diff options
73 files changed, 17 insertions, 20574 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4602fd3 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #54561 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54561) diff --git a/old/54561-0.txt b/old/54561-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 0d04232..0000000 --- a/old/54561-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9705 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The Old East Indiamen, by Edward Keble Chatterton - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: The Old East Indiamen - -Author: Edward Keble Chatterton - -Release Date: April 17, 2017 [EBook #54561] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN *** - - - - -Produced by MWS, Brian Wilcox and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes: - -The spelling, punctuation and hyphenation are as the original, with the -exception of apparent typographical errors which have been corrected. - -Italic text is denoted _thus_. - -See further note at the end of the book. - - - - -THE OLD EAST -INDIAMEN - -[Illustration] - - - - -BOOKS OF TRAVEL - -_Demy 8vo. Cloth Bindings. All fully Illustrated_ - - - THROUGH UNKNOWN NIGERIA - By JOHN R. RAPHAEL. 15s. net. - - A WOMAN IN CHINA - By MARY GAUNT. 15s. net. - - LIFE IN AN INDIAN OUTPOST - By Major CASSERLY. 12s. 6d. net. - - CHINA REVOLUTIONISED - By J. S. THOMPSON. 12s. 6d. net. - - NEW ZEALAND - By Dr MAX HERZ. 12s. 6d. net. - - THE DIARY OF A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE - By STANLEY PORTAL HYATT. 12s. 6d. net. - - OFF THE MAIN TRACK - By STANLEY PORTAL HYATT. 12s. 6d. net. - - WITH THE LOST LEGION IN NEW ZEALAND - By Colonel G. HAMILTON-BROWNE (“Maori Browne”). 12s. 6d. net. - - A LOST LEGIONARY IN SOUTH AFRICA - By Colonel G. HAMILTON-BROWNE (“Maori Browne”). 12s. 6d. net. - - SIAM - By PIERRE LOTI. 7s. 6d. net. - -[Illustration: THE EAST INDIAMAN “THOMAS COUTTS,” AS SHE APPEARED IN -THE YEAR 1826. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - - - - -THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN - - -BY - -E. KEBLE CHATTERTON - -Lieutenant R.N.V.R. - - _Author of “Sailing-Ships and their Story,” - “Down Channel in the ‘Vivette,’” - “Through Holland in the ‘Vivette,’” - “Ships and Ways of Other Days,” etc._ - -_ILLUSTRATED_ - -[Illustration; Page Decoration] - - LONDON - T. WERNER LAURIE LTD. - 8 ESSEX STREET, STRAND - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER PAGE - - I. INTRODUCTION 1 - - II. THE MAGNETIC EAST 10 - - III. THE LURE OF NATIONS 18 - - IV. THE ROUTE TO THE EAST 31 - - V. THE FIRST EAST INDIA COMPANY 46 - - VI. CAPTAIN LANCASTER DISTINGUISHES HIMSELF 64 - - VII. THE BUILDING OF THE COMPANY’S SHIPS 77 - - VIII. PERILS AND ADVENTURES 91 - - IX. SHIPS AND TRADE 106 - - X. FREIGHTING THE EAST INDIAMEN 124 - - XI. EAST INDIAMEN AND THE ROYAL NAVY 138 - - XII. THE WAY THEY HAD IN THE COMPANY’S SERVICE 152 - - XIII. THE EAST INDIAMEN’S ENEMIES 166 - - XIV. SHIPS AND MEN 180 - - XV. AT SEA IN THE EAST INDIAMEN 198 - - XVI. CONDITIONS OF SERVICE 226 - - XVII. WAYS AND MEANS 248 - - XVIII. LIFE ON BOARD 265 - - XIX. THE COMPANY’S NAVAL SERVICE 281 - - XX. OFFENCE AND DEFENCE 291 - - XXI. THE “WARREN HASTINGS” AND THE “PIÉMONTAISE” 305 - - XXII. PIRATES AND FRENCH FRIGATES 316 - - XXIII. THE LAST OF THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN 329 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - The East Indiaman _Thomas Coutts_ _Frontispiece_ - FACING PAGE - The East India House 4 - - The Hon. East India Co.’s Ship _General Goddard_ with - H.M.S. _Sceptre_ and _Swallow_ capturing Dutch East - Indiamen off St Helena 12 - - The _Essex_ East Indiaman at anchor in Bombay Harbour 24 - - The East Indiaman _Kent_ 42 - - Dutch East Indiamen 54 - - The launch of the Hon. East India Co.’s Ship _Edinburgh_ 78 - - India House, the Sale Room 88 - - The Hon. East India Co.’s Ship _Bridgewater_ entering - Madras Roads 96 - - The _Halsewell_ East Indiaman 104 - - The _Seringapatam_ East Indiaman 120 - - A Barque Free-trader in the London Docks 130 - - The Press-Gang at Work 140 - - The East Indiaman _Swallow_ 182 - - Commodore Sir Nathaniel Dance 190 - - Repulse of Admiral Linois by the China Fleet under - Commodore Sir Nathaniel Dance 196 - - A view of the East India Docks in the early 19th Century 210 - - The _Thames_ East Indiaman 218 - - The _Windham_ East Indiaman sailing from St Helena 224 - - The _Jessie_ and _Eliza Jane_ in Table Bay, 1829 236 - - The _Alfred_ East Indiaman 242 - - The East Indiaman Cruiser _Panther_ in Suez Harbour 250 - - The East Indiaman _Triton_, rough sketch of stern 256 - - The East Indiaman _Earl Balcarres_ 262 - - Deck scene of the East Indiaman _Triton_ 266 - - The West Indiaman _Thetis_ 272 - - The _Kent_ East Indiaman on fire in the Bay of Biscay 276 - - The Cambria brig receiving the last boat-load from the - _Kent_ 282 - - The _Vernon_ East Indiaman 294 - - The _Sibella_ East Indiaman 306 - - The East Indiaman _Queen_ 318 - - The East Indiaman _Malabar_, built of wood in 1860 330 - - The _Blenheim_ East Indiaman 340 - - - - -PREFACE - - -The author desires to acknowledge the courtesy of Messrs T. H. Parker -Brothers of Whitcomb Street, W.C., for allowing him to reproduce the -illustrations mentioned on many of the pages of this book; as also the -P. & O. Steam Navigation Company for permission to reproduce the old -painting of the _Swallow_. - -Owing to the fact that the author is now away at sea serving under the -White Ensign, it is hoped that this may be deemed a sufficient apology -for any errata which may have been allowed to creep into the text. - - - - -THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN - - - - -CHAPTER I - -INTRODUCTION - - -In this volume I have to invite the reader to consider a special -epoch of the world’s progress, in which the sailing ship not only -revolutionised British trade but laid the foundations of, and almost -completed, that imposing structure which is to-day represented by the -Indian Empire. It is a period brimful of romance, of adventures, travel -and the exciting pursuit after wealth. It is a theme which, for all -its deeply human aspect, is one for ever dominated by a grandeur and -irresistible destiny. - -With all its failings, the East India Company still remains in history -as the most amazingly powerful trading concern which the world has ever -seen. Like many other big propositions it began in a small way: but -it acquired for us that vast continent which is the envy of all the -great powers of the world to-day. And it is important and necessary to -remember always that we owe this in the first place to the consummate -courage, patience, skill and long-suffering of that race of beings, -the intrepid seamen, who have never yet received their due from the -landsmen whom they have made rich and comfortable. - -Among the Harleian MSS. there is a delightful phrase written by a -seventeenth-century writer, in which, treating of matters that are -not immediately concerned with the present subject, he remarks very -quaintly that “the first article of an Englishman’s Politicall Creed -must be that he believeth in ye Sea etc. Without that there needeth -no general Council to pronounce him uncapable of Salvation.” This -somewhat sweeping statement none the less aptly sums up the whole -matter of our colonisation and overseas development. The entire glamour -of the Elizabethan period, marked as it unfortunately is with many -deplorable errors, is derived from the sea. With the appreciation -of what could be attained by a combination of stout ships, sturdy -seamen, navigation, seamanship, gunnery and high hopes that refused -persistently to be daunted, the most farsighted began to see that -success was for them. Honours, wealth, the founding of families that -should treasure their names in future generations, the acquisition -of fine estates and the building of large houses with luxuries that -exceeded the Tudor pattern—these were the pictures which were conjured -up in the imaginations of those who vested their fortunes and often -their lives in these ocean voyages. The call of the sea had in England -fallen mostly on deaf ears until the late sixteenth century. It is only -because there were some who listened to it, obeyed, and presently led -others to do as they had done, that the British Empire has been built -up at all. - -Our task, however, is to treat of one particular way in which that call -has influenced the minds and activities of men. We are to see how that, -if it summoned some across the Atlantic to the Spanish Main, it sent -others out to the Orient, yet always with the same object of acquiring -wealth, establishing trade with strange peoples, and incidentally -affording a fine opportunity for those of an adventurous spirit who -were unable any longer to endure the cramped and confined limitations -of the neighbourhood in which they had been born and bred. And though, -as we proceed with our story, we shall be compelled to watch the -gradual growth and the vicissitudes of the East Indian companies, yet -our object is to obtain a clear knowledge not so much of the latter -as of the ships which they employed, the manner in which they were -built, sailed, navigated and fought. When we speak of the “Old East -Indiamen” we mean of course the ships which used to carry the trade -between India and Europe. And inasmuch as this trade was, till well on -into the nineteenth century, the valuable and exclusive monopoly of -the East India Company, carefully guarded against any interlopers, our -consideration is practically that of the Company’s ships. After the -Company lost their monopoly to India, their ships still possessed the -monopoly of trading with China until the year 1833. After that date -the Company sold the last of their fleet which had made them famous as -a great commercial and political concern. In their place a number of -new private firms sprang up, who bought the old ships from the East -India Company, and even built new ones for the trade. These were very -fine craft and acted as links between England and the East for a few -years longer, reaching their greatest success between the years 1850 -and 1870. But the opening of the Suez Canal and the enterprise of -steamships sealed their fate, so that instead of the wealth which was -obtained during those few years by carrying cargoes of rich merchandise -between the East and the West, and transporting army officers, troops -and private passengers, there was little or no money to be made by -going round the Cape. Thus the last of the Indiamen sailing ships -passed away—became coal-hulks, were broken up; or, changing their name -and nationality, sailed under a Scandinavian flag. - -The East India Company rose from being a private venture of a few -enterprising merchants to become a gigantic corporation of immense -political power, with its own governors, its own cavalry, artillery -and infantry, its own navy, and yet with its trade-monopoly and its -unsurpassed “regular service” of merchantmen. The latter were the -largest, the best built, and the most powerfully armed vessels in -the world, with the exception only of some warships. They were, so -to speak, the crack liners of the day, but they were a great deal -more besides. Their officers were the finest navigators afloat, -their seamen were at times as able as any of the crews in the Royal -Navy, and in time of war the Government showed how much it coveted -them by impressing them into its service, to the great chagrin and -inconvenience of the East India Company, as we shall see later on in -our story. - -[Illustration: THE EAST INDIA HOUSE. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -From being at first a small trading concern with a handful of factors -and an occasional factory planted in the East in solitary places, the -Company progressed till it had its own civil service with its training -college in England for the cadets aspiring to be sent out to the East. -It is due to the Company not only that India is now under the British -flag, but that the wealth of our country has been largely increased -and a new outlet was found for our manufactures. The factors who went -out in the first Indiamen sailing ships sowed the seed which to-day we -now reap. The commanders of these vessels made their “plots” (charts) -and obtained by bitter experience the details which provided the first -sailing directions. They were at once explorers, traders, fighters, -surveyors. The conditions under which they voyaged were hard enough, -as we shall see: and the loss of human life was a high price at which -all this material trade-success was obtained. Notwithstanding all -the quarrels, the jealousies, the murders, the deceits, the misrule -and corruption, the bribery and extortion which stain the activities -of the East India Company, yet during its existence it raised the -condition of the natives from the lowest disorder and degradation: and -if the Company found it not easy to separate its commercial from its -political aspirations, yet the British Government in turn found it -very convenient on occasions when this corporation’s funds could be -squeezed, its men impressed; or even its ships employed for guarding -the coasts of England or transporting troops out to India. - -It is difficult to realise all that the East India Company stood for. -It comprised under its head a large shipping line with many of the -essential attributes of a ruling nation, and its merchant ships not -only opened up to our traders India, but Japan and China as well. And -bear in mind that the old East Indiamen set forth on their voyages -not with the same light hearts that their modern successors, the -steamships of the P. & O. line, begin their journey. Before the East -India Company’s ships got to their destination, they had to sail right -away round the Cape of Good Hope and then across the Indian Ocean, -having no telegraphic communication with the world, and with none of -the comforts of a modern liner—no preserved foods, no iced drinks or -anything of that sort. Any moment they were liable to be plunged into -an engagement: if not with the French or Dutch men-of-war, then with -roving privateers or well-armed pirate ships manned by some of the -most redoubtable rascals of the time, who stopped at no slaughter or -brutality. There were the perils, too, of storms, and of other forms -of shipwreck, and the almost monotonous safety of the modern liner was -a thing that did not exist. Later on we shall see in what difficulties -some of these ships became involved. It was because they were ever -expectant of a fight that they were run practically naval fashion. They -were heavily armed with guns, they had their special code of signals -for day and night, they carried their gunners, who were well drilled -and always prepared to fight: and we shall see more than one instance -where these merchant ships were far too much for a French admiral and -his squadron. - -These East Indiamen sailing ships were really wonderful for what -they did, the millions of miles over which they sailed, the millions -of pounds’ worth of goods which they carried out and home: and this -not merely for one generation, but for two and a half centuries. It -is really surprising that such a unique monopoly should have been -enjoyed for all this time, and that other ships should have been (with -the exceptions we shall presently note) kept out of this benefit. -The result was that an East Indiaman was spoken of with just as much -respect as a man-of-war. She was built regardless of cost and kept in -the best of conditions; and all the other merchantmen in the seven seas -could not rival her for strength, beauty and equipment. It was a golden -age, a glorious age: an epoch in which British seamanhood, British -shipbuilding in wood, were capable of being improved upon only by the -clipper ships that followed for a brief interval. They earned handsome -dividends for the Company, they were always full of passengers, troops -and valuable freight; and, although they were not as fine-lined as the -clipper ships, yet they made some astounding passages. They carried -crews that in number and quality would make the heart of a modern -Scandinavian skipper break with envy. The result was that they were -excellently handled and could carry on in a breeze till the last -minute, when sail could be taken in smartly with the minimum of warning. - -The country fully appreciated how invaluable was this East India -service, and certainly no merchantmen were ever so regulated and -controlled by Acts of Parliament. To-day you never hear of any merchant -skipper buying or selling his command, nor retiring after a very few -voyages with a nice little fortune for the rest of his life. But these -things occurred in the old East Indiamen, when commanders received even -knighthoods and a good income settled on them, for life, as a reward -of their gallantry. Those were indeed the palmy days of the merchant -service, and many an ill-paid mercantile officer to-day, wearied of -receiving owners’ complaints and no thanks, must regret that his lot -was not to be serving with the East India Company. - -When we consider the two important centuries and a half, during which -the East Indiamen ships were making history and trade for our country, -helping in the most important manner to build up our Indian Empire, -fighting the Portuguese, the Dutch and the French, privateers and -pirates, and generally opening up the countries of the East, it is -to me perfectly extraordinary that the history of these ships has -never yet been written. I have searched in vain in our great national -libraries—in the British Museum, the India Office, the Admiralty -and elsewhere—but I have not been able to find one volume dealing -exclusively with these craft. In an age that sees no end to the making -of books there is therefore need for a volume that should long since -have been written. Many of the story-books of our boyhood begin with -the hero leaving England in an East Indiaman: but they say little or -nothing as to how she was rigged, how she was manned, and what uniforms -her officers wore. - -I feel, then, that I may with confidence ask the reader who loves ships -for themselves, or is fascinated by history, or is specially interested -in the rise of our Indian Empire, to follow me in the following pages -while the story of these old East Indiamen is narrated. In a little -while we shall have passed entirely from the last of all surviving -ocean-going sailing ships, but during the whole of their period none -have left their mark so significantly on past and present affairs -as the old East Indiamen. I can guarantee that while pursuing this -story the reader will find much that will interest and even surprise -him: but above all will be seen triumphant the true grit and pluck -which have ever been the attributes of our national sailormen—the -determination to carry out, in spite of all costs and hardships, the -serious task imposed on them of getting the ship safely to port with -all her valuable lives, and her rich cargoes, regardless of weather, -pirates, privateers and the enemies of the nation whose flag they -flew. And this fine spirit will be found to be confined to no special -century nor to any particular ship: but rather to pervade the whole of -the East India Company’s merchant service. The days of such a monopoly -as this corporation’s trade and shipping are much more distant even -than they seem in actual years: but happily it is our proud boast, as -year after year demonstrates, that those qualities, which composed -the magnificent seamanhood of the crews of these vessels, are no less -existent and flourishing to-day in the other ships under the British -flag that venture north, south, east and west. The only main difference -is this:—Yesterday the sailor had a hundred chances, for every one -opportunity which is afforded to-day to the sons of the sea, of showing -that the grand, undying desire to do the right thing in the time of -crisis is one of the greatest assets of our nation. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE MAGNETIC EAST - - -Within human experience it is a safe maxim, that if you keep on -continuously thinking and longing for a certain object you are almost -sure, eventually, to obtain that which you desire. - -There is scarcely any better instance of this on a large scale than -the longing to find a route to India by sea, and the attainment of -this only after long years and years. As a study of perseverance it -is remarkable: but the inspiration of the whole project was to get at -the world’s great treasure-house, to find the way thereto and then -unlock its doors. For centuries there had been trade routes between -Europe and India overland. But the establishment of the Ottoman Empire -in the fifteenth century placed a barrier across these routes. This -suggested that there might possibly be—there was most probably—a route -via the sea, and this would have the advantage of an easier method of -transportation. It is very curious how throughout the ages a vague -tradition survives and lingers on from century to century, finally to -decide men’s minds on some momentous matter. It is not quite a literal -inspiration, for often enough these ancient traditions had a modicum of -truth therein contained. - -In my last book, “Ships and Ways of Other Days,” I gave an instance of -this which was remarkable enough to bear repeating. A reproduction was -given of a fourteenth-century portolano, or chart, in which the shape -of Southern Africa was seen to be extraordinarily accurate: and this, -notwithstanding that it was sketched one hundred and thirty-five years -before the Cape of Good Hope had been doubled. Some might suppose this -knowledge to have been the result of second-sight, but my suggestion -is that it was the result of an ancient tradition that the lower -part of the African continent was shaped as depicted. For there is -a well-founded belief that about the beginning of the sixth century -B.C. the Phœnicians were sent by Neco, an Egyptian king, down -the Red Sea; and that after circumnavigating the African continent they -entered the Mediterranean from the westward. - -The dim recollection of this voyage over a portion of the Indian Ocean, -coupled with other knowledge derived from the Arabian seamen, doubtless -left little hesitation in the minds of the seafaring peoples of the -Mediterranean that the sea route to India existed if indeed it could be -found. The various fruitless attempts, beginning with Vivaldi’s voyage -from Genoa in 1281, are all evidence that this belief never died. For -years nothing more successful was obtained than to get to Madeira or a -little lower down the west coast of Africa, yet almost every effort was -pushing on nearer the goal; even though that goal was still a very long -way distant. The East was exercising a magnetic influence on the minds -of men: India was bound to be discovered sooner or later, if they did -not weary of the attempt. - -Then comes on to the scene the famous Prince Henry the Navigator, who -built the first observatory of Portugal, established a naval arsenal, -gathered together at his Sagres headquarters the greatest pilots and -navigators which could be collected, founded a school of navigation and -chart-making, and then sent his trained, picked men forth to sail the -seas, explore the unknown south with the hope ultimately of reaching -the rich land of India. I have discussed this matter with such detail -in the volume already alluded to that it will be enough if I here -remark briefly that though Prince Henry died in the year 1460 without -any of his ships or men attaining India, yet less than forty years -were to elapse ere this was attained, and his was the influence which -really brought this about. We must never forget that on the historical -road to India through the long ages from the earliest times down to the -fifteenth century the name of Prince Henry the Navigator represents one -of the most important milestones. - -[Illustration: THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SHIP “GENERAL -GODDARD,” COMMANDED BY WM. TAYLOR MONEY, WITH HIS MAJESTY’S SHIP -“SCEPTRE” AND “SWALLOW,” PACKET, CAPTURING SEVEN DUTCH EAST INDIAMEN -OFF ST. HELENA, ON 14TH JUNE, 1795. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -You know so well how that thereafter, in the year 1486, the King of -Portugal sent forth two expeditions with the desire to find an eastern -route to India, and that one of these proceeded through Egypt, then -down the Red Sea, across the Arabian Sea, and finally after some -hardships reached Calicut, in the south-west of India. The other -expedition consisted of a little squadron under Bartholomew Diaz, and -although it did not get as far as India, yet it passed the Cape of -Torments without knowing it—far out to sea—and even sighted Algoa Bay. -The Cape of Torments he had called that promontory on his way back, -remembering the bad weather which he here found: but the Cape of Good -Hope his master, - -King John II., renamed it when Diaz reached home in safety. And then, -finally, the last of these efforts was fraught with success when Vasco -da Gama, in the year 1497, not only doubled the Cape of Good Hope, but -discovered Mozambique, Melinda (a little north of Mombasa), and thence -with the help of an Indian pilot crossed the ocean and reached Calicut -by sea in twenty-three days—an absolutely unprecedented achievement for -one who had sailed all the way from the Tagus. - -This was the beginning of an entirely new era in the progress of the -world, and till the crack of doom it will remain a memorable voyage, -not merely for the fact that da Gama was able to succeed where so -many others had failed, but because it unlocked the door of the East, -first to the Portuguese, and subsequently to other nations of Europe. -The twin arts of seamanship and navigation had made this possible, -and it was only because the Portuguese, most especially Prince Henry, -had believed “in ye sea” that the key had been found. As Columbus, -by believing in the sea, was enabled in looking for India to open up -the Western world, so was da Gama privileged to unlock the East. And -since the sea connotes the ship we arrive at the standpoint that it is -this long-suffering creature, fashioned by the hand of man, which has -done more for the civilisation of the world than any other of those -wonderful creations which the human mind has evolved from the things of -the earth. - -The first cargo which da Gama brought home was, so to speak, merely a -small sample of those goods which were to be obtained by the ships that -came after for generation after generation till the present day. It -showed how great and priceless were the riches of the East—spices and -perfumes, pearls and rubies, diamonds and cinnamon. The safe arrival -of these, when da Gama got back home, made a profound impression. But -it was no mere sentimental wonder, for the receipt of all these goods -repaid the cost of the entire expedition sixty-fold. From this time -forth the Portuguese were busily engaged in extracting wealth as men -get it out from a gold mine. Their ships went backwards and forwards in -their long voyages, sometimes narrowly escaping the attentions of the -Moslem pirates anxious to relieve them of their valuable cargoes. Some -Portuguese settled in India, and gradually there came into existence a -fringe of Portuguese nationality extending from the Malabar coast right -away to the Persian Gulf. Even as far as Japan was the East explored, -and the vast fortunes which were brought back ever astonished the -merchants of Europe. The first Portuguese factory was established at -Calicut in the year 1500. For about a hundred years they were able to -benefit, unrivalled, by their newly found treasure-house and to use -their best endeavours, unfettered, to empty it. - -In 1503 they erected their first fortress and strengthened their -position. In their hands was the monopoly: theirs were the great -and invaluable secrets of this amazing trade. And considering -everything—the enterprise and training of Prince Henry, the far-sighted -prudence in believing in the sea, the years and years of distressful -voyages, the final attainment of the treasure-land only after many -vicissitudes and the loss of ships and men—we cannot marvel that the -Portuguese preserved these secrets, and held on to their monopoly, -to the annoyance of the rest of civilised Europe. The fact was that -Portugal was then the sovereign of the seas: she was far too strong -afloat for any other country to think of wresting from her by force -what she had obtained only by much study, skill and perseverance. What -she had obtained she was going to hold. Those who wanted these Eastern -goods must come to Lisbon, where the mart was held: and come they did, -but they went back home envious that Portugal should enjoy this secret -monopoly, and wondering all the time how India could be reached by a -new route. - -Curiosity and envy combined have been the means of the unravelling of -many a secret. It was so now. Let us not fail to realise how greatly -these human feelings influenced many of the voyages during the next -hundred years. We justly admire the great daring of the Elizabethan -seamen, but though the spirit of adventure and the hatred of Spain -had a great deal to do with the cause of their setting forth to cross -the ocean, yet there was another reason: and this explains much that -is not otherwise quite clear. It is always fair to assume that men do -not act except at the instigation of some clear motive. They do not -persuade merchants to expend the whole of their small wealth in buying -or building ships, victualling them and providing all the necessary -inventories, without some rational cause. In the Elizabethan times, -when wealth was much rarer than it is to-day, the prime motive of these -expeditions was the pursuit of greater wealth. - -But as England was not yet as expert at sea as the Portuguese, she -could not hope to obtain the treasures of distant lands. Before she was -ready there was, however, still Spain: and the latter was determined -to do her best to obtain on her own what Portugal was enjoying. In -a word, then, many of the sixteenth-century voyages which we have -attributed, rashly, solely to a hope for adventurous exploration were -in fact animated by the desire to find some new route to India. To -this inspiration must be attributed many of those long sea journeys to -the north, the north-east and the north-west. Men did not endeavour to -find north-east or north-west passages merely for fun, but in order to -discover a road to India. No one knew that it was impossible: if the -Portuguese had been able to go one way, why should not they themselves -go by another route? Remembering this, you must think of Spain sending -Magellan to the west; of England sending Davis to the north-west; and -of Holland sending Barentsz to the north-east to find a passage to the -treasure-land of India or China. - -The Spaniards discovered a way to India through the straits which are -called after Magellan, and henceforth did their utmost to keep the -ships of other countries out of their newly found waters, until the -increase of English sea-power and the daring of our more experienced -seamen showed that this Spanish sovereignty on sea could not be -maintained by force. But still the English seamen had not yet reached -India. We must turn for a moment to the Dutch, who were destined to -become a great naval power. In the year 1580 the Spanish and Portuguese -dominions had become united under the Spanish crown, and the Dutch -were excluded from trading with Lisbon, their ships confiscated and -their owners thrown into prison. Now, one of these captains while -undergoing his imprisonment obtained from some Portuguese sailors a -good deal of information concerning the Indian Seas, so that when he -reached the Netherlands again he told the most wonderful accounts to -his countrymen. The latter were so impressed by what was related that -they decided to send an expedition to find the Indies themselves. - -Presently, then, we shall see the Dutch not merely casting longing -eyes towards India, but actually getting a footing therein, building -up a very lucrative trade and employing great, well-built craft: but -before we come to that stage we must note the gradual and persistent -way in which the countries outside the Iberian Peninsula felt their -way to this land of spices and precious stones, and after groping some -time in the dark found that which they had been searching for during -generations. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE LURE OF NATIONS - - -When once it was realised how wonderful was Portugal’s good fortune in -the East, the nations of Europe one and all desired to enjoy some of -these riches for themselves. - -Even during the time of Henry VIII. one Master Robert Thorne, a London -merchant, who had lived for a long time in Seville and had observed -with envy the enterprise of the Portuguese, declared to his English -sovereign a secret “which hitherto, as I suppose, hath beene hid”—viz. -that “with a small number of ships there may bee discovered divers -New lands and kingdoms ... to which places there is left one way to -discover, which is into the North.... For out of Spaine they have -discovered all the Indies and Seas Occidentall, and out of Portingall -all the Indies and Seas Orientall.” His idea, then, was to seek a way -to India via the north. The same Robert Thorne, writing in the year -1527 to Dr Ley, “Lord ambassadour for king Henry the eight,” concerning -“the new trade of spicery” of the East, pointed out the wealth of the -Moluccas (Malay Archipelago) abounding “with golde, Rubies, Diamondes, -Balasses, Granates, Jacincts, and other stones and pearles, as all -other lands, that are under and neere the Equinoctiall”; for just as -“our mettalls be Lead, Tinne, and iron, so theirs be gold, silver and -copper.” - -Now Master Thorne was a very shrewd investor. “In a fleete of three -shippes and a caravel,” he says, “that went from this citie armed by -the marchants of it, which departed in Aprill last past, I and my -partener have one thousand foure hundred duckets that we employed in -the sayd fleete, principally for that two English men, friends of -mine, which are somewhat learned in Cosmographie, should go in the -same shippes, to bring me certaine relation of the situation of the -countrey, and to be expert in the navigation of those seas, and there -to have informations of many other things, and advise that I desire to -know especially.” His idea was that our seamen should obtain some of -the Portuguese “cardes” (_i.e._ charts) “by which they saile,” “learne -how they understand them,” and thus, in plain language, crib some of -the Portuguese secrets. - -Thorne shows that he was no mean student of geography himself. Already -he possessed “a little Mappe or Carde of the world” and pointed out -that from Cape Verde “the coast goeth Southward to a Cape called Capo -de buona speransa” (the Portuguese name for the Cape of Good Hope). -“And by this Cape go the Portingals to their Spicerie. For from this -Cape toward the Orient, is the land of Calicut.” “The coastes of the -Sea throughout all the world I have coloured with yellow, for that -it may appeare that all is within the line coloured yellow is to be -imagined to be maine land or islands: and all without the line