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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bd5c5dc --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #53631 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/53631) diff --git a/old/53631-0.txt b/old/53631-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 5d32e21..0000000 --- a/old/53631-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1702 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Canyon de Chelly, by Zorro A. Bradley - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Canyon de Chelly - The Story of its Ruins and People - -Author: Zorro A. Bradley - -Release Date: November 29, 2016 [EBook #53631] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CANYON DE CHELLY *** - - - - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, MFR and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - - _Canyon de Chelly_ - - - The Story of its Ruins and People - - by Zorro A. Bradley - - - Office of Publications - National Park Service - U.S. Department of the Interior - Washington, D.C., - 1973 - - _Library of Congress Catalog Card Number_ 73-600078 - - - - - Contents - - - Discovery of the Ruins 3 - The Principal Ruins 7 - White House 7 - Antelope House 9 - Standing Cow 12 - Big Cave 13 - Mummy Cave 15 - The People of Canyon de Chelly 17 - The Anasazi 18 - The Navajos 27 - Further Reading 57 - Maps 8, 24, 39 - - -_Far up above me, a thousand feet or so, set in a great cavern in the -face of the cliff, I saw a little city of stone asleep. It was as still -as sculpture—and something like that. It all hung together, seemed to -have a kind of composition: pale little houses of stone nestling close -to one another, perched on top of each other, with flat roofs, narrow -windows, straight walls, and in the middle of the group, a round -tower...._ - -_In sunlight it was the colour of winter oak leaves. A fringe of cedars -grew along the edge of the cavern, like a garden. They were the only -living things. Such silence and stillness and repose—immortal repose. -That village sat looking down into the canyon with the calmness of -eternity.... I had come upon the city of some extinct civilization, -hidden away in this inaccessible mesa for centuries, preserved in the -dry air and almost perpetual sunlight like a fly in amber, guarded by -the cliffs and the river and the desert._ - - —_Willa Cather_ - - -Quotation from _The Professor’s House_, 1925, by permission of Alfred A. - Knopf, New York. - - [Illustration: The righthand section of Mummy Cave Ruin as it was - photographed by Ben Wittick in 1882 during the James Stevenson - Survey for the Smithsonian Institution.] - - - - - Discovery of the Ruins - - -Canyon de Chelly National Monument is located in the red rock country of -northeastern Arizona’s high plateau, near the center of the Navajo -Indian Reservation. Included in its 131 square miles are three -spectacular canyons—Canyon de Chelly, Canyon del Muerto, and Monument -Canyon—and many ruins of long-deserted villages. Perched in alcoves and -on high ledges along the sheer-walled canyons, these villages are -evidence of man’s ability to adjust to a difficult environment, using -bare hands, simple stone age tools, and his own ingenuity. They stand as -enduring monuments to the culture of the ancestors of the present-day -Pueblo Indians of the southwestern United States. - -The ancestors of the Navajo Indians who now live in the shadows of these -deep canyons came here long after the earlier peoples had left. -Originally the Navajos did not live in the canyon, but only passed -through it on their yearly migrations. Today some live here permanently, -and their hogans are scattered along the sandy canyon floor, almost -hidden by the thick growth of willows and cottonwoods and detectable -only by a column of smoke slowly rising from a cook fire or by the -barking of dogs. Occasionally one may catch a glimpse of a brightly -dressed woman working around the hogan or of black-hatted men trotting -their horses between the nearby trading post, cornfields, or peach -orchards. A reserved and dignified people, they still live in the -tradition of their fathers. - -The main canyon’s name, de Chelly, stems from the Navajo word “Tsegi” -(pronounced tsay-yih or tsay-yhi and meaning “Rock Canyon”), the name by -which they know the canyon network. Two centuries of Spanish and English -usage have corrupted both the form and pronunciation. Most people now -pronounce it “dah-SHAY” or “d’SHAY.” - -The first Europeans to see the extensive ruins in Canyon de Chelly are -unknown. A Spanish map of 1776 indicates its location, and other -documents reveal that Spanish military expeditions sometimes passed -through the neighborhood. In 1805, Spanish troops entered the canyon -while trying to suppress Navajo raids. During the period of Mexican rule -(1821-46), a number of military expeditions against the Navajo invaded -the Canyon de Chelly region. Though the ruins had not been described in -writing, the area was fairly well known, and by 1846, when the “Army of -the West” brought the region under United States control, there were -many tall tales and rumors about the wonderful cities built in the -cliffs. - - [Illustration: Archeological excavations in Canyon del Muerto, - 1929.] - -In 1849, the New Mexico territorial government found it necessary to -request that a U.S. Army expedition be sent to subdue the Navajos. Lt. -J. H. Simpson of the Topographical Engineers accompanied the troops. His -journal, published in 1850, contained the first detailed account of some -of the Canyon de Chelly ruins. - -After Simpson’s visit, other military expeditions and a few civilian -parties probably entered the canyons. No archeological investigations -were made, however, until 1882, when James Stevenson surveyed the area -for the Smithsonian Institution, making sketches, photographs, and -ground plans of 46 ruins in the two main canyons. - -Stevenson found two mummies in a rock shelter ruin in the northern -canyon. Because of this find the ruin is known as Mummy Cave, and -Stevenson gave the canyon a Spanish name, Canyon de los Muertos, or -canyon of the dead men. The name has since been shortened to del Muerto. - - [Illustration: First Ruin in the lower part of Canyon de Chelly. It - has 10 rooms and two kivas.] - -Later in 1882, Cosmos Mindeleff, also from the Smithsonian and a member -of Stevenson’s party, mapped the canyons and showed the locations of -some of the larger ruins. Mindeleff’s monumental architectural survey of -the ruins of Canyon de Chelly was published in 1896, after two more -visits. - -Much of our knowledge about material objects used by the early Puebloan -inhabitants of the canyons comes from the work of the late Earl H. -Morris, who excavated a number of the important cave sites in the -1920’s. Since then a comprehensive survey of the monument has been -carried out by David L. De Harport for the Peabody Museum of Harvard -University, and additional excavations have been conducted by National -Park Service archeologists. - - [Illustration: The upper and lower White House ruins were probably - connected when the ancient Indians lived there.] - - - - - The Principal Ruins - - -Within the national monument are perhaps 800 prehistoric and historic -Indian village sites, representing various stages of Pueblo and later -Navajo cultural development and spanning a period of about 1,800 years. -The most interesting and important ruins are described below. - - -WHITE HOUSE - -Located up the main canyon, about 6 miles from Park Service -headquarters, White House is one of the largest, best preserved, and -most accessible ruins in the monument. - - [Illustration: A kiva at the White House ruin, where religious and - other ceremonies were held.] - -Lt. J. H. Simpson described this ruin after his 1849 visit, calling it -Casa Blanca (White House). It is also known by its Navajo name, -Kini-na-e-kai. Both names derive from a conspicuous white-plastered wall -in the upper portion. - -White House was constructed in two sections; one stands against the base -of the cliff on the canyon floor, and the other is in a small cave -immediately above. Mindeleff estimated that at one time the whole ruin -contained as many as 80 rooms. Much of the lower building has probably -been washed away by the stream nearby (a retaining wall now helps to -prevent this), but evidence of about 60 rooms and 4 kivas (special -ceremonial chambers) still survives. - -Behind the back walls of the lower ruin the smooth cliff face rises 35 -feet to the floor of the cave above. Marks on the face indicate that at -one time the rooms of the lower building stood several stories high, and -its roof came to within 4 feet of the cave floor above. - - [Illustration: This map shows only the principal ruins in the - canyons that are open to visitors. Only some of these are discussed - in the text. The rock formations of these canyons eroded easily, - thus producing the steep cliffs and cave formations that provided - protection for the Anasazi.] - -The upper ruin contains 10 rooms and has a large room nearly in the -center of the cave. The outside front wall of this room is 12 feet high -and still has the coating of white gypsum clay plaster with a decorative -band of yellow clay for which the ruin was named. - -At the western edge of the lower ruin are the partial remains of two -well-built kivas. One kiva used to have holes in the floor like those -used to support looms in modern Pueblo kivas. The other kiva shows -evidence of six layers of plaster. Modern Zuni Indians have a ceremony -every 4 years in which they replaster the smoke-stained kiva interior, -and this tradition may give some idea of how long this kiva was in use. - -A study of the annual growth rings of its roof timbers indicates that -most of the lower ruin was built after A.D. 1070. - - -ANTELOPE HOUSE - -Many large ruins are located in the narrow and twisting Canyon del -Muerto. One of the biggest is Antelope House, some 5 miles above del -Muerto’s junction with Canyon de Chelly. This 40- to 50-room village was -built on the stream bank against the base of a cliff which towers nearly -600 feet above it. - -Antelope House received its name from four antelopes painted in tan and -white, about half life size, high on the cliff nearby. Navajo families -living in the canyon believe that these well-executed paintings were -done by Dibe Yazhi (Little Sheep), a Navajo artist who lived here in the -1830’s. Other figures in white paint are probably the work of the -prehistoric inhabitants of Antelope House. - -Because it stands on the river bank, Antelope House has also eroded -badly. Yet many of the house walls still rise two and three stories -high, and the masonry outlines of dozens of unexcavated rubble-filled -rooms and of two kivas can still be seen. - - [Illustration: Antelope House in Canyon del Muerto is on the canyon - floor under a towering, overhanging cliff.] - - [Illustration: An Anasazi pictograph.] - -The famous “Burial of the Weaver” was found in a small cliff alcove not -far from Antelope House. The grave was against the cliff, and a curved -masonry wall in front held back the earth. Inside was the tightly flexed -body of an old man lying on his left side. His hair was streaked with -gray and tied back in a bob; a billet of wood served as a pillow. The -body’s outer wrapping was a feather blanket made from the breast down of -golden eagles. Under the feather cloth was a white cotton blanket, -excellently made and appearing as clean and new as if freshly woven; and -under the white blanket was an old gray cotton blanket. Beneath that -blanket, lying on the mummy’s breast, was a single ear of corn. - -A reed mat covered the floor of the grave, and the amount and variety of -objects laid away with the body suggest that the individual was highly -respected in life. A long wooden digging stick, broken to fit into the -grave, lay across the burial bundle. Beside this, and also broken, was a -bow so thick that only a powerful arm could have pulled it. With the bow -was a single reed arrow with a fire-hardened wooden point. Five pottery -jars, one broken, together with four bowl-shaped baskets woven from -yucca leaves, were also in the grave. These containers were filled with -cornmeal, shelled corn, four ears of husked corn, pinyon nuts, beans, -and salt. Tightly packed around the body and offerings were thick skeins -of cotton yarn which measured more than 2 miles in length. A spindle -whorl—a wooden disc on a reed stem which probably had been used to spin -the cotton—lay on the yarn. - - [Illustration: A National Park Service archeologist examines a - storage jar found at Antelope House.] - - -STANDING COW - -This cave in Canyon del Muerto was named for a large white and blue -pictograph of a cow, drawn in the historic period and undoubtedly the -work of a Navajo. Not much can be seen of this ancient ruin, for Navajos -have lived on the site in recent times and still use the old bins for -storing corn and the leveled areas for drying peaches. - -On the cliff near this ruin is an interesting old Navajo painting of -Spanish cavalrymen. - - [Illustration: This blue-headed cow, painted by an early Navajo - artist on the shelter wall, gave Standing Cow Ruin its name.] - - [Illustration: This Navajo rock painting in Canyon del Muerto shows - a procession of soldiers. It probably records a Spanish expedition - in the 19th century.] - - -BIG CAVE - -One of the largest concentrations of very early material at Canyon de -Chelly came from Big Cave (Tse-Ya-Tso) in Canyon del Muerto. Tree-ring -dates ranging from A.D. 331 to 835 indicate an intensive occupation of -the site in Basketmaker times. - -Several burials of interest were found at Big Cave. One was of an old -man who had broken both legs across the shin bones. The fractures were -set so well that only the smallest of bumps were left. - -The remains of 14 infants were found in a slab-lined cist used earlier -as a storage bin. Below the infants were the bodies of four other -children packed in an enormous basket. None showed any signs of -violence, and it is thought that some disease must have swept through -the cave, killing many children in a short time. - -The unique “Burial of the Hands” was discovered in another part of Big -Cave. This burial consisted of just a pair of arms and hands lying side -by side on a bed of grass. The elbows touched the wall of the cave in a -way that suggested that the rest of the body had not been removed at a -later time. Three necklaces of abalone shell pendants were wrapped -around the wrists, and two pairs of exceptionally fine, unworn sandals, -patterned in black and red, were lying beside the hands, as was a small -basket half full of white shell beads. Another basket nearly 2 feet in -diameter covered the burial. No satisfactory explanation of this burial -has ever been advanced. - - [Illustration: Excavations at Big Cave in Canyon del Muerto yielded - valuable artifacts of the Basketmaker period.] - - [Illustration: Mummy Cave, bathed in sun with its flanking ruins - almost hidden in shadows.] - - -MUMMY CAVE - - [Illustration: This fretwork design decorates a kiva in Mummy Cave.] - - [Illustration: The central tower structure at Mummy Cave shows - strong Mesa Verde affiliations and was constructed in A.D. 1284.] - -One of the most beautifully situated ruins in the national monument is -Mummy Cave in Canyon del Muerto 21 miles northeast of park headquarters. -This dwelling, the largest in the canyons, was built in two adjacent -caves about 300 feet up a talus slope from the streambed. - -The largest part of the structure, about 55 rooms and 4 kivas, was built -in the eastern cave. The western cave, with about 20 rooms, is now -accessible only by a ledge from the east cave, although traces of an -eroded hand-and-toe trail can be seen leading directly from the top of -the talus to the ruin. Along the ledge connecting the two caves are 15 -rooms, including a “tower” house; these are the best preserved of all -the ruins here. Much original plaster in several colors remains on inner -and outer walls throughout the village. Especially notable is the white -clay plaster on the interior of the third story of the tower house and -the red-painted fret design on white plaster in the large kiva of the -east cave. - - [Illustration: A Navajo family has settled below the ruins of the - ancient ones in Canyon del Muerto.] - - - - - The People of Canyon de Chelly - - -Though the stunning sheer red cliffs of Canyon de Chelly are easily the -national monument’s most spectacular feature, the area was set aside for -its importance to the study of prehistoric peoples in the Southwest. The -architecture, tools, clothing, ceramics, and other decorative or useful -objects found here contain a comprehensive record of many hundreds of -years of human activity. - -Nothing was known about the ancient culture sheltered here until -archeologists began piecing together the information gleaned from Canyon -de Chelly’s many ruins and burials. Their story survived because these -people lived in a physical environment that posed a minimal threat to -normally fragile remains. - -Wherever the remains of ancient man occur in the open, building ruins -and some objects of stone, bone, and pottery survive, but those of wood -and fiber disappear completely. Most of what we know about peoples from -the dim past thus comes from materials that have been buried and -protected. For the archeologist there are few better sources of -information than formal burials, which often contain extensive -offerings, and situations like those at Canyon de Chelly and Canyon del -Muerto, where sites served as dwelling places for long periods of time -and the steady accumulation of refuse buried layers of cultural debris. - -The extremely arid conditions in the caves of these canyons offered -additional protection. The climate here is so dry that human burials are -perfectly preserved as natural mummies or desiccated bodies (there being -no attempt at artificial preservation by these people), and such fragile -buried objects as baskets more than a thousand years old are in good -condition. - -The people who lived at Canyon de Chelly in prehistoric times are today -called the Anasazi, a Navajo word meaning “old people.” These people -were the ancestors of modern Pueblo Indians, and they lived in the -vicinity of northern Arizona and New Mexico, southwestern Colorado, and -southeastern Utah from about the beginning of the Christian era to the -end of the 13th century. Over most of that period they lived in these -canyons. Before they learned to build in the cliffs they located and -constructed their houses much differently. But the canyons always -sheltered them, and their homes, their dead, and their debris tell us -how it was with these people from the beginning to the end of their time -here. - - [Illustration: These bone tools were used to work leather and weave - baskets.] - - -THE ANASAZI - -Early man, a nomadic hunter of big-game animals, came to the Americas -from Asia over the Bering Strait some time between 20,000 and 15,000 -B.C. Thousands of years later, after the big animals had become extinct, -larger bands of hunters and gatherers preyed on game animals of species -still living today. Still later, groups began to settle in favorable -areas and to grow maize (corn), which reached them from more complex -cultures in what is now Mexico. From this time on, the spread and -development of prehistoric Indian cultures in the northern Southwest can -be traced in increasing detail. - -No one knows exactly when the first people arrived in the Canyon de -Chelly area. But a tree-ring date of A.D. 306 from the West Alcove at -Mummy Cave and the accumulation of sweepings and ashes at this site -suggest that people were living in Canyon del Muerto at about the -beginning of the Christian era. - -These early people were primarily farmers rather than nomadic hunters, -although they still depended to some extent on game animals for food. -They established their homes in the shelter of the many caves and -alcoves in the canyon walls, and farmed the mesa tops and canyon -bottoms. Dogs were their only domestic animal, and corn was their major -crop and main source of food. Squashes (pumpkins) were grown in some -quantity, and beans were introduced at an early time. Pinyon nuts and -acorns, sunflower seeds, yucca and cactus fruit, and small seeds of -other wild plants were gathered for food. - - [Illustration: This burial at Sliding Rock Ruin shows pottery, - baskets, corn, and the remains of a blanket used in the day-to-day - life of the Anasazi.] - - [Illustration: Ring-baskets of split yucca leaves have been in - common use from about A.D. 1100 to the present.] - - [Illustration: This coiled basket was used for carrying burdens.] - - [Illustration: Indian women fastened rabbit fur to lengths of twine - by twisting them to form a rope of fur such as this one. A number of - these would then be entwined to form a blanket or a robe.] - -The early farmers were accomplished makers of baskets, and for this -reason archeologists commonly call them Basketmakers. Instead of pottery -they used baskets for many utilitarian purposes: carrying sacks, burden -baskets, food containers, cooking pots, water carriers, storage -containers, and even “coffins.” Sometimes plain, often decorated, they -are the most impressive surviving artifact of the culture which produced -them. More baskets made by these early people have been found in Canyon -de Chelly caves than in any other locality. - -The caves in Canyon de Chelly have produced no evidence of houses built -by these early farmers. If these groups had shelters at all, they were -little more than brush-and-pole windbreaks or lean-tos made of poles and -skins propped against the sides of the rock shelters. The only -architectural remains found so far are pits lined with stone slabs and -located in deposits on the cave floors. These pits were used to store -corn and wild plant foods. - -Permanent dwellings apparently were not constructed until about A.D. -500. The first such houses of which we have knowledge were small and -generally insubstantial circular or squarish pits, shallowly dug into -the ground. They were walled and roofed with brush and dirt or -mud-covered poles. Later the people often built their houses in deep -excavations, and then the structures became essentially roofed pits. - -The atlatl, or dart-thrower, and dart constituted the early implement -for hunting and warfare. There is no definite evidence that the Anasazi -used a bow and arrow until the 7th century, but one find in Canyon del -Muerto suggests that they were attacked by a group that did use such -weapons. The evidence was found in a cave across the canyon from -Antelope House at a typical dwelling site of the early people. It -appears that a massacre took place inside the cave and the remains of -the dead were scattered about the floor until almost completely dried or -skeletonized. The bones were then gathered up and dumped into one of the -many storage pits that dotted the cave floor, where the archeologists -found them. Among the artifacts discovered with the bones was a short, -slender piece of wood, more like the shaft of an arrow than a dart, -between the ribs and dried skin on the left side of an old woman. - -Little clothing was worn in these early years. Men usually wore sandals -and a loin cloth and women an apron like skirt. In cold weather the only -additional body covering was a blanket woven from strips of fur. - -Several exceptions to this mode of dress have been found. One mummy -recovered from the slope in front of Mummy Cave (perhaps of a tribal -leader) was elaborately dressed and had a great many possessions to take -with him to the spirit world. He was wrapped in a woven robe of rabbit -fur and had a basket over his face and one under his head. His feet were -covered with buckskin moccasins lined with soft juniper bark. Buckskin -leggings were wrapped around his legs from ankle to knee. Another piece -of buckskin was wound around his waist; one end fell like a breechclout -to his thighs, and the other end was thrown over his shoulder like a -toga. - -The man’s moccasins are a surprising item, because the Anasazi of this -time usually wore well-made sandals. These sandals were typically woven -of plant fibers with intricate designs in several colors, and are -outstanding among the textiles of any prehistoric people. - -In the 5th century A.D., the Anasazi acquired from the south the -technique of making fired pottery, and they adopted the craft rapidly. -Ceramics was a significant addition to the equipment which these people -needed to live in what was at best a difficult environment. It made the -everyday business of cooking food and storing water much easier. During -the next several centuries the Anasazi achieved a high degree of skill -in the art of ceramics and produced handsome pots in a variety of -shapes, decorated both by relief and painting. Various styles of design -were developed by different groups. - - [Illustration: The Anasazi used black-on-white pottery jars at home - and also for trade with other groups.] - -Basketry, the ancient craft, survived the competition from ceramics but -became less important. Sandals, coiled bowls, plaited yucca trays, and -rush mattings were still made, but were not as well manufactured or -designed as they once had been. - -Other changes followed the introduction of pottery, and they profoundly -altered the culture of the Anasazi. More substantial and permanent -houses were developed, the bow and arrow replaced the dart-thrower and -dart for hunting and fighting, and handles were placed on stone axes and -hammers, greatly increasing the effectiveness of these tools. Turkeys -were domesticated, and their feathers replaced some of the fur in the -blankets which they used for clothing. New varieties of corn, squash, -and beans became known, and, more importantly, the cultivation of cotton -was introduced. - - [Illustration: Gourd-shaped black-on-white Anasazi water jar from - the period A.D. 500 to 700.] - -Sometime during these years of change the Anasazi adopted the practice -of deforming the skulls of their children by the use of rigid -cradleboards. The cradleboards of their direct ancestors were webbed and -lined with soft rabbit fur, but a new conception of beauty led them to -strap newborn