, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -takes a house in Paris, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Poussin</i>, Huguenot fortress, besieged, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<ul><li> -taken, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Predestination</i>, Turkish notions about, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_382">382</a>-383</li><li> -<i>Prinkipo</i>, the largest of the Princes’ Islands in the sea of Marmora, Busbecq allowed to retire thither, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_334">334</a>;<ul><li> -account of it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_337">337</a>-340</li></ul></li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">335</span> -<i>Puygalliard</i>, M. de, acting governor at Cambrai for the King of France, ii. <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;<ul><li> -leaves the town, <a href="#Page_205">205</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<i>Quacquelben</i>, native of Courtrai, Busbecq’s physician, attends the Pasha of Buda, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>;<ul><li> -shares Busbecq’s taste for ancient coins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li> -his treatment of intermittent fever, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_161">161</a>;</li><li> -of the plague, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>;</li><li> -is attacked by the plague, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_335">335</a>;</li><li> -his opinion of the plague, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -Busbecq’s last visit to him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_335">335</a>-336;</li><li> -his death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li> -his high character and abilities, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -examines aconite brought by Turkish pilgrim, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_362">362</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Quesnoy</i>, Le, town in Hainault, failure of Alençon’s attempt on, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li><li> -<i>Quentin, St.</i>, town in Picardy, garrisoned against any attack by Parma, ii. <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;<ul><li> -Marshal de Retz there, <a href="#Page_227">227</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">R</span>AAB</i>, Busbecq’s escort attacked by soldiers from its garrison, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_170">170</a></li><li> -<i>Rakos</i>, plain near Pesth, the former meeting-place of the Hungarian Diet, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_168">168</a></li><li> -<i>Rambouillet</i>, family of, ordered to leave the Court, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Ramée</i>, Pierre de la, his method, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>, <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Rascians</i>, their language, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>;<ul><li> -extent of their country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_166">166</a>;</li><li> -their character, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Remorantin</i>, a château, suggested by Busbecq as a residence for Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;<ul><li> -assigned as part of her dower, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Requesens</i>, Don Berenguer de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the Sicilian galleys, brought a prisoner to Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>;<ul><li> -imprisoned in the tower of Pera, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>;</li><li> -how Busbecq procured his release, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_369">369</a>-373;</li><li> -asks leave to return by Ragusa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>;</li><li> -his death, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Retz</i>, Comte de, Marshal of France, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -some of his troops cut to pieces by Damville, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li><li> -supports Elizabeth’s interests, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li><li> -attends the Queen-Mother to Boulogne, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li><li> -commands in Picardy, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li> -makes the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li><li> -at St. Quentin negotiating with Balagny, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li><li> -still in Picardy, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Retz</i>, Comtesse de, likely to be one of Elizabeth’s escort, ii. <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li><li> -<i>Rhodope</i>, Mount, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_106">106</a></li><li> -<i>Richardot</i>, Councillor, sent to King of Spain, on account of Parma’s conduct, ii. <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li><li> -<i>Richebourg</i>, Marquis of, formerly resident at the Court of Maximilian, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;<ul><li> -killed at the Antwerp bridge, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Rimini</i>, the Bishop of, the Apostolic Nuncio, his death, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li><li> -<i>Rochefoucauld</i>, goes to the Netherlands, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li><li> -<i>Rodolph II.</i>, Emperor, suspected of being concerned in the affair of Antwerp, ii. <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;<ul><li> -said to be betrothed to Philip II.’s daughter, <i>ib.</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Roland</i>, mythic Carlovingian hero, the legend said to be known to the Mingrelians, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_250">250</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Roostem</i>, Grand Vizier, Busbecq and his colleagues visit him, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>;<ul><li> -his origin, character, and abilities, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>-114, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_343">343</a>;</li><li> -sent in command against the Shah, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>;</li><li> -his dismissal from office, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li> -restored to office, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>;</li><li> -urges Busbecq to remain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>;</li><li> -complains of Hungarian raids, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li> -his opinion of Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_234">234</a>;</li><li> -tries to convert him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -his orthodoxy suspected, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his conversation with Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>-236;</li><li> -his exultation at his kinsman’s raid, and sorrow at his death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_240">240</a>-241;</li><li> -raises a troop of dragoons from his household servants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>;</li><li> -failure of the experiment, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li> -his remarks on Busbecq’s obstinacy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li> -his emblematic present, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_263">263</a>-264;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">336</span> -warns Busbecq