so -coloured to bee Sea: whereby it is easie and light to know it.” Now -Thorne had obtained this “carde” somehow by stealth: by rights he -should not have possessed it, for the Portuguese, as already mentioned, -were most anxious that their Indian secrets should not be divulged. He -therefore begs his friend not to show anyone this chart else “it may -be a cause of paine to the maker: as well for that none may make these -cardes, but certaine appointed and allowed for masters, as for that -peradventure it would not sound well to them, that a stranger should -know or discover their secretes: and would appeare worst of all, if -they understand that I write touching the short way to the spicerie by -our Seas.” - -We see, then, the determined desire to obtain the required information -about a route to India obtained from the study of the very charts -which the Portuguese made after some of their voyages, and by sending -Englishmen out in their ships sufficiently expert in cosmography to -learn all that could be known. It must not be forgotten, at the same -time, that there were also land-travellers who journeyed to India and -brought back alluring accounts of India. Cæsar Frederick, for instance, -a Venetian merchant, set forth in the year 1563 with some merchandise -bound for the East. From Venice he sailed in a vessel as far as Cyprus: -from there he took passage in a smaller craft and landed in Syria, and -then journeying to Aleppo got in touch with some Armenian and Moorish -merchants whom he accompanied to Ormuz (on the Persian Gulf), where -he found that the Portuguese had already established a factory and -strengthened it, as the English East India Company’s servants were -afterwards wont, with a fort. From Ormuz he went on to Goa and other -places in India. Already, he pointed out, the Portuguese had a fleet -or “Armada” of warships to guard their merchant craft in these parts -from attack by pirates. Proceeding thence to Cochin, at the south-west -of India, he found that the natives called all Christians coming from -the West Portuguese, whether they were Italians, Frenchmen or whatever -else: so powerful a hold had the first settlers from the Iberian -Peninsula gained on the Indians. We need not follow this traveller on -his way to Sumatra, to the Ganges and elsewhere, but it is enough to -state that the accounts which he gave to his fellow-Europeans naturally -whetted still more the appetites of the merchant traders anxious to -get in touch with India by sea. He told them how rich the East was -in pepper and ginger, nutmegs and sandalwood, aloes, pearls, rubies, -sapphires, diamonds. It was a magnificent opportunity for an honest -merchant to find wealth. “Now to finish that which I have begunne to -write, I say that those parts of the Indies are very good, because that -a man that hath little shall make a very great deale thereof: alwayes -they must governe themselves that they be taken for honest men.” - -When Magellan set forth from Seville to find a new route to India he -had gone via the straits which now bear his name, and then striking -north-west across the wide Pacific had arrived at the Philippine -Islands, where he was killed. But his ships proceeded thence to the -Moluccas, and one of his little squadron of five actually arrived back -at Seville, having thus encircled the globe. Englishmen, however, were -so determined that there was a nearer route than this that, in the year -1582, the Indian frenzy which enthralled our countrymen culminated -in the voyage of Edward Fenton that set forth bound for Asia. This -expedition consisted of four ships. It was customary in those days to -speak of the Commodore or Admiral of the expedition as the “Generall,” -thus indicating, by the way, that not yet had the English navy got -away from the influence of the land army. The flagship was spoken of -as the “Admirall.” These four ships, then, consisted, firstly, of the -_Leicester_, the “Admirall” of the squadron. She was a vessel of 400 -tons, her “generall” being Captain Edward Fenton, with William Hawkins -(the younger) as “Lieutenant General,” or second in command of the -expedition, the master of the ship being Christopher Hall. The second -ship was the _Edward Bonaventure_, a well-known sixteenth-century craft -of 300 tons, which was commanded by Captain Luke Ward, and the master -was Thomas Perrie. The third ship was the _Francis_, a little craft of -only 40 tons, whose captain was John Drake and her master was William -Markham. The fourth was the _Elizabeth_, of 50 tons; captain, Thomas -Skevington, and master, Ralph Crane. - -Before we proceed any further it may be as well to explain a point -that might otherwise cause confusion. In the ships of that time the -captain was in supreme command, but he was not necessarily a seaman -or navigator. He was the leader of the ship or expedition, but he -was not a specialist in the arts of the sea. As we know from Monson, -Elizabethan captains “were gentlemen of worth and means, maintaining -there diet at their own charge.” “The Captaines charge,” says the -famous Elizabethan Captain John Smith, the first president of Virginia, -“is to commaund all, and tell the Maister to what port he will go, or -to what height” (_i.e._ latitude). In a fight he is “to giue direction -for the managing thereof, and the Maister is to see to the cunning -[of] the ship, and trimming the sailes.” The master is also, with his -mate, “to direct the course, commaund all the saylors, for steering, -trimming, and sayling the ship”: and the pilot is he who, “when they -make land, doth take the charge of the ship till he bring her to -harbour.” And, finally, not to weary the reader too much, there is just -one other word which is often used in these expeditions that we may -explain. The “cape-merchant” was the man who had shipped on board to -look after the cargo of merchandise carried in the hold. - -On the 1st of April 1582 the _Edward Bonaventure_ started from -Blackwall in the Thames, and on the nineteenth of the same month -arrived off Netley, in Southampton Water, where the _Leicester_ was -found waiting. On 1st May the four weighed anchor, but did not get -clear of the land till the end of the month, “partly of businesse, and -partly of contrary windes.” The complement of these ships numbered -a couple of hundred, including the gentlemen adventurers with their -servants, the factors (who were to open up trade), and the chaplains. -In selecting crews, as many seamen as possible were obtained, but -by this time these were not at all numerous in England: and even -then great care had to be taken to avoid shipping “any disordered or -mutinous person.” - -The instructions given to Captain Fenton are so illustrative of these -rules then so essential for the good government of overseas expeditions -that it will not be out of place to notice them with some detail. -As for the “Generall,” “if it should please God to take him away,” a -number of names were “secretly set down to succeede in his place one -after the other.” These names were inscribed on parchment and then -sealed up in balls of wax with the Queen’s signet. They were then -placed in two coffers, which were locked with three separate locks, -one key being kept in the custody of the captain of the _Edward -Bonaventure_, the second in the care of the _Leicester’s_ captain, and -the third in the keeping of Master Maddox, the chaplain. If the general -were to die, these coffers were to be opened and the party named -therein to succeed him. - -Fenton’s instructions were to use all possible diligence to leave -Southampton with his ships before the end of April, and then make for -the Cape of Good Hope and so to the Moluccas. After leaving the English -coast the general was to have special regard “so to order your course, -as that your ships and vessels lose not one another, but keep companie -together.” But lest by tempest or other cause the squadron should get -separated, the captains and masters were to be advised previously of -rendezvous, “wherein you will stay certaine dayes.” And every ship -which reached her rendezvous and then passed on without knowing what -had become of the other ships, was to “leave upon every promontorie -or cape a token to stand in sight, with a writing lapped in leade to -declare the day of their passage.” They were not to take anything -from the Queen’s friends or allies, or any Christians, without paying -therefor: and in all transactions they were to deal like good and -honest merchants, “ware for ware.” - -[Illustration: THE “ESSEX,” EAST INDIAMAN, AS SHE APPEARED WHEN -REFITTED AND AT ANCHOR IN BOMBAY HARBOUR. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -With a view to inaugurating a future trade they were if possible to -bring home one or two of the natives, leaving behind some Englishmen -as pledges, and in order to learn the language of the country. No -person was to keep for his private use any precious stone or metal: -otherwise he was to lose “all the recompense he is to have for his -service in this voyage by share or otherwise.” A just account was to -be kept of the merchandise taken out from England and what was brought -home subsequently. And there is a strict order given which shows how -slavishly the Portuguese example of secrecy was being copied. “You -shall give straight order to restraine, that none shall make any charts -or descriptions of the sayd voyage, but such as shall bee deputed by -you the Generall, which sayd charts and descriptions, wee thinke meete -that you the Generall shall take into your hands at your returne to -this our coast of England, leaving with them no copie, and to present -them unto us at your returne: the like to be done if they finde any -charts or maps in those countreys.” - -At the conclusion of the expedition the ships were to make for the -Thames, and no one was to land any goods until the Lords of the Council -had been informed of the ships’ arrival. As to the routine on board, -Fenton was instructed to set down in writing the rules to be kept by -the crew, so that in no case could ignorance be pleaded as excuse for -delinquency. “And to the end God may blesse this voyage with happie -and prosperous successe, you shall have an especiall care to see that -reverence and respect bee had to the Ministers appointed to accompanie -you in this voyage, as appertaineth to their place and calling, and -to see such good order as by them shall be set downe for reformation -of life and maners, duely obeyed and perfourmed, by causing the -transgressours and contemners of the same to be severely punished, and -the Ministers to remoove sometime from one vessell to another.” - -But notwithstanding all these precautions this voyage was not the -success which had been hoped for. After reaching the west coast of -Africa and then stretching across to Brazil, where they watered ships, -did some caulking, “scraped off the wormes” from the hulls, and learnt -that the Spanish fleet were in the neighbourhood of the Magellan -Straits, they determined to return to England. This they accordingly -did. Before leaving England they had been instructed not to pass by -these straits either going or returning, “except upon great occasion -incident” with the consent of at least four of Fenton’s assistants. But -a conference had decided that it were best to make for Brazil. And then -the news which they received there of the Spanish fleet convinced them -that it were futile to attempt to get to India that way. - -But as the Italian whom we mentioned just now got to India by the -overland route, so an Englishman named Ralph Fitch, a London merchant, -being desirous to see the Orient, reached Goa in India via Syria and -Ormuz. He set sail from Gravesend on 13th February 1582, left Falmouth -on 11th March, and then never put in anywhere till the ship landed him -at Tripoli in Syria on the following 30th April. After being absent -from home nine years, Fitch came back in an English ship to London in -April 1591. The reports which he brought were similar to the Italian’s -verdict. India was rich in pepper, ginger, cloves, nutmegs, sandalwood, -camphor, amber, sapphires, rubies, diamonds, pearls, and so on. There -was not the slightest doubt that it was the country to trade with. But, -as yet, no English ship had found the way thither. - -During the years 1585-1587 John Davis tried to find a way thither by -the North-West Passage. Davis had a fine reputation as “a man very well -grounded in the principles of the Arte of Navigation,” but none the -less his efforts were unavailing. In 1588 the coming of the expected -Armada turned the energies of the English seamen into another channel. -But already, in the year 1586, Thomas Candish had set out from Plymouth -with the _Desire_, 120 tons, the _Content_ of 60 tons and the _Hugh -Gallant_ of 40 tons, victualled for two years and well found at his own -expense. Journeying via Sierra Leone, Brazil and the Magellan Straits, -he reached the Pacifice and China, and after touching at the Philippine -Islands passed through the Straits of Java. From Java he crossed the -ocean to the Cape of Good Hope, was able to correct the errors in -the Portuguese sea “carts,” and in September 1588 reached Plymouth -once more, having learnt from a Flemish craft bound from Lisbon that -the Spanish Armada had been defeated, “to the singular rejoycing and -comfort of us all.”[A] - -The value of this voyage round the world was, from a navigator’s -point of view, of inestimable advantage. For the benefit of those -English navigators who were, a few years later, to begin the ceaseless -voyages backwards and forwards round the Cape of Good Hope, between -England and India, Candish made the most elaborate notes and sailing -directions, giving the latitudes (or, as the Elizabethans called them, -“the heights”) of most of the places passed or visited. Very elaborate -soundings were taken and recorded, giving the depth in fathoms and -the nature of the sea-bed, wherever they went round the world, if the -depth was not too great. In addition, he gave the courses from place to -place, the distances, where to anchor, what dangers to avoid, providing -warning of any difficult straits or channels, the variation of the -compass at different places, the direction of the wind from certain -dates to certain dates, and so on. But this, valuable as it undoubtedly -was in many ways, did not exhaust the utility of the voyage. From -China, whither the ships of the East India Company some years later -were to trade, “I have brought such intelligence,” he wrote on his -return to the Lord Chamberlain, “as hath not bene heard of in these -parts. The stateliness and riches of which countrey I feare to make -report of, least I should not be credited: for if I had not knowen -sufficiently the incomparable wealth of that countrey, I should have -bene as incredulous thereof, as others will be that have not had the -like experience.” - -And he showed in still further detail the fine opportunity which -existed in the East and awaited only the coming of the English -merchant. “I sailed along the Ilands of the Malucos, where among some -of the heathen people I was well intreated, where our countrey men may -have trade as freely as the Portugals if they will themselves.” - -It is not therefore surprising that in the following year the English -merchants began to stir themselves afresh. The East was calling -loudly: and with the information brought back by Candish and some -other knowledge, gained in a totally different manner, the time was -now ripe for an expedition to succeed. For in the year 1587 Drake had -left Plymouth, sailed across the Bay of Biscay, arrived at Cadiz Roads, -where he did considerable harm to Spanish shipping, spoiled Philip’s -plans for invading England that year, and then set a course for the -Azores. It was not long before he sighted a big, tall ship, which was -none other than the great carack, _San Felipe_, belonging to the King -of Spain himself, whose name in fact she bore. This vessel was now -homeward-bound from the East Indies and full of a rich cargo. Drake -made it his duty to capture her in spite of her size, and very soon she -was his and on her way to Plymouth. - -Now the most wonderful feature of this incident was, historically, -not the daring of Drake nor the value of the ship and cargo. The -latter combined were found to be worth £114,000 in Elizabethan money, -or in modern coinage about a million pounds sterling. But the most -valuable of all were the ship’s papers found aboard, which disclosed -the long-kept secrets of the East Indian trade. Therefore, this fact, -taken in conjunction with the arrival of Candish the year following, -and the wonderful incentive to English sea-daring given by the victory -over the Spanish Armada—the fleet of the very nation whose ships had -kept the English out of India—will prepare the reader for the memorial -which the English merchants made to Queen Elizabeth, setting forth the -great benefits which would arise through a direct trade with India. -They therefore prayed for a royal licence to send three ships thither. -But Elizabeth was a procrastinating, uncertain woman. She had in that -expedition of Drake in 1587 first given her permission and then had -sent a messenger post haste all the way to Plymouth countermanding -these orders. Luckily for the country, Drake had already got so far out -to sea that it was impossible to deliver the message: and it was a good -thing there was no such thing as wireless telegraphy in Elizabeth’s -time. - -So, in regard to these petitioning merchants, first she would and then -she wouldn’t, and she kept the matter hanging indecisively until a few -months before April 1591. By that time the necessary capital had been -raised and the final preparations made, so that on the tenth of that -month “three tall ships,” named respectively the _Penelope_ (which was -the “Admirall”), the _Marchant Royall_ (which was the “Vice-Admirall”) -and the _Edward Bonaventure_ “Rear-Admirall”) were able to let loose -their canvas and sailed out of Plymouth Sound. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[A] Drake of course had previously encircled the globe in a voyage of -twenty-six months, having set forth from Plymouth in 1577, though his -was even more of a buccaneering expedition than that of Candish. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE ROUTE TO THE EAST - - -I want in this chapter to call your attention to a very gallant English -captain named James Lancaster, whose grit and endurance in the time of -hard things, whose self-effacing loyalty to duty, show that there were -giants afloat in those days in the ships which were to voyage to the -East. - -The account of the first of these voyages I have taken from Hakluyt, -who in turn had obtained it by word of mouth from a man named Edmund -Barker, of Ipswich. Hakluyt was known for his love of associating with -seamen and obtaining from them first-hand accounts of their experiences -afloat. And inasmuch as Barker is described as Lancaster’s lieutenant -on the voyage, and the account was witnessed by James Lancaster’s -signature, we may rely on the facts being true. Hakluyt was of course -very closely connected with the subject of our inquiry. When the East -India Company was started he was appointed its first historiographer, -a post for which he was eminently fitted. He lectured on the subject -of voyaging to the Orient, he made the maps and journals which came -back in these ships useful to subsequent navigators and of the greatest -interest to merchants and others. And when he died his work was in -part carried on by Samuel Purchas of _Pilgrimes_ fame. The second of -these voyages, in which Lancaster again triumphs over what many would -call sheer bad luck, has been taken from a letter which was sent to -the East India Company by one of its servants, and is preserved in the -archives of the India Office and will be dealt with in the following -chapter. But for the present we will confine our attention to the -voyage of those three ships mentioned at the end of the last chapter. - -After leaving Devonshire the _Penelope_, _Marchant Royall_ and _Edward -Bonaventure_ arrived at the Canary Isles in a fortnight, having the -advantage of a fair north-east wind. Before reaching the Equator -they were able to capture a Portuguese caravel bound from Lisbon for -Brazil with a cargo of Portuguese merchandise consisting of 60 tuns of -wine, 1200 jars of oil, about 100 jars of olives and other produce. -This came as a veritable good fortune to the English ships, for the -latter’s crews had already begun to be afflicted with bad health. “We -had two men died before wee passed the line, and divers sicke, which -tooke their sicknesse in those hote climates: for they be wonderful -unholesome from 8 degrees of Northerly latitude unto the line, at that -time of the yeere: for we had nothing but Ternados, with such thunder, -lightning, and raine, that we could not keep our men drie 3 houres -together, which was an occasion of the infection among them, and their -eating of salt victuals, with lacke of clothes to shift them.” After -crossing the Equator they had for a long time an east-south-east wind, -which carried them to within a hundred leagues of the coast of Brazil, -and then getting a northerly wind they were able to make for the Cape -of Good Hope, which they sighted on 28th July. For three days they -stood off and on with a contrary wind, unable to weather it. They had -had a long voyage, and the health of the crew in those leaky, stinking -ships had become bad. They therefore made for Table Bay, or, as it was -then called, Saldanha, where they anchored on 1st August. - -The men were able to go ashore and obtain exercise after being cramped -for so many weeks afloat, and found the land inhabited by black -savages, “very brutish.” They obtained fresh food by shooting fowl, -though “there was no fish but muskles and other shel-fish, which we -gathered on the rockes.” Later on a number of seals and penguins were -killed and taken on board, and eventually, thanks to negro assistance, -cattle and sheep were obtained by bartering. But when the time came -to start off for the rest of the voyage it was very clear that the -squadron, owing to the loss by sickness, was deficient in able-bodied -men. It was therefore “thought good rather to proceed with two ships -wel manned, then with three evill manned: for here wee had of sound -and whole men but 198.” It was deemed best to send home the _Marchant -Royall_ with fifty men, many of whom were pretty well recovered from -the devastating disease of scurvy. The extraordinary feature of the -voyage was that the sailors suffered from this disease more than the -soldiers. “Our souldiers which have not bene used to the Sea, have -best held out, but our mariners dropt away, which (in my judgement) -proceedeth of their evill diet at home.” - -So the other two ships proceeded on their way towards India: but not -long after rounding the Cape of Good Hope they encountered “a mighty -storme and extreeme gusts of wind” off Cape Corrientes, during which -the _Edward Bonaventure_ lost sight of the _Penelope_. The latter, in -fact, was never seen again, and there is no doubt that she foundered -with all hands. The _Edward_, however, pluckily kept on, though four -days later “we had a terrible clap of thunder, which slew foure of our -men outright, their necks being wrung in sonder without speaking any -word, and of 94 men there was not one untouched, whereof some were -stricken blind, others were bruised in their legs and armes, and others -in their brests, so that they voided blood two days after, others -were drawn out at length as though they had bene racked. But (God be -thanked) they all recovered saving onely the foure which were slaine -out right.” The same electric storm had wrecked the mainmast “from -the head to the decke” and “some of the spikes that were ten inches -into the timber were melted with the extreme heate thereof.” Truly -Lancaster’s command was a very trying one. What with a scurvy crew, an -unhandy ship, now partially disabled, and both hurricanes and electric -storms, there was all the trouble to break the spirit of many a man. -Still, he held determinedly on his way whither he was bound. - -But his troubles were now very nearly ended in one big disaster. After -having proceeded along the south-east coast of Africa, and steering in -a north-easterly direction, the ship was wallowing along her course -over the sea when a dramatic incident occurred. It was night, and while -some were below sleeping, one of the men on deck, peering through -the moonlight, saw ahead what he took for breakers. He called the -attention of his companions and inquired what it was, and they readily -answered that it was the sea breaking on the shoals. It was the “Iland -of S. Laurence.” “Whereupon in very good time we cast about to avoyd -the danger which we were like to have incurred.” But it had been a -close shave, and though Lancaster was to endure many other grievous -hardships before his days were ended, yet but for the light of the -kindly moon his ship, his crew and his own life would almost certainly -have been lost that night. - -But this was presently to be succeeded by the luck of falling in with -three or four Arab craft, which were taken, their cargo of ducks -and hens being very acceptable. They watered the ship at the Comoro -Islands; a Portuguese boy, whom they had taken when the Arab craft were -captured, being a useful acquisition as interpreter. But the master of -the _Edward Bonaventure_, having gone ashore with thirty of his men to -obtain a still further amount of fresh water, was treacherously taken -and sixteen of his company slain. It was just one further source of -discomfort for Lancaster now to have lost his ship’s master and more -of his crew. So thence, “with heavie hearts,” the _Edward_ sailed for -Zanzibar, where they learnt that the Portuguese had already warned the -natives of the character of Englishmen, in making out that the latter -were “cruell people and men-eaters, and willed them if they loved -safetie in no case to come neere us. Which they did onely to cut us off -from all knowledge of the state and traffique of the countrey.” - -The jealousy of the Portuguese was certainly very great: they were -annoyed, and only naturally, that another nation should presume to -burst into the seas which they had been the first of Europeans to open. -Off this coast, from Melinda to Mozambique, a Portuguese admiral was -cruising in a small “frigate”—that is to say, a big galley-type of -craft propelled by sails and oars. And had this “frigate” been strong -enough she would certainly have assailed Lancaster’s ship, for she came -into Zanzibar to “view and to betray our boat if he could have taken at -any time advantage.” - -It was whilst riding at anchor here that another electric storm -sprung the _Edward’s_ foremast, which had to be repaired—“fished,” as -sailors call it—with timber from the shore. And, to add still more -to Lancaster’s bad luck, the ship’s surgeon, whilst ashore with the -newly appointed master of the ship, looking for oxen, got a sunstroke -and died. But the sojourn in that anchorage came to an end on 15th -February. The progress of this voyage had been slow, but it had been -sure. Relying on what charts he possessed, and then, after rounding -the Cape of Good Hope, practically coasting up the African shore until -reaching Zanzibar, he had wisely remained here some time. For this was -the port whence the dhows traded backwards and forwards across the -Indian Ocean and the East, and it must be remembered that the Arabs -were skilled navigators and very fine seamen, who had been making these -ocean voyages for centuries, whilst Englishmen were doing little more -than coasting passages. Zanzibar was clearly the place where Lancaster -could pick up a good deal of valuable knowledge regarding the voyage to -India, and, incidentally, he took away from here a certain negro who -had come from the East Indies and was possessed of knowledge of the -country. - -From Goa to Zanzibar the Arabian ships were wont to bring cargoes of -pepper, and it was now Lancaster’s intention to cut straight across -the Indian Ocean and make Cape Comorin—the southernmost point of the -Indian peninsula—as his land-fall. He then meant to hang about this -promontory, because it was to the traffic of the East what such places -as Ushant and Dungeness to-day are to the shipping of the West. He knew -that there was plenty of shipping bound from Bengal, the Malay Straits, -from China and from Japan which would come round this cape well laden -with all sorts of Eastern riches. He would therefore lie in wait off -this headland and, attacking a suitable craft, would relieve her of -her wealth. But the intention did not have the opportunity of being -fulfilled as he had wished it. “In our course,” says Lancaster, “we -were very much deceived by the currents that set into the Gulfe of the -Red Sea along the coast of Melinde”—that is to say, from Zanzibar along -the coast known to-day as British East Africa and Somaliland. “And the -windes shortening upon us to the North-east and Easterly, kept us that -we could not get off, and so with the putting in of the currents from -the Westward, set us in further unto the Northward within fourescore -leagues of” Socotra, which was “farre from our determined course and -expectation.” - -Therefore, as they had been brought so far to the northward of their -course, Lancaster decided that it were best to run into Socotra or -some port in the Red Sea for fresh supplies; but, luckily for him, the -wind then came north-west, which was of course a fair wind from his -present position to the south-west coast of India. Being a wise leader -he of course now availed himself of this good fortune and sped over -the Indian Ocean towards Cape Comorin, when the wind came southerly: -but presently the wind came again more westerly, and so in the month -of May 1592 the Cape was doubled, but without having sighted it, and -then a course was laid for the Nicobar Islands in the Bay of Bengal. -But though they ran on for six days with a fair wind, and plenty of it, -“these Ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due -observation of the South starre.” It would be easy enough to criticise -the lack of skill in the Elizabethan navigators, but it is much fairer -to wonder rather that they were able to find their way as well as they -did over strange seas, considering that until comparatively recently -it was to them practically a new art. Excellent seamen they certainly -had been for centuries: but it was not till long after Prince Henry the -Navigator had taught his own countrymen, that this new sea-learning -of navigation had reached England and “pilots-major” instructed our -seamen in the higher branch of their profession. They were keen, they -were adventurous, and they knew no fear: but these mariners were -rude, unscientific men, who could not always be relied upon to make -observations accurately. They did the best they could with their -astrolabes and cross-staffs, but they lacked the perfection of the -modern sextant. The most they could hope for was to make a land-fall -not too distant from where they wanted to get, and then, having picked -up the land, keep it aboard as far as possible. Thus they would -approach their destined port, off which, by means of parleying with -one of the native craft, they might persuade one of the crew to come -aboard and so pilot them in. - -As the _Edward Bonaventure_ had missed the Nicobar Islands, it was -decided to push on to the southward, which would bring them into the -neighbourhood of Sumatra. There they lay two or three days, hoping -for a pilot from Sumatra, which was only about six miles off. And -subsequently, as the winter was approaching, they made for the Islands -of Pulo Pinaou, which they reached in June, and there remained till -the end of August. Many of the crew had again fallen sick, and though -they put them ashore at this place, twenty-six more of them died. Nor -were there many sources of supplies, but only oysters, shell-fish and -the fish “which we tooke with our hookes.” But there was plenty of -timber, and this came in very useful for repairing masts. When the -winter passed and again they put to sea, the crew was now reduced to -thirty-three men and one boy, but not more than twenty-two were fit -for service, and of these not more than one-third were seamen: so the -_Edward_ was scarcely efficient. - -But those which remained must have been of a resolute character, for in -a little while they encountered a 60-ton ship, which they attacked and -captured, and, shortly after, a second was also taken. Needless to say, -the cargoes of pepper were discharged into the _Edward_, and even the -sick men were soon reported as “being somewhat refreshed and lustie.” -Lancaster had not by any means forgotten the fact that richly laden -ships from China and Japan would pass through the Malacca Straits, and -having arrived here he lay-to and waited. At the end of five days a -Portuguese sail was descried, laden with rice, “and that night we tooke -her being of 250 tunnes.” This was a big ship for those days, and so -Lancaster determined to keep her as well as her cargo. He therefore put -on board a prize crew of seven, under the command of Edmund Barker. -The latter then came to anchor and hung out a riding-light so that -the _Edward_ could see her position. But the English ship was now so -depleted of men that there were hardly enough men on board to handle -her, and the prize had to send some of the men back to help her to make -up the leeway. It was then decided to take out of the prize all that -was worth having, and afterward, with the exception of the Portuguese -pilot and four other men, she and her crew were allowed to go. - -But it was not long before the _Edward_ fell in with a much bigger -ship, this time of 700 tons, which was on her way from India. She had -left Goa with a most valuable cargo, and a smart engagement ended in -her main-yard being shot through, whereupon she came to anchor and -yielded, her people escaping ashore in the boats. Lancaster’s men -found aboard her some brass guns, three hundred butts of wine, “as -also all kind of Haberdasher wares, as hats, red caps knit of Spanish -wooll, worsted stockings knit, shooes, velvets, taffataes, chamlets, -and silkes, abundance of suckets, rice, Venice glasses,” playing-cards -and much else. But trouble was brewing in the _Edward_, and a mutinous -spirit was afoot. Lancaster’s men refused to obey his orders and bring -the “excellent wines” into the _Edward_, so, after taking out of her -all that he fancied, he then let the prize drift out to sea. - -From there the _Edward_ sailed to the Nicobar Islands, and afterwards -proceeded to Punta del Galle (Point de Galle, Ceylon), where she -anchored. Lancaster’s intention was again to lie in wait for shipping. -He knew that more than one fleet of richly laden merchantmen would -soon be due to pass that way. First of all he was expecting a fleet -of seven or eight Bengal ships, and then two or three more from -Pegu (to the north-west of Siam); and also there ought to be some -Portuguese ships from Siam. These, he had learned, would pass that way -in about a fortnight, bringing the produce of the country to Cochin -(in the south-west of India), where the Portuguese caracks, or big -merchantmen, would receive the goods and carry them home to Lisbon. -It was a regular, yearly trade, the caracks being due to leave Cochin -in the middle of January. A fine haul was certain, for these various -fleets were bringing all sorts of commodities that were well worth -having—cloth, rice, rubies, diamonds, wines and so on. - -But Lancaster was again bound to bow to ill-luck. First of all, he had -brought up where the bottom was foul, so he lost his anchor. He had -on board two spare anchors, but they were unstocked and in the hold. -This meant that a good deal of time was wasted, and meanwhile the -ship was drifting about the whole night. In addition, to make matters -worse, Lancaster himself fell ill. The current was carrying the ship -to the southward, away from her required position, so in the morning -the foresail was hoisted and preparations were being made to let loose -the other sails, when the men mutinied and said they were determined -they would remain there no longer but would take the ship to England -direct. Lancaster, finding that persuasion was useless and that he -could do nothing with them, had no other alternative but to give way -to their demands: so on 8th December 1592 the _Edward_ set sail for -the Cape of Good Hope. On the way Lancaster recovered his health, and -even amused himself fishing for bonitos. By February they had crossed -the Indian Ocean and made the land by Algoa Bay, South Africa, where -they had to remain a month owing to contrary winds. But in March they -doubled the Cape of Good Hope once more, and on 3rd April reached St -Helena. And here an extraordinary thing happened. When Edmund Barker -went ashore he found an Englishman named Segar, like himself of -Suffolk. He had been left here eighteen months before by the _Marchant -Royall_, which you will remember had been sent home from Table Bay on -the way out. On the way home he had fallen ill and would have died if -he had remained on board, so it had been decided to put him ashore. -When, however, the _Edward’s_ men saw him this time, he was “as fresh -in colour and in as good plight of body to our seeming as might be, but -crazed in minde and halfe out of his wits, as afterward wee perceived: -for whether he were put in fright of us, not knowing at first what we -were, whether friends or foes, or of sudden joy when he understood we -were his olde consorts and countreymen, hee became idel-headed, and for -eight dayes space neither night nor day tooke any naturall rest, and so -at length died for lacke of sleepe.” - -[Illustration: THE EAST INDIAMAN “KENT,” 1,000 TONS. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -On 12th April 1593 the _Edward_ left St Helena, and the mutinous -spirit was not yet dead on board. Lancaster’s intention was to cross -the Atlantic to Pernambuco, Brazil, but the sailors were infuriated -and wished to go straight home. So, the next day, whilst they were -being told by the captain to finish a foresail which they had in -hand, some of them asserted determinedly that, unless the ship were -taken straight home, they would do nothing: and to this Lancaster was -compelled to agree. But when they were about eight degrees north of the -Equator the ship made little progress for six weeks owing to calms and -flukey winds. Meanwhile the men’s victuals were running short, and the -mutinous spirit reasserted itself strongly. They knew that the officers -of the ship had their own provisions locked away in private chests—this -had been done as a measure of precaution—and the men now threatened to -break open these chests. Lancaster therefore determined, on the advice -of one of the ship’s company, to make for the Island of Trinidad in -the West Indies, where he would be able to obtain supplies. But, being -ignorant of the currents of the Gulf of Paria, he was carried out of -his course and eventually anchored off the Isle of Mona after a few -days more. - -After refreshing the stores and stopping a big leak, the _Edward_ next -put to sea bound for Newfoundland, but a heavy gale sent them back -to Porto Rico, the wind being so fierce that even the furled sails -of the ship were carried away, and the ship was leaking badly, with -six feet of water in the hold. The victuals had run out, so that they -were compelled to eat hides. Small provisions were obtained at Porto -Rico, and then five of the crew deserted. From there the ship went to -Mona again, and whilst a party of nineteen were on shore, including -Lancaster and Barker, to gather food, a gale of wind sprang up, which -made such a heavy sea that the boat could not have taken them back to -the _Edward_. It was therefore deemed wiser to wait till the next day: -but during the night, about midnight, the carpenter cut the _Edward’s_ -cable, so that she drifted away to sea with only five men and a boy -on board. At the end of twenty-nine days a French ship, afterwards -found to be from Dieppe, was espied. In answer to a fire made on shore -she dowsed her topsails, approached the land, hoisted out her ensign -and came to anchor. Some of the _Edward’s_ crew, including Barker and -Lancaster, went aboard, but the rest of the party to the number of -seven could not be found. Six more were taken on board another Dieppe -ship and so reached San Domingo, where they traded with the people for -hides. Here news reached them of their companions left in Mona. It was -learnt that, of the seven men there left, two had broken their necks -while chasing fowls on the cliffs, three were slain by Spaniards upon -information given by the men who went away in the _Edward_, but the -remaining two now joined Lancaster by a ship from another port. - -Eventually Lancaster and his companions took passage aboard another -Dieppe vessel, and arrived at the latter port after a voyage of -forty-two days. They then crossed in a smaller craft to Rye, where they -landed on 24th May 1594. - -What good, then, had this expedition done? In spite of losing two out -of the three ships, in spite of the losses of many men and the whole -of the rich cargoes which had been obtained by capture, Lancaster and -his companions had returned to England with something worth having. -How had English trade with India been benefited? The answer is simple. -If nothing tangible had been obtained, this expedition had been a -great lesson. If it had brought back no spices or diamonds, it had -brought much valuable information. Once again it showed to the English -merchants that there was a fortune for all of them waiting in the -Orient, and it showed by bitter experience the mistakes that must be -avoided. The voyage had been begun at the wrong season of the year; -it would have to be better thought out, and better provision would -have to be taken to guard against scurvy. The route to India was now -well understood, and it was no longer any Portuguese secret. England -was just on the eve of sharing with the Portuguese their fortunate -discovery, which eventually the latter were to lose utterly to the -former. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE FIRST EAST INDIA COMPANY - - -Although the expedition of those three tall ships related in the -previous chapter had been commercially such a dismal failure, it had -shown that James Lancaster was the kind of man to whom there should be -entrusted the leadership, not only of a single ship, but of an entire -expedition. With the greatest difficulty he had prevented his unruly -crew from excesses, he had taken his ship most of the way round the -world, he had shown that he could put up a good fight when needs be, -and that he possessed a capacity for finding out information—a most -valuable ability in these the first days of Indian voyaging. He had -obtained information about winds, tides, currents, places, peoples and -trade. He had got to know where the Portuguese ships were usually to be -found, where they started from and at what times of the year. Clearly -he was just the man for the big expedition which was shortly to start -from England, after but a few years’ interval. - -We mentioned on an earlier page the travels of Ralph Fitch to India, -though even prior to his setting forth another Englishman named Thomas -Stevens had been to the East. This was in the year 1579, and although -he was the first of our countrymen to reach India, yet he went out in -a Portuguese ship, and is therefore entirely indebted to the Portuguese -for having reached there at all. He had first proceeded from England -to Italy, and then made his way from that country to Portugal. Having -arrived in Lisbon, he went aboard and started eight days later when the -Portuguese East Indian fleet sailed out. This was towards the beginning -of April, which was very late for their sailing, but important business -had detained them. Five ships proceeded together, bound for Goa, with -many mariners, soldiers, women and children, the starting off being a -solemn and impressive occasion, accompanied by the blowing of trumpets -and the booming of artillery. Proceeding on their way via the Canaries -and Cape Verde, they rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and afterwards -steered to the north-east. And then occurred just that very incident -which afterwards we have seen was to happen to Lancaster. Not knowing -the set of the currents they got much too far to the northward and -found themselves close to Socotra (at the entrance to the Gulf of -Aden), whereas they imagined they were near to India. But eventually, -having sailed many miles, and noticed birds in the sky which they knew -came from their desired country, and then having seen floating branches -of palm-trees they realised that they were now not far from their -destination, and so on 24th October they arrived at Goa. - -Stevens had watched the Portuguese navigators closely, and he had -marvelled that these ships could find their way over the trackless -ocean. “You know,” he wrote to his father in England, telling him all -about the voyage, “you know that it is hard to saile from East to -West, or contrary, because there is no fixed point in all the skie, -whereby they may direct their course, wherefore I shall tell you what -helps God provide for these men. There is not a fowle that appereth or -signe in the aire, or in the sea, which they have not written, which -have made the voyages heretofore. Wherefore, partly by their owne -experience, and pondering withall what space the ship was able to make -with such a winde, and such direction, and partly by the experience of -others, whose books and navigations they have, they gesse whereabouts -they be, touching degrees of longitude, for of latitude they be alwayes -sure.” - -It was a real difficulty in those early Indian ships to ascertain -their longitude with any correctness. Longitude was reckoned from the -meridian of St Michael, one of the Azores, on the grounds that there -was no variation of the compass there. It was not, in fact, till -the chronometer was invented in the latter half of the eighteenth -century that the difficulty could be overcome. But these early East -Indiamen were by no means devoid of the instruments of navigation, -which included an astrolabe and cross-staff, as already mentioned, a -celestial globe, a terrestrial globe, a calendar, a universal horologe -for finding the hour of the day in every latitude, a nocturne labe for -telling the hour of the night, one or more compasses, a navigation -chart corrected according to the last voyagers who had used it: and, a -little later on, printed charts, as well as a general map. - -But whilst Lancaster had been away from England on his voyage to the -East, Englishmen at sea had fallen in with two of the Portuguese East -Indian caracks—the _Santa Cruz_ and the _Madre de Dios_—homeward-bound -from Goa. The former had been burnt and the latter taken into -Dartmouth. When she arrived in that port her immense size and wealth -made a great sensation. Even in Elizabethan money the value was -assessed at £15,000. She was of no less than 1600 tons and chock-full -of Oriental treasures, with about six or seven hundred souls aboard, -and armed with thirty-two brass guns. This wonderful East Indiaman had, -besides a number of precious stones, a cargo consisting of spices, -drugs, silks, calicoes, quilts, carpets, canopies, pearls, ivory, -Chinese ware and hides. In fact when all this cargo was taken out of -her in Dartmouth and sent by sea to London, it freighted ten coasters. -As you can well imagine, these west-country seamen were careful to note -all her details when once they had her in port. She was completely -surveyed, and found to be 165 feet long, and 46 feet 10 inches wide, -and drew 26 feet, though when she left India she was drawing 31 feet. -She had seven decks at the stern, the length of the keel being 100 -feet, the height of the mast 121 feet, and the length of the main-yard -106 feet. - -The consternation caused by the sight of the wonderful goods which -eventually arrived at Leadenhall, London, fired the imaginations of the -London merchants afresh. When, in September 1592, they observed the -vast quantities of pepper, nutmeg, cloves, cinnamon, ginger, incense, -damasks, golden silks, and saw with their own eyes the very goods which -had come all the way from that Eastern land of wealth, they marvelled -greatly. One of the results of all this was that the Levant Company, -which had been founded in 1581 to trade with Turkey and the eastern -ports of the Mediterranean, now became expanded into a more ambitious -venture. Realising full well the amazing riches of the East Indies, it -succeeded in obtaining from Elizabeth, in 1593, a charter to trade now -with India, but via the overland route. - -In passing we may just say a word about the English trading companies, -some of which were of great antiquity. The oldest was the Hamburg -Company, which consisted of English merchants trading to Calais, -Holland, Zealand, the Low Countries, the Baltic and the inhabitants of -modern Prussia. It had been first incorporated by Edward I. in 1296, -and enjoyed special privileges during successive reigns. There was -also the Russian Company, which had been inaugurated at the end of the -reign of Edward VI. and the beginning of the reign of Philip and Mary, -though its charter was received from Queen Elizabeth. This company had -arisen from the enterprise of a number of English merchants, who had -sent three ships to find, if possible, a north-east passage into Asia -and the East. So, also, the Turkey or Levant Company, mentioned just -now, had been founded in 1581 with a view of trading to the part of -the world designated. All these various companies were just so many -societies of merchant-adventurers who were bound together with one -common interest by the royal charter. But the greatest of all was to -be the celebrated East India Company, founded in 1600, about which we -shall speak presently, though we may sufficiently anticipate matters by -asserting that it grew out of the Levant Company. - -But England was by no means to have the whole field to herself. If the -Portuguese power was in the descendant: if her precious secrets of -this East Indian trade had been ruthlessly revealed: if her ships and -her rich cargoes had been repeatedly taken with the same determination -that the Armada had been defeated; yet she was still active in India, -and the only European nation there established. However, not merely -England, but Holland, too, had been growing strong in maritime ability. -The Dutch people had always been by nature seamen for centuries, and -were able to rival any English ability in the maritime arts. They were -intrepid mariners, they were excellent shipbuilders, and they were -careful students of all the sea-knowledge which had come forth from -Portugal. The influence of Prince Henry’s cartographical school had -spread northwards from Sagres, and Flemish printers had done much for -map-making and thus made known this knowledge of the world far and -wide. This was the final blow to the closely guarded Portuguese secrets -of India. The first atlas ever printed was published by the Dutch at -Leyden in the year 1585. The man to whom belongs the credit of this was -named Wagenaer, and, according to the crude knowledge and the still -more elementary buoyage, the Narrow Seas were well shown. The charts -which Holland published were also brought out in English, together with -little sketches of the various headlands, their latitude, distances, -and so on, including sailing directions for entering various harbours. -So also at Antwerp and at Bruges excellent schools of cartography grew -up just as they had in Portugal and Spain: and fired with the amazing -stories of the East, Holland was not merely anxious but well prepared -for asserting herself in India and coming back with a series of rich -cargoes for those prepared to venture. - -Briefly, this was brought about as follows. We mentioned on an earlier -page that though the Portuguese jealously guarded the secret of the -India route, they were quite willing to dispose of these Indian goods. -One of these marts, to which merchants came from other countries in -order to purchase, was Lisbon. The second was Antwerp, which was -convenient for the merchants of Northern Europe. England, by the way, -had done a good deal of overseas trade between London and Antwerp for -centuries, so this additional East Indian trade made the visits of our -merchantmen even more important, and thus many first realised what -India meant commercially, and could mean to them. And similarly the -people of the Low Countries became equally impressed with what they -learned. Thus very naturally we see in 1593—the actual year in which -the Levant Company had obtained their extended charter—the first of -a series of efforts made by Dutchmen to reach Asia by a north-east -passage. And we