infants onto flat, hard boards which flattened the back of -the skull and broadened the forehead. - -These characteristics of the Anasazi developed slowly and were well -established only around A.D. 750. Sometime after that date they began to -live above ground, building their homes of upright poles and mud -plaster. Each family’s room adjoined one or more other rooms, making -more and more compact village units. In the 900’s, these pole and mud -structures gave way to masonry buildings, some of which eventually -became two-and three-story terraced apartment houses. - -The ancient pithouse was not forgotten. Its counterpart survived in -almost all of the new villages in the form of a circular underground -room that soon lost all resemblance to a house. Each of the larger -villages had two or more of these underground rooms, which undoubtedly -were ceremonial structures, serving as meeting places for men of the -various clan societies and secret religious brotherhoods and for the -performance of rituals. The rooms may have functioned very much like -men’s clubhouses. Similar ceremonial rooms of present-day Pueblo Indians -are called kivas. - -Much of the ceremonial activity in the ancient kivas can be inferred -from the religious practices of modern Pueblo Indians. A large part of -their ceremonials takes place within the privacy of the kiva and -includes praying, chanting, and dancing. Details of costumes, in which -feathers are extensively used, and of dance steps are important, for the -whole ceremony is a prayer. The rituals are performed as petitions for -rain, to insure a good harvest, or for success in hunting. - -In testimony to the traditions which endure in some human societies, a -cache of bird feathers, undoubtedly saved to make a costume for such a -ritual, was found in Big Cave in Canyon del Muerto. A carefully worked -cylinder of wood was filled with packets of brightly colored feathers -and bird skins. There were dozens of blue-green skins from mallard -ducks, and even parrot feathers that must have come from Mexico. Skins -of a red bird, still not identified, and bundles of hawk and eagle down -were also found in the cylinder. - - [Illustration: The Anasazi - - Few regions in North America have such spectacular archeological - sites as the Four Corners area of the Southwest. This semiarid high - plateau country, drained by the San Juan River, saw the development - and later the disappearance of an Indian culture that archeologists - call the Anasazi. - - During the Great Pueblo period, the Anasazi developed three - important regional centers: Chaco Canyon, Mesa Verde, and the - Kayenta country. Their influence extended deep into the territories - of neighboring Indian groups, who followed different agricultural - traditions. By A.D. 1100, all three had become heavily populated, - and the Anasazi were building their largest towns and fabled cliff - dwellings. - - The fertile Chaco valley attracted aboriginals early in the 10th - century. They first built on such sites as Pueblo Bonito, which - expanded to a village of over 800 rooms. Their pueblos on the valley - floor near the cliffs tended to be D-shaped, with central courts - closed by walls often as high as four stories. - - A hundred miles to the north, on the steep-cliffed fingers of rock - of southwest Colorado, the Mesa Verdians built pithouses, pueblos, - and about 300 cliff dwellings, the largest of which is Cliff Palace. - - The decline of the Anasazi culture from its Great Pueblo period - coincided with a concentration of population at Chaco, Mesa Verde, - and Kayenta that made the people particularly dependent on a - year-round flow of water. Long years of drought from 1270 to 1300 - dried up the rivers and caused an exodus from the San Juan River - region. - - First the Chaco residents dispersed southwestward to join their - cousins in the Little Colorado River area. Then the Mesa Verdians - moved to the northern Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico. Finally, the - Kayenta people, the last holdouts, gave up and joined the population - in what is now the Hopi country.] - -Between A.D. 1000 and 1050 the culture of the Anasazi reached its height -and became stable for a few centuries, until about A.D. 1275-1300. Their -homes were now substantial buildings of stone masonry, containing -numerous adjoining rooms. Their kivas followed standard lines and were -often incorporated in the house structures, though they were sometimes -built as separate, semisubterranean chambers. No other abrupt changes or -new forms distinguish this late period, which was essentially a -continuation and fulfillment of earlier times. The large pueblos, most -of which were begun about A.D. 1000, are the most outstanding -development of this period. - -In Canyon de Chelly, construction was started on White House and -Antelope House during these years. Other important population centers -were developing simultaneously at Mesa Verde (Mesa Verde National Park, -Colo.), where the largest concentration of surviving cliff dwellings is -located, and at Chaco Canyon (Chaco Canyon National Monument, N. Mex.), -where spacious apartment houses, one with more than 800 rooms, were -constructed on the floor of the canyon. Other villages were built in the -Kayenta-Marsh Pass area (near Navajo National Monument, Ariz.). - -As permanent homes gave them social stability and well-developed -agriculture ensured adequate food, the Anasazi had leisure and -sufficient security for greater activity in their arts, crafts, and -ceremonials. As a consequence, trade with other peoples seems to have -grown and flourished because it brought in the specialized and exotic -materials needed for rituals and pleasure. Parrots were traded from -Mexico for their plumage, and ornamental shells from the Gulf of -California and the West Coast found their way to Anasazi settlements. -Turquoise, jet, and salt also became important trade items. - -The mode of dress changed little. Feather-string blankets were still -commonly worn in winter. Cotton became almost the only fiber used for -making cloth. Sandals, which were woven from whole yucca leaves, were -crude, compared to those of earlier periods. But painted pottery reached -its highest development in both variety and quality. - -These great pueblo centers flourished for about two centuries. But this -was a time of increasing dryness in the Southwest, and the end for these -settlements came during a severe drought late in the 13th century. -Tree-ring data indicate that there was not enough moisture to produce -crops during most of the years between 1276 and 1299. The drought -brought crop failures, and the ensuing erosion destroyed the fields. -Hunger, decline, and migration followed. Family after family and group -after group left their homes in the cliffs and canyons. Taking what few -possessions they could carry on their backs, they drifted away in search -of land with a dependable water supply suitable for farming. - -The villages in Canyon de Chelly apparently lasted longer than most and -may even have provided a temporary haven for refugees from other regions -to the north. The four-story tower house at Mummy Cave might have been -built for such refugees by skilled masons from the Mesa Verde area. - -By 1300, however, all the great cliff dwellings were abandoned, and the -people of the Canyon de Chelly area had moved on to new lands. Most of -them probably joined the tribes that were gathering around Black Mesa to -the west, near the location of the modern Hopi pueblos. Others may have -turned south, settling finally near the middle of the present boundary -between Arizona and New Mexico. Other Anasazi made their way to the -upper Rio Grande Valley in north-central New Mexico. In these localities -the Pueblo farmers renewed their way of life, and it was there that -Spanish explorers found them on their first trip through the region in -1540-42. - -At White House and a few other ruins there is evidence of structural -additions made long after the villages were abandoned. These and other -indications of occupation well after 1300 probably represent the work of -Hopi Indians who used the canyons seasonally for agriculture, taking the -harvest back to their villages about 70 miles to the west. Peach trees, -which the Spanish introduced to the Hopi in the 17th century, were -evidently brought to Canyon de Chelly in either that century or the -next, and the small orchards still scattered through the canyons were -started. The use of the canyons by the Hopi probably dropped off rapidly -after the Navajos appeared in the area in the 18th century. - - [Illustration: This pictograph of a soldier on horseback is taken - from the Navajo rock painting in Canyon del Muerto near Standing Cow - Ruin.] - - -THE NAVAJOS - -The present Indian occupants of Canyon de Chelly are Navajos. They are -not related to the Anasazi who built the masonry villages now in ruins. - -No one is certain just when the Navajos came to this region nor do we -know exactly where they came from. The best available evidence now -suggests that these people and their close relatives, the Apaches, both -of whom speak an Athapascan language, came south along the eastern edge -of the Rocky Mountains as a single group. They may have reached the -Southwest between the 13th and the 16th centuries. The earliest mention -of people who were probably Navajos is in the Oñate documents of 1598. -This account places them in north-central New Mexico, an area they still -call their homeland but no longer occupy. - -The name “Navajo” has never been adequately translated. The first -interpretation of the word came from Father Alonso de Benavides, a -Spanish priest who started missionary work among the Navajos. In his -“Memorial of New Mexico,” which was presented to the court of Spain in -1630, he stated: - -_But these Apache de Nabahu [Navajo] are very great farmers for this is -what Navajo signifies ... great planted fields...._ - - [Illustration: The pastoral scene shows two contemporary Navajo - structures. To the left is a modern hogan, and to the right, a - ramada.] - -By 1750, the Navajos had abandoned their homes west of the Chama River -Valley because of pressure from the Utes to the north. Generally they -moved westward, but a few split off to the south. We do not know when -they first entered Canyon de Chelly, but there is evidence at the site -of Tse-ta’a to suggest that it was after 1700. - -Hunters, gatherers, and farmers, the Navajos changed their way of life -sharply when they acquired horses and sheep from the Spanish after the -Pueblo Rebellion of 1680. Horses made the Navajos highly mobile and -increased their ability to raid the alluring towns along the Rio Grande -and then vanish into mountain and canyon hideouts. Sheep gradually -changed the basis of their economy, converting them from hunters and -raiders to the pastoral herders they are today. - -After the Spanish reconquered New Mexico in 1692, many Pueblo families -from the Rio Grande sought sanctuary with the Navajos. Some of these -refugees were absorbed into the tribe, and they brought with them not -only weaving, but sheep raising, pottery and basketry techniques, -architectural and agricultural ideas, the clan system, and much -religious lore. - -Navajo-Spanish relations were generally quiet after the Spanish returned -because the tribe was preoccupied with fighting the Utes to the north -and was interested in enlisting Spanish support or, at least, -forbearance. This comparatively peaceful interlude came to an end in the -1770’s because of land disputes, and friction continued from that time -until the 1860’s. - -In 1805, during this period of strife, a Spanish punitive expedition -entered Canyon de Chelly, bent on taking slaves, or servants as the -whites called them. - -According to the Navajo account of the episode, all the Navajo men had -gone out on an expedition, leaving the old men, and women, and children -hidden in a deep ledge high up the canyon wall. Their position was -strengthened by a wall of loose stones placed along the rim of the -ledge. As the Spanish troops, commanded by Lt. Antonio Narbona, passed -below, an old woman who had been a Spanish slave could not resist -scoffing at them and thus exposed the hiding place. - -In a letter on January 25, 1805, to the Governor of New Mexico, Narbona -described the action which followed: - -_On the 17th of the current month I managed to attack in Cañon de Chelli -a great number of enemy Indians and though they entrenched themselves in -an almost inaccessible spot, and fortified beforehand, we succeeded -after having battled all day long with the greatest ardor and effort, in -taking [it] the morning after and that our arms had the result of ninety -dead warriors, twenty-five women and children, and as prisoners three -warriors, eight women and twenty-two boys and girls...._ - -Narbona reported his losses as 1 dead and 64 wounded. Massacre Cave in -Canyon del Muerto was named for this event. - - [Illustration: Massacre Cave sits high up on the west wall of Canyon - del Muerto, a short way upstream from Mummy Cave.] - -The Navajos had been held in partial check by Spanish bribes and -punitive expeditions, but after Mexico won its independence from Spain -in 1821, the Navajos returned to raiding in behalf of all those enslaved -by the Spanish. In 1823, 1833, 1836, and 1838 the Mexicans mounted large -expeditions against the Navajos, sometimes sending as many as 1,500 men -after them. It was during this period that Canyon de Chelly was most -often referred to as the stronghold of the Navajos. Although Mexican -reprisals often forced the Indians to take temporary refuge north of the -San Juan River, they were too sporadic to effectively quell the raiders, -who always came back with new attacks. Conditions were so bad that the -Navajos boasted they let the Mexicans live on only because they made -good shepherds for the tribe. The taunt hardly exaggerated their power -at the time. - -Navajo depredations had very nearly decimated the frontier settlements -in the central Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico when the United States -went to war with Mexico in 1846. Col. Stephen Watts Kearny had the task -of seizing the northern Mexican provinces, an area that is now part of -the American Southwest. In late June 1846 he left Fort Leavenworth, -Kansas. Marching over the Santa Fe Trail without opposition, Kearny and -his American Dragoons arrived in Santa Fe on August 18, 1846, and -proclaimed New Mexico a part of the United States. - -When Kearny and the Army of the West marched off to Mexico, Col. -Alexander W. Doniphan was left behind with orders to invade the Navajo -country, release captives, reclaim stolen property, and either to awe or -beat the Indians into submission. In August 1846 he led the first United -States expedition against the Navajos. Maj. William Gilpin, with 200 -men, entered the Navajo country on the north and swung south to meet -Doniphan and several Navajo chiefs at Bear Springs near the town of -Grants, New Mexico, later the site of Fort Wingate. The treaty signed -there turned out to be little more than a scrap of paper. Five more -unsuccessful military expeditions were sent against the Navajos between -1846 and 1849 in vain attempts to end the Indian raids. - -In trying to contain the Navajos, the U.S. Government made the same -mistake that the Mexican and Spanish Governments did before them. They -all assumed that a single chief led the several Navajo bands. Actually, -each local Navajo group had its own leader, and time and again treaties -of “lasting peace with the Navajos” were signed by these local chiefs, -who spoke only for their own small bands and had no influence with -others. - -The U.S. Army expedition of 1849 clearly illustrated this problem. Lt. -Col. John W. Washington, military commander of New Mexico, led an -expedition to Canyon de Chelly, then considered to be the Navajo -heartland. Washington met local Navajo chiefs on the crest of a small -hill between the present Thunderbird Guest Ranch and the mouth of the -canyon. Here on Treaty Hill a treaty of “lasting peace” was signed with -the Indians. Washington had no sooner returned to Albuquerque, however, -than he learned that another Navajo band had raided a small village near -Santa Fe. - - [Illustration: Col. E. R. S. Canby led the last campaign against the - Navajos before the Civil War.] - -Regardless of treaties and punitive expeditions, Navajo depredations -continued. Late in 1851, Col. E. V. Sumner marched into the Navajo -country in still another effort to settle the problem. After a single -encounter with the Navajo in Canyon de Chelly, Sumner returned to a spot -southwest of the Chuska Mountains where he established Fort Defiance in -the autumn of 1851. Fighting broke out again in 1858, when a Negro slave -of the post commander at Fort Defiance was killed by a Navajo arrow. The -Army retaliated with an attack on a party of peaceful Navajos, and the -Indians retreated northward. - -Up to this time, U.S. Army commanders had controlled Indian policies; -the authority of the civil agents appointed by the Indian Department was -negligible. But now the civilian agents brought political pressure to -bear upon the unsuccessful Army. To soothe the politicians, the Army -drew up still another treaty with the Navajos on December 25, 1858. This -treaty was the second attempt to outline the boundaries of a proposed -Navajo reservation. Like an earlier proposal, the Meriweather Treaty of -1855, it was never ratified. - -The year 1859 was relatively peaceful, with few raids on either side. -But the next year opened with a series of Navajo raids that culminated -in a concentrated attack on Fort Defiance. Some of the old Navajos who -participated later recalled that it was a carefully planned assault at -dawn, with as many as 2,000 warriors taking part. After attacking for -two hours, the Indians were forced to withdraw. - -In the winter of 1860-61, Col. E. R. S. Canby led the last military -expedition against the Navajos before the Civil War, but his efforts -failed to bring peace. Zarcillos Largos, a great Navajo leader who had -worked for more peaceful relations with whites, was killed in an ambush -during the campaign. The Indians soon resorted to their old tactic of -dispersing, and the campaign ended with another treaty. When troops were -withdrawn from Fort Defiance in March 1861 for Civil War duty, the last -restraint was removed from both sides, and raiding began once more. For -the Spanish-Americans, it was the high point of their warfare against -the Navajos. - -The job of subjugating the recalcitrant Navajos now fell to Brig. Gen. -James H. Carleton, commander of the Department of New Mexico and a -seasoned Indian fighter with 25 years of active service. His earlier -experience in Indian affairs had convinced Carleton that establishing -reservations where the Indians could be educated would be the only way -to get them to settle down. Carleton said: - -_Soon they will acquire new habits, new ideas, new modes of life; the -old Indians will die off, and carry with them the latent longings for -murdering and robbing; the young ones will take their place without -these longings; and thus, little by little, they will become a contented -people...._ - - [Illustration: Brig. Gen. James H. Carleton defeated the Navajos and - built Fort Sumner at Bosque Redondo, the Navajo’s place of exile.] - -In 1863, Carleton drew up plans for a 40-square-mile reservation at Fort -Sumner on the Pecos River in central New Mexico. He called the new -reservation Bosque Redondo, which is Spanish for circular thicket. - - [Illustration: The valiant Manuelito fought against the whites, but - without permanent success. In 1863 he was one of a number of - prominent Navajo leaders.] - - [Illustration: Capt. Albert Pfeiffer led his men down Canyon del - Muerto between these cliffs, destroying hogans and crops.] - -When the reservation was ready, Carleton ordered Col. Christopher (Kit) -Carson to take the field against the Navajos in June 1863. Carson’s -force consisted of four companies of New Mexican Volunteers, two mounted -and two unmounted, and 200 Ute Indians, who were guides and scouts, -altogether a force of about 1,000 men. Their first operation was to -reoccupy and repair the abandoned Fort Defiance, which they renamed Fort -Canby in honor of General Canby. - -The Navajos were led by Barboncito of Canyon de Chelly, a spokesman for -the bands living west of the Chuska Mountains, and Manuelito, a leader -of those who dwelt east of the mountains. Many subchiefs, as usual, led -individual bands. - -Carson had orders from General Carleton to destroy all cornfields and -livestock. He sent word to the Navajos that they should surrender at -Fort Canby, and then moved into the field to persuade them. The first -skirmish took place in August near the fort. Under constant pressure -from the military through the winter of 1863, their herds being killed -and crops burned, the Navajos were soon destitute and began to surrender -in small numbers. - -The crowning blow to Navajo pride, however, was the Army’s ostentatious -penetration of Canyon de Chelly, their most secure refuge. A detachment -of men under Capt. Albert Pfeiffer carried the “Navaho Fortress” in -January 1864. Entering through Canyon del Muerto, Pfeiffer guarded the -junction while Capt. A. B. Carey led a detail through the main gorge of -de Chelly, marching west to east. Captain Pfeiffer described his -progress through del Muerto: - -_My travel through the cañon, for the first 12 miles, was accomplished -on the ice of the bed of the stream which courses through it.... Lt. C. -M. Hubbell, who was in charge of the rear, had a great deal of trouble -in proceeding with the pack trains, as the mules frequently broke -through the ice and tumbled down with their loads. All the Indian -prisoners taken thus far were half starved and naked. The cañon has no -road except the bottom of the creek. We traveled mostly on the ice, our -animals breaking through every few minutes, and one mule split -completely open under the exhausting fatigue of the march. On the 12th -instant traveled 8 miles; had several skirmishes with the enemy. Indians -on both sides of the cañon whooping, yelling and cursing, firing shots -and throwing rocks down upon my command. Killed two buck Indians in the -encounter and one squaw, who obstinately persisted in hurling rocks and -pieces of wood at the soldiers. Six prisoners were captured on this -occasion. Lieutenant Hubbell followed up some Indians in a tributary -cañon, but could not overtake them on account of the steepness of the -hillsides, where nothing save an Indian or mountain goat could make -their way...._ - -This raid, which netted only about 100 prisoners, convinced the Navajos -that even though Carson was not out to destroy them, he would go -anywhere to ferret them out. They had no choice but to surrender at Fort -Canby. Shortly after the Canyon de Chelly raid some 500 Navajos, with -their flocks, straggled into the fort. By February 15, 1864, 1,500 -Navajos were being fed and clothed there, and by the first of March -about 2,400. - -The much storied “Long Walk” and exile of the Navajos began on March 6, -1864, when these 2,400 people with 30 wagons, 400 horses, and 3,000 -sheep and goats left Fort Canby for Bosque Redondo, 300 miles away in -New Mexico Territory. Only the aged, the children, and the crippled rode -in wagons—all others walked the entire distance. One old Navajo recalled -the exodus in later years, saying: - -_It was a great sight, we stretched from Fort Defiance to the Window -Rock ‘haystacks’ ... a distance of about 7 miles._ - -On March 14-15, a second group of about 3,000 Navajos began the foot -journey. The last large escort of Navajos to Fort Sumner was on April -24, when 1,200 persons started their “Long Walk.” - - [Illustration: This old army map shows the military posts of the - 1860’s. The red line traces the “Long Walk” of the defeated Navajos - to Fort Sumner at Bosque Redondo. - - High-resolution Map] - - [Illustration: Scenes of the Navajos in their place of exile at Fort - Sumner on the Pecos River. The top view shows them lined up to - receive their issue of food and clothing. - National Archives - Museum of New Mexico - National Archives] - -Not all the Navajos surrendered. Many tribesmen remained free and -continued to raid settlements. On April 9, 1864, the very day that the -Governor of New Mexico had set aside to celebrate the end of the Navajo -war, a band of Navajos stole 40 head of cattle from Laguna Pueblo, 140 -miles southwest of Canyon de Chelly. Those who surrendered endured -extreme hardship at Fort Sumner from disease, crop failure, famine, and -their sense of exile from their homeland. After 4 years, the several -thousand reservation Navajos were broken in body and spirit, while their -still-free tribesmen continued their troublesome guerrilla activities. -Carleton’s experiment was judged a complete failure. - -The Government then decided that the Navajos should return to a part of -their old homeland. A new treaty signed on June 1, 1868, stated that the -tribe and the United States were at peace, and in it the Navajos pledged -to stop their raiding. In return, the Government promised the tribe -school facilities and a reservation that included Canyon de Chelly in -its total area of 3,500,000 acres. The Navajos were to stay within this -reservation. - -Twenty-nine Navajo chiefs and council members signed the treaty, and the -Navajos began leaving Fort Sumner almost immediately, slipping away -family by family. Those without horses or who had old or sick persons in -their family awaited Government transportation. On June 15, a wagon -train with a military escort carried the last Navajos from Fort Sumner -to Fort Wingate. There the tribe waited while final arrangements were -worked out. - -By November the new reservation boundaries had been surveyed and shown -to the tribe’s head men, and a headquarters for the Indian agent had -been prepared at Fort Defiance. At long last the Navajos were allowed to -go home. They were now united into a single tribe with leaders, -appointed by the Indian agents, to represent them in their dealings with -the whites. But their troubles were not over. - -Only a fraction of the Navajos’ sheep had survived Carson’s slaughter -and the years of famine at Fort Sumner. The