not to quarrel with the Janissaries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>;</li><li> -excites Solyman’s wrath against Pialé, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_324">324</a>;</li><li> -his conversation with de Sandé in the Divan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -refuses to let Busbecq leave his house on account of the plague, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_334">334</a>;</li><li> -contrasted with Ali, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>;</li><li> -story of him and Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>;</li><li> -dreaded interviews with Lavigne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_354">354</a>;</li><li> -scene at one, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_355">355</a>;</li><li> -his conduct towards Busbecq’s servants when falsely accused, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_367">367</a>-368</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Rouen</i>, threatened by Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li><li> -<i>Roxolana</i>, Solyman’s wife, her real name Khourrem, account of her, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>-112, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -her intrigues against Mustapha, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>;</li><li> -and his only son, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>;</li><li> -her affection for Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li> -appeases his angry father, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>;</li><li> -encourages him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li> -how she induced Solyman to marry her, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>, and <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>, <i>note</i>;</li><li> -her death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_265">265</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Ryhove</i>, Flemish noble, accused by Imbize of conspiracy, ii. <a href="#Page_209">209</a><br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">S</span>ALCEDA</i>, implicated in a plot, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<ul><li> -a prisoner, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li><li> -his terrible execution, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>-153, and <i>notes</i>;</li><li> -his wickedness and audacity, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li><li> -his head sent to Antwerp and stuck on the highest pinnacle, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Saluzzo</i>, the marquisate of, proposal to sell or pawn, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<ul><li> -200,000 crowns borrowed on security of it, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Salviati</i>, his mission to procure de Sandé’s release, and its failure, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_374">374</a>, <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Samarcand</i>, city of, visited by a Turkish pilgrim, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_360">360</a></li><li> -<i>Sandé</i>, Don Alvaro de, commander of the citadel at Djerbé, attempts to escape and is captured, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_320">320</a>;<ul><li> -exhibited on Pialé’s galley, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li> -before the Divan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -imprisoned in the fortress of Caradenis, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>;</li><li> -how Busbecq procured his release, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_369">369</a>-373;</li><li> -his hatred of Leyva, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_373">373</a>;</li><li> -his speech to the steward of the French representative, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -his journey home with Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>-397;</li><li> -his jokes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_391">391</a>;</li><li> -fears he will be sent back to Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_393">393</a>;</li><li> -chides Busbecq’s servant for his temper, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_394">394</a>;</li><li> -his gratitude to Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_397">397</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Sanjak-bey</i>, derivation of the word, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_84">84</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -Turkish army preserved by the advice of a Sanjak-bey, and his subsequent treatment, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>-239;</li><li> -story of a Sanjak-bey and a Khodja, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_377">377</a>-378</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Sanjak-bey of Gran</i>, Busbecq’s interviews with the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_170">170</a></li><li> -<i>Saumur</i>, town of, given to Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li><li> -<i>Savigliano</i>, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to the Duke of Savoy, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li><li> -<i>Savona</i>, reported capture of, by the Duke of Savoy, ii. <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li><li> -<i>Savoy</i>, Emanuel Philibert, Duke of, receives Savigliano, and Pignerolo from Henry III., ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a> and <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -death of his wife, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li><li> -said to have taken Savona, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li><li> -lends 200,000 crowns on security of Saluzzo, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Savoy</i>, Charles Emmanuel, Duke of, son of the preceding, said to be estranged from Spain, and likely to marry Navarre’s sister, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<ul><li> -about to be betrothed to the Duke of Lorraine’s daughter, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Saxon</i> colonists in Transylvania, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_359">359</a></li><li> -<i>Saxony</i>, the Elector of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Schomberg</i>, Gaspard de, Comte de Nanteuil, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -his dealings with Kinsky, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li><li> -going to Germany, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li> -his château of Nanteuil mentioned, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, and <i>note</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Schwartzenberg</i>, Count von, meets Elizabeth at Nancy, ii. <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;<ul><li> -consulted by Busbecq about her route, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li></ul></li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">337</span> -<i>Schwendi</i>, Lazarus von, an Alsatian seigneur, a scholar and a soldier, ii. <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -prevented by illness from coming to Nancy, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Scivarin</i>, Gothic town in the Crimea, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_356">356</a></li><li> -<i>Scordium</i>, or water germander, a remedy for the plague, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Scotland</i>, news of disturbances in, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<ul><li> -King of Scotland. See <i>James</i>, King of Scotland</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Scutari</i>, town of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_133">133</a></li><li> -<i>Scuter</i>, Lawrence, a courier, ii. <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li><li> -<i>Sebastian</i>, King of Portugal. See <i>Portugal</i>, Sebastian, King of</li><li> -<i>Selim I.