treaty had promised sheep -and goats to replenish the herds, but more than a year passed before any -were received. Meantime, hunger pursued the Navajos, and they had to -exist on army issue rations of beef, coffee, and flour. - -The treaty also promised that during the first 10 years—called the -Treaty Years—each family head who took up farming would receive $25 -worth of agricultural tools and supplies every 2 years to help him in -his new pursuit. It was 14 years before this promise was fulfilled, and -the tribe was badly hampered in their efforts to fill out their slender -larder through agriculture. - -During these years the Navajos eked out a living through their -traditional crafts of weaving and silver working. Blankets and wool were -beginning to find a market in the expanding settlements of the Rio -Grande Valley, at army posts, and in the Mormon settlements of Utah. In -1869, the first trading post was established on the reservation, and it -provided the tribe with a source of supplies and an outlet for their -wares. As Navajo blankets, wool, and silverwork became more important, -other traders entered the Navajo country. - -Still there was little substantial change in either the Navajo’s mode of -life or their economy by the end of the Treaty Years in 1878. True, the -tribe and their flocks had increased in numbers especially after 1872, -when the U.S. Government distributed 10,000 sheep among them. The coming -of the railroad in 1881-82, however, accelerated change and growth in -the Navajos more than any other event. New techniques for making a -living, learned from working with construction crews, and new -possessions brought by the railroad, started the people toward the -modern world. - -One vexing problem that has confronted the Navajos since their days at -Fort Sumner is the lack of adequate grazing land to support an expanding -population. The reservation boundaries have been enlarged many times -over the years, but now there is no space for further expansion. Today -the tribe numbers over 120,000 members, and tribal lands cannot support -that large a population nor the uncontrolled grazing that it causes. - -The old way of life is gradually being replaced. In 1924, Congress -granted citizenship rights to all Indians in recognition of their -service during World War I when their men enlisted by the hundreds, even -though exempt from the draft. After 1923 Navajo tribal business became -less of a haphazard affair. A tribal council, made up of elected -delegates, began to handle contacts with the world beyond the -reservation. Little or no work was done to remedy undesirable conditions -on the reservation until the public works program of the 1930’s, when a -good many schools and hospitals were built. During World War II, -hundreds of young Navajo men enlisted in the armed forces and other -thousands went into war work. These involvements in American society -demonstrated that an education was essential if Indians were to compete -successfully in the outer world, and so the tribal council passed a -compulsory schooling law in 1947. Many schools and hospitals were built -in the 1950’s and 1960’s. - - [Illustration: A Navajo weaver, 1873. Their looms have changed - little in the years since then.] - -Little by little the Navajos became acquainted with the world outside -the reservation and learned its ways and advantages. Today their -prospects for a better life are brighter. Oil, gas, coal, timber, and -uranium deposits on their lands are being developed for the benefit of -all the Navajos. Children are more eager to attend school, and many -Navajos are now leaving the reservation to put their education to work -at jobs in the larger community. The Navajo people are beginning to find -a place within the Nation. - -Despite these changes and prospects, many Navajo families are still -seminomadic camp dwellers, following old traditions. Each family’s -grazing land covers about 10 to 15 square miles. Within this area they -have two or more hogans and corrals, built near suitable grass, water, -and wood. - -In winter the family moves to the foothills or mesa tops to be near a -plentiful wood supply, for winters in the Navajo country are severe. The -winter hogans, or houses, are constructed with considerable care by the -men. Brush shelters are used for cooking and camping in summer. - - [Illustration: Navajo headmen inside a summer brush shelter, 1898.] - - [Illustration: A Navajo cribbed (log-cabin) style hogan in the high - pine forest in 1908.] - - [Illustration: A modern hogan built of stone and mud-plaster with a - pane glass window, at Standing Cow Ruin.] - -Several types of hogans can be seen on the reservation today. Some -recent ones attempt to copy houses in off-reservation towns, but most -follow traditional styles. The earliest type of hogan known is the -so-called “forked-stick” hogan. This is a tipi-shaped structure made of -three poles with forked ends that interlock at the top. Spaces between -this framework are filled with smaller poles; the whole is plastered -with mud. Another style of hogan is made of cribbed logs and usually has -six or eight sides, a design made necessary by the shortness of the logs -available. Circular hogans of stone, adapted from Pueblo Indian masonry -construction, are sometimes built. The roofs on both types of hogans are -constructed of cribbed logs and appear domed rather than flat. A feature -common to every hogan is its door facing east, toward the sunrise. - - [Illustration: A Navajo forked-pole hogan, traditionally the - earliest form used by the tribe. Shaped like a tipi, it is built of - heavy logs covered with soil. - National Archives] - -Furnishings of hogans were simple and limited, but today tables, chairs, -cabinets, and beds are commonly used. Food was once cooked in a firepit -in the center of the floor, below a hole in the roof which allowed the -smoke to escape, but today it is prepared on stoves which increasingly -are butane gas or electric models. In good weather, cooking is done -outside. Iron and aluminum pots and pans have replaced homemade pottery -and baskets as kitchen utensils. - -Water is scarce over much of the reservation and must be hauled in -wagons or pickup trucks from as far away as 10 miles. Water is used -sparingly. - -The Navajos are fond of goat meat and mutton, which have almost entirely -replaced the wild game of the old diet. Canned goods from the traders’ -shelves have supplanted the wild plants that used to be gathered and, in -some homes, have eliminated garden plots of corn and squash. At Fort -Sumner the Navajos learned to roast and brew coffee and to use wheat -flour. Now coffee and wheat bread are important items in their diet. - -In aboriginal times Navajo clothing was meager. Women wore an apron and -men a breechclout of buckskin. Footwear probably consisted of yucca -fiber sandals, although moccasins of animal skins were also common. -During winter, blankets of animal skins or yucca were added for warmth. - -After the Spaniards arrived in the Rio Grande Valley, the Navajos copied -Spanish costumes. This style, which prevailed until after the return -from Bosque Redondo in 1868, consisted of tightly buttoned knee-length -breeches of buckskin, worn with knitted blue stockings copied from those -of Pueblo men. A V-neck shirt was made from a small blanket or piece of -flannel and was worn outside the trousers. The shirt was held by a -leather belt heavily ornamented with silver. Moccasins and leggings of -dyed buckskin completed the men’s dress. When Navajo women began loom -weaving, they copied the Pueblo woman’s woven cotton dress in wool and -wore it with a woven belt. Dyed buckskin moccasins with wrap-around -leggings were their footwear. - - [Illustration: Navajo clothing of the 19th century, a pair of - moccasins and a shirt.] - - [Illustration: Shirt.] - -After Bosque Redondo, cotton clothing in Anglo-American and Mexican -styles became popular. Today Navajo men wear typical western ranch and -farm clothing: blue jeans, shirts, and broad-brimmed felt or straw hats. -The women still prefer the bright calico skirts and velveteen blouses -which they copied from the styles worn by American women in the mid-19th -century. The skirt is ankle length and voluminous, containing from 12 to -15 yards of material. Moccasins of dyed buckskin are still popular with -the women at home, but modish shoes and stockings have been adopted for -town wear. In winter, both men and women use commercially made blankets -draped over their shoulders for protection against the cold. - -Today many Navajo men take off-reservation jobs with railroads, in -lumber camps, or as migratory workers following crop harvests. Sheep -still play a major role in the family economy, and annual income is -supplemented by the sale of rugs and, sometimes, silverwork and jewelry. - -The Navajos have worn silver ornaments for many years. A 1795 Spanish -reference mentions that the Navajo captains were rarely seen without -their silver ornaments, but there is no evidence that they made them at -that time. They got most of their silver pieces by trading, and picked -up others on raids against Ute and Commanche Indians, who in turn had -obtained them from eastern Indians who were in contact with -Anglo-American or French traders. A great many silver ornaments probably -came from the Spaniards. - -Present evidence indicates that the Navajos learned silversmithing -sometime after 1850. Old silversmiths in the tribe have claimed that -Mexicans taught them the craft during the Bosque Redondo captivity, -citing their first smith, Atsidi Sani or “Old Smith,” who was taught by -a Mexican blacksmith. - - [Illustration: An early Navajo silversmith named - Slim-Maker-of-Silver. - Museum of New Mexico] - - [Illustration: Ring.] - - [Illustration: Navajo silver bracelets and ring from the period - 1880-1900. - Smithsonian Institution] - - [Illustration: Recent Navajo bracelets.] - - [Illustration: A Navajo vegetal-dye rug, hand woven from hand-spun, - home-grown wool. It is representative of the Chinle style.] - - [Illustration: A Navajo wife weaving a rug in her front yard at - their home near Standing Cow Ruin.] - - [Illustration: A Navajo girl and her dogs guard the family sheep - near Big Cave.] - -By 1881 they had completely mastered the art, and began to use turquoise -in their jewelry. Commercialization of their silver-work began in 1899, -when the Fred Harvey Company first placed large orders for pieces to -sell to tourists. - -Perhaps more than anything else, the colorful rugs and silver and -turquoise jewelry produced by these people have made the name “Navajo” a -household word. The two crafts did not develop simultaneously, for -weaving is almost two centuries older than silversmithing. The Navajo -mastery of both skills is exceptional, however, and both lend themselves -readily to Navajo designs. - -The loom used in Navajo weaving is a native American device, similar to -that of the ancient Pueblo people. It has changed little over the -centuries. Men usually construct the loom and women do the weaving. - -In spite of three centuries of work by Christian missionaries, the -Navajos have clung to their native religion. Their religious leaders are -medicine men, or healers, and their rites are intended primarily to -secure and maintain good health. - -The ceremonies, called chants, sometimes last as long as 9 days. They -consist of songs, dances, the construction of sand paintings, and the -administration of herbal medicines and sweat baths. - -The Navajos, a unique people in many ways, are far from being -“vanishing” Americans. Vigorous and growing in numbers, they have only -recently begun to understand their potential. While they are making -rapid strides to join the world around them, they are keenly aware of -their own heritage and what it can contribute to the larger culture of -America. - - - - - Further Reading - - -Kluckholm, Clyde, and Dorothea Leighton. _The Navaho._ Cambridge, Mass. - 1946. - -McGregor, John C. _Southwestern Archeology._ Second Ed. Urbana, Ill. - 1965. - -Morris, Ann A. _Digging in the Southwest._ N.Y. 1934. - -Underhill, Ruth M. _The Navajos._ Norman, Okla. 1956. - -Wormington, H. M. _Prehistoric Indians of the Southwest._ Third Ed. - Denver, Colo. 1956. - - [Illustration: DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR · March 3, 1849] - -_As the Nation’s principal conservation agency, the Department of the -Interior has basic responsibilities for water, fish, wildlife, mineral, -land, park, and recreational resources. Indian and Territorial affairs -are other major concerns of America’s “Department of Natural Resources.” -The Department works to assure the wisest choice in managing all our -resources so each will make its full contribution to a better United -States—now and in the future._ - -_National Park Service_ - -_U.S. DEPARTMENT of the INTERIOR_ - - - ★ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1973 O—503-170 - For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing - Office Washington, D.C. 20402. Price 80 cents, domestic postpaid; 60 - cents, GPO Bookstore - Stock Number 2405-00508 - - [Illustration: Book cover] - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - -—This etext based on a U.S. government publication is public domain in - the United States. - -—Corrected a few palpable typos. - -—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Canyon de Chelly, by Zorro A. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Canyon de Chelly - The Story of its Ruins and People - -Author: Zorro A. Bradley - -Release Date: November 29, 2016 [EBook #53631] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CANYON DE CHELLY *** - - - - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, MFR and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - - _Canyon de Chelly_ - - - The Story of its Ruins and People - - by Zorro A. Bradley - - - Office of Publications - National Park Service - U.S. Department of the Interior - Washington, D.C., - 1973 - - _Library of Congress Catalog Card Number_ 73-600078 - - - - - Contents - - - Discovery of the Ruins 3 - The Principal Ruins 7 - White House 7 - Antelope House 9 - Standing Cow 12 - Big Cave 13 - Mummy Cave 15 - The People of Canyon de Chelly 17 - The Anasazi 18 - The Navajos 27 - Further Reading 57 - Maps 8, 24, 39 - - -_Far up above me, a thousand feet or so, set in a great cavern in the -face of the cliff, I saw a little city of stone asleep. It was as still -as sculpture--and something like that. It all hung together, seemed to -have a kind of composition: pale little houses of stone nestling close -to one another, perched on top of each other, with flat roofs, narrow -windows, straight walls, and in the middle of the group, a round -tower...._ - -_In sunlight it was the colour of winter oak leaves. A fringe of cedars -grew along the edge of the cavern, like a garden. They were the only -living things. Such silence and stillness and repose--immortal repose. -That village sat looking down into the canyon with the calmness of -eternity.... I had come upon the city of some extinct civilization, -hidden away in this inaccessible mesa for centuries, preserved in the -dry air and almost perpetual sunlight like a fly in amber, guarded by -the cliffs and the river and the desert._ - - --_Willa Cather_ - - -Quotation from _The Professor's House_, 1925, by permission of Alfred A. - Knopf, New York. - - [Illustration: The righthand section of Mummy Cave Ruin as it was - photographed by Ben Wittick in 1882 during the James Stevenson - Survey for the Smithsonian Institution.] - - - - - Discovery of the Ruins - - -Canyon de Chelly National Monument is located in the red rock country of -northeastern Arizona's high plateau, near the center of the Navajo -Indian Reservation. Included in its 131 square miles are three -spectacular canyons--Canyon de Chelly, Canyon del Muerto, and Monument -Canyon--and many ruins of long-deserted villages. Perched in alcoves and -on high ledges along the sheer-walled canyons, these villages are -evidence of man's ability to adjust to a difficult environment, using -bare hands, simple stone age tools, and his own ingenuity. They stand as -enduring monuments to the culture of the ancestors of the present-day -Pueblo Indians of the southwestern United States. - -The ancestors of the Navajo Indians who now live in the shadows of these -deep canyons came here long after the earlier peoples had left. -Originally the Navajos did not live in the canyon, but only passed -through it on their yearly migrations. Today some live here permanently, -and their hogans are scattered along the sandy canyon floor, almost -hidden by the thick growth of willows and cottonwoods and detectable -only by a column of smoke slowly rising from a cook fire or by the -barking of dogs. Occasionally one may catch a glimpse of a brightly -dressed woman working around the hogan or of black-hatted men trotting -their horses between the nearby trading post, cornfields, or peach -orchards. A reserved and dignified people, they still live in the -tradition of their fathers. - -The main canyon's name, de Chelly, stems from the Navajo word "Tsegi" -(pronounced tsay-yih or tsay-yhi and meaning "Rock Canyon"), the name by -which they know the canyon network. Two centuries of Spanish and English -usage have corrupted both the form and pronunciation. Most people now -pronounce it "dah-SHAY" or "d'SHAY." - -The first Europeans to see the extensive ruins in Canyon de Chelly are -unknown. A Spanish map of 1776 indicates its location, and other -documents reveal that Spanish military expeditions sometimes passed -through the neighborhood. In 1805, Spanish troops entered the canyon -while trying to suppress Navajo raids. During the period of Mexican rule -(1821-46), a number of military expeditions against the Navajo invaded -the Canyon de Chelly region. Though the ruins had not been described in -writing, the area was fairly well known, and by 1846, when the "Army of -the West" brought the region under United States control, there were -many tall tales and rumors about the wonderful cities built in the -cliffs. - - [Illustration: Archeological excavations in Canyon del Muerto, - 1929.] - -In 1849, the New Mexico territorial government found it necessary to -request that a U.S. Army expedition be sent to subdue the Navajos. Lt. -J. H. Simpson of the Topographical Engineers accompanied the troops. His -journal, published in 1850, contained the first detailed account of some -of the Canyon de Chelly ruins. - -After Simpson's visit, other military expeditions and a few civilian -parties probably entered the canyons. No archeological investigations -were made, however, until 1882, when James Stevenson surveyed the area -for the Smithsonian Institution, making sketches, photographs, and -ground plans of 46 ruins in the two main canyons. - -Stevenson found two mummies in a rock shelter ruin in the northern -canyon. Because of this find the ruin is known as Mummy Cave, and -Stevenson gave the canyon a Spanish name, Canyon de los Muertos, or -canyon of the dead men. The name has since been shortened to del Muerto. - - [Illustration: First Ruin in the lower part of Canyon de Chelly. It - has 10 rooms and two kivas.] - -Later in 1882, Cosmos Mindeleff, also from the Smithsonian and a member -of Stevenson's party, mapped the canyons and showed the locations of -some of the larger ruins. Mindeleff's monumental architectural survey of -the ruins of Canyon de Chelly was published in 1896, after two more -visits. - -Much of our knowledge about material objects used by the early Puebloan -inhabitants of the canyons comes from the work of the late Earl H. -Morris, who excavated a number of the important cave sites in the -1920's. Since then a comprehensive survey of the monument has been -carried out by David L. De Harport for the Peabody Museum of Harvard -University, and additional excavations have been conducted by National -Park Service archeologists. - - [Illustration: The upper and lower White House ruins were probably - connected when the ancient Indians lived there.] - - - - - The Principal Ruins - - -Within the national monument are perhaps 800 prehistoric and historic -Indian village sites, representing various stages of Pueblo and later -Navajo cultural development and spanning a period of about 1,800 years. -The most interesting and important ruins are described below. - - -WHITE HOUSE - -Located up the main canyon, about 6 miles from Park Service -headquarters, White House is one of the largest, best preserved, and -most accessible ruins in the monument. - - [Illustration: A kiva at the White House ruin, where religious and - other ceremonies were held.] - -Lt. J. H. Simpson described this ruin after his 1849 visit, calling it -Casa Blanca (White House). It is also known by its Navajo name, -Kini-na-e-kai. Both names derive from a conspicuous white-plastered wall -in the upper portion. - -White House was constructed in two sections; one stands against the base -of the cliff on the canyon floor, and the other is in a small cave -immediately above. Mindeleff estimated that at one time the whole ruin -contained as many as 80 rooms. Much of the lower building has probably -been washed away by the stream nearby (a retaining wall now helps to -prevent this), but evidence of about 60 rooms and 4 kivas (special -ceremonial chambers) still survives. - -Behind the back walls of the lower ruin the smooth cliff face rises 35 -feet to the floor of the cave above. Marks on the face indicate that at -one time the rooms of the lower building stood several stories high, and -its roof came to within 4 feet of the cave floor above. - - [Illustration: This map shows only the principal ruins in the - canyons that are open to visitors. Only some of these are discussed - in the text. The rock formations of these canyons eroded easily, - thus producing the steep cliffs and cave formations that provided - protection for the Anasazi.] - -The upper ruin contains 10 rooms and has a large room nearly in the -center of the cave. The outside front wall of this room is 12 feet high -and still has the coating of white gypsum clay plaster with a decorative -band of yellow clay for which the ruin was named. - -At the western edge of the lower ruin are the partial remains of two -well-built kivas. One kiva used to have holes in the floor like those -used to support looms in modern Pueblo kivas. The other kiva shows -evidence of six layers of plaster. Modern Zuni Indians have a ceremony -every 4 years in which they replaster the smoke-stained kiva interior, -and this tradition may give some idea of how long this kiva was in use. - -A study of the annual growth rings of its roof timbers indicates that -most of the lower ruin was built after A.D. 1070. - - -ANTELOPE HOUSE - -Many large ruins are located in the narrow and twisting Canyon del -Muerto. One of the biggest is Antelope House, some 5 miles above del -Muerto's junction with Canyon de Chelly. This 40- to 50-room village was -built on the stream bank against the base of a cliff which towers nearly -600 feet above it. - -Antelope House received its name from four antelopes painted in tan and -white, about half life size, high on the cliff nearby. Navajo families -living in the canyon believe that these well-executed paintings were -done by Dibe Yazhi (Little Sheep), a Navajo artist who lived here in the -1830's. Other figures in white paint are probably the work of the -prehistoric inhabitants of Antelope House. - -Because it stands on the river bank, Antelope House has also eroded -badly. Yet many of the house walls still rise two and three stories -high, and the masonry outlines of dozens of unexcavated rubble-filled -rooms and of two kivas can still be seen. - - [Illustration: Antelope House in Canyon del Muerto is on the canyon - floor under a towering, overhanging cliff.] - - [Illustration: An Anasazi pictograph.] - -The famous "Burial of the Weaver" was found in a small cliff alcove not -far from Antelope House. The grave was against the cliff, and a curved -masonry wall in front held back the earth. Inside was the tightly flexed -body of an old man lying on his left side. His hair was streaked with -gray and tied back in a bob; a billet of wood served as a pillow. The -body's outer wrapping was a feather blanket made from the breast down of -golden eagles. Under the feather cloth was a white cotton blanket, -excellently made and appearing as clean and new as if freshly woven; and -under the white blanket was an old gray cotton blanket. Beneath that -blanket, lying on the mummy's breast, was a single ear of corn. - -A reed mat covered the floor of the grave, and the amount and variety of -objects laid away with the body suggest that the individual was highly -respected in life. A long wooden digging stick, broken to fit into the -grave, lay across the burial bundle. Beside this, and also broken, was a -bow so thick that only a powerful arm could have pulled it. With the bow -was a single reed arrow with a fire-hardened wooden point. Five pottery -jars, one broken, together with four bowl-shaped baskets woven from -yucca leaves, were also in the grave. These containers were filled with -cornmeal, shelled corn, four ears of husked corn, pinyon nuts, beans, -and salt. Tightly packed around the body and offerings were thick skeins -of cotton yarn which measured more than 2 miles in length. A spindle -whorl--a wooden disc on a reed stem which probably had been used to spin -the cotton--lay on the yarn. - - [Illustration: A National Park Service archeologist examines a - storage jar found at Antelope House.] - - -STANDING COW - -This cave in Canyon del Muerto was named for a large white and blue -pictograph of a cow, drawn in the historic period and undoubtedly the -work of a Navajo. Not much can be seen of this ancient ruin, for Navajos -have lived on the site in recent times and still use the old bins for -storing corn and the leveled areas for drying peaches. - -On the cliff near this ruin is an interesting old Navajo painting of -Spanish cavalrymen. - - [Illustration: This blue-headed cow, painted by an early Navajo - artist on the shelter wall, gave Standing Cow Ruin its name.] - - [Illustration: This Navajo rock painting in Canyon del Muerto shows - a procession of soldiers. It probably records a Spanish expedition - in the 19th century.] - - -BIG CAVE - -One of the largest concentrations of very early material at Canyon de -Chelly came from Big Cave (Tse-Ya-Tso) in Canyon del Muerto. Tree-ring -dates ranging from A.D. 331 to 835 indicate an intensive occupation of -the site in Basketmaker times. - -Several burials of interest were found at Big Cave. One was of an old -man who had broken both legs across the shin bones. The fractures were -set so well that only the smallest of bumps were left. - -The remains of 14 infants were found in a slab-lined cist used earlier -as a storage bin. Below the infants were the bodies of four other -children packed in an enormous basket. None showed any signs of -violence, and it is thought that some disease must have swept through -the cave, killing many children in a short time. - -The unique "Burial of the Hands" was discovered in another part of Big -Cave. This burial consisted of just a pair of arms and hands lying side -by side on a bed of grass. The elbows touched the wall of the cave in a -way that suggested that the rest of the body had not been removed at a -later time. Three necklaces of abalone shell pendants were wrapped -around the wrists, and two pairs of exceptionally fine, unworn sandals, -patterned in black and red, were lying beside the hands, as was a small -basket half full of white shell beads. Another basket nearly 2 feet in -diameter covered the burial. No satisfactory explanation of this burial -has ever been advanced. - - [Illustration: Excavations at Big Cave in Canyon del Muerto yielded - valuable artifacts of the Basketmaker period.] - - [Illustration: Mummy Cave, bathed in sun with its flanking ruins - almost hidden in shadows.] - - -MUMMY CAVE - - [Illustration: This fretwork design decorates a kiva in Mummy Cave.] - - [Illustration: The central tower structure at Mummy Cave shows - strong Mesa Verde affiliations and was constructed in A.D. 1284.] - -One of the most beautifully situated ruins in the national monument is -Mummy Cave in Canyon del Muerto 21 miles northeast of park headquarters. -This dwelling, the largest in the canyons, was built in two adjacent -caves about 300 feet up a talus slope from the streambed. - -The largest part of the structure, about 55 rooms and 4 kivas, was built -in the eastern cave. The western cave, with about 20 rooms, is now -accessible only by a ledge from the east cave, although traces of an -eroded hand-and-toe trail can be seen leading directly from the top of -the talus to the ruin. Along the ledge connecting the two caves are 15 -rooms, including a "tower" house; these are the best preserved of all -the ruins here. Much original plaster in several colors remains on inner -and outer walls throughout the village. Especially notable is the white -clay plaster on the interior of the third story of the tower house and -the red-painted fret design on white plaster in the large kiva of the -east cave. - - [Illustration: A Navajo family has settled below the ruins of the - ancient ones in Canyon del Muerto.] - - - - - The People of Canyon de Chelly - - -Though the stunning sheer red cliffs of Canyon de Chelly are easily the -national monument's most spectacular feature, the area was set aside for -its importance to the study of prehistoric peoples in the Southwest. The -architecture, tools, clothing, ceramics, and other decorative or useful -objects found here contain a comprehensive record of many hundreds of -years of human activity. - -Nothing was known about the ancient culture sheltered here until -archeologists began piecing together the information gleaned from Canyon -de Chelly's many ruins and burials. Their story survived because these -people lived in a physical environment that posed a minimal threat to -normally fragile remains. - -Wherever the remains of ancient man occur in the open, building ruins -and some objects of stone, bone, and pottery survive, but those of wood -and fiber disappear completely. Most of what we know about peoples from -the dim past thus comes from materials that have been buried and -protected. For the archeologist there are few better sources of -information than formal burials, which often contain extensive -offerings, and situations like those at Canyon de Chelly and Canyon del -Muerto, where sites served as dwelling places for long periods of time -and the steady accumulation of refuse buried layers of cultural debris. - -The extremely arid conditions in the caves of these canyons offered -additional protection. The climate here is so dry that human burials are -perfectly preserved as natural mummies or desiccated bodies (there being -no attempt at artificial preservation by these people), and such fragile -buried objects as baskets more than a thousand years old are in good -condition. - -The people who lived at Canyon de Chelly in prehistoric times are today -called the Anasazi, a Navajo word meaning "old people." These people -were the ancestors of modern Pueblo Indians, and they lived in the -vicinity of northern Arizona and New Mexico, southwestern Colorado, and -southeastern Utah from about the beginning of the Christian era to the -end of the 13th century. Over most of that period they lived in these -canyons. Before they learned to build in the cliffs they located and -constructed their houses much differently. But the canyons always -sheltered them, and their homes, their dead, and their debris tell us -how it was with these people from the beginning to the end of their time -here. - - [Illustration: These bone tools were used to work leather and weave - baskets.] - - -THE ANASAZI - -Early man, a nomadic hunter of big-game animals, came to the Americas -from Asia over the Bering Strait some time between 20,000 and 15,000 -B.C. Thousands of years later, after the big animals had become extinct, -larger bands of hunters and gatherers preyed on game animals of species -still living today. Still later, groups began to settle in favorable -areas and to grow maize (corn), which reached them from more complex -cultures in what is now Mexico. From this time on, the spread and -development of prehistoric Indian cultures in the northern Southwest can -be traced in increasing detail. - -No one knows exactly when the first people arrived in the Canyon de -Chelly area. But a tree-ring date of A.D. 306 from the West Alcove at -Mummy Cave and the accumulation of sweepings and ashes at this site -suggest that people were living in Canyon del Muerto at about the -beginning of the Christian era. - -These early people were primarily farmers rather than nomadic hunters, -although they still depended to some extent on game animals for food. -They established their homes in the shelter of the many caves and -alcoves in the canyon walls, and farmed the mesa tops and canyon -bottoms. Dogs were their only domestic animal, and corn was their major -crop and main source of food. Squashes (pumpkins) were grown in some -quantity, and beans were introduced at an early time. Pinyon nuts and -acorns, sunflower seeds, yucca and cactus fruit, and small seeds of -other wild plants were gathered for food. - - [Illustration: This burial at Sliding Rock Ruin shows pottery, - baskets, corn, and the remains of a blanket used in the day-to-day - life of the Anasazi.] - - [Illustration: Ring-baskets of split yucca leaves have been in - common use from about A.D. 1100 to the present.] - - [Illustration: This coiled basket was used for carrying burdens.] - - [Illustration: Indian women fastened rabbit fur to lengths of twine - by twisting them to form a rope of fur such as this one. A number of - these would then be entwined to form a blanket or a robe.] - -The early farmers were accomplished makers of baskets, and for this -reason archeologists commonly call them Basketmakers. Instead of pottery -they used baskets for many utilitarian purposes: carrying sacks, burden -baskets, food containers, cooking pots, water carriers, storage -containers, and even "coffins." Sometimes plain, often decorated, they -are the most impressive surviving artifact of the culture which produced -them. More baskets made by these early people have been found in Canyon -de Chelly caves than in any other locality. - -The caves in Canyon de Chelly have produced no evidence of houses built -by these early farmers. If these groups had shelters at all, they were -little more than brush-and-pole windbreaks or lean-tos made of poles and -skins propped against the sides of the rock shelters. The only -architectural remains found so far are pits lined with stone slabs and -located in deposits on the cave floors. These pits were used to store -corn and wild plant foods. - -Permanent dwellings apparently were not constructed until about A.D. -500. The first such houses of which we have knowledge were small and -generally insubstantial circular or squarish pits, shallowly dug into -the ground. They were walled and roofed with brush and dirt or -mud-covered poles. Later the people often built their houses in deep -excavations, and then the structures became essentially roofed pits. - -The atlatl, or dart-thrower, and dart constituted the early implement -for hunting and warfare. There is no definite evidence that the Anasazi -used a bow and arrow until the 7th century, but one find in Canyon del -Muerto suggests that they were attacked by a group that did use such -weapons. The evidence was found in a cave across the canyon from -Antelope House at a typical dwelling site of the early people. It -appears that a massacre took place inside the cave and the remains of -the dead were scattered about the floor until almost completely dried or -skeletonized. The bones were then gathered up and dumped into one of the -many storage pits that dotted the cave floor, where the archeologists -found them. Among the artifacts discovered with the bones was a short, -slender piece of wood, more like the shaft of an arrow than a dart, -between the ribs and dried skin on the left side of an old woman. - -Little clothing was worn in these early years. Men usually wore sandals -and a loin cloth and women an apron like skirt. In cold weather the only -additional body covering was a blanket woven from strips of fur. - -Several exceptions to this mode of dress have been found. One mummy -recovered from the slope in front of Mummy Cave (perhaps of a tribal -leader) was elaborately dressed and had a great many possessions to take -with him to the spirit world. He was wrapped in a woven robe of rabbit -fur and had a basket over his face and one under his head. His feet were -covered with buckskin moccasins lined with soft juniper bark. Buckskin -leggings were wrapped around his legs from ankle to knee. Another piece -of buckskin was wound around his waist; one end fell like a breechclout -to his thighs, and the other end was thrown over his shoulder like a -toga. - -The man's moccasins are a surprising item, because the Anasazi of this -time usually wore well-made sandals. These sandals were typically woven -of plant fibers with intricate designs in several colors, and are -outstanding among the textiles of any prehistoric people. - -In the 5th century A.D., the Anasazi acquired from the south the -technique of making fired pottery, and they adopted the craft rapidly. -Ceramics was a significant addition to the equipment which these people -needed to live in what was at best a difficult environment. It made the -everyday business of cooking food and storing water much easier. During -the next several centuries the Anasazi achieved a high degree of skill -in the art of ceramics and produced handsome pots in a variety of -shapes, decorated both by relief and painting. Various styles of design -were developed by different groups. - - [Illustration: The Anasazi used black-on-white pottery jars at home - and also for trade with other groups.] - -Basketry, the ancient craft, survived the competition from ceramics but -became less important. Sandals, coiled bowls, plaited yucca trays, and -rush mattings were still made, but were not as well manufactured or -designed as they once had been. - -Other changes followed the introduction of pottery, and they profoundly -altered the culture of the Anasazi. More substantial and permanent -houses were developed, the bow and arrow replaced the dart-thrower and -dart for hunting and fighting, and handles were placed on stone axes and -hammers, greatly increasing the effectiveness of these tools. Turkeys -were domesticated, and their feathers replaced some of the fur in the -blankets which they used for clothing. New varieties of corn, squash, -and beans became known, and, more importantly, the cultivation of cotton -was introduced. - - [Illustration: Gourd-shaped black-on-white Anasazi water jar from - the period A.D. 500 to 700.] - -Sometime during these years of change the Anasazi adopted the practice -of deforming the skulls of their children by the use of rigid -cradleboards. The cradleboards of their direct ancestors were webbed and -lined with soft rabbit fur, but a new conception of beauty led them to -strap newborn infants onto flat, hard boards which flattened the back of -the skull and broadened the forehead. - -These characteristics of the Anasazi developed slowly and were well -established only around A.D. 750. Sometime after that date they began to -live above ground, building their homes of upright poles and mud -plaster. Each family's room adjoined one or more other rooms, making -more and more compact village units. In the 900's, these pole and mud -structures gave way to masonry buildings, some of which eventually -became two-and three-story terraced apartment houses. - -The ancient pithouse was not forgotten. Its counterpart survived in -almost all of the new villages in the form of a circular underground -room that soon lost all resemblance to a house. Each of the larger -villages had two or more of these underground rooms, which undoubtedly -were ceremonial structures, serving as meeting places for men of the -various clan societies and secret religious brotherhoods and for the -performance of rituals. The rooms may have functioned very much like -men's clubhouses. Similar ceremonial rooms of present-day Pueblo Indians -are called kivas. - -Much of the ceremonial activity in the ancient kivas can be inferred -from the religious practices of modern Pueblo Indians. A large part of -their ceremonials takes place within the privacy of the kiva and -includes praying, chanting, and dancing. Details of costumes, in which -feathers are extensively used, and of dance steps are important, for the -whole ceremony is a prayer. The rituals are performed as petitions for -rain, to insure a good harvest, or for success in hunting. - -In testimony to the traditions which endure in some human societies, a -cache of bird feathers, undoubtedly saved to make a costume for such a -ritual, was found in Big Cave in Canyon del Muerto. A carefully worked -cylinder of wood was filled with packets of brightly colored feathers -and bird skins. There were dozens of blue-green skins from mallard -ducks, and even parrot feathers that must have come from Mexico. Skins -of a red bird, still not identified, and bundles of hawk and eagle down -were also found in the cylinder. - - [Illustration: The Anasazi - - Few regions in North America have such spectacular archeological - sites as the Four Corners area of the Southwest. This semiarid high - plateau country, drained by the San Juan River, saw the development - and later the disappearance of an Indian culture that archeologists - call the Anasazi. - - During the Great Pueblo period, the Anasazi developed three - important regional centers: Chaco Canyon, Mesa Verde, and the - Kayenta country. Their influence extended deep into the territories - of neighboring Indian groups, who followed different agricultural - traditions. By A.D. 1100, all three had become heavily populated, - and the Anasazi were building their largest towns and fabled cliff - dwellings. - - The fertile Chaco valley attracted aboriginals early in the 10th - century. They first built on such sites as Pueblo Bonito, which - expanded to a village of over 800 rooms. Their pueblos on the valley - floor near the cliffs tended to be D-shaped, with central courts - closed by walls often as high as four stories. - - A hundred miles to the north, on the steep-cliffed fingers of rock - of southwest Colorado, the Mesa Verdians built pithouses, pueblos, - and about 300 cliff dwellings, the largest of which is Cliff Palace. - - The decline of the Anasazi culture from its Great Pueblo period - coincided with a concentration of population at Chaco, Mesa Verde, - and Kayenta that made the people particularly dependent on a - year-round flow of water. Long years of drought from 1270 to 1300 - dried up the rivers and caused an exodus from the San Juan River - region. - - First the Chaco residents dispersed southwestward to join their - cousins in the Little Colorado River area. Then the Mesa Verdians - moved to the northern Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico. Finally, the - Kayenta people, the last holdouts, gave up and joined the population - in what is now the Hopi country.] - -Between A.D. 1000 and 1050 the culture of the Anasazi reached its height -and became stable for a few centuries, until about A.D. 1275-1300. Their -homes were now substantial buildings of stone masonry, containing -numerous adjoining rooms. Their kivas followed standard lines and were -often incorporated in the house structures, though they were sometimes -built as separate, semisubterranean chambers. No other abrupt changes or -new forms distinguish this late period, which was essentially a -continuation and fulfillment of earlier times. The large pueblos, most -of which were begun about A.D. 1000, are the most outstanding -development of this period. - -In Canyon de Chelly, construction was started on White House and -Antelope House during these years. Other important population centers -were developing simultaneously at Mesa Verde (Mesa Verde National Park, -Colo.), where the largest concentration of surviving cliff dwellings is -located, and at Chaco Canyon (Chaco Canyon National Monument, N. Mex.), -where spacious apartment houses, one with more than 800 rooms, were -constructed on the floor of the canyon. Other villages were built in the -Kayenta-Marsh Pass area (near Navajo National Monument, Ariz.). - -As permanent homes gave them social stability and well-developed -agriculture ensured adequate food, the Anasazi had leisure and -sufficient security for greater activity in their arts, crafts, and -ceremonials. As a consequence, trade with other peoples seems to have -grown and flourished because it brought in the specialized and exotic -materials needed for rituals and pleasure. Parrots were traded from -Mexico for their plumage, and ornamental shells from the Gulf of -California and the West Coast found their way to Anasazi settlements. -Turquoise, jet, and salt also became important trade items. - -The mode of dress changed little. Feather-string blankets were still -commonly worn in winter. Cotton became almost the only fiber used for -making cloth. Sandals, which were woven from whole yucca leaves, were -crude, compared to those of earlier periods. But painted pottery reached -its highest development in both variety and quality. - -These great pueblo centers flourished for about two centuries. But this -was a time of increasing dryness in the Southwest, and the end for these -settlements came during a severe drought late in the 13th century. -Tree-ring data indicate that there was not enough moisture to produce -crops during most of the years between 1276 and 1299. The drought -brought crop failures, and the ensuing erosion destroyed the fields. -Hunger, decline, and migration followed. Family after family and group -after group left their homes in the cliffs and canyons. Taking what few -possessions they could carry on their backs, they drifted away in search -of land with a dependable water supply suitable for farming. - -The villages in Canyon de Chelly apparently lasted longer than most and -may even have provided a temporary haven for refugees from other regions -to the north. The four-story tower house at Mummy Cave might have been -built for such refugees by skilled masons from the Mesa Verde area. - -By 1300, however, all the great cliff dwellings were abandoned, and the -people of the Canyon de Chelly area had moved on to new lands. Most of -them probably joined the tribes that were gathering around Black Mesa to -the west, near the location of the modern Hopi pueblos. Others may have -turned south, settling finally near the middle of the present boundary -between Arizona and New Mexico. Other Anasazi made their way to the -upper Rio Grande Valley in north-central New Mexico. In these localities -the Pueblo farmers renewed their way of life, and it was there that -Spanish explorers found them on their first trip through the region in -1540-42. - -At White House and a few other ruins there is evidence of structural -additions made long after the villages were abandoned. These and other -indications of occupation well after 1300 probably represent the work of -Hopi Indians who used the canyons seasonally for agriculture, taking the -harvest back to their villages about 70 miles to the west. Peach trees, -which the Spanish introduced to the Hopi in the 17th century, were -evidently brought to Canyon de Chelly in either that century or the -next, and the small orchards still scattered through the canyons were -started. The use of the canyons by the Hopi probably dropped off rapidly -after the Navajos appeared in the area in the 18th century. - - [Illustration: This pictograph of a soldier on horseback is taken - from the Navajo rock painting in Canyon del Muerto near Standing Cow - Ruin.] - - -THE NAVAJOS - -The present Indian occupants of Canyon de Chelly are Navajos. They are -not related to the Anasazi who built the masonry villages now in ruins. - -No one is certain just when the Navajos came to this region nor do we -know exactly where they came from. The best available evidence now -suggests that these people and their close relatives, the Apaches, both -of whom speak an Athapascan language, came south along the eastern edge -of the Rocky Mountains as a single group. They may have reached the -Southwest between the 13th and the 16th centuries. The earliest mention -of people who were probably Navajos is in the Oate documents of 1598. -This account places them in north-central New Mexico, an area they still -call their homeland but no longer occupy. - -The name "Navajo" has never been adequately translated. The first -interpretation of the word came from Father Alonso de Benavides, a -Spanish priest who started missionary work among the Navajos. In his -"Memorial of New Mexico," which was presented to the court of Spain in -1630, he stated: - -_But these Apache de Nabahu [Navajo] are very great farmers for this is -what Navajo signifies ... great planted fields...._ - - [Illustration: The pastoral scene shows two contemporary Navajo - structures. To the left is a modern hogan, and to the right, a - ramada.] - -By 1750, the Navajos had abandoned their homes west of the Chama River -Valley because of pressure from the Utes to the north. Generally they -moved westward, but a few split off to the south. We do not know when -they first entered Canyon de Chelly, but there is evidence at the site -of Tse-ta'a to suggest that it was after 1700. - -Hunters, gatherers, and farmers, the Navajos changed their way of life -sharply when they acquired horses and sheep from the Spanish after the -Pueblo Rebellion of 1680. Horses made the Navajos highly mobile and -increased their ability to raid the alluring towns along the Rio Grande -and then vanish into mountain and canyon hideouts. Sheep gradually -changed the basis of their economy, converting them from hunters and -raiders to the pastoral herders they are today. - -After the Spanish reconquered New Mexico in 1692, many Pueblo families -from the Rio Grande sought sanctuary with the Navajos. Some of these -refugees were absorbed into the tribe, and they brought with them not -only weaving, but sheep raising, pottery and basketry techniques, -architectural and agricultural ideas, the clan system, and much -religious lore. - -Navajo-Spanish relations were generally quiet after the Spanish returned -because the tribe was preoccupied with fighting the Utes to the north -and was interested in enlisting Spanish support or, at least, -forbearance. This comparatively peaceful interlude came to an end in the -1770's because of land disputes, and friction continued from that time -until the 1860's. - -In 1805, during this period of strife, a Spanish punitive expedition -entered Canyon de Chelly, bent on taking slaves, or servants as the -whites called them. - -According to the Navajo account of the episode, all the Navajo men had -gone out on an expedition, leaving the old men, and women, and children -hidden in a deep ledge high up the canyon wall. Their position was -strengthened by a wall of loose stones placed along the rim of the -ledge. As the Spanish troops, commanded by Lt. Antonio Narbona, passed -below, an old woman who had been a Spanish slave could not resist -scoffing at them and thus exposed the hiding place. - -In a letter on January 25, 1805, to the Governor of New Mexico, Narbona -described the action which followed: - -_On the 17th of the current month I managed to attack in Caon de Chelli -a great number of enemy Indians and though they entrenched themselves in -an almost inaccessible spot, and fortified beforehand, we succeeded -after having battled all day long with the greatest ardor and effort, in -taking [it] the morning after and that our arms had the result of ninety -dead warriors, twenty-five women and children, and as prisoners three -warriors, eight women and twenty-two boys and girls...._ - -Narbona reported his losses as 1 dead and 64 wounded. Massacre Cave in -Canyon del Muerto was named for this event. - - [Illustration: Massacre Cave sits high up on the west wall of Canyon - del Muerto, a short way upstream from Mummy Cave.] - -The Navajos had been held in partial check by Spanish bribes and -punitive expeditions, but after Mexico won its independence from Spain -in 1821, the Navajos returned to raiding in behalf of all those enslaved -by the Spanish. In 1823, 1833, 1836, and 1838 the Mexicans mounted large -expeditions against the Navajos, sometimes sending as many as 1,500 men -after them. It was during this period