</i>, the father of Solyman, his defeat by his father at Tchourlou, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -picture of his defeat of the Persians at Tschaldiran, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>;</li><li> -referred to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_299">299</a>;</li><li> -his conduct alluded to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>-277, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_383">383</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Selim</i>, Solyman’s son, afterwards Sultan Selim II., destined by his father as his successor, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>;<ul><li> -warns his father against Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_265">265</a>;</li><li> -removed to Koniah from Magnesia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;</li><li> -marches on Ghemlik, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_268">268</a>;</li><li> -occupies Koniah, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>;</li><li> -his appearance and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>-276;</li><li> -awaits his brother’s attack, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>;</li><li> -puts the Pasha of Erzeroum to death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>;</li><li> -his succession advantageous to the Shah, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;</li><li> -procures Pialé Pasha’s pardon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_324">324</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Selimbria</i>, town of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_109">109</a></li><li> -<i>Selles</i>, M. de, a prisoner in Zealand, ii. <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Semendria</i>, formerly a fortress of the despots of Servia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_95">95</a></li><li> -<i>Servians</i>, the, their funeral customs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_95">95</a>;<ul><li> -their marriage customs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>;</li><li> -their language, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>;</li><li> -extent of their country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_165">165</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Seure</i>, Michel de, Prior of Champagne, his quarrel with the King, ii. <a href="#Page_215">215</a>-216, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Sforzia Palavicini</i>, defeated by Ali Pasha at Fülek, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_236">236</a></li><li> -<i>Shad</i>, the common Danube, found also in the Halys, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_145">145</a></li><li> -<i>Sherbet</i>, mode of making, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_147">147</a></li><li> -<i>Silihdars</i>, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -mentioned, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_283">283</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Siwas</i>, the Pasha of, deceived by Bajazet, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_304">304</a></li><li> -<i>Slavery</i>, its advantages discussed, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_210">210</a>-211, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Slaves</i>, Christian, met by Busbecq, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_162">162</a></li><li> -<i>Slaves</i>, use made by the Turks of the numerous slaves captured by them, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>-211</li><li> -<i>Sluys</i>, town of, holds out against Parma, ii. <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li><li> -<i>Snakes</i>, in Busbecq’s house, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>-204</li><li> -<i>Solyman</i>, Sultan, takes Belgrade, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>;<ul><li> -induced by Roxolana to marry her, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>;</li><li> -goes to the army and summons Mustapha, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>;</li><li> -consults the mufti, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>;</li><li> -rebukes the mutes for their slackness, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>;</li><li> -mohair his usual dress, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_144">144</a>;</li><li> -Busbecq’s first and second interviews with him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_158">158</a>;</li><li> -his appearance and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_159">159</a>-160;</li><li> -avenges an insult, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>;</li><li> -sends Pertau Pasha against the false Mustapha, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -his anger against Bajazet appeased by Roxolana, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>-186;</li><li> -interview with Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>-188;</li><li> -goes to Adrianople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>;</li><li> -remonstrates with Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>;</li><li> -changes his sons’ governments, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;</li><li> -refuses to listen to Bajazet’s complaints, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>;</li><li> -consults the mufti about him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_272">272</a>;</li><li> -his appearance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li> -his opinion of the Janissaries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>;</li><li> -is presented by Busbecq with Ferdinand’s gifts, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li> -pretends to be inclined to pardon Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>;</li><li> -orders the execution of one of his spies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li> -orders his army to return to Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>;</li><li> -orders Bajazet’s child to be brought up at Broussa, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sends Pashas and Sanjak-beys in pursuit of Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>;</li><li> -removes Pasha of Erzeroum from office, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -alarmed at Bajazet’s flight to Persia, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -wishes to pursue him, but is restrained by the Pashas, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_306">306</a>;</li><li> -deeply hurt at the loss of Djerbé, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">338</span> -sends an armament thither, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -sees the triumphal entry of his fleet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li> -his demeanour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;</li><li> -his increasing superstition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_331">331</a>;</li><li> -his prohibition of wine tested by some Greeks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_332">332</a>-333;</li><li> -his reply to Busbecq’s request to leave his house, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_333">333</a>;</li><li> -releases pilgrims at Lavigne’s request, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_353">353</a>;</li><li> -his letter to the King of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_369">369</a>;</li><li> -tries to induce the Shah to surrender Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_378">378</a>;</li><li> -sends messages to the Georgians and Turkomans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_379">379</a>;</li><li> -persuades the Shah to permit Bajazet to be executed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_380">380</a>-381;</li><li> -orders Bajazet’s child to be executed at Broussa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_382">382</a>;</li><li> -his parting speech to Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>;</li><li> -a terrible enemy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_405">405</a>-407;</li><li> -his attacks on Hungary and Austria, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_409">409</a>;</li><li> -his three wishes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_410">410</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Sophia</i>, town of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_102">102</a></li><li> -<i>Sorbonne</i>, decision of the, about Henry VIII.’s marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Spahis</i>, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -mentioned, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_283">283</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Spain</i>, the posts to, stopped, ii. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<ul><li> -threatens the liberties of Europe, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Spaniards</i>, the, take Djerbé, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>-318;<ul><li> -their fleet defeated by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li><li> -their sufferings during the siege, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_320">320</a>-321;</li><li> -their sufferings in prison alleviated by Busbecq, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>-328</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Spanish</i> ambassador, his remonstrances about Salceda’s head, ii. <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li><li> -<i>Spanish</i> officer employed as gooseherd, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_209">209</a></li><li> -<i>Stag</i>, fierceness of a, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_208">208</a></li><li> -<i>Standing armies</i>, dangers of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>-297</li><li> -<i>States-General</i>, their meeting demanded, ii. <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<ul><li> -mock States-General convened, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li><li> -summoned, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Sterckenburg</i>, officer sent by Casimir to Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li><li> -<i>Strasburg</i>, the Bishop of, notice of Elizabeth’s departure sent to him, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -prevented from coming to Nancy by fear of the German reiters, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li><li> -his return home, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li><li> -remains at Bâle, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Strozzi</i>, Philippe, Marshal of France, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;<ul><li> -killed at the Azores, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Sunnites</i> and Schiis, the two great sects of Mohammedans, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_161">161</a>, <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Sweden</i>, marriage between the daughter of the King of, and Henry III. spoken of, ii. <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;<ul><li> -her portrait, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Swiss</i> Ambassadors at Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;<ul><li> -entertainments and presents to them, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Swiss</i> troops defeated by Montbrun, ii. <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li><li> -<i>Symplegades</i> or floating islands at the mouth of the Bosphorus, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_132">132</a></li><li> -<i>Szigeth</i>, fortress in Hungary, attacked by Ali Pasha, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>;<ul><li> -relieved by the Archduke Ferdinand, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>-238<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">T</span>AHMASP</i>, Shah, at war with Solyman, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>;<ul><li> -his character and mode of life, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_300">300</a>;</li><li> -sends envoys to Bajazet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_307">307</a>;</li><li> -invites him to visit him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_308">308</a>;</li><li> -his treachery towards him, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -and his motives, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>;</li><li> -causes him to be arrested at his table and his followers to be murdered, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>;</li><li> -prefers that Selim should succeed to the throne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;</li><li> -his treacherous conduct, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_378">378</a>;</li><li> -consents to Bajazet’s execution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_381">381</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Tamerlane</i>, indignities inflicted by him on Bajazet and his wife, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>;<ul><li> -his descendants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_379">379</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Tartar, a</i>, his hair his only head covering, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_85">85</a></li><li> -<i>Tartars</i> in the Crimea, account of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_356">356</a></li><li> -<i>Tashkend</i>, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_360">360</a></li><li> -<i>Tassis</i> (<i>or Taxis</i>), <i>J. B.</i>, Spanish ambassador in Paris, superseded and sent to the Netherlands, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">339</span> -<i>Taxis</i>, Leonhard de, Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, ii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Tchekmedjé</i>, Buyuk and Kutchuk, bays near Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>, <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Tchourlou</i>, town of, famous for the defeat of Selim, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_108">108</a></li><li> -<i>Thoré</i>, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -escapes from the defeat of Germans and reaches the Loire, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li><li> -joins Alençon, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li><li> -his quarrel with du Guast, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Tolna</i>, a Hungarian town, its good wine and civil inhabitants, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_93">93</a>;<ul><li> -quarrel between the Janissary there and Busbecq’s servant, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_392">392</a>-396</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Tortoises</i>, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_134">134</a></li><li> -<i>Touighoun</i>, Pasha of