that Canyon de Chelly was most -often referred to as the stronghold of the Navajos. Although Mexican -reprisals often forced the Indians to take temporary refuge north of the -San Juan River, they were too sporadic to effectively quell the raiders, -who always came back with new attacks. Conditions were so bad that the -Navajos boasted they let the Mexicans live on only because they made -good shepherds for the tribe. The taunt hardly exaggerated their power -at the time. - -Navajo depredations had very nearly decimated the frontier settlements -in the central Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico when the United States -went to war with Mexico in 1846. Col. Stephen Watts Kearny had the task -of seizing the northern Mexican provinces, an area that is now part of -the American Southwest. In late June 1846 he left Fort Leavenworth, -Kansas. Marching over the Santa Fe Trail without opposition, Kearny and -his American Dragoons arrived in Santa Fe on August 18, 1846, and -proclaimed New Mexico a part of the United States. - -When Kearny and the Army of the West marched off to Mexico, Col. -Alexander W. Doniphan was left behind with orders to invade the Navajo -country, release captives, reclaim stolen property, and either to awe or -beat the Indians into submission. In August 1846 he led the first United -States expedition against the Navajos. Maj. William Gilpin, with 200 -men, entered the Navajo country on the north and swung south to meet -Doniphan and several Navajo chiefs at Bear Springs near the town of -Grants, New Mexico, later the site of Fort Wingate. The treaty signed -there turned out to be little more than a scrap of paper. Five more -unsuccessful military expeditions were sent against the Navajos between -1846 and 1849 in vain attempts to end the Indian raids. - -In trying to contain the Navajos, the U.S. Government made the same -mistake that the Mexican and Spanish Governments did before them. They -all assumed that a single chief led the several Navajo bands. Actually, -each local Navajo group had its own leader, and time and again treaties -of "lasting peace with the Navajos" were signed by these local chiefs, -who spoke only for their own small bands and had no influence with -others. - -The U.S. Army expedition of 1849 clearly illustrated this problem. Lt. -Col. John W. Washington, military commander of New Mexico, led an -expedition to Canyon de Chelly, then considered to be the Navajo -heartland. Washington met local Navajo chiefs on the crest of a small -hill between the present Thunderbird Guest Ranch and the mouth of the -canyon. Here on Treaty Hill a treaty of "lasting peace" was signed with -the Indians. Washington had no sooner returned to Albuquerque, however, -than he learned that another Navajo band had raided a small village near -Santa Fe. - - [Illustration: Col. E. R. S. Canby led the last campaign against the - Navajos before the Civil War.] - -Regardless of treaties and punitive expeditions, Navajo depredations -continued. Late in 1851, Col. E. V. Sumner marched into the Navajo -country in still another effort to settle the problem. After a single -encounter with the Navajo in Canyon de Chelly, Sumner returned to a spot -southwest of the Chuska Mountains where he established Fort Defiance in -the autumn of 1851. Fighting broke out again in 1858, when a Negro slave -of the post commander at Fort Defiance was killed by a Navajo arrow. The -Army retaliated with an attack on a party of peaceful Navajos, and the -Indians retreated northward. - -Up to this time, U.S. Army commanders had controlled Indian policies; -the authority of the civil agents appointed by the Indian Department was -negligible. But now the civilian agents brought political pressure to -bear upon the unsuccessful Army. To soothe the politicians, the Army -drew up still another treaty with the Navajos on December 25, 1858. This -treaty was the second attempt to outline the boundaries of a proposed -Navajo reservation. Like an earlier proposal, the Meriweather Treaty of -1855, it was never ratified. - -The year 1859 was relatively peaceful, with few raids on either side. -But the next year opened with a series of Navajo raids that culminated -in a concentrated attack on Fort Defiance. Some of the old Navajos who -participated later recalled that it was a carefully planned assault at -dawn, with as many as 2,000 warriors taking part. After attacking for -two hours, the Indians were forced to withdraw. - -In the winter of 1860-61, Col. E. R. S. Canby led the last military -expedition against the Navajos before the Civil War, but his efforts -failed to bring peace. Zarcillos Largos, a great Navajo leader who had -worked for more peaceful relations with whites, was killed in an ambush -during the campaign. The Indians soon resorted to their old tactic of -dispersing, and the campaign ended with another treaty. When troops were -withdrawn from Fort Defiance in March 1861 for Civil War duty, the last -restraint was removed from both sides, and raiding began once more. For -the Spanish-Americans, it was the high point of their warfare against -the Navajos. - -The job of subjugating the recalcitrant Navajos now fell to Brig. Gen. -James H. Carleton, commander of the Department of New Mexico and a -seasoned Indian fighter with 25 years of active service. His earlier -experience in Indian affairs had convinced Carleton that establishing -reservations where the Indians could be educated would be the only way -to get them to settle down. Carleton said: - -_Soon they will acquire new habits, new ideas, new modes of life; the -old Indians will die off, and carry with them the latent longings for -murdering and robbing; the young ones will take their place without -these longings; and thus, little by little, they will become a contented -people...._ - - [Illustration: Brig. Gen. James H. Carleton defeated the Navajos and - built Fort Sumner at Bosque Redondo, the Navajo's place of exile.] - -In 1863, Carleton drew up plans for a 40-square-mile reservation at Fort -Sumner on the Pecos River in central New Mexico. He called the new -reservation Bosque Redondo, which is Spanish for circular thicket. - - [Illustration: The valiant Manuelito fought against the whites, but - without permanent success. In 1863 he was one of a number of - prominent Navajo leaders.] - - [Illustration: Capt. Albert Pfeiffer led his men down Canyon del - Muerto between these cliffs, destroying hogans and crops.] - -When the reservation was ready, Carleton ordered Col. Christopher (Kit) -Carson to take the field against the Navajos in June 1863. Carson's -force consisted of four companies of New Mexican Volunteers, two mounted -and two unmounted, and 200 Ute Indians, who were guides and scouts, -altogether a force of about 1,000 men. Their first operation was to -reoccupy and repair the abandoned Fort Defiance, which they renamed Fort -Canby in honor of General Canby. - -The Navajos were led by Barboncito of Canyon de Chelly, a spokesman for -the bands living west of the Chuska Mountains, and Manuelito, a leader -of those who dwelt east of the mountains. Many subchiefs, as usual, led -individual bands. - -Carson had orders from General Carleton to destroy all cornfields and -livestock. He sent word to the Navajos that they should surrender at -Fort Canby, and then moved into the field to persuade them. The first -skirmish took place in August near the fort. Under constant pressure -from the military through the winter of 1863, their herds being killed -and crops burned, the Navajos were soon destitute and began to surrender -in small numbers. - -The crowning blow to Navajo pride, however, was the Army's ostentatious -penetration of Canyon de Chelly, their most secure refuge. A detachment -of men under Capt. Albert Pfeiffer carried the "Navaho Fortress" in -January 1864. Entering through Canyon del Muerto, Pfeiffer guarded the -junction while Capt. A. B. Carey led a detail through the main gorge of -de Chelly, marching west to east. Captain Pfeiffer described his -progress through del Muerto: - -_My travel through the caon, for the first 12 miles, was accomplished -on the ice of the bed of the stream which courses through it.... Lt. C. -M. Hubbell, who was in charge of the rear, had a great deal of trouble -in proceeding with the pack trains, as the mules frequently broke -through the ice and tumbled down with their loads. All the Indian -prisoners taken thus far were half starved and naked. The caon has no -road except the bottom of the creek. We traveled mostly on the ice, our -animals breaking through every few minutes, and one mule split -completely open under the exhausting fatigue of the march. On the 12th -instant traveled 8 miles; had several skirmishes with the enemy. Indians -on both sides of the caon whooping, yelling and cursing, firing shots -and throwing rocks down upon my command. Killed two buck Indians in the -encounter and one squaw, who obstinately persisted in hurling rocks and -pieces of wood at the soldiers. Six prisoners were captured on this -occasion. Lieutenant Hubbell followed up some Indians in a tributary -caon, but could not overtake them on account of the steepness of the -hillsides, where nothing save an Indian or mountain goat could make -their way...._ - -This raid, which netted only about 100 prisoners, convinced the Navajos -that even though Carson was not out to destroy them, he would go -anywhere to ferret them out. They had no choice but to surrender at Fort -Canby. Shortly after the Canyon de Chelly raid some 500 Navajos, with -their flocks, straggled into the fort. By February 15, 1864, 1,500 -Navajos were being fed and clothed there, and by the first of March -about 2,400. - -The much storied "Long Walk" and exile of the Navajos began on March 6, -1864, when these 2,400 people with 30 wagons, 400 horses, and 3,000 -sheep and goats left Fort Canby for Bosque Redondo, 300 miles away in -New Mexico Territory. Only the aged, the children, and the crippled rode -in wagons--all others walked the entire distance. One old Navajo -recalled the exodus in later years, saying: - -_It was a great sight, we stretched from Fort Defiance to the Window -Rock 'haystacks' ... a distance of about 7 miles._ - -On March 14-15, a second group of about 3,000 Navajos began the foot -journey. The last large escort of Navajos to Fort Sumner was on April -24, when 1,200 persons started their "Long Walk." - - [Illustration: This old army map shows the military posts of the - 1860's. The red line traces the "Long Walk" of the defeated Navajos - to Fort Sumner at Bosque Redondo. - - High-resolution Map] - - [Illustration: Scenes of the Navajos in their place of exile at Fort - Sumner on the Pecos River. The top view shows them lined up to - receive their issue of food and clothing. - National Archives - Museum of New Mexico - National Archives] - -Not all the Navajos surrendered. Many tribesmen remained free and -continued to raid settlements. On April 9, 1864, the very day that the -Governor of New Mexico had set aside to celebrate the end of the Navajo -war, a band of Navajos stole 40 head of cattle from Laguna Pueblo, 140 -miles southwest of Canyon de Chelly. Those who surrendered endured -extreme hardship at Fort Sumner from disease, crop failure, famine, and -their sense of exile from their homeland. After 4 years, the several -thousand reservation Navajos were broken in body and spirit, while their -still-free tribesmen continued their troublesome guerrilla activities. -Carleton's experiment was judged a complete failure. - -The Government then decided that the Navajos should return to a part of -their old homeland. A new treaty signed on June 1, 1868, stated that the -tribe and the United States were at peace, and in it the Navajos pledged -to stop their raiding. In return, the Government promised the tribe -school facilities and a reservation that included Canyon de Chelly in -its total area of 3,500,000 acres. The Navajos were to stay within this -reservation. - -Twenty-nine Navajo chiefs and council members signed the treaty, and the -Navajos began leaving Fort Sumner almost immediately, slipping away -family by family. Those without horses or who had old or sick persons in -their family awaited Government transportation. On June 15, a wagon -train with a military escort carried the last Navajos from Fort Sumner -to Fort Wingate. There the tribe waited while final arrangements were -worked out. - -By November the new reservation boundaries had been surveyed and shown -to the tribe's head men, and a headquarters for the Indian agent had -been prepared at Fort Defiance. At long last the Navajos were allowed to -go home. They were now united into a single tribe with leaders, -appointed by the Indian agents, to represent them in their dealings with -the whites. But their troubles were not over. - -Only a fraction of the Navajos' sheep had survived Carson's slaughter -and the years of famine at Fort Sumner. The treaty had promised sheep -and goats to replenish the herds, but more than a year passed before any -were received. Meantime, hunger pursued the Navajos, and they had to -exist on army issue rations of beef, coffee, and flour. - -The treaty also promised that during the first 10 years--called the -Treaty Years--each family head who took up farming would receive $25 -worth of agricultural tools and supplies every 2 years to help him in -his new pursuit. It was 14 years before this promise was fulfilled, and -the tribe was badly hampered in their efforts to fill out their slender -larder through agriculture. - -During these years the Navajos eked out a living through their -traditional crafts of weaving and silver working. Blankets and wool were -beginning to find a market in the expanding settlements of the Rio -Grande Valley, at army posts, and in the Mormon settlements of Utah. In -1869, the first trading post was established on the reservation, and it -provided the tribe with a source of supplies and an outlet for their -wares. As Navajo blankets, wool, and silverwork became more important, -other traders entered the Navajo country. - -Still there was little substantial change in either the Navajo's mode of -life or their economy by the end of the Treaty Years in 1878. True, the -tribe and their flocks had increased in numbers especially after 1872, -when the U.S. Government distributed 10,000 sheep among them. The coming -of the railroad in 1881-82, however, accelerated change and growth in -the Navajos more than any other event. New techniques for making a -living, learned from working with construction crews, and new -possessions brought by the railroad, started the people toward the -modern world. - -One vexing problem that has confronted the Navajos since their days at -Fort Sumner is the lack of adequate grazing land to support an expanding -population. The reservation boundaries have been enlarged many times -over the years, but now there is no space for further expansion. Today -the tribe numbers over 120,000 members, and tribal lands cannot support -that large a population nor the uncontrolled grazing that it causes. - -The old way of life is gradually being replaced. In 1924, Congress -granted citizenship rights to all Indians in recognition of their -service during World War I when their men enlisted by the hundreds, even -though exempt from the draft. After 1923 Navajo tribal business became -less of a haphazard affair. A tribal council, made up of elected -delegates, began to handle contacts with the world beyond the -reservation. Little or no work was done to remedy undesirable conditions -on the reservation until the public works program of the 1930's, when a -good many schools and hospitals were built. During World War II, -hundreds of young Navajo men enlisted in the armed forces and other -thousands went into war work. These involvements in American society -demonstrated that an education was essential if Indians were to compete -successfully in the outer world, and so the tribal council passed a -compulsory schooling law in 1947. Many schools and hospitals were built -in the 1950's and 1960's. - - [Illustration: A Navajo weaver, 1873. Their looms have changed - little in the years since then.] - -Little by little the Navajos became acquainted with the world outside -the reservation and learned its ways and advantages. Today their -prospects for a better life are brighter. Oil, gas, coal, timber, and -uranium deposits on their lands are being developed for the benefit of -all the Navajos. Children are more eager to attend school, and many -Navajos are now leaving the reservation to put their education to work -at jobs in the larger community. The Navajo people are beginning to find -a place within the Nation. - -Despite these changes and prospects, many Navajo families are still -seminomadic camp dwellers, following old traditions. Each family's -grazing land covers about 10 to 15 square miles. Within this area they -have two or more hogans and corrals, built near suitable grass, water, -and wood. - -In winter the family moves to the foothills or mesa tops to be near a -plentiful wood supply, for winters in the Navajo country are severe. The -winter hogans, or houses, are constructed with considerable care by the -men. Brush shelters are used for cooking and camping in summer. - - [Illustration: Navajo headmen inside a summer brush shelter, 1898.] - - [Illustration: A Navajo cribbed (log-cabin) style hogan in the high - pine forest in 1908.] - - [Illustration: A modern hogan built of stone and mud-plaster with a - pane glass window, at Standing Cow Ruin.] - -Several types of hogans can be seen on the reservation today. Some -recent ones attempt to copy houses in off-reservation towns, but most -follow traditional styles. The earliest type of hogan known is the -so-called "forked-stick" hogan. This is a tipi-shaped structure made of -three poles with forked ends that interlock at the top. Spaces between -this framework are filled with smaller poles; the whole is plastered -with mud. Another style of hogan is made of cribbed logs and usually has -six or eight sides, a design made necessary by the shortness of the logs -available. Circular hogans of stone, adapted from Pueblo Indian masonry -construction, are sometimes built. The roofs on both types of hogans are -constructed of cribbed logs and appear domed rather than flat. A feature -common to every hogan is its door facing east, toward the sunrise. - - [Illustration: A Navajo forked-pole hogan, traditionally the - earliest form used by the tribe. Shaped like a tipi, it is built of - heavy logs covered with soil. - National Archives] - -Furnishings of hogans were simple and limited, but today tables, chairs, -cabinets, and beds are commonly used. Food was once cooked in a firepit -in the center of the floor, below a hole in the roof which allowed the -smoke to escape, but today it is prepared on stoves which increasingly -are butane gas or electric models. In good weather, cooking is done -outside. Iron and aluminum pots and pans have replaced homemade pottery -and baskets as kitchen utensils. - -Water is scarce over much of the reservation and must be hauled in -wagons or pickup trucks from as far away as 10 miles. Water is used -sparingly. - -The Navajos are fond of goat meat and mutton, which have almost entirely -replaced the wild game of the old diet. Canned goods from the traders' -shelves have supplanted the wild plants that used to be gathered and, in -some homes, have eliminated garden plots of corn and squash. At Fort -Sumner the Navajos learned to roast and brew coffee and to use wheat -flour. Now coffee and wheat bread are important items in their diet. - -In aboriginal times Navajo clothing was meager. Women wore an apron and -men a breechclout of buckskin. Footwear probably consisted of yucca -fiber sandals, although moccasins of animal skins were also common. -During winter, blankets of animal skins or yucca were added for warmth. - -After the Spaniards arrived in the Rio Grande Valley, the Navajos copied -Spanish costumes. This style, which prevailed until after the return -from Bosque Redondo in 1868, consisted of tightly buttoned knee-length -breeches of buckskin, worn with knitted blue stockings copied from those -of Pueblo men. A V-neck shirt was made from a small blanket or piece of -flannel and was worn outside the trousers. The shirt was held by a -leather belt heavily ornamented with silver. Moccasins and leggings of -dyed buckskin completed the men's dress. When Navajo women began loom -weaving, they copied the Pueblo woman's woven cotton dress in wool and -wore it with a woven belt. Dyed buckskin moccasins with wrap-around -leggings were their footwear. - - [Illustration: Navajo clothing of the 19th century, a pair of - moccasins and a shirt.] - - [Illustration: Shirt.] - -After Bosque Redondo, cotton clothing in Anglo-American and Mexican -styles became popular. Today Navajo men wear typical western ranch and -farm clothing: blue jeans, shirts, and broad-brimmed felt or straw hats. -The women still prefer the bright calico skirts and velveteen blouses -which they copied from the styles worn by American women in the mid-19th -century. The skirt is ankle length and voluminous, containing from 12 to -15 yards of material. Moccasins of dyed buckskin are still popular with -the women at home, but modish shoes and stockings have been adopted for -town wear. In winter, both men and women use commercially made blankets -draped over their shoulders for protection against the cold. - -Today many Navajo men take off-reservation jobs with railroads, in -lumber camps, or as migratory workers following crop harvests. Sheep -still play a major role in the family economy, and annual income is -supplemented by the sale of rugs and, sometimes, silverwork and jewelry. - -The Navajos have worn silver ornaments for many years. A 1795 Spanish -reference mentions that the Navajo captains were rarely seen without -their silver ornaments, but there is no evidence that they made them at -that time. They got most of their silver pieces by trading, and picked -up others on raids against Ute and Commanche Indians, who in turn had -obtained them from eastern Indians who were in contact with -Anglo-American or French traders. A great many silver ornaments probably -came from the Spaniards. - -Present evidence indicates that the Navajos learned silversmithing -sometime after 1850. Old silversmiths in the tribe have claimed that -Mexicans taught them the craft during the Bosque Redondo captivity, -citing their first smith, Atsidi Sani or "Old Smith," who was taught by -a Mexican blacksmith. - - [Illustration: An early Navajo silversmith named - Slim-Maker-of-Silver. - Museum of New Mexico] - - [Illustration: Ring.] - - [Illustration: Navajo silver bracelets and ring from the period - 1880-1900. - Smithsonian Institution] - - [Illustration: Recent Navajo bracelets.] - - [Illustration: A Navajo vegetal-dye rug, hand woven from hand-spun, - home-grown wool. It is representative of the Chinle style.] - - [Illustration: A Navajo wife weaving a rug in her front yard at - their home near Standing Cow Ruin.] - - [Illustration: A Navajo girl and her dogs guard the family sheep - near Big Cave.] - -By 1881 they had completely mastered the art, and began to use turquoise -in their jewelry. Commercialization of their silver-work began in 1899, -when the Fred Harvey Company first placed large orders for pieces to -sell to tourists. - -Perhaps more than anything else, the colorful rugs and silver and -turquoise jewelry produced by these people have made the name "Navajo" a -household word. The two crafts did not develop simultaneously, for -weaving is almost two centuries older than silversmithing. The Navajo -mastery of both skills is exceptional, however, and both lend themselves -readily to Navajo designs. - -The loom used in Navajo weaving is a native American device, similar to -that of the ancient Pueblo people. It has changed little over the -centuries. Men usually construct the loom and women do the weaving. - -In spite of three centuries of work by Christian missionaries, the -Navajos have clung to their native religion. Their religious leaders are -medicine men, or healers, and their rites are intended primarily to -secure and maintain good health. - -The ceremonies, called chants, sometimes last as long as 9 days. They -consist of songs, dances, the construction of sand paintings, and the -administration of herbal medicines and sweat baths. - -The Navajos, a unique people in many ways, are far from being -"vanishing" Americans. Vigorous and growing in numbers, they have only -recently begun to understand their potential. While they are making -rapid strides to join the world around them, they are keenly aware of -their own heritage and what it can contribute to the larger culture of -America. - - - - - Further Reading - - -Kluckholm, Clyde, and Dorothea Leighton. _The Navaho._ Cambridge, Mass. - 1946. - -McGregor, John C. _Southwestern Archeology._ Second Ed. Urbana, Ill. - 1965. - -Morris, Ann A. _Digging in the Southwest._ N.Y. 1934. - -Underhill, Ruth M. _The Navajos._ Norman, Okla. 1956. - -Wormington, H. M. _Prehistoric Indians of the Southwest._ Third Ed. - Denver, Colo. 1956. - - [Illustration: DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR March 3, 1849] - -_As the Nation's principal conservation agency, the Department of the -Interior has basic responsibilities for water, fish, wildlife, mineral, -land, park, and recreational resources. Indian and Territorial affairs -are other major concerns of America's "Department of Natural Resources." -The Department works to assure the wisest choice in managing all our -resources so each will make its full contribution to a better United -States--now and in the future._ - -_National Park Service_ - -_U.S. DEPARTMENT of the INTERIOR_ - - - * U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1973 O--503-170 - For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing - Office Washington, D.C. 20402. Price 80 cents, domestic postpaid; 60 - cents, GPO Bookstore - Stock Number 2405-00508 - - [Illustration: Book cover] - - - - - Transcriber's Notes - - ---This etext based on a U.S. government publication is public domain in - the United States. - ---Corrected a few palpable typos. - ---In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Canyon de Chelly, by Zorro A. 