Buda, meaning of the name, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>;<ul><li> -his illness and reputation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>;</li><li> -Busbecq’s interview with him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_91">91</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Tours</i>, attempt on, ii. <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;<ul><li> -reported coronation of Navarre there, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li><li> -Parliament removed thither by Henry III., <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li><li> -the States-General convened there by Navarre, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Trajan’s Bridge</i>, remains of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_95">95</a></li><li> -<i>Trajan’s Gate</i>, or pass of Ichtiman, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Transylvania</i>, recovered by Ferdinand, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>;<ul><li> -Hungarian nobles revolt from the Voivode of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_386">386</a>;</li><li> -the Voivode’s ambassadors try to hinder the conclusion of peace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_387">387</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Transylvanian</i>, the most popular candidate for the Polish crown, ii. <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Trautson</i>, John von, Ferdinand’s minister, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_412">412</a></li><li> -<i>Tschaldiran</i>, battle of, alluded to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_299">299</a></li><li> -<i>Tulips</i>, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_107">107</a></li><li> -<i>Turenne</i>, the Vicomte de, brings reinforcements to Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li><li> -<i>Turkish</i> ambassador intervenes at the Polish Diet. ii. <a href="#Page_29">29</a><ul><li> -— army at Amasia, described, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>-156</li><li> -— beggars, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_209">209</a></li><li> -— camp, described, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_289">289</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Turkish</i> cavalry, Busbecq’s first sight of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_83">83</a><ul><li> -— commissariat, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>-221, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_289">289</a></li><li> -— fanatics at Buda, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_396">396</a></li><li> -— fleet, reported arrival of a, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li><li> -— horseman, a, described, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_283">283</a>-284</li><li> -— horses, their rearing, training, &c., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>-217</li><li> -— hostels, described, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_98">98</a></li><li> -— inns. See <i>Caravanserai</i></li><li> -— military punishments, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_293">293</a>-294</li><li> -— officer induced by Busbecq to give up the royal standard of the Neapolitan galleys, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_322">322</a></li><li> -— old woman, her romantic story, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_231">231</a>-232</li><li> -— pilgrim gives Busbecq an account of his journey to Cathay and of that country, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_359">359</a>-362;<ul><li> -feats performed by another, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_362">362</a>-363</li></ul></li><li> -— soldiers contrasted with Christian, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_221">221</a>;<ul><li> -their clothing and its distribution, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_222">222</a></li></ul></li><li> -— women, their treatment and mode of life, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>-229</li></ul></li><li> -<i>Turkoman</i> chiefs invited to attack the Shah, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_379">379</a></li><li> -<i>Turks</i>, their notions about wine-drinking, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>;<ul><li> -about houses, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_90">90</a>;</li><li> -consider the left-hand the place of honour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>;</li><li> -their methods of dividing time, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_101">101</a>;</li><li> -attach no distinction to birth, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>;</li><li> -their fondness for flowers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>;</li><li> -and money, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -their reverence for paper and the reasons for it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>;</li><li> -their superstitions as to unclean food, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li> -their favourite colours, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_144">144</a>;</li><li> -their notions about omens, <i>ib.</i>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li> -surprised at the Germans’ fishing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_145">145</a>;</li><li> -their frugal fare, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_146">146</a>;</li><li> -their notions of chronology, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_149">149</a>;</li><li> -how promotion is regulated among them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li> -their dress, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -their horror of pigs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_205">205</a>;</li><li> -slavery among them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>-211;</li><li> -their kindness to animals, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_224">224</a>;</li><li> -prefer cats to dogs and why, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>;</li><li> -ransom birds from bird-catchers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_227">227</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum2">340</span> -some think it wrong to keep birds in cages, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -their marriage laws, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_229">229</a>;</li><li> -do not inquire closely into crimes, but punish them severely if detected, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>;</li><li> -think it their duty to make one offer to a Christian of conversion to their religion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -their religious differences with the Persians, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -their skill in archery and mode of shooting and practising, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_253">253</a>-255;</li><li> -their readiness to accept foreign inventions and to adopt various Christian customs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>-256;</li><li> -their Parthian tactics, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li> -their treatment of ambassadors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li> -believe that the souls of those killed in battle ascend to heaven, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li> -their notions of the Carnival, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_290">290</a>;</li><li> -their fast, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -dislike to eat or drink