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text-indent:-1.5em; } -.fndef p.fncont, .fndef dl { margin-left:0em; text-indent:0em; } -dl.catalog dd { font-style:italic; } -dl.catalog dt { margin-top:1em; } -.author { text-align:right; margin-top:0em; margin-bottom:0em; display:block; } - -dl.biblio dt { margin-top:.6em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:justify; clear:both; } -dl.biblio dt div { display:block; float:left; margin-left:-6em; width:6em; clear:both; } -dl.biblio dt.center { margin-left:0em; text-align:center; } -dl.biblio dd { margin-top:.3em; margin-left:3em; text-align:justify; font-size:90%; } -.clear { clear:both; } -p.book { margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; } -p.review { margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; font-size:80%; } -p.pcap { margin-left:2em; margin-right:2em; text-indent:0; text-align:justify; margin-top:0; font-style:italic; } -p.pcapc { margin-left:2em; margin-right:2em; text-indent:0em; text-align:justify; font-style:italic; } -span.attr { text-align:right; display:block; font-style:normal; clear:right; } -span.pn { display:inline-block; width:4.7em; text-align:left; margin-left:0; text-indent:0; } -p.book { margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align: justify; } -</style> -</head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Canyon de Chelly, by Zorro A. Bradley - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Canyon de Chelly - The Story of its Ruins and People - -Author: Zorro A. Bradley - -Release Date: November 29, 2016 [EBook #53631] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CANYON DE CHELLY *** - - - - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, MFR and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - -</pre> - -<div id="cover" class="img"> -<img id="coverpage" src="images/cover.jpg" alt="Canyon de Chelly: The Story of its Ruins and People" width="600" height="645" /> -</div> -<div class="box"> -<h1><i>Canyon de Chelly</i></h1> -<p class="tbcenter"><span class="ss">The Story of its Ruins and People</span></p> -<p class="center"><span class="ss">by Zorro A. Bradley</span></p> -<p class="tbcenter"><span class="smaller ss">Office of Publications -<br />National Park Service -<br />U.S. Department of the Interior -<br />Washington, D.C., -<br />1973</span></p> -<p class="center smaller"><i>Library of Congress Catalog Card Number</i> 73-600078</p> -</div> -<h2 class="center">Contents</h2> -<dl class="toc"> -<dt><a href="#c1">Discovery of the Ruins</a> 3</dt> -<dt><a href="#c2">The Principal Ruins</a> 7</dt> -<dd><a href="#c3">White House</a> 7</dd> -<dd><a href="#c4">Antelope House</a> 9</dd> -<dd><a href="#c5">Standing Cow</a> 12</dd> -<dd><a href="#c6">Big Cave</a> 13</dd> -<dd><a href="#c7">Mummy Cave</a> 15</dd> -<dt><a href="#c8">The People of Canyon de Chelly</a> 17</dt> -<dd><a href="#c9">The Anasazi</a> 18</dd> -<dd><a href="#c10">The Navajos</a> 27</dd> -<dt><a href="#c11">Further Reading</a> 57</dt> -<dt><span class="left">Maps</span> <span class="jr"><a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></span></dt> -</dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_1">1</div> -<p class="tb"><i>Far up above me, a thousand feet or so, set in a great cavern in -the face of the cliff, I saw a little city of stone asleep. It was as still -as sculpture—and something like that. It all hung together, -seemed to have a kind of composition: pale little houses of stone -nestling close to one another, perched on top of each other, with -flat roofs, narrow windows, straight walls, and in the middle of -the group, a round tower....</i></p> -<p><i>In sunlight it was the colour of winter oak leaves. A fringe of -cedars grew along the edge of the cavern, like a garden. They -were the only living things. Such silence and stillness and repose—immortal -repose. That village sat looking down into the -canyon with the calmness of eternity.... I had come upon the -city of some extinct civilization, hidden away in this inaccessible -mesa for centuries, preserved in the dry air and almost perpetual -sunlight like a fly in amber, guarded by the cliffs and the river -and the desert.</i></p> -<p><span class="lr">—<i>Willa Cather</i></span></p> -<p class="tbcenter"><span class="smaller"><span class="ss">Quotation from <i>The Professor’s House</i>, 1925, by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, New York.</span></span></p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_2">2</div> -<div class="img" id="fig1"> -<img src="images/p32.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="700" /> -<p class="pcap">The righthand section -of Mummy Cave Ruin -as it was photographed -by Ben Wittick in -1882 during the James -Stevenson Survey for -the Smithsonian -Institution.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_3">3</div> -<h2 id="c1"><span class="small">Discovery of the Ruins</span></h2> -<p>Canyon de Chelly National Monument -is located in the red rock -country of northeastern Arizona’s -high plateau, near the center of -the Navajo Indian Reservation. -Included in its 131 square miles -are three spectacular canyons—Canyon -de Chelly, Canyon del -Muerto, and Monument Canyon—and -many ruins of long-deserted -villages. Perched in alcoves and -on high ledges along the sheer-walled -canyons, these villages are -evidence of man’s ability to adjust -to a difficult environment, using -bare hands, simple stone age -tools, and his own ingenuity. They -stand as enduring monuments to -the culture of the ancestors of the -present-day Pueblo Indians of the -southwestern United States.</p> -<p>The ancestors of the Navajo -Indians who now live in the shadows -of these deep canyons came -here long after the earlier peoples -had left. Originally the Navajos -did not live in the canyon, but only -passed through it on their yearly -migrations. Today some live here -permanently, and their hogans are -scattered along the sandy canyon -floor, almost hidden by the thick -growth of willows and cottonwoods -and detectable only by a column -of smoke slowly rising from a cook -fire or by the barking of dogs. -Occasionally one may catch a -glimpse of a brightly dressed -woman working around the hogan -or of black-hatted men trotting -their horses between the nearby -trading post, cornfields, or peach -orchards. A reserved and dignified -people, they still live in the tradition -of their fathers.</p> -<p>The main canyon’s name, de -Chelly, stems from the Navajo -word “Tsegi” (pronounced tsay-yih -or tsay-yhi and meaning “Rock -Canyon”), the name by which they -know the canyon network. Two -centuries of Spanish and English -usage have corrupted both the -form and pronunciation. Most people -now pronounce it “dah-SHAY” -or “d’SHAY.”</p> -<p>The first Europeans to see the -extensive ruins in Canyon de -Chelly are unknown. A Spanish -map of 1776 indicates its location, -and other documents reveal that -Spanish military expeditions sometimes -passed through the neighborhood. -In 1805, Spanish troops -entered the canyon while trying to -suppress Navajo raids. During the -period of Mexican rule (1821-46), -a number of military expeditions -against the Navajo invaded the -Canyon de Chelly region. Though -the ruins had not been described -in writing, the area was fairly well -known, and by 1846, when the -“Army of the West” brought the -<span class="pb" id="Page_4">4</span> -region under United States control, -there were many tall tales and -rumors about the wonderful cities -built in the cliffs.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig2"> -<img src="images/p33.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="506" /> -<p class="pcap">Archeological excavations in Canyon del Muerto, 1929.</p> -</div> -<p>In 1849, the New Mexico territorial -government found it necessary -to request that a U.S. Army -expedition be sent to subdue the -Navajos. Lt. J. H. Simpson of the -Topographical Engineers accompanied -the troops. His journal, -published in 1850, contained the -first detailed account of some of -the Canyon de Chelly ruins.</p> -<p>After Simpson’s visit, other -military expeditions and a few -civilian parties probably entered -the canyons. No archeological -investigations were made, however, -until 1882, when James -Stevenson surveyed the area for -the Smithsonian Institution, making -sketches, photographs, and -ground plans of 46 ruins in the two -main canyons.</p> -<p>Stevenson found two mummies -in a rock shelter ruin in the northern -canyon. Because of this find -the ruin is known as Mummy Cave, -and Stevenson gave the canyon -a Spanish name, Canyon de los -Muertos, or canyon of the dead -men. The name has since been -shortened to del Muerto.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_5">5</div> -<div class="img" id="fig3"> -<img src="images/p33a.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="863" /> -<p class="pcap">First Ruin in the lower part of Canyon de Chelly. It has 10 rooms and two kivas.</p> -</div> -<p>Later in 1882, Cosmos Mindeleff, -also from the Smithsonian and a -member of Stevenson’s party, -mapped the canyons and showed -the locations of some of the larger -ruins. Mindeleff’s monumental -architectural survey of the ruins -of Canyon de Chelly was published -in 1896, after two more visits.</p> -<p>Much of our knowledge about -material objects used by the early -Puebloan inhabitants of the canyons -comes from the work of the -late Earl H. Morris, who excavated -a number of the important cave -sites in the 1920’s. Since then a -comprehensive survey of the monument -has been carried out by -David L. De Harport for the Peabody -Museum of Harvard University, -and additional excavations -have been conducted by National -Park Service archeologists.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_6">6</div> -<div class="img" id="fig4"> -<img src="images/p34.jpg" alt="" width="695" height="760" /> -<p class="pcap">The upper and lower White House ruins were probably connected -when the ancient Indians lived there.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_7">7</div> -<h2 id="c2"><span class="small">The Principal Ruins</span></h2> -<p>Within the national monument are -perhaps 800 prehistoric and -historic Indian village sites, representing -various stages of Pueblo -and later Navajo cultural development -and spanning a period of -about 1,800 years. The most -interesting and important ruins are -described below.</p> -<h3 id="c3">WHITE HOUSE</h3> -<p>Located up the main canyon, -about 6 miles from Park Service -headquarters, White House is one -of the largest, best preserved, -and most accessible ruins in the -monument.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig5"> -<img src="images/p34a.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="433" /> -<p class="pcap">A kiva at the White House ruin, where religious and other ceremonies were held.</p> -</div> -<p>Lt. J. H. Simpson described this -ruin after his 1849 visit, calling it -Casa Blanca (White House). It is -also known by its Navajo name, -Kini-na-e-kai. Both names derive -from a conspicuous white-plastered -wall in the upper portion.</p> -<p>White House was constructed in -two sections; one stands against -the base of the cliff on the canyon -floor, and the other is in a small -cave immediately above. Mindeleff -estimated that at one time the -whole ruin contained as many as -80 rooms. Much of the lower building -has probably been washed -away by the stream nearby (a -retaining wall now helps to prevent -this), but evidence of about 60 -rooms and 4 kivas (special ceremonial -chambers) still survives.</p> -<p>Behind the back walls of the -lower ruin the smooth cliff face -rises 35 feet to the floor of the -cave above. Marks on the face -indicate that at one time the rooms -of the lower building stood several -stories high, and its roof came to -within 4 feet of the cave floor -above.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_8">8</div> -<div class="img" id="fig6"> -<img src="images/p35.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="815" /> -<p class="pcap">This map shows only the principal ruins in the canyons that are -open to visitors. Only some of these are discussed in the text. -The rock formations of these canyons eroded easily, thus producing -the steep cliffs and cave formations that provided protection -for the Anasazi.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_9">9</div> -<p>The upper ruin contains 10 -rooms and has a large room nearly -in the center of the cave. The outside -front wall of this room is 12 -feet high and still has the coating -of white gypsum clay plaster with -a decorative band of yellow clay -for which the ruin was named.</p> -<p>At the western edge of the lower -ruin are the partial remains of two -well-built kivas. One kiva used to -have holes in the floor like those -used to support looms in modern -Pueblo kivas. The other kiva shows -evidence of six layers of plaster. -Modern Zuni Indians have a ceremony -every 4 years in which they -replaster the smoke-stained kiva -interior, and this tradition may -give some idea of how long this -kiva was in use.</p> -<p>A study of the annual growth -rings of its roof timbers indicates -that most of the lower ruin was -built after A.D. 1070.</p> -<h3 id="c4">ANTELOPE HOUSE</h3> -<p>Many large ruins are located in the -narrow and twisting Canyon del -Muerto. One of the biggest is -Antelope House, some 5 miles -above del Muerto’s junction with -Canyon de Chelly. This 40- to 50-room -village was built on the -stream bank against the base of a -cliff which towers nearly 600 feet -above it.</p> -<p>Antelope House received its -name from four antelopes painted -in tan and white, about half life -size, high on the cliff nearby. -Navajo families living in the canyon -believe that these well-executed -paintings were done by -Dibe Yazhi (Little Sheep), a Navajo -artist who lived here in the -1830’s. Other figures in white paint -are probably the work of the prehistoric -inhabitants of Antelope -House.</p> -<p>Because it stands on the river -bank, Antelope House has also -eroded badly. Yet many of the -house walls still rise two and three -stories high, and the masonry -outlines of dozens of unexcavated -rubble-filled rooms and of two -kivas can still be seen.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_10">10</div> -<div class="img" id="fig7"> -<img src="images/p36.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="870" /> -<p class="pcap">Antelope House in Canyon del Muerto is -on the canyon floor under a towering, overhanging cliff.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_11">11</div> -<div class="img" id="fig8"> -<img src="images/p36a.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="515" /> -<p class="pcap">An Anasazi pictograph.</p> -</div> -<p>The famous “Burial of the -Weaver” was found in a small cliff -alcove not far from Antelope -House. The grave was against the -cliff, and a curved masonry wall -in front held back the earth. Inside -was the tightly flexed body of an -old man lying on his left side. His -hair was streaked with gray and -tied back in a bob; a billet of -wood served as a pillow. The -body’s outer wrapping was a -feather blanket made from the -breast down of golden eagles. -Under the feather cloth was a -white cotton blanket, excellently -made and appearing as clean and -new as if freshly woven; and under -the white blanket was an old gray -cotton blanket. Beneath that -blanket, lying on the mummy’s -breast, was a single ear of corn.</p> -<p>A reed mat covered the floor of -the grave, and the amount and -variety of objects laid away with -the body suggest that the individual -was highly respected in life. -A long wooden digging stick, -broken to fit into the grave, lay -across the burial bundle. Beside -this, and also broken, was a bow -so thick that only a powerful arm -could have pulled it. With the bow -was a single reed arrow with a -fire-hardened wooden point. Five -pottery jars, one broken, together -with four bowl-shaped baskets -woven from yucca leaves, were -also in the grave. These containers -were filled with cornmeal, shelled -corn, four ears of husked corn, -pinyon nuts, beans, and salt. -Tightly packed around the body -and offerings were thick skeins of -cotton yarn which measured more -than 2 miles in length. A spindle -whorl—a wooden disc on a reed -stem which probably had been -used to spin the cotton—lay on -the yarn.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig9"> -<img src="images/p36b.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="669" /> -<p class="pcap">A National Park Service archeologist -examines a storage jar found at Antelope House.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_12">12</div> -<h3 id="c5">STANDING COW</h3> -<p>This cave in Canyon del Muerto -was named for a large white and -blue pictograph of a cow, drawn -in the historic period and undoubtedly -the work of a Navajo. Not -much can be seen of this ancient -ruin, for Navajos have lived on the -site in recent times and still use -the old bins for storing corn and -the leveled areas for drying -peaches.</p> -<p>On the cliff near this ruin is an -interesting old Navajo painting of -Spanish cavalrymen.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig10"> -<img src="images/p37.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="600" /> -<p class="pcap">This blue-headed cow, painted by an early -Navajo artist on the shelter wall, gave Standing Cow Ruin its name.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig11"> -<img src="images/p37a.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="643" /> -<p class="pcap">This Navajo rock painting in Canyon del Muerto shows a -procession of soldiers. It probably records a Spanish expedition in -the 19th century.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_13">13</div> -<h3 id="c6">BIG CAVE</h3> -<p>One of the largest concentrations -of very early material at Canyon -de Chelly came from Big Cave -(Tse-Ya-Tso) in Canyon del -Muerto. Tree-ring dates ranging -from A.D. 331 to 835 indicate an -intensive occupation of the site -in Basketmaker times.</p> -<p>Several burials of interest were -found at Big Cave. One was of an -old man who had broken both legs -across the shin bones. The fractures -were set so well that only -the smallest of bumps were left.</p> -<p>The remains of 14 infants were -found in a slab-lined cist used -earlier as a storage bin. Below -the infants were the bodies of -four other children packed in an -enormous basket. None showed -any signs of violence, and it is -thought that some disease must -have swept through the cave, -killing many children in a short -time.</p> -<p>The unique “Burial of the -Hands” was discovered in another -part of Big Cave. This burial consisted -of just a pair of arms and -hands lying side by side on a bed -of grass. The elbows touched the -wall of the cave in a way that -suggested that the rest of the body -had not been removed at a later -time. Three necklaces of abalone -shell pendants were wrapped -around the wrists, and two pairs of -exceptionally fine, unworn sandals, -patterned in black and red, were -lying beside the hands, as was a -small basket half full of white -shell beads. Another basket nearly -2 feet in diameter covered the -burial. No satisfactory explanation -of this burial has ever been advanced.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig12"> -<img src="images/p37b.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="491" /> -<p class="pcap">Excavations at Big Cave in Canyon del Muerto -yielded valuable artifacts of the Basketmaker period.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_14">14</div> -<div class="img" id="fig13"> -<img src="images/p38.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="851" /> -<p class="pcap">Mummy Cave, bathed in sun with its flanking -ruins almost hidden in shadows.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_15">15</div> -<h3 id="c7">MUMMY CAVE</h3> -<div class="img" id="fig14"> -<img src="images/p38a.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="455" /> -<p class="pcap">This fretwork design decorates a kiva in Mummy Cave.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig15"> -<img src="images/p38b.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="680" /> -<p class="pcap">The central tower structure at Mummy Cave shows strong -Mesa Verde affiliations and was constructed in A.D. 1284.</p> -</div> -<p>One of the most beautifully situated -ruins in the national monument -is Mummy Cave in Canyon -del Muerto 21 miles northeast of -park headquarters. This dwelling, -the largest in the canyons, was -built in two adjacent caves about -300 feet up a talus slope from -the streambed.</p> -<p>The largest part of the structure, -about 55 rooms and 4 kivas, was -built in the eastern cave. The -western cave, with about 20 rooms, -is now accessible only by a ledge -from the east cave, although -traces of an eroded hand-and-toe -trail can be seen leading directly -from the top of the talus to the -ruin. Along the ledge connecting -the two caves are 15 rooms, including -a “tower” house; these -are the best preserved of all the -ruins here. Much original plaster -in several colors remains on inner -and outer walls throughout the -village. Especially notable is the -white clay plaster on the interior -of the third story of the tower -house and the red-painted fret -design on white plaster in the -large kiva of the east cave.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_16">16</div> -<div class="img" id="fig16"> -<img src="images/p39.jpg" alt="" width="623" height="700" /> -<p class="pcap">A Navajo family has settled below the ruins -of the ancient ones in Canyon del Muerto.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_17">17</div> -<h2 id="c8"><span class="small">The People of Canyon de Chelly</span></h2> -<p>Though the stunning sheer red -cliffs of Canyon de Chelly are -easily the national monument’s -most spectacular feature, the area -was set aside for its importance to -the study of prehistoric peoples -in the Southwest. The architecture, -tools, clothing, ceramics, and -other decorative or useful objects -found here contain a comprehensive -record of many hundreds of -years of human activity.</p> -<p>Nothing was known about the -ancient culture sheltered here -until archeologists began piecing -together the information gleaned -from Canyon de Chelly’s many -ruins and burials. Their story survived -because these people lived -in a physical environment that -posed a minimal threat to normally -fragile remains.</p> -<p>Wherever the remains of ancient -man occur in the open, building -ruins and some objects of stone, -bone, and pottery survive, but -those of wood and fiber disappear -completely. Most of what we know -about peoples from the dim past -thus comes from materials that -have been buried and protected. -For the archeologist there are few -better sources of information than -formal burials, which often contain -extensive offerings, and situations -like those at Canyon de Chelly -and Canyon del Muerto, where -sites served as dwelling places -for long periods of time and -the steady accumulation of refuse -buried layers of cultural debris.</p> -<p>The extremely arid conditions in -the caves of these canyons offered -additional protection. The climate -here is so dry that human burials -are perfectly preserved as natural -mummies or desiccated bodies -(there being no attempt at artificial -preservation by these people), -and such fragile buried objects -as baskets more than a thousand -years old are in good condition.</p> -<p>The people who lived at Canyon -de Chelly in prehistoric times are -today called the Anasazi, a Navajo -word meaning “old people.” -These people were the ancestors -of modern Pueblo Indians, and -they lived in the vicinity of northern -Arizona and New Mexico, -southwestern Colorado, and southeastern -Utah from about the beginning -of the Christian era to the -end of the 13th century. Over most -of that period they lived in these -canyons. Before they learned to -build in the cliffs they located and -constructed their houses much -differently. But the canyons always -sheltered them, and their homes, -their dead, and their debris tell us -how it was with these people from -the beginning to the end of their -time here.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_18">18</div> -<div class="img" id="fig17"> -<img src="images/p40.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="595" /> -<p class="pcap">These bone tools were used to work leather and weave baskets.</p> -</div> -<h3 id="c9">THE ANASAZI</h3> -<p>Early man, a nomadic hunter of -big-game animals, came to the -Americas from Asia over the -Bering Strait some time between -20,000 and 15,000 B.C. Thousands -of years later, after the big animals -had become extinct, larger bands -of hunters and gatherers preyed -on game animals of species still -living today. Still later, groups -began to settle in favorable areas -and to grow maize (corn), which -reached them from more complex -cultures in what is now Mexico. -From this time on, the spread and -development of prehistoric Indian -cultures in the northern Southwest -can be traced in increasing detail.</p> -<p>No one knows exactly when the -first people arrived in the Canyon -de Chelly area. But a tree-ring -date of A.D. 306 from the West -Alcove at Mummy Cave and the -accumulation of sweepings and -ashes at this site suggest that -people were living in Canyon del -Muerto at about the beginning of -the Christian era.</p> -<p>These early people were primarily -farmers rather than nomadic -hunters, although they still depended -to some extent on game -animals for food. They established -their homes in the shelter of the -many caves and alcoves in the -canyon walls, and farmed the mesa -tops and canyon bottoms. Dogs -were their only domestic animal, -and corn was their major crop -and main source of food. Squashes -(pumpkins) were grown in some -quantity, and beans were introduced -at an early time. Pinyon -nuts and acorns, sunflower seeds, -yucca and cactus fruit, and small -seeds of other wild plants were -gathered for food.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_19">19</div> -<div class="img" id="fig18"> -<img src="images/p40a.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="862" /> -<p class="pcap">This burial at Sliding Rock Ruin shows pottery, baskets, corn, -and the remains of a blanket used in the day-to-day life of the Anasazi.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_20">20</div> -<div class="img" id="fig19"> -<img src="images/p41.jpg" alt="" width="433" height="267" /> -<p class="pcap">Ring-baskets of split yucca leaves have been -in common use from about A.D. 1100 to the present.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig20"> -<img src="images/p41a.jpg" alt="" width="599" height="261" /> -<p class="pcap">This coiled basket was used for carrying burdens.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig21"> -<img src="images/p41b.jpg" alt="" width="527" height="256" /> -<p class="pcap">Indian women fastened rabbit fur to lengths of twine by twisting -them to form a rope of fur such as this one. A number of these would -then be entwined to form a blanket or a robe.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_21">21</div> -<p>The early farmers were accomplished -makers of baskets, and for -this reason archeologists commonly -call them Basketmakers. -Instead of pottery they used -baskets for many utilitarian purposes: -carrying sacks, burden -baskets, food containers, cooking -pots, water carriers, storage containers, -and even “coffins.” -Sometimes plain, often decorated, -they are the most impressive -surviving artifact of the culture -which produced them. More -baskets made by these early people -have been found in Canyon de Chelly -caves than in any other locality.</p> -<p>The caves in Canyon de Chelly -have produced no evidence of -houses built by these early farmers. -If these groups had shelters -at all, they were little more than -brush-and-pole windbreaks or -lean-tos made of poles and skins -propped against the sides of the -rock shelters. The only architectural -remains found so far are pits -lined with stone slabs and located -in deposits on the cave floors. -These pits were used to store corn -and wild plant foods.</p> -<p>Permanent dwellings apparently -were not constructed until about -A.D. 500. The first such houses of -which we have knowledge were -small and generally insubstantial -circular or squarish pits, shallowly -dug into the ground. They were -walled and roofed with brush and -dirt or mud-covered poles. Later -the people often built their houses -in deep excavations, and then the -structures became essentially -roofed pits.</p> -<p>The atlatl, or dart-thrower, and -dart constituted the early implement -for hunting and warfare. -There is no definite evidence that -the Anasazi used a bow and arrow -until the 7th century, but one find -in Canyon del Muerto suggests -that they were attacked by a group -that did use such weapons. The -evidence was found in a cave -across the canyon from Antelope -House at a typical dwelling site of -the early people. It appears that -a massacre took place inside -the cave and the remains of the -dead were scattered about -the floor until almost completely -dried or skeletonized. The bones -were then gathered up and -dumped into one of the many -storage pits that dotted the cave -floor, where the archeologists -found them. Among the artifacts -discovered with the bones was a -short, slender piece of wood, more -like the shaft of an arrow than a -dart, between the ribs and dried skin -on the left side of an old woman.</p> -<p>Little clothing was worn in these -early years. Men usually wore -sandals and a loin cloth and -women an apron like skirt. In cold -weather the only additional body -covering was a blanket woven -from strips of fur.</p> -<p>Several exceptions to this mode -of dress have been found. One -mummy recovered from the slope -in front of Mummy Cave (perhaps -of a tribal leader) was elaborately -dressed and had a great many -possessions to take with him to -the spirit world. He was wrapped -in a woven robe of rabbit fur and -<span class="pb" id="Page_22">22</span> -had a basket over his face and -one under his head. His feet were -covered with buckskin moccasins -lined with soft juniper bark. Buckskin -leggings were wrapped -around his legs from ankle to knee. -Another piece of buckskin was -wound around his waist; one end -fell like a breechclout to his -thighs, and the other end was -thrown over his shoulder like a -toga.</p> -<p>The man’s moccasins are a surprising -item, because the Anasazi -of this time usually wore well-made -sandals. These sandals were -typically woven of plant fibers with -intricate designs in several colors, -and are outstanding among the -textiles of any prehistoric people.</p> -<p>In the 5th century A.D., the -Anasazi acquired from the south -the technique of making fired -pottery, and they adopted the craft -rapidly. Ceramics was a significant -addition to the equipment which -these people needed to live in -what was at best a difficult environment. -It made the everyday -business of cooking food and storing -water much easier. During -the next several centuries the -Anasazi achieved a high degree of -skill in the art of ceramics and -produced handsome pots in a -variety of shapes, decorated both -by relief and painting. Various -styles of design were developed by -different groups.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig22"> -<img src="images/p42.jpg" alt="" width="573" height="489" /> -<p class="pcap">The Anasazi used black-on-white pottery jars at -home and also for trade with other groups.</p> -</div> -<p>Basketry, the ancient craft, survived the competition from ceramics -but became less important. Sandals, coiled bowls, plaited -yucca trays, and rush mattings were still made, but were not as -well manufactured or designed as they once had been.</p> -<p>Other changes followed the introduction of pottery, and they -profoundly altered the culture of the Anasazi. More substantial and -permanent houses were developed, the bow and arrow replaced -the dart-thrower and dart for hunting and fighting, and handles -were placed on stone axes and hammers, greatly increasing the -effectiveness of these tools. Turkeys were domesticated, and -their feathers replaced some of the fur in the blankets which -they used for clothing. New varieties of corn, squash, and -beans became known, and, more importantly, the cultivation of -cotton was introduced.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_23">23</div> -<div class="img" id="fig23"> -<img src="images/p42a.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="765" /> -<p class="pcap">Gourd-shaped black-on-white Anasazi water jar from the period A.D. 500 to 700.</p> -</div> -<p>Sometime during these years of -change the Anasazi adopted the -practice of deforming the skulls -of their children by the use of -rigid cradleboards. The cradleboards -of their direct ancestors -were webbed and lined with soft -rabbit fur, but a new conception of -beauty led them to strap newborn -infants onto flat, hard boards -which flattened the back of the -skull and broadened the forehead.</p> -<p>These characteristics of the -Anasazi developed slowly and -were well established only around -A.D. 750. Sometime after that date -they began to live above ground, -building their homes of upright -poles and mud plaster. Each family’s -room adjoined one or more -other rooms, making more and -more compact village units. In the -900’s, these pole and mud structures -gave way to masonry buildings, -some of which eventually -became two-and three-story terraced -apartment houses.</p> -<p>The ancient pithouse was not -forgotten. Its counterpart survived -in almost all of the new villages -in the form of a circular underground -room that soon lost all -resemblance to a house. Each of -the larger villages had two or -more of these underground rooms, -which undoubtedly were ceremonial -structures, serving as meeting -places for men of the various -clan societies and secret religious -brotherhoods and for the performance -of rituals. The rooms -may have functioned very much -like men’s clubhouses. Similar -ceremonial rooms of present-day -Pueblo Indians are called kivas.</p> -<p>Much of the ceremonial activity -in the ancient kivas can be inferred -from the religious practices -of modern Pueblo Indians. A large -part of their ceremonials takes -place within the privacy of the kiva -and includes praying, chanting, -and dancing. Details of costumes, -in which feathers are extensively -used, and of dance steps are important, -for the whole ceremony -is a prayer. The rituals are performed -as petitions for rain, to -insure a good harvest, or for -success in hunting.</p> -<p>In testimony to the traditions -which endure in some human societies, -a cache of bird feathers, -undoubtedly saved to make a costume -for such a ritual, was found -in Big Cave in Canyon del Muerto. -A carefully worked cylinder -of wood was filled with packets -of brightly colored feathers and -bird skins. There were dozens of -blue-green skins from mallard -ducks, and even parrot feathers -that must have come from Mexico. -Skins of a red bird, still not -identified, and bundles of hawk -and eagle down were also found -in the cylinder.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_24">24</div> -<div class="img" id="fig24"> -<img src="images/p43.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="1080" /> -<p class="pcap">The Anasazi</p> -<p class="pcapc">Few regions in North America have such spectacular archeological -sites as the Four Corners area of the Southwest. This semiarid -high plateau country, drained by the San Juan River, saw the -development and later the disappearance of an Indian culture -that archeologists call the Anasazi.</p> -<p class="pcapc">During the Great Pueblo period, the Anasazi developed three -important regional centers: Chaco Canyon, Mesa Verde, and the -Kayenta country. Their influence extended deep into the territories -of neighboring Indian groups, who followed different -agricultural traditions. By A.D. 1100, all three had become -heavily populated, and the Anasazi were building their largest -towns and fabled cliff dwellings.</p> -<p class="pcapc">The fertile Chaco valley attracted aboriginals early in the 10th -century. They first built on such sites as Pueblo Bonito, which -expanded to a village of over 800 rooms. Their pueblos on the -valley floor near the cliffs tended to be D-shaped, with central -courts closed by walls often as high as four stories.</p> -<p class="pcapc">A hundred miles to the north, on the steep-cliffed fingers -of rock of southwest Colorado, the Mesa Verdians built -pithouses, pueblos, and about 300 cliff dwellings, the largest of -which is Cliff Palace.</p> -<p class="pcapc">The decline of the Anasazi culture from its Great Pueblo -period coincided with a concentration of population at Chaco, -Mesa Verde, and Kayenta that made the people particularly -dependent on a year-round flow of water. Long years of drought -from 1270 to 1300 dried up the rivers and caused an exodus -from the San Juan River region.</p> -<p class="pcapc">First the Chaco residents dispersed southwestward to join -their cousins in the Little Colorado River area. Then the Mesa -Verdians moved to the northern Rio Grande Valley of New -Mexico. Finally, the Kayenta people, the last holdouts, gave up -and joined the population in what is now the Hopi country.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_25">25</div> -<p>Between A.D. 1000 and 1050 -the culture of the Anasazi reached -its height and became stable for -a few centuries, until about A.D. -1275-1300. Their homes were now -substantial buildings of stone -masonry, containing numerous adjoining -rooms. Their kivas followed -standard lines and were often -incorporated in the house structures, -though they were sometimes -built as separate, semisubterranean -chambers. No other abrupt -changes or new forms distinguish -this late period, which was essentially -a continuation and fulfillment -of earlier times. The large pueblos, -most of which were begun about -A.D. 1000, are the most outstanding -development of this period.</p> -<p>In Canyon de Chelly, construction -was started on White House -and Antelope House during these -years. Other important population -centers were developing simultaneously -at Mesa Verde (Mesa -Verde National Park, Colo.), where -the largest concentration of surviving -cliff dwellings is located, -and at Chaco Canyon (Chaco -Canyon National Monument, -N. Mex.), where spacious apartment -houses, one with more than -<span class="pb" id="Page_26">26</span> -800 rooms, were constructed on -the floor of the canyon. Other -villages were built in the Kayenta-Marsh -Pass area (near Navajo -National Monument, Ariz.).</p> -<p>As permanent homes gave them -social stability and well-developed -agriculture ensured adequate food, -the Anasazi had leisure and sufficient -security for greater activity -in their arts, crafts, and ceremonials. -As a consequence, trade with -other peoples seems to have -grown and flourished because it -brought in the specialized and -exotic materials needed for rituals -and pleasure. Parrots were -traded from Mexico for their plumage, -and ornamental shells from -the Gulf of California and the West -Coast found their way to Anasazi -settlements. Turquoise, jet, and -salt also became important trade -items.</p> -<p>The mode of dress changed -little. Feather-string blankets were -still commonly worn in winter. -Cotton became almost the only -fiber used for making cloth. -Sandals, which were woven from -whole yucca leaves, were crude, -compared to those of earlier -periods. But painted pottery -reached its highest development -in both variety and quality.</p> -<p>These great pueblo centers -flourished for about two centuries. -But this was a time of increasing -dryness in the Southwest, and the -end for these settlements came -during a severe drought late in the -13th century. Tree-ring data -indicate that there was not -enough moisture to produce -crops during most of the years -between 1276 and 1299. The -drought brought crop failures, and -the ensuing erosion destroyed the -fields. Hunger, decline, and migration -followed. Family after family -and group after group left their -homes in the cliffs and canyons. -Taking what few possessions they -could carry on their backs, they -drifted away in search of land with -a dependable water supply suitable -for farming.</p> -<p>The villages in Canyon de -Chelly apparently lasted longer -than most and may even have provided -a temporary haven for -refugees from other regions to the -north. The four-story tower house -at Mummy Cave might have been -built for such refugees by skilled -masons from the Mesa Verde area.</p> -<p>By 1300, however, all the great -cliff dwellings were abandoned, -and the people of the Canyon de -Chelly area had moved on to new -lands. Most of them probably -joined the tribes that were gathering -around Black Mesa to the -west, near the location of the modern -Hopi pueblos. Others may have -turned south, settling finally near -the middle of the present boundary -between Arizona and New Mexico. -Other Anasazi made their way to -the upper Rio Grande Valley -in north-central New Mexico. In -these localities the Pueblo farmers -renewed their way of life, and it -was there that Spanish explorers -found them on their first trip -through the region in 1540-42.</p> -<p>At White House and a few other -ruins there is evidence of structural -<span class="pb" id="Page_27">27</span> -additions made long after the -villages were abandoned. These -and other indications of occupation -well after 1300 probably -represent the work of Hopi Indians -who used the canyons seasonally -for agriculture, taking the harvest -back to their villages about 70 -miles to the west. Peach trees, -which the Spanish introduced to -the Hopi in the 17th century, were -evidently brought to Canyon de -Chelly in either that century or the -next, and the small orchards still -scattered through the canyons -were started. The use of the canyons -by the Hopi probably dropped -off rapidly after the Navajos appeared -in the area in the 18th -century.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig25"> -<img src="images/p44.jpg" alt="" width="690" height="500" /> -<p class="pcap">This pictograph of a soldier on horseback is taken from the Navajo -rock painting in Canyon del Muerto near Standing Cow Ruin.</p> -</div> -<h3 id="c10">THE NAVAJOS</h3> -<p>The present Indian occupants of -Canyon de Chelly are Navajos. -They are not related to the Anasazi -who built the masonry villages -now in ruins.</p> -<p>No one is certain just when the -Navajos came to this region nor -do we know exactly where they -came from. The best available -evidence now suggests that these -people and their close relatives, -the Apaches, both of whom -speak an Athapascan language, -came south along the eastern -edge of the Rocky Mountains -as a single group. They may -have reached the Southwest -between the 13th and the 16th -centuries. The earliest mention of -people who were probably Navajos -is in the Oñate documents of -1598. This account places them in -north-central New Mexico, an area -they still call their homeland but -no longer occupy.</p> -<p>The name “Navajo” has never -been adequately translated. The -first interpretation of the word -came from Father Alonso de -Benavides, a Spanish priest who -started missionary work among -the Navajos. In his “Memorial of -New Mexico,” which was presented -to the court of Spain in -1630, he stated:</p> -<p><i>But these Apache de Nabahu -[Navajo] are very great farmers for -this is what Navajo signifies ... -great planted fields....</i></p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_28">28</div> -<div class="img" id="fig26"> -<img src="images/p45.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="546" /> -<p class="pcap">The pastoral scene shows two contemporary -Navajo structures. To the left is a modern hogan, and to the right, a ramada.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_30">30</div> -<p>By 1750, the Navajos had abandoned -their homes west of the -Chama River Valley because of -pressure from the Utes to the -north. Generally they moved westward, -but a few split off to the -south. We do not know when they -first entered Canyon de Chelly, -but there is evidence at the site of -Tse-ta’a to suggest that it was -after 1700.</p> -<p>Hunters, gatherers, and farmers, -the Navajos changed their way -of life sharply when they acquired -horses and sheep from the Spanish -after the Pueblo Rebellion of 1680. -Horses made the Navajos highly -mobile and increased their ability -to raid the alluring towns along -the Rio Grande and then vanish -into mountain and canyon hideouts. -Sheep gradually changed the -basis of their economy, converting -them from hunters and raiders -to the pastoral herders they are -today.</p> -<p>After the Spanish reconquered -New Mexico in 1692, many Pueblo -families from the Rio Grande -sought sanctuary with the Navajos. -Some of these refugees were absorbed -into the tribe, and they -brought with them not only weaving, -but sheep raising, pottery and -basketry techniques, architectural -and agricultural ideas, the clan -system, and much religious lore.</p> -<p>Navajo-Spanish relations were -generally quiet after the Spanish -returned because the tribe was -preoccupied with fighting the Utes -to the north and was interested -in enlisting Spanish support or, at -least, forbearance. This comparatively -peaceful interlude came -to an end in the 1770’s because -of land disputes, and friction continued -from that time until the -1860’s.</p> -<p>In 1805, during this period of -strife, a Spanish punitive expedition -entered Canyon de Chelly, -bent on taking slaves, or servants -as the whites called them.</p> -<p>According to the Navajo -account of the episode, all the -Navajo men had gone out on an -expedition, leaving the old men, -and women, and children hidden -in a deep ledge high up the -canyon wall. Their position was -strengthened by a wall of loose -stones placed along the rim of the -ledge. As the Spanish troops, -commanded by Lt. Antonio -Narbona, passed below, an old -woman who had been a Spanish -slave could not resist scoffing at -them and thus exposed the hiding -place.</p> -<p>In a letter on January 25, 1805, -to the Governor of New Mexico, -Narbona described the action -which followed:</p> -<p><i>On the 17th of the current month -I managed to attack in Cañon -de Chelli a great number of -enemy Indians and though they -entrenched themselves in an -almost inaccessible spot, and -fortified beforehand, we succeeded -after having battled all -day long with the greatest ardor -and effort, in taking [it] the morning -after and that our arms had -the result of ninety dead warriors, -twenty-five women and children, -and as prisoners three warriors, -eight women and twenty-two -boys and girls....</i></p> -<p>Narbona reported his losses as -1 dead and 64 wounded. Massacre -Cave in Canyon del Muerto was -named for this event.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_31">31</div> -<div class="img" id="fig27"> -<img src="images/p46.jpg" alt="" width="725" height="600" /> -<p class="pcap">Massacre Cave sits high up on the west wall of -Canyon del Muerto, a short way upstream from Mummy Cave.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_32">32</div> -<p>The Navajos had been held in -partial check by Spanish bribes -and punitive expeditions, but after -Mexico won its independence -from Spain in 1821, the Navajos -returned to raiding in behalf of -all those enslaved by the Spanish. -In 1823, 1833, 1836, and 1838 the -Mexicans mounted large expeditions -against the Navajos, sometimes -sending as many as 1,500 -men after them. It was during this -period that Canyon de Chelly was -most often referred to as the -stronghold of the Navajos. Although -Mexican reprisals often -forced the Indians to take temporary -refuge north of the San -Juan River, they were too sporadic -to effectively quell the raiders, who -always came back with new attacks. -Conditions were so bad that -the Navajos boasted they let the -Mexicans live on only because -they made good shepherds for the -tribe. The taunt hardly exaggerated -their power at the time.</p> -<p>Navajo depredations had very -nearly decimated the frontier settlements -in the central Rio Grande -Valley of New Mexico when the -United States went to war with -Mexico in 1846. Col. Stephen -Watts Kearny had the task of seizing -the northern Mexican provinces, -an area that is now part of -the American Southwest. In late -June 1846 he left Fort Leavenworth, -Kansas. Marching over the Santa -Fe Trail without opposition, -Kearny and his American Dragoons -arrived in Santa Fe on August 18, -1846, and proclaimed New Mexico -a part of the United States.</p> -<p>When Kearny and the Army of -the West marched off to Mexico, -Col. Alexander W. Doniphan was -left behind with orders to invade -the Navajo country, release captives, -reclaim stolen property, and -either to awe or beat the Indians -into submission. In August 1846 -he led the first United States expedition -against the Navajos. Maj. -William Gilpin, with 200 men, entered -the Navajo country on the -north and swung south to meet -Doniphan and several Navajo -chiefs at Bear Springs near the -town of Grants, New Mexico, -later the site of Fort Wingate. The -treaty signed there turned out -to be little more than a scrap of -paper. Five more unsuccessful -military expeditions were sent -against the Navajos between 1846 -and 1849 in vain attempts to end -the Indian raids.</p> -<p>In trying to contain the Navajos, -the U.S. Government made the -same mistake that the Mexican -and Spanish Governments did -before them. They all assumed -that a single chief led the several -Navajo bands. Actually, each -local Navajo group had its own -leader, and time and again treaties -of “lasting peace with the Navajos” -were signed by these local -chiefs, who spoke only for their -own small bands and had no -influence with others.</p> -<p>The U.S. Army expedition of -1849 clearly illustrated this problem. -Lt. Col. John W. Washington, -military commander of New -Mexico, led an expedition to -Canyon de Chelly, then considered -<span class="pb" id="Page_33">33</span> -to be the Navajo heartland. -Washington met local Navajo -chiefs on the crest of a small hill -between the present Thunderbird -Guest Ranch and the mouth of the -canyon. Here on Treaty Hill a -treaty of “lasting peace” was -signed with the Indians. Washington -had no sooner returned to -Albuquerque, however, than he -learned that another Navajo band -had raided a small village near -Santa Fe.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig28"> -<img src="images/p47.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="671" /> -<p class="pcap">Col. E. R. S. Canby led the last campaign against the Navajos before the Civil War.</p> -</div> -<p>Regardless of treaties and punitive -expeditions, Navajo depredations -continued. Late in 1851, Col. -E. V. Sumner marched into the -Navajo country in still another -effort to settle the problem. After a -single encounter with the Navajo -in Canyon de Chelly, Sumner -returned to a spot southwest of -the Chuska Mountains where he -established Fort Defiance in the -autumn of 1851. Fighting broke out -again in 1858, when a Negro -slave of the post commander at -Fort Defiance was killed by a -Navajo arrow. The Army retaliated -with an attack on a party of peaceful -Navajos, and the Indians retreated -northward.</p> -<p>Up to this time, U.S. Army -commanders had controlled Indian -policies; the authority of the civil -agents appointed by the Indian -Department was negligible. But -now the civilian agents brought -political pressure to bear upon the -unsuccessful Army. To soothe -the politicians, the Army drew up -still another treaty with the -Navajos on December 25, 1858. -This treaty was the second attempt -to outline the boundaries of a -proposed Navajo reservation. -Like an earlier proposal, the -Meriweather Treaty of 1855, it -was never ratified.</p> -<p>The year 1859 was relatively -peaceful, with few raids on either -side. But the next year opened -with a series of Navajo raids that -culminated in a concentrated -attack on Fort Defiance. Some of -the old Navajos who participated -later recalled that it was a carefully -planned assault at dawn, with -as many as 2,000 warriors taking -part. After attacking for two hours, -<span class="pb" id="Page_34">34</span> -the Indians were forced to -withdraw.