standing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>;</li><li> -their endurance under the bastinado, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_294">294</a>;</li><li> -their reverent behaviour at their prayers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_303">303</a>;</li><li> -impression made on them by the Spanish successes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;</li><li> -their exultation at their victory, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>;</li><li> -their taunts of the prisoners, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;</li><li> -how they treat prisoners, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>;</li><li> -their recklessness about infection, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>;</li><li> -disturbed at Basilicus’ invasion of Moldavia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>;</li><li> -at dinners carry off things for their wives and children, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>;</li><li> -their notions about predestination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_382">382</a>-383;</li><li> -pray for Busbecq’s conversion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_384">384</a>;</li><li> -league against them suggested to divert the restless spirits of France, ii. <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li><li> -their victories over the Persians render them formidable, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>-244, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -offer to assist Navarre, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, and <i>note</i><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">U</span>ZES</i>, Duc de, commands for the King at Aigues-Mortes, ii. <a href="#Page_42">42</a><br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">V</span>ARNA</i>, battle of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_407">407</a>, and <i>note</i></li><li> -<i>Vaudemont</i>, Louise de, afterwards Queen of France, Henry III. in love with her, ii. <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;<ul><li> -about to marry her, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li><li> -is a niece of Count Egmont, <i>ib.</i>;</li><li> -Elizabeth’s attendants ordered to enter her service, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -no favourite with the Queen-Mother, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li> -congratulated by Busbecq in Maximilian’s name, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li><li> -estranged from her husband, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Vaudemont</i>, Nicolas, Comte de, the King’s father-in-law, a probable peacemaker, ii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;<ul><li> -his arrival expected, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li><li> -at his son’s marriage, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li><li> -visits Montmorency and thinks him innocent, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Veli Bey</i>, Sanjak-bey of Hatwan, his feud with Arslan Bey, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_244">244</a></li><li> -<i>Veltwick</i> or <i>Velduvic</i>, Gerard, ambassador of Charles V. to the Porte, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -his detention by the Turks referred to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_263">263</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Vendôme</i>, Cardinal de, brother of Condé, Navarre’s sequestrated property placed in his hands, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li><li> -<i>Vendôme</i>, Duc de. See <i>Henry IV.</i></li><li> -<i>Vendôme</i>, House of, its position, ii. <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li><li> -<i>Vendôme</i>, retaken by Navarre and the governor executed, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li><li> -<i>Vendôme’s</i> sister Catherine, rumours of her intended marriage to Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, and <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -to the Duke of Savoy, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -to the Duke of Lorraine’s son, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li><li> -to Condé, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li><li> -to Duke of Epernon, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li><li> -her great prospects, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Venetian</i> Baily. See <i>Baily</i></li><li> -<i>Venetian</i> goldsmith, adventure of a, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_224">224</a></li><li> -<i>Verdun</i>, town of, taken by Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li><li> -<i>Vimioso</i>, the Count of, Don Antonio’s Constable, killed off the Azores, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li><li> -<i>Viteaux</i>, the Baron de, a famous duellist, murders du Guast, ii. <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -account of his death, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>-191, and <i>notes</i></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Vopiscus</i>, quoted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_214">214</a></li><li> -<i>Vulcob</i>, M. de, French Ambassador at Vienna, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, and <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;<ul><li> -<span class="pagenum2">341</span> -arrangement by which Busbecq received his salary through him, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">W</span>EASELS</i>, stories of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_203">203</a></li><li> -<i>Wranczy</i> or <i>Verantius</i>, Antony, Bishop of Fünfkirchen, afterwards of Erlau and finally Archbishop of Gran, sent as ambassador to the Porte, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>;<ul><li> -Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_111">111</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Wyss</i>, Albert de, comes with presents from Ferdinand to the Sultan, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_297">297</a><br /><br /></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">Y</span>PRES</i>, given up for lost, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;<ul><li> -still blockaded by Parma, <a href="#Page_199">199</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<i><span class="dropcap">Z</span>AY</i>, Francis, commander of the Danube flotilla known as <i>Nassades</i>, afterwards governor of Kaschau, sent as ambassador to the Porte, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>;<ul><li> -Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_111">111</a>;</li><li> -his fishing in the Halys, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53629/53629-h/53629-h.htm#Page_145">145</a></li></ul></li><li> -<i>Zutphen</i>, town in Gelderland, taken by the Spaniards, ii. <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li></ul> -<hr /> -<p class="center f08">LONDON: PRINTED BY<br /> -SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE<br /> -AND PARLIAMENT STREET</p> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The life and letters of Ogier Ghiselin -de Busbecq, Vol. II (of 2), by Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq and Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell and Charles Thornton Forster - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ, VOL II *** - -***** This file should be named 53630-h.htm or 53630-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/6/3/53630/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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