</p> -<p>In the winter of 1860-61, Col. -E. R. S. Canby led the last military -expedition against the Navajos -before the Civil War, but his -efforts failed to bring peace. -Zarcillos Largos, a great Navajo -leader who had worked for -more peaceful relations with -whites, was killed in an ambush -during the campaign. The Indians -soon resorted to their old tactic -of dispersing, and the campaign -ended with another treaty. When -troops were withdrawn from Fort -Defiance in March 1861 for -Civil War duty, the last restraint -was removed from both sides, -and raiding began once more. For -the Spanish-Americans, it was -the high point of their warfare -against the Navajos.</p> -<p>The job of subjugating the recalcitrant -Navajos now fell -to Brig. Gen. James H. Carleton, -commander of the Department -of New Mexico and a seasoned -Indian fighter with 25 years of -active service. His earlier experience -in Indian affairs had convinced -Carleton that establishing -reservations where the Indians -could be educated would be the -only way to get them to settle -down. Carleton said:</p> -<p><i>Soon they will acquire new -habits, new ideas, new modes of -life; the old Indians will die off, -and carry with them the latent -longings for murdering and robbing; -the young ones will take -their place without these longings; -and thus, little by little, they will -become a contented people....</i></p> -<div class="img" id="fig29"> -<img src="images/p48.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="750" /> -<p class="pcap">Brig. Gen. James H. Carleton defeated the -Navajos and built Fort Sumner at Bosque -Redondo, the Navajo’s place of exile.</p> -</div> -<p>In 1863, Carleton drew up plans -for a 40-square-mile reservation at -Fort Sumner on the Pecos River in -central New Mexico. He called the -new reservation Bosque Redondo, -which is Spanish for circular -thicket.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_35">35</div> -<div class="img" id="fig30"> -<img src="images/p48a.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="869" /> -<p class="pcap">The valiant Manuelito fought against the -whites, but without permanent success. In -1863 he was one of a number of prominent Navajo leaders.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_36">36</div> -<div class="img" id="fig31"> -<img src="images/p49.jpg" alt="" width="642" height="700" /> -<p class="pcap">Capt. Albert Pfeiffer led his men down Canyon -del Muerto between these cliffs, destroying hogans and crops.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_37">37</div> -<p>When the reservation was ready, -Carleton ordered Col. Christopher -(Kit) Carson to take the field -against the Navajos in June 1863. -Carson’s force consisted of four -companies of New Mexican Volunteers, -two mounted and two unmounted, -and 200 Ute Indians, who -were guides and scouts, altogether -a force of about 1,000 men. Their -first operation was to reoccupy -and repair the abandoned Fort -Defiance, which they renamed -Fort Canby in honor of General -Canby.</p> -<p>The Navajos were led by Barboncito -of Canyon de Chelly, a -spokesman for the bands living -west of the Chuska Mountains, -and Manuelito, a leader of those -who dwelt east of the mountains. -Many subchiefs, as usual, led -individual bands.</p> -<p>Carson had orders from General -Carleton to destroy all cornfields -and livestock. He sent word to the -Navajos that they should surrender -at Fort Canby, and then moved -into the field to persuade them. -The first skirmish took place in -August near the fort. Under constant -pressure from the military -through the winter of 1863, their -herds being killed and crops -burned, the Navajos were soon -destitute and began to surrender -in small numbers.</p> -<p>The crowning blow to Navajo -pride, however, was the Army’s -ostentatious penetration of Canyon -de Chelly, their most secure -refuge. A detachment of men -under Capt. Albert Pfeiffer carried -the “Navaho Fortress” in January -1864. Entering through Canyon del -Muerto, Pfeiffer guarded the junction -while Capt. A. B. Carey led a -detail through the main gorge of -de Chelly, marching west to east. -Captain Pfeiffer described his -progress through del Muerto:</p> -<p><i>My travel through the cañon, for -the first 12 miles, was accomplished -on the ice of the bed of -the stream which courses through -it.... Lt. C. M. Hubbell, who was -in charge of the rear, had a great -deal of trouble in proceeding with -the pack trains, as the mules frequently -broke through the ice and -tumbled down with their loads. All -the Indian prisoners taken thus -<span class="pb" id="Page_38">38</span> -far were half starved and naked. -The cañon has no road except the -bottom of the creek. We traveled -mostly on the ice, our animals -breaking through every few -minutes, and one mule split completely -open under the exhausting -fatigue of the march. On the 12th -instant traveled 8 miles; had several -skirmishes with the enemy. -Indians on both sides of the cañon -whooping, yelling and cursing, -firing shots and throwing rocks -down upon my command. Killed -two buck Indians in the encounter -and one squaw, who obstinately -persisted in hurling rocks and -pieces of wood at the soldiers. Six -prisoners were captured on this -occasion. Lieutenant Hubbell followed -up some Indians in a tributary -cañon, but could not overtake -them on account of the steepness -of the hillsides, where nothing save -an Indian or mountain goat could -make their way....</i></p> -<p>This raid, which netted only -about 100 prisoners, convinced the -Navajos that even though Carson -was not out to destroy them, -he would go anywhere to ferret -them out. They had no choice -but to surrender at Fort Canby. -Shortly after the Canyon de -Chelly raid some 500 Navajos, with -their flocks, straggled into the -fort. By February 15, 1864, 1,500 -Navajos were being fed and -clothed there, and by the first of -March about 2,400.</p> -<p>The much storied “Long Walk” -and exile of the Navajos began on -March 6, 1864, when these 2,400 -people with 30 wagons, 400 -horses, and 3,000 sheep and goats -left Fort Canby for Bosque -Redondo, 300 miles away in New -Mexico Territory. Only the aged, -the children, and the crippled rode -in wagons—all others walked the -entire distance. One old Navajo -recalled the exodus in later years, -saying:</p> -<p><i>It was a great sight, we stretched from Fort Defiance to the Window -Rock ‘haystacks’ ... a distance of about 7 miles.</i></p> -<p>On March 14-15, a second group -of about 3,000 Navajos began the -foot journey. The last large escort -of Navajos to Fort Sumner was on -April 24, when 1,200 persons -started their “Long Walk.”</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_39">39</div> -<div class="img" id="map1"> -<img src="images/map_lr.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="879" /> -<p class="pcap">This old army map shows the military posts of the 1860’s. The -red line traces the “Long Walk” of the defeated Navajos to -Fort Sumner at Bosque Redondo.</p><p class="center"><a class="ab1" href="images/map_hr.jpg">High-resolution Map</a></p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_40">40</div> -<div class="img" id="fig32"> -<img src="images/p51.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="873" /> -<p class="pcap">Scenes of the Navajos -in their place of exile -at Fort Sumner on the -Pecos River. The top -view shows them lined -up to receive their issue -of food and clothing. -<span class="attr ss smaller">National Archives</span><span class="attr ss smaller">Museum of New Mexico</span><span class="attr ss smaller">National Archives</span></p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_41">41</div> -<p>Not all the Navajos surrendered. -Many tribesmen remained free and -continued to raid settlements. -On April 9, 1864, the very day that -the Governor of New Mexico had -set aside to celebrate the end of -the Navajo war, a band of Navajos -stole 40 head of cattle from -Laguna Pueblo, 140 miles southwest -of Canyon de Chelly. Those -who surrendered endured extreme -hardship at Fort Sumner from -disease, crop failure, famine, and -their sense of exile from their -homeland. After 4 years, the several -thousand reservation Navajos -were broken in body and spirit, -while their still-free tribesmen continued -their troublesome guerrilla -activities. Carleton’s experiment -was judged a complete failure.</p> -<p>The Government then decided -that the Navajos should return to -a part of their old homeland. A -new treaty signed on June 1, 1868, -stated that the tribe and the United -States were at peace, and in it the -Navajos pledged to stop their -raiding. In return, the Government -promised the tribe school facilities -and a reservation that included -Canyon de Chelly in its total area -of 3,500,000 acres. The Navajos -were to stay within this reservation.</p> -<p>Twenty-nine Navajo chiefs and -council members signed the treaty, -and the Navajos began leaving -Fort Sumner almost immediately, -slipping away family by family. -Those without horses or who had -old or sick persons in their family -awaited Government transportation. -On June 15, a wagon train -with a military escort carried the -last Navajos from Fort Sumner to -Fort Wingate. There the tribe -waited while final arrangements -were worked out.</p> -<p>By November the new reservation -boundaries had been surveyed -and shown to the tribe’s -head men, and a headquarters for -the Indian agent had been prepared -at Fort Defiance. At long last -the Navajos were allowed to go -home. They were now united into -a single tribe with leaders, appointed -by the Indian agents, to -represent them in their dealings -with the whites. But their troubles -were not over.</p> -<p>Only a fraction of the Navajos’ -sheep had survived Carson’s -slaughter and the years of famine -at Fort Sumner. The treaty had -promised sheep and goats to replenish -the herds, but more than a -year passed before any were received. -Meantime, hunger pursued -the Navajos, and they had to exist -<span class="pb" id="Page_42">42</span> -on army issue rations of beef, -coffee, and flour.</p> -<p>The treaty also promised that -during the first 10 years—called -the Treaty Years—each family -head who took up farming would -receive $25 worth of agricultural -tools and supplies every 2 years -to help him in his new pursuit. It -was 14 years before this promise -was fulfilled, and the tribe was -badly hampered in their efforts to -fill out their slender larder through -agriculture.</p> -<p>During these years the Navajos -eked out a living through their -traditional crafts of weaving and -silver working. Blankets and wool -were beginning to find a market in -the expanding settlements of the -Rio Grande Valley, at army posts, -and in the Mormon settlements of -Utah. In 1869, the first trading post -was established on the reservation, -and it provided the tribe with -a source of supplies and an outlet -for their wares. As Navajo -blankets, wool, and silverwork became -more important, other -traders entered the Navajo country.</p> -<p>Still there was little substantial -change in either the Navajo’s -mode of life or their economy by -the end of the Treaty Years in -1878. True, the tribe and their -flocks had increased in numbers -especially after 1872, when the -U.S. Government distributed -10,000 sheep among them. The -coming of the railroad in 1881-82, -however, accelerated change and -growth in the Navajos more than -any other event. New techniques -for making a living, learned from -working with construction crews, -and new possessions brought by -the railroad, started the people -toward the modern world.</p> -<p>One vexing problem that has -confronted the Navajos since their -days at Fort Sumner is the lack of -adequate grazing land to support -an expanding population. The -reservation boundaries have been -enlarged many times over the -years, but now there is no space -for further expansion. Today the -tribe numbers over 120,000 members, -and tribal lands cannot support -that large a population nor -the uncontrolled grazing that -it causes.</p> -<p>The old way of life is gradually -being replaced. In 1924, Congress -granted citizenship rights to all -Indians in recognition of their -service during World War I when -their men enlisted by the hundreds, -even though exempt from -the draft. After 1923 Navajo tribal -business became less of a haphazard -affair. A tribal council, -<span class="pb" id="Page_43">43</span> -made up of elected delegates, began -to handle contacts with the -world beyond the reservation. -Little or no work was done to -remedy undesirable conditions on -the reservation until the public -works program of the 1930’s, when -a good many schools and hospitals -were built. During World -War II, hundreds of young Navajo -men enlisted in the armed forces -and other thousands went into war -work. These involvements in -American society demonstrated -that an education was essential if -Indians were to compete successfully -in the outer world, and so the -tribal council passed a compulsory -schooling law in 1947. Many -schools and hospitals were built -in the 1950’s and 1960’s.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig33"> -<img src="images/p52.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="827" /> -<p class="pcap">A Navajo weaver, 1873. Their looms have -changed little in the years since then.</p> -</div> -<p>Little by little the Navajos became -acquainted with the world -outside the reservation and -learned its ways and advantages. -Today their prospects for a better -life are brighter. Oil, gas, coal, -timber, and uranium deposits on -their lands are being developed -for the benefit of all the Navajos. -Children are more eager to attend -school, and many Navajos are now -leaving the reservation to put their -education to work at jobs in the -larger community. The Navajo -people are beginning to find a -place within the Nation.</p> -<p>Despite these changes and prospects, -many Navajo families are -still seminomadic camp dwellers, -following old traditions. Each -family’s grazing land covers about -10 to 15 square miles. Within this -area they have two or more -hogans and corrals, built near -suitable grass, water, and wood.</p> -<p>In winter the family moves to -the foothills or mesa tops to be -near a plentiful wood supply, for -winters in the Navajo country are -severe. The winter hogans, or -houses, are constructed with considerable -care by the men. Brush -shelters are used for cooking and -camping in summer.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_44">44</div> -<div class="img" id="fig34"> -<img src="images/p53.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="543" /> -<p class="pcap">Navajo headmen inside a summer brush shelter, 1898.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_46">46</div> -<div class="img" id="fig35"> -<img src="images/p54.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="754" /> -<p class="pcap">A Navajo cribbed (log-cabin) style hogan -in the high pine forest in 1908.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_47">47</div> -<div class="img" id="fig36"> -<img src="images/p54a.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="480" /> -<p class="pcap">A modern hogan built of stone and mud-plaster with a -pane glass window, at Standing Cow Ruin.</p> -</div> -<p>Several types of hogans can be -seen on the reservation today. -Some recent ones attempt to copy -houses in off-reservation towns, -but most follow traditional styles. -The earliest type of hogan known -is the so-called “forked-stick” -hogan. This is a tipi-shaped structure -made of three poles with -forked ends that interlock at the -top. Spaces between this framework -are filled with smaller -poles; the whole is plastered with -mud. Another style of hogan is -made of cribbed logs and usually -has six or eight sides, a design -made necessary by the shortness -of the logs available. Circular -hogans of stone, adapted from -Pueblo Indian masonry construction, -are sometimes built. The -roofs on both types of hogans -are constructed of cribbed logs -and appear domed rather than -flat. A feature common to every -hogan is its door facing east, -toward the sunrise.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig37"> -<img src="images/p54b.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="471" /> -<p class="pcap">A Navajo forked-pole -hogan, traditionally the -earliest form used by -the tribe. Shaped like a -tipi, it is built of heavy -logs covered with soil. -<span class="attr ss smaller">National Archives</span></p> -</div> -<p>Furnishings of hogans were -simple and limited, but today -tables, chairs, cabinets, and beds -are commonly used. Food was -once cooked in a firepit in the -center of the floor, below a hole -in the roof which allowed the -smoke to escape, but today it is -<span class="pb" id="Page_48">48</span> -prepared on stoves which increasingly -are butane gas or -electric models. In good weather, -cooking is done outside. Iron -and aluminum pots and pans have -replaced homemade pottery and -baskets as kitchen utensils.</p> -<p>Water is scarce over much of -the reservation and must be -hauled in wagons or pickup trucks -from as far away as 10 miles. -Water is used sparingly.</p> -<p>The Navajos are fond of goat -meat and mutton, which have -almost entirely replaced the wild -game of the old diet. Canned -goods from the traders’ shelves -have supplanted the wild -plants that used to be gathered -and, in some homes, have eliminated -garden plots of corn and -squash. At Fort Sumner the -Navajos learned to roast and brew -coffee and to use wheat flour. -Now coffee and wheat bread are -important items in their diet.</p> -<p>In aboriginal times Navajo -clothing was meager. Women wore -an apron and men a breechclout -of buckskin. Footwear probably -consisted of yucca fiber sandals, -although moccasins of animal -skins were also common. During -winter, blankets of animal skins or -yucca were added for warmth.</p> -<p>After the Spaniards arrived in -the Rio Grande Valley, the Navajos -copied Spanish costumes. This -style, which prevailed until after -the return from Bosque Redondo -in 1868, consisted of tightly -buttoned knee-length breeches of -buckskin, worn with knitted blue -stockings copied from those of -Pueblo men. A V-neck shirt was -made from a small blanket or -piece of flannel and was worn -outside the trousers. The shirt was -held by a leather belt heavily -ornamented with silver. Moccasins -and leggings of dyed buckskin -completed the men’s dress. When -Navajo women began loom weaving, -they copied the Pueblo -woman’s woven cotton dress in -wool and wore it with a woven -belt. Dyed buckskin moccasins -with wrap-around leggings were -their footwear.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig38"> -<img src="images/p55.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="401" /> -<p class="pcap">Navajo clothing of the -19th century, a pair of -moccasins and a shirt.</p> -</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/p55a.jpg" alt="Shirt." width="500" height="476" /> -</div> -<p>After Bosque Redondo, cotton -clothing in Anglo-American and -Mexican styles became popular. -<span class="pb" id="Page_49">49</span> -Today Navajo men wear typical -western ranch and farm clothing: -blue jeans, shirts, and broad-brimmed -felt or straw hats. The -women still prefer the bright calico -skirts and velveteen blouses -which they copied from the styles -worn by American women in the -mid-19th century. The skirt is ankle -length and voluminous, containing -from 12 to 15 yards of material. -Moccasins of dyed buckskin are -still popular with the women at -home, but modish shoes and -stockings have been adopted for -town wear. In winter, both men -and women use commercially -made blankets draped over their -shoulders for protection against -the cold.</p> -<p>Today many Navajo men take -off-reservation jobs with railroads, -in lumber camps, or as migratory -workers following crop harvests. -Sheep still play a major role in the -family economy, and annual income -is supplemented by the -sale of rugs and, sometimes, -silverwork and jewelry.</p> -<p>The Navajos have worn silver -ornaments for many years. A 1795 -Spanish reference mentions that -the Navajo captains were rarely -seen without their silver ornaments, -but there is no evidence -that they made them at that time. -They got most of their silver pieces -by trading, and picked up others -on raids against Ute and Commanche -Indians, who in turn had -obtained them from eastern -Indians who were in contact with -Anglo-American or French traders. -A great many silver ornaments -probably came from the Spaniards.</p> -<p>Present evidence indicates that -the Navajos learned silversmithing -sometime after 1850. Old silversmiths -in the tribe have claimed -that Mexicans taught them the -craft during the Bosque Redondo -captivity, citing their first smith, -Atsidi Sani or “Old Smith,” who -was taught by a Mexican blacksmith.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_50">50</div> -<div class="img" id="fig39"> -<img src="images/p56.jpg" alt="" width="653" height="700" /> -<p class="pcap">An early Navajo silversmith named Slim-Maker-of-Silver. -<span class="attr ss smaller">Museum of New Mexico</span></p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_51">51</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/p56a.jpg" alt="Ring." width="128" height="108" /> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig40"> -<img src="images/p56b.jpg" alt="" width="336" height="251" /> -<p class="pcap">Navajo silver bracelets and ring from the period 1880-1900. -<span class="attr ss smaller">Smithsonian Institution</span></p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig41"> -<img src="images/p56c.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="233" /> -<p class="pcap">Recent Navajo bracelets.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_52">52</div> -<div class="img" id="fig42"> -<img src="images/p57.jpg" alt="" width="503" height="799" /> -<p class="pcap">A Navajo vegetal-dye rug, hand woven from -hand-spun, home-grown wool. It is representative of the Chinle style.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_53">53</div> -<div class="img" id="fig43"> -<img src="images/p57a.jpg" alt="" width="649" height="700" /> -<p class="pcap">A Navajo wife weaving a rug in her front -yard at their home near Standing Cow Ruin.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_54">54</div> -<div class="img" id="fig44"> -<img src="images/p58.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="662" /> -<p class="pcap">A Navajo girl and her dogs guard the family -sheep near Big Cave.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_55">55</div> -<p>By 1881 they had completely -mastered the art, and began to -use turquoise in their jewelry. -Commercialization of their silver-work -began in 1899, when the Fred -Harvey Company first placed large -orders for pieces to sell to tourists.</p> -<p>Perhaps more than anything -else, the colorful rugs and silver -and turquoise jewelry produced by -these people have made the -name “Navajo” a household word. -The two crafts did not develop -simultaneously, for weaving -is almost two centuries older -than silversmithing. The Navajo -mastery of both skills is exceptional, -however, and both lend -themselves readily to Navajo -designs.</p> -<p>The loom used in Navajo -weaving is a native American -device, similar to that of the -ancient Pueblo people. It has -changed little over the centuries. -Men usually construct the loom -and women do the weaving.</p> -<p>In spite of three centuries of -work by Christian missionaries, -the Navajos have clung to their -native religion. Their religious -leaders are medicine men, or -healers, and their rites are intended -primarily to secure and -maintain good health.</p> -<p>The ceremonies, called chants, -sometimes last as long as 9 -days. They consist of songs, -dances, the construction of sand -paintings, and the administration -of herbal medicines and sweat -baths.</p> -<p>The Navajos, a unique people in -many ways, are far from being -“vanishing” Americans. Vigorous -and growing in numbers, they have -only recently begun to understand -their potential. While they are -making rapid strides to join the -world around them, they are -keenly aware of their own heritage -and what it can contribute to the -larger culture of America.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_57">57</div> -<h2 id="c11"><span class="small">Further Reading</span></h2> -<p class="book">Kluckholm, Clyde, and Dorothea Leighton. <i>The Navaho.</i> Cambridge, Mass. 1946.</p> -<p class="book">McGregor, John C. <i>Southwestern Archeology.</i> Second Ed. Urbana, Ill. 1965.</p> -<p class="book">Morris, Ann A. <i>Digging in the Southwest.</i> N.Y. 1934.</p> -<p class="book">Underhill, Ruth M. <i>The Navajos.</i> Norman, Okla. 1956.</p> -<p class="book">Wormington, H. M. <i>Prehistoric Indians of the Southwest.</i> Third Ed. Denver, Colo. 1956.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_58">58</div> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/p59.jpg" alt="DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR · March 3, 1849" width="217" height="218" /> -</div> -<p><i>As the Nation’s principal conservation agency, the Department -of the Interior has basic responsibilities for water, fish, wildlife, -mineral, land, park, and recreational resources. Indian and -Territorial affairs are other major concerns of America’s “Department -of Natural Resources.” The Department works to -assure the wisest choice in managing all our resources so each -will make its full contribution to a better United States—now -and in the future.</i></p> -<p><i>National Park Service</i></p> -<p><i>U.S. DEPARTMENT of the INTERIOR</i></p> -<p class="tbcenter"><span class="smaller"><span class="ss">★ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1973 O—503-170 -<br />For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402. Price 80 cents, domestic postpaid; 60 cents, GPO Bookstore -<br />Stock Number 2405-00508</span></span></p> -<div class="img"> -<img src="images/p60.jpg" alt="Book cover" width="1000" height="530" /> -</div> -<h2>Transcriber’s Notes</h2> -<ul> -<li>This etext based on a U.S. government publication is public domain in the United States.</li> -<li>Corrected a few palpable typos.</li> -<li>In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by _underscores_.</li> -</ul> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Canyon de Chelly, by Zorro A. 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