must not omit to mention the very great influence which -Jan Huygen von Linschoten, a native of Haarlem, had. The latter was -a great student of geography, at a time when all knowledge of this -kind was rare. For a while he was resident in Lisbon, where he amassed -a large amount of invaluable data concerning the East—its harbours, -configuration, trade-winds, and so on. Lisbon, in fact, was just the -place in which all the East Indian information naturally collected -itself. Later on Linschoten himself proceeded to India and dwelt at -Goa, in the train of the Portuguese Archbishop, but in the year 1592 he -returned to Europe, and the tales which this traveller told concerning -India astonished the slow-reasoning minds of his fellow-countrymen. -In the year 1596 he published a most valuable book dealing with the -East, affording charts and maps and no end of information which would -be priceless to any who might venture on a voyage to India. An English -translation appeared two years later, and it certainly had a great -influence on the founding of our first East India Company. So important -was the book, indeed, that it was also translated and published in -French, in Latin and German. - -As for Holland, the tangible result was that four ships were fitted -out, and under Cornelis Houtman were sent in 1595 to the countries -situate the other side of the Cape of Good Hope, beyond the Indian -Ocean. Houtman’s voyage had been a success, for in the year 1597 he -returned, bringing with him a treaty made with the King of Bantam, -which was the means of opening up to Holland the Indian Archipelago. -This voyage convinced even the most sceptical, and a new era had -begun, in which Holland was to grow rich and powerful, a great -commercial country and of considerable strength at sea. The handsome -seventeenth-century buildings which you still find standing in Holland -to-day, and the brilliant seventeenth-century Dutch painters of -portraits and shipping scenes, are surviving evidences of a wonderful -prosperity derived for the most part from the East India trade of that -time. - -It came about, then, that England was to find a keen rival for the -possessions of the East. There was going to be a very hard struggle -as to which would win the race. One voyage succeeded another, so that -actually the Dutch were wanting in big craft and had to come over to -England to buy up some of our shipping. But this was the final straw -which broke the back of Englishmen’s patience. They had looked on for -some time with restraint at the progressive enterprise of the Dutch, -and had become very jealous of their commercial prosperity. It was a -condition to which the present Anglo-German rivalry is very similar in -kind. But it was clear something must be done now. The London merchants -who were interested in the Levant Company had found that their charter -of extension granted in 1593 for overland trading with India availed -them but little. Therefore, arising out of this company it happened -that a number of merchants met together in London in the year 1599 -and agreed to petition Elizabeth for permission to send a number of -well-found ships to the East Indies, for which they prayed a monopoly, -subscribing the sum of £30,133 for an East Indian voyage. It was -certainly high time to be moving, for the Dutch were gaining all the -foreign freight—they were nicknamed the “waggoners of the sea”—whilst -English ships were rotting away in port, or doing little more than mere -coasting. - -[Illustration: DUTCH EAST INDIAMAN. - -The vessel on the right shows the type of craft in the employment of -the Dutch East India Company of about 1647.] - -This petition was not approved by the Privy Council, but in the year -1609, and on the last day in that year, it received the Queen’s -assent. More capital had been obtained, the exclusive privilege of -this Indian trade had been granted for fifteen years, so there was -nothing to do but obtain the necessary ships and men and hurry on -the fitting-out. The Company was managed by twenty-four directors, -under the governorship of Alderman James Smith, who was subsequently -knighted, but altogether there were two hundred and eighteen of these -merchants, aldermen, knights and esquires, who were made up by the -title of “The Governors and Company of the Merchants trading unto the -East Indies.” The countries prescribed by this charter showed a rather -extended area, embracing all ports, islands and places in Asia, Africa, -America, between the Cape of Good Hope and the Straits of Magellan. -The Company were promised that neither the Queen nor her heirs would -grant trading-licences within these limits to any person without the -consent of the Company: and the Company was furthermore granted the -privilege of making the first four voyages without export duty, and the -permission was further granted to export annually the sum of £30,000 in -bullion or coin. - -This “privilege for fifteen yeeres” “to certaine Adventurers for the -discoverie of the Trade for the East-Indies” was to be a spirited -reply to the action of the Dutch, and marks the beginning of that -series of English East India companies which were in effect the means -of acquiring India for the British crown after the Indian Mutiny in -the nineteenth century. From now onwards the East Indiamen ships have -a standing and importance which were not previously possessed, and we -shall find this culminating in the amazingly dignified manner of the -Indian merchantmen in the early part of the nineteenth century. - -Among those who had agreed together for this expedition “at their owne -adventures, costs and charges as well for the honour of this Our Realme -of England, as for the increase of Our Navigation, and advancement of -trade,” was the Earl of Cumberland. He was one of those Elizabethan -gentlemen who were wont to fit out a small squadron of ships for -roving the seas and attacking the well-laden ships of the Spanish and -Portuguese. It was a fine, adventurous game and there was a good chance -of coming home with a fortune. Of those ships which the noble earl -owned for this purpose one was a craft named the _Red Dragon_, and as -she was built for fighting and ocean cruising she was just the ship -for the first voyage of the East India Company, being of 600 tons. She -was therefore purchased from her owner by this Company for the sum of -£3700. Her name at one time had been the _Mare Scourge_ (perhaps to -suggest the terror of the sea which was thus exhibited), but at any -rate in the year 1586 she was known as the _Red Dragon_. - -Under their charter the Company were allowed to send “sixe good ships -and sixe good pynnaces” and “five hundred Mariners, English-men, to -guide and sayle.” But not more than four ships were sent actually, for -it was a costly venture. These London merchants had “joyned together -and made a stocke of seventie two thousand pounds, to bee employed in -ships and merchandizes”; but the purchase of four ships, the expense of -fitting them out, furnishing them with men, victuals and munitions for -a period of twenty months had eaten up the sum of £45,000. This left -£27,000, which amount was taken out in the ships, partly in merchandise -(with which to trade in Asia) and partly in Spanish money, with which -the natives would be familiar. Advance wages were paid to the crew -before setting forth. - -The “Generall of the Fleet” was that same James Lancaster whom we -considered just now, and his flagship was to be the _Red Dragon_. There -was no better leader for the job, and the reader will shortly see -how well he conducted himself in conditions that were not less trying -than in his previous voyage to the East. To him Elizabeth entrusted -letters of commendation addressed to “divers Princes of India,” the -vice-admiral being John Middleton; and the celebrated John Davis, of -Arctic fame, was to go as pilot-major, or navigating expert—another -excellent man for the undertaking. After a busy winter the four ships -were ready and fitted out, so that on 13th February 1601 they were -able to leave Woolwich, their crews amounting to 480. In addition to -the _Red Dragon_ there were the _Hector_, of 300 tons and 108 men; the -_Ascension_, 260 tons and 82 men; the _Susan_ (which had been bought -from a London alderman for £1600), 240 tons and 88 men; and in addition -they took a victualling ship called variously the _Guift_ or _Guest_. -The latter was a ship of 130 tons, but had cost only £300. - -In their holds these ships carried such English products as were -likely to be appreciated in the East. Such commodities were taken as -iron, lead, tin, cloth; while the presents to be given to the Indian -princes comprised a girdle, a case of pistols, plumes, looking-glasses, -platters, spoons, glass toys, spectacles, drinking-glasses and a plain -silver ewer. But the progress of this squadron was distinctly slow. -From the Thames they had dropped down to the mouth and anchored in the -Downs. Here they waited so long for a fair wind that already it was -Easter Day before they reached Dartmouth, where they “spent five or -sixe dayes in taking in their bread and certaine other provisions,” as -one of the letters received by the East India Company has it. Leaving -Dartmouth they “hoysed their anchors” and sped across the Bay of -Biscay, and continued to the south. Off the coast of Guinea they fell -in with a Portuguese vessel, which they captured, and from her they -took much wine, oil and meal for the good of the squadron. - -During the month of June they crossed the Equator, and in the following -month discharged the _Guest_ victualler—that is to say, they took out -of her the masts, sails and yards and whatever else was worth keeping, -and then broke down her “higher buildings for firewood, and so left her -floting in the sea.” And now scurvy attacked many of the squadron’s -crew, so that there were hardly men enough to handle the sails. Even -the “merchants tooke their turnes at the Helme: and went into the top -to take in the top-sayles, as the common Mariners did.” However, on the -9th of September 1601 they arrived at Saldanha (Table Bay), where they -anchored and “hoysed out their boats.” (There were of course no such -things as boat davits in those days, the boats being lifted out from -the waist of the ship by blocks and ropes.) But so weak were the crews -of three of the ships that Lancaster’s crew had to go aboard the other -craft and do the work of getting these boats into the sea. - -How was it, then, that the flagship’s crew had kept so free from scurvy -and were in better health than the other men? The answer is that -Lancaster had learnt a lesson from the terrible death-roll which this -disease had caused in his previous voyage already noted. “The reason,” -runs the document, “why the Generals men stood better in health then -the men of other Ships was this: he brought to sea with him certaine -Bottles of the Juice of Limons, which hee gave to each one, as long as -it would last, three spoonfuls every morning fasting: not suffering -them to eate any thing after it till noone. This Juice worketh much -better, if the partie keepe a short Dyet, and wholly refrains salt -meate, which salt meate, and long being at the sea is the only cause -of the breeding of this Disease. By this meanes the Generall cured -many of his men, and preserved the rest.” Considering this practical -proof of the value of lime juice as an anti-scorbutic, it is surprising -that it was not till many years later lime juice was, as it is to-day, -always carried in English ships and given out to the men, especially in -wind-jammers. - -After allowing the men shore leave and laying in very necessary -provisions, the squadron got under way and left again on 29th October, -doubling the Cape of Good Hope on the 1st of November, “having the wind -West North-west a great gale.” Madagascar was reached on 17th December, -and they remained there until 6th March. Actually they did not even -sight India, but held on across the Indian Ocean until they reached -those Nicobar Islands visited in the previous voyage. A short stay was -made and then they pushed on to the southward till they came to Acheen, -which is at the north-west extremity of Sumatra, arriving there on the -5th of June 1602. Here Lancaster was entertained hospitably by some -of the Dutch factors who had already established themselves, and also -obtained a concession from the King of Acheen granting freedom of trade -and immunity from paying customs. Thus a beginning was made, if not -actually with India, at any rate with a part of the East Indies. Trade -between England and the Orient was established, only to be developed in -the years that were to follow. - -In order to proceed with their trade, Lancaster put ashore two of the -factors who had come out with him from England, these employing their -time now in getting together a cargo of pepper against the date of -Lancaster’s return. Meanwhile the squadron sailed from Acheen on 11th -September 1602, and then engaged in that favourite occupation of roving -about till some well-filled merchantman fell into his hands, relieving -her then of her valuable cargo. Strictly speaking, as the reader is -aware, this expedition to the East Indies had been fitted out for the -purpose of opening up trade. But no Elizabethan sailor could content -himself with such lawful limits. Privateering was in his blood: he was -always spoiling for a fight at sea, especially against any Spanish -or Portuguese ship. It was a much quicker way of winning wealth and, -incidentally, of paying back old scores to the people who had tried to -keep Englishmen out of the strange seas of the world. And Lancaster was -a sufficiently good strategist to know that if he selected some pivot -of a busy trade-route, such as some narrow straits, all that he had to -do was to hang about there long enough and it was only a question of -time as to whether a big haul would be made. He could rely implicitly -on his own men and their gunnery, even against superior strength. It -only wanted the opportunity, and that, again, demanded merely a little -patience. - -So whilst his factors were busy at Acheen buying a cargo, he betook -himself to the Straits of Malacca, the gateway for the shipping which -voyaged between the Pacific and the Indian Ocean; and before long he -had descried a fine Portuguese craft of 900 tons called the _St Thomé_. -It was a little unfortunate that the day was nearly spent, as that -meant that the enemy might possibly escape under cover of darkness. -“And being toward night,” wrote one who was there at the time, “a -present direction was given that we should all spread our selves a -mile and a halfe one from another, that she might not passe us in the -night.” So the four English ships did as the admiral wished them. The -_Hector_ shot two or three “peeces of ordnance,” and this warned the -other three ships, who now closed in and surrounded the Portuguese -carack on all sides. Then the _Red Dragon_ began to fire at her from -the bow guns, with the satisfactory result that the carack’s main-yard -came tumbling down. - -That was deemed enough for the present: it would be better to wait till -the night had passed, thought Lancaster, for he feared “least some -unfortunate shot might light betweene wind and water, and so sinke -her,” which would mean that her valuable cargo would be for ever lost. -He therefore stayed his hand for a little while: but next morning at -daybreak he again attacked and this time took the prize. Only four -of Lancaster’s men were placed on board, “for feare of rifling and -pillaging the good things that were within her ... and their charge -was, if any thing should be missing, to answer the same out of their -wages and shares.” For he knew full well that when once a band of these -rough seamen were aboard they would stop at nothing, and no threats -could prevent them from helping themselves to the rare cargo in the -holds. - -So full was this _St Thomé_ of Eastern goods that it took six days to -unload her of her 950 packs of calicoes, etc. And then, as a storm -came up, she had to be left behind, so Lancaster returned to Acheen, -and took in his cargo of pepper, cinnamon and spices, together with a -letter and presents from the King of Acheen to Elizabeth. He then set -sail for Bantam, in the Island of Java, on the 9th of November, and -soon after sent home to England the _Ascension_ and the _Susan_, which -had completed their cargoes. In the meantime Lancaster continued his -cruise with the _Dragon_ and _Hector_, and arrived at Bantam, “in the -island of Java major,” which he reached on the 16th of December. Here, -as was the routine of the venture, he put his merchants ashore with -their goods and began trade with the natives. And although the English -reckoned the Javanese “among the greatest pickers and theeves of the -world,” yet our merchants were able to do some very good business; and -so again the ships were laden with cargoes of pepper, and a regular -factory was here established for further trade between England and the -East. Lancaster had as fine an ability for trading enterprise as he -had for capturing a Portuguese ship, and he obtained a 40-ton pinnace -laden with merchandise, which was sent to the Moluccas to trade and -establish a factory there, in charge of Master William Starkey. When -the next English ships should come out they would thus find immediate -opportunity for getting rid of their lead, iron, tin, cloth, and -another cargo waiting to be taken on board. - -Such, then, was the completion of the business in the Orient. The first -voyage under the East India Company had done its work in the East -Indies. It had got there in safety, it had established factories, it -had disposed of its freights and obtained very valuable goods to take -home. It had certainly been fortunate, the only real calamity being -the sickness and death of Captain John Middleton of the _Hector_. It -was a long period since they had set out from the Thames, and the time -had now arrived when they must weigh their anchors and start back to -England: so early in the new year they took on board stores and made -their final preparations for the long voyage back over lonely seas. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -CAPTAIN LANCASTER DISTINGUISHES HIMSELF - - -On the 20th of February the two ships were ready for sea. “We went -all aboord our ships, shot off our ordnance, and set sayle to the sea -toward England, with thankes to God, and glad hearts, for his blessings -towards us.” On the 13th of March they crossed the Tropic of Capricorn, -steering south-west “with a stiff gale of wind at south-east,” and this -was sending them over the Indian Ocean towards the African coast in -fine style. But “the eight and twentieth day we had a very great and -a furious storme, so that we were forced to take in all our sayles. -This storme continued a day and a night, with an exceeding great and -raging sea, so that in the reason of man no shippe was able to live in -them: but God (in his mercie) ceased the violence thereof, and gave us -time to breath: and to repaire all the distresses and harmes we had -received, but our ships were so shaken, that they were leakie all the -voyage after.” - -This was, in fact, to be a return full of excitement and those serious -incidents which bring out all the seamanship and resource of the real -sons of the sea. If it be true that a man’s real character is exhibited -only in big crises, then we see Lancaster standing out magnificently -as a cool, resourceful, self-sacrificing leader of men, for whom we -cannot help having the highest admiration. These Elizabethans were very -far from perfect. They were guilty of some abominable and atrocious -acts of sacrilege on occasions: their hatred of the Portuguese and -Spaniards knew few bounds. They imagined that might on the sea was -right, and honesty was deemed not always the best policy. But among -their virtues they were the very opposite of cowards. They knew how -to bear all kinds of pain with a courage and resignation that are to -be extolled. And if things went against them they knew how to die as -bravely as they had fought and striven. There was no panic, no kicking -against the inevitable: they did their best, and according to their own -rough morality left the rest to God. - -Another “very sore storme” overcame them on the 3rd of May, “and the -seas did so beate upon the ships quarter, that it shooke all the iron -worke of her rother [_i.e._ rudder]: and the next day in the morning, -our rother brake cleane from the sterne of our shippe [_i.e._ the -_Red Dragon_], and presently sunke into the sea.” Here was a terrible -predicament, for of all the casualties which can befall a ship at -sea not one is more awkward than this. And to-day only the steamship -with more than one propeller can continue on her way without worrying -much about such an occurrence. If, however, the vessel is a sailing -ship, or has only one propeller, the only recourse is to tow a spar or -sea-anchor (cone foremost) with a rope from each quarter. Then, if an -equal strain is kept on both ropes, the spar will be thus in line with -the ship’s keel, but as soon as one rope is slacked up and another -tightened, the vessel’s quarter will be pulled to one side and her head -pay off to the opposite. - -Let us now see what they attempted in the _Dragon_. You will of course -understand that the rudder was attached to the stern-post by means of -irons on either side of the former, these working on their respective -pins attached to the stern-post. Consequently, if these irons carried -away, either through rust or the violence of the waves, there was -nothing to hold the rudder in place and the ship was not under command. -This is exactly what had happened in the present instance, and the -means of steering was vanished. Naturally, therefore, the _Dragon_ -“drave up and downe in the sea like a wracke,” but all the while -the _Hector_ stood by, though unable to do anything. At length the -commander of the _Dragon_ decided to do exactly what the master of a -modern sailing vessel would set about. Her mizen-mast was unstepped, -and they then “put it forth at the sterne port to prove if wee could -steere our shippe into some place where we might make another rother to -hang it, to serve our turnes home.” The spar was placed over the side -and lashed to the stern, but it was found to put such a heavy strain on -the latter that the mast had to be brought on board again. - -Lancaster then ordered the ship’s carpenter to make the mast into a -rudder, for in those days the shape of the latter was very long and -narrow: but when they wanted to fix it in position it was noticed -that the rudder irons “wherewith to fasten the rother” had also -gone. However they were not to be dismayed by this very inconvenient -discovery, and were determined to do what they could. One of the crew -accordingly went overboard to make an examination, and found that two -of the rudder irons were still remaining and that there was one other -broken. This was a slice of luck, so, when the weather eased down a -little later, the new rudder was able to be fixed into position and -once more the _Dragon_ got on to her course. However, this good fortune -was but short-lived, and after three or four hours “the sea tooke it -off againe, and wee had much adoe to save it. Wee lost another of our -irons, so that now we had but two to hang it by.” - -Matters began to look pretty desperate by now, the men wanted to -abandon the ship and be picked up by the _Hector_, and the position -of Lancaster was no easy one. On the one hand, he knew that they -could not continue like this, making no headway and with provisions -running out and a dissatisfied crew against him. On the other hand, he -was responsible to the East India Company for the safety of the ship -and all that valuable cargo that was in her hold. It was sheer hard -luck that for the second time in his life he should be returning from -the Orient well laden with riches, only to be brought up short by an -unexpected event that boded ill. Still, he was not the type of man to -give way in such a critical time, and he for his part was going to -stand by his ship, whatever else might happen. He appreciated quite -fully the seriousness of the case, and yet for all that he was prepared -to go through with it. There must be no sort of flinching. - -He went below into the privacy of his cabin, and unknown to the crew -sat down and wrote the following letter, having resolved to give it -to the captain of the _Hector_, sending her home at once, and on her -arriving back to have this letter handed over to the directors of the -Company. This epistle read thus: - - “RIGHT WORSHIPFULL,—What hath passed in this voyage, and what - trades I have settled for this companie, and what other events have - befallen us, you shall understand by the bearers hereof, to whom - (as occasion hath fallen) I must referre you. I will strive with - all diligence to save my ship, and her goods, as you may perceive - by the course I take in venturing mine own life, and those that are - with mee. I cannot tell where you should looke for mee, if you send - out any pinnace to seeke mee: because I live at the devotion of the - wind and seas. And thus fare you well, desiring God to send us a - merrie meeting in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure. - - “The passage to the East India lieth in 62½ degrees, by the North - West on the America side. Your very loving friend, - - “JAMES LANCASTER.” - -Such was the brief, matter-of-fact, intensely practical letter which -he indited—the very letter which we should have expected from a leader -of this type. He succeeded presently in getting it put aboard the -_Hector_, with the order to her captain to proceed. Night came on and -when the morning broke Lancaster little expected to find his “chummy -ship” still by his side. But he had forgotten that the _Hector’s_ -commander was a man like himself, and being a real good fellow he -declined to leave a friend in distress, even though it was disobeying -the orders of his admiral. So with excellent seamanship the _Hector_ -was kept at a reasonable distance from the _Dragon_, determined to -stand by. Meanwhile the _Dragon’s_ carpenter had got to work again and -the rudder had been repaired. As if to encourage them, the weather -after two or three days began to get better, and the sea to go down. -The admiral therefore made a signal ordering the _Hector_ to come -nearer. This she did, and then her master, Sander Cole by name, was -able to come aboard the flagship, bringing with him the best swimmer -in the ship, and the best divers. These men were of the greatest -assistance, and did their work round the stern of the ship to such good -effect that the rudder was eventually hung again on the two remaining -hooks. It was a triumph of patience, persistence and pluck, that the -_Dragon_ was able once again to go ahead and let her sheets draw. - -But all this time things on board had been very trying. The ship had -been buffeted about ceaselessly by many storms for week after week. Men -had fallen sick and the ship could not be worked as she ought. However, -the Cape of Good Hope was rounded, and then there had to be endured the -weary, agonising experience of being becalmed. Still they knew “by the -height wee were in to the Northward” that they had long since passed -the dreaded Cape of storms. Just one more casualty convinced them that -they were not yet out of danger, and this occurred when the main-yard -fell down and knocked a man into the sea, drowning him. - -But on the 5th of June they passed the Tropic of Capricorn, and on -the sixteenth of that month sighted St Helena, where they let go in -twelve fathoms. Here they took on board fresh water, shot some wild -goats and hogs, refitted the ships and inspected the _Dragon’s_ rudder, -“which wee hoped would last us home.” During the sojourn here all the -sick recovered their health, and on the 5th of July they set out again -to the north-west. Five days more they were becalmed, but before that -they had succeeded in passing Ascension, on 11th July, and then fell in -with a favourable south-east wind. Thus they proceeded until the 7th -of September, when they imagined themselves near to home. “Wee tooke -sounding, judging the Lands end of England to be fortie leagues from -us. The eleventh day we came to the Downes, well and safe to an anchor: -for the which, thanked be almightie God, who hath delivered us from the -infinite perils and dangers, in this long and tedious Navigation.” Thus -the voyage which had been begun on 13th February 1601 was now brought -to a finish on 11th September 1603. It had been a most successful -voyage, and 1,030,000 lb. of pepper had been brought to England by -these four ships. But, important as that was to the merchants, still -more admirable was the achievement of Lancaster in getting his ship -home at all. However, he was not to go without his reward. He had had -the responsibility of bringing this first voyage of the English East -India Company to a conclusion that was as happy as financially it was -successful, and he was granted a knighthood by James I. Those who -had invested their money in this concern could scarcely regret their -decision, for they eventually received 95 per cent. on their capital, -and it was now established beyond doubt that henceforth the East Indian -trade was the thing for enterprising London merchants. For a hundred -years the Portuguese had kept the secret to themselves and succeeded -in preventing other countries from coming as interlopers. But that was -now all past and done with. The future rested not with the Portuguese, -whose Indian colonial system proved to be an utter failure, but with -the English or the Dutch, between whom the contest would soon become -keen. For already the latter had formed so many associations for trade -that by the year 1602 they were amalgamated by the States-General into -one corporation entitled the Dutch East India Company. - -As this first voyage had been so fortunate, it was not long before a -second was inaugurated by the English East India Company. During that -winter preparations went ahead, and on the following Lady Day 1604 -another expedition left Gravesend, this time under the leadership -of Henry Middleton, a kinsman of the Middleton who had died during -Lancaster’s voyage. This project consisted of the same ships as before, -and these duly arrived at Bantam on the 20th of December. From here -two of the ships were sent home—namely, the _Hector_ and the _Susan_, -eight months ahead of the other couple, which proceeded first to the -Moluccas before leaving Bantam finally for England. Middleton found -that trading was not quite as easy as it might be, for the Dutch gave -him a great deal of opposition in the East. However, you will realise -that this second voyage was far from being a failure when it is stated -that the profits were just under 100 per cent. to those who had raised -the capital. And this in spite of the fact that the _Susan_ was lost -on her way home. It is a singular coincidence that when this ship had -been purchased, as already noted in the preceding chapter, from a -London alderman at the price of £1600, the condition was that he should -buy her back from the Company at the end of the voyage, for half the -purchase price. Middleton had reached the Downs on 6th May 1606, and -it was not long before preparations began to be made for next year’s -voyage. The second expedition had necessitated a capital of £60,000, -of which only £1142 had been spent in goods, so you will understand to -what extent privateering was responsible for swelling the profits. - -On 12th March 1607 an expedition was off again, for the third voyage. -This time the sum of £53,000 had been subscribed, £7280 being expended -in merchandise to take out. There were only three ships on the present -occasion, consisting of those two veterans, _Red Dragon_ and _Hector_, -and a vessel named the _Consent_, of 105 tons. The “Generall” in this -case was Captain Keeling. The latter left England on 12th March, alone, -and reached the Moluccas. Although he was unable to obtain a cargo from -there, yet he purchased from a Java junk a cargo of cloves for £2948, -15s., which on their arrival in England fetched the considerable sum -of £36,287. The reason why spices of the East were so readily bought -up by the West is explained at once by the fact that a great demand -existed throughout civilised Europe at that time for their employment -in cookery and in certain expensive drinks. - -The _Dragon_ and _Hector_ had left the Downs on the 1st of April, -and, like those previous voyages which we have noted, they again went -round the Cape of Good Hope and then as far north-east as Socotra, -where the two ships separated, the _Dragon_ proceeding to Sumatra and -Bantam, while the _Hector_ went on to Surat, just north of Bombay. -Thus, at last and for the first time, one of the Company’s ships had -brought up in a port of the Indian continent, as distinct from those -East Indian islands which had been previously visited. The captain of -the _Hector_ was Hawkins, whilst the _Dragon_ was under the command of -Captain Keeling. Some historians assert that Captain Keeling himself -went to Surat, where he landed a Mr Finch to form a factory, and then -sent Captain Hawkins to persuade the Great Mogul at Agra to order his -officers to deal justly with the English: but at any rate Hawkins -remained ashore, as there was a fine opportunity for inaugurating a big -business, and sent the _Hector_ on to Bantam to join Captain Keeling. -Hawkins had come out from England with a letter from King James I. -to the Great Mogul, and the latter promised to grant the Company all -the privileges asked for. This Indian potentate further suggested -that Hawkins should remain at his Court as English representative at -a commencing salary of £3200 a year. This offer Hawkins accepted, but -not unnaturally the appointment aroused a good deal of jealousy both -among the Portuguese and the officials of the Court. In a little time -the Great Mogul had regretted his decisions both as to Hawkins and the -East India Company. The Englishman therefore was compelled to leave -Agra (minus his promised salary), and then went down to the coast again -at Surat. As to the privileges which had been promised to the Company, -these also vanished. Trouble was obviously brewing. But this third -voyage, yielding a profit of 234 per cent., had not by any means been a -failure, but a great financial success. The _Dragon_ had been sent home -with a good cargo, and then Captain Keeling (this time in the _Hector_) -had visited the Moluccas and Bantam, where the factory had been more -firmly established, subsequently reaching England on 9th May 1610. - -It will be remembered that the original charter granted to the Company -by Elizabeth was for a period of fifteen years. But in the year 1609 -the Company were compelled to petition James I. for a renewal, or -rather for much greater powers, notwithstanding that the original -charter had still six years to run. The reason for this application is -not hard to appreciate. The Portuguese now began to realise that the -Englishmen were very serious rivals, and they must be met by force. -The East India Company, on the other hand, were equally determined -that they would not give up such a valuable trade that had paid them -so handsomely during these few years. Therefore opposition must be -met by other force: in other words, a greater number of ships would -be required. King James also recognised this, so the application was -granted, the number of merchant-adventurers was increased from 218 to -276, the Crown to have the power of repealing the Company’s charter -after three years’ notice. - -So three new ships were fitted out for the sixth voyage. (There had -in the meanwhile been two “separate” voyages, about which we shall -speak presently.) The cost of these three new ships, together with -the merchandise which they carried out, was £82,000, this large sum -being rendered possible only by the increased members of the Company. -The leader of this voyage was that same Henry Middleton whom we saw -taking out the second voyage: but since that time he had received a -knighthood. This time his flagship was to be the _Trade’s Increase_. -And as this was one of the most famous of all the seventeenth-century -ships, and certainly the largest East Indiaman built up till then, we -must say something about her. - -At the time of her launch she was the biggest merchantman of any kind -that had been built in England. She created, in fact, to the Jacobeans -something of the sensation which the launch of the _Mauretania_ in our -own time created. James I. attended the ceremony, together with other -members of the royal family, and attended by his nobles. This was on -the 13th of December 1609, her first voyage being due to commence on -the following 1st of April. In consequence of the high position which -the East India Company had now begun to occupy, and not less owing -to the phenomenal size of this ship, the incident was made the most -of. After the ship was afloat in the water, the King and his retinue -were entertained on board with a magnificent dinner provided at the -Company’s expense and served on some of those dishes and plates of -China ware which had been brought home from the East by the Company’s -ships and were then looked upon as something rare and wonderful, -nothing of the kind having yet been seen in the country. But the -_Trade’s Increase_, with her 1100 tons, was a clumsy, unwieldy ship and -somewhat top-heavy. She was anything but a lucky craft, and we shall -see presently that her end was to be tragic. For English shipbuilding -was in a transition stage, which lasted about another two hundred -years or more. It was trying hard to get away from the unscientific, -rule-of-thumb method which had come down from the Middle Ages and had -not yet come under the influence of science and the principles of true -naval architecture. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE BUILDING OF THE COMPANY’S SHIPS - - -Now, before we proceed with the further voyages and trading of these -Indiamen, we shall find it very interesting if we attempt to paint the -picture of the building of these ships. Happily the data handed down -are of such a nature that we can learn practically all that we should -like to know on the subject. - -The reader will remember that the ships which went on the first and -second voyages had been obtained by purchase. But, then, since it was -obvious that more ships would be required as the trade increased and -losses occurred by wrecks, the Company had to look out for additions -to their small fleet. It was then that they were confronted with a big -problem. First of all, England was still a comparatively new-comer into -the position of an ocean-going shipowner, as distinct from Portugal, -Spain, Venice and Genoa. Practically all her shipping consisted either -of fishing or coasting craft. Therefore she possessed only a very small -supply of what could be called in those days large vessels. This supply -had been still further depleted by the purchases which the Dutch East -India companies had made from English owners at the beginning of the -East Indian boom. The result was that those very few big ships which -remained in England were at a premium. To voyage round the Cape of Good -Hope and across the Indian Ocean, able to fight stalwart Portuguese -craft and to carry well a heavy cargo, in addition to provisions for -many months, demanded a big-bellied ship of exceptional strength; and -that was why the _Mare Scourge_ (which had been built for privateering) -was just the thing. - -But now the owners of the small amount of big shipping that still -survived, in consequence of the big financial success which the East -India Company had made from their first two voyages, were determined -not to let them have any more ships except at very high prices. The -rates which these sellers now asked were preposterous—as much as £45 -a ton being demanded. The East India Company, being therefore in -the position of needing ships and yet unable to purchase such at a -reasonable figure, were compelled to decide on building for themselves. -This dates from the year 1607, and a yard was leased at Deptford, the -first two craft thus built being the _Trade’s Increase_, mentioned in -the last chapter, and the _Peppercorn_, both of which went out under -Sir Henry Middleton in the spring of 1610. From the first this change -of policy was found to be justified, for the Company was able to build -their ships at £10 a ton instead of £45, which meant the very handsome -saving of £38,500 in the case of a ship the size of the _Trade’s -Increase_—or two ships equal to her tonnage. - -[Illustration: THE LAUNCH OF THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SHIP -“EDINBURGH” - -(CAPTAIN HENRY BAX). - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -In this yard before very long the Company were employing no fewer than -five hundred ships’ carpenters, caulkers, joiners and other workmen. -The result was that by the year 1615 the Company had built more ships -in those short eight years than any other trade had done. Altogether -they had owned during that period twenty-one able ships, and by the -year 1621 the Company owned not less than 10,000 tons of shipping, -employing as many as 2500 seamen. When we consider that even as late as -the year 1690 the whole population of England was less than 5,500,000, -and that of this number the seafaring people were a very small figure, -it is obvious what this great East India Company meant to the country, -with its wealth, enabling large sums of money to be spent in wages to -seamen, workmen and factors. After the Company had been trading only -twenty years there were about 120 of these factors alone. But, in -addition, the Company was paying out large sums of money for the relief -of seamen’s widows and their children. I will not burden the reader -with statistics, but I may be allowed to state that up to November -1621 the Company had exported woollen goods, lead, iron, tin and other -commodities from England to the value of £319,211. From the East these -ships had brought back cargoes which had been purchased in the East -for the sum of £375,288. But you will appreciate the profit when it is -stated further that these cargoes were sold in England for £2,044,600. -As against this there was always the possibility of losing the ships -and the cargoes in their holds either outward or homeward bound. There -was the cost of building and upkeep of ships and dockyard. There was -the heavy expense, too, of victualling the ships for many months, the -purchasing of English merchandise, the various stores, the wages of -captains, officers and crews, and factors, as well as the payment of -customs. And though it is perfectly true that the average profit made -by the first twelve voyages was not less than 138 per cent., yet we -must remember that the voyages were never made in less than twenty -months and often extended to three and four years. - -So also we must remember that after the arrival in this country of -the goods from India they were sold at long credits—even as much as -eighteen months and two years. Owing to the irregularity of the factors -in keeping and transmitting their accounts, the concerns of the voyage -could not be finally adjusted under six or eight years. “Taking the -duration of the concern at a medium of seven years,” says Macpherson -in his “History of European Commerce with India,” “the profit appears -to be somewhat under twenty per cent. per annum.” The current rate of -interest in those days was about 8 per cent., so that 20 per cent. -could not be deemed for that time a very abnormal rate of remuneration -when we consider the amount of enterprise required at the outset, and -the vast risks which necessarily had to be run. Included in these -profits were also the results of privateering and bartering. Between -the years 1601 and 1612 the profits ranged from 95 to 234 per cent., -with the exception of the year 1608, when both ships were wrecked. - -Nowhere was the Company’s system of thoroughness better shown than -in the completeness and organisation of her shipyard. The East India -Company took itself very seriously and arrogated to itself all the -dignity and self-importance which its unique prerogatives permitted. -The Court was presided over by the Governor and it had its own rules -of procedure. “Every man,” for instance, “speaking in the Court -shall stand up and be bareheaded, and shall addresse his speach to -the Gouernour or Deputy in his absence.” So runs one of the Company’s -rules. Now the connecting link, so to speak, between the Company and -its ships was the man who was known as the ship’s husband, one of -its salaried servants. When the Court were met to discuss the plans -for the yearly voyages to India, the husband had to attend in order -to learn what shipping would be required. He then had to draw out a -table of the proportion of victuals and other necessaries for each -ship and to see that such were provided. After being got together -these stores were then placed in the Company’s warehouses. In addition -to being the victualler of the ships he was responsible also for -providing the amount of iron likely to be required—“yron both English -and Spanish”—and had to deliver it to the smiths at Deptford yard -for the rudder irons and other purposes, and also to the coopers for -making the hoops of the casks. The husband was also responsible for -the supervision of the clerks and for keeping the account-books, the -stores in the London warehouses being under the care of a “Clerke of -the Stores.” - -In the Deptford yard large stocks of “timber, planckes, -sheathing-boards, and treenayles” had to be maintained by officials -called “purveyers,” or, as we should name them nowadays, “buyers.” -These men had to see to the purchasing of all kinds of wood used. It -was kept in the Company’s private timber-yards at Reading, whence it -was put into barges and so brought down the Thames to Deptford. The -trenails were the old-fashioned means of fastening a ship’s timbers and -planking and had existed from the times even of the Romans and the -Vikings. They were small wooden pegs—“tree-nails”—driven in something -after the appearance of the modern rivet, but minus the head. The -sheathing-boards were a very necessary protection for the ship’s hull -in hot climates against the insidious attacks of the worm. (In another -chapter will be found an instance of this.) There was also employed -a “measurer of timber and plancke,” whose job was to go down to the -waterside and mark the timber. - -But it was the “Clarke of the Yard” who had the supervision of the -shipwrights, the “cawlkers,” carpenters and labourers, and one portion -of his duties was to see that the men “doe not loyter in the Taphouse.” -For the Company certainly allowed such a tap-house in their yard, -which was “lycensed by the Companie from yeare to yeare” to certain -persons on condition that they retailed the beer at not more than six -shillings the barrel and not less than “three full pynts of Ale measure -for a penny.” The tap-house also sold to the workmen of the yard such -victuals as bread, “pease,” milk, porridge, eggs, butter, cheese, but -they were not allowed to sell anything else, nor were they allowed to -sell to any person other than one of the Company’s workmen in the yard. - -The whole of the work at the yard was subdivided under so many -responsible heads of departments, just as it is to-day in any shipyard. -The Master Shipwright’s duties were to build and repair the Company’s -ships and to design the “plots and models compleat, of all the new -ships.” And he was forbidden to build ships for anyone else except this -Company. It is significant of our modern system of extreme division of -labour that the duties of ship-designer and ship-builder have become -quite separate and distinct. - -Then there was another important official attached to the Company, -known as the “Master-pilot.” “The Mr Pylot his office is to commaund -and order the workes which concerne the setting up and taking downe -of Masts, Yards, Rigging, unrigging and proportioning the quantities, -sorts and sizes of Cordage to the Companies ships ... and to use care -and diligence ... that the Company may not be ouercharged with idle, -unskilfull, or a needlesse number of workmen, or in the rate of their -wages.” This same master-pilot had to survey the Company’s ships at -Deptford and Blackwall and to see that, after being launched, they were -safely moored. He had also to see that the canvas given out was duly -made into sails, and was further responsible that the Company’s ships -set forth up to time from Deptford, Blackwall and Erith. In addition he -took charge of them whilst in the Thames to “pylot downe the Companies -ships to Eirth and Grauesend, attending them there untill they shall be -dispatched into the Downes.” So also when they came back from India he -would pilot them up from Gravesend “untill they be safely moored at an -Anchor, or indocked at Blackwall.” This official was assisted in the -supervision of cordage by a man called the “Boatswaine Generall.” - -The treasurers looked after the Company’s accounts, and once a week -they handed to the “Purcer-Generall” the sums of money for paying -the wages of the sailors and labourers: also the “harbour wages” to -“officers and Maryners, who goe the Voyage.” Every ship of course -also carried its own “purcer,” who with their mates had to look after -the lading, the ship’s accounts and the conditions of the victuals on -board, etc. - -After the end of the day’s work the Clerk of the Works would go round -the yard to see that there was no risk of fire breaking out owing to -negligence in respect of the pitch cauldrons or other instances. The -yard boasted of a “porter of the lodge,” and as soon as the workmen had -done for the day watchmen came on duty in the yard, where they remained -until the bell rang next morning summoning the labourers back to their -work. The Company insisted on these watchmen doing their supervision -thoroughly, “often calling one to another to prevent sleepe, and euery -houre when the clocke strikes” they were bidden to “walke round” and -ring a bell in the yard. - -The “Clarke of the Cordage” looked after the ropes, marlin, “twyne,” -ordnance, “great shot,” pulleys, blocks and the like. The “Clarke of -the Iron Works” was similarly responsible for all the anchors, nails, -bolts, chain-plates, and so on, and had to look to these when the ships -came home from the East. He was further responsible for the lead and -copper. If an anchor or anything had to be made or repaired in this -metal it was done by the Company’s smith on the yard. - -The “Chirurgion Generall” and his deputy had their lodgings in the -yard, and one or the other was bound to be in attendance daily from -morning till night “to cure any person or persons who may be hurt in -the Service of this Company, and the like in all their ships riding -at an anchor at Deptford and Blackwall, and at Erith, where hee -shall also keepe a Deputy with his Chest furnished, to remaine there -continually, until all the said ships be sayled downe from thence -to Grauesend.” And it is amusing to read that the duties of the -“chirurgion” included that of cutting the “hayre of the carpenters, -saylors, caulkers, labourers” and other workmen once every forty days -“in a seemely manner, performing their works at Breakfast and Dinner -times, or in raynie weather, and in an open place where no man may -loyter or lye hidden, under pretence to attend his turne of trimming.” -In addition this same surgeon had to report all persons who seemed to -be decrepit or unfit: and every carpenter, sailor, labourer or workman -in the yards or ships had to pay twopence every month out of his wages -to the said “Chirurgion Generall”; so you may take it as certain that -he was not the most popular of beings. He was also compelled to find -“skilfull and honest chirurgions and their Mates” for the ships. The -Company took special precautions to see that these vessels set out with -all the medical comforts and supplies of those days, having regard to -the changing climates and the heavy losses of life through scurvy and -dysentery (or flux). Thus these medicine-chests had to be brought into -the Company’s house fourteen days before the ships sailed, so that the -doctors and apothecaries and other people appointed by the Committee -dealing with this subject might make a full inspection. - -In addition to the officials on the Thames there was also a “Keeper -of Anchors and Stores in the Downes,” at Deal, who looked after the -cables, hawsers, anchors and ships’ boats sent to the Downs, so that -whenever any of the Company’s ships arrived there lacking any of these -articles they could always be supplied. At Deptford yard there was -every single trade represented that was employed in the construction -and fitting out of a seventeenth-century ship. There were coopers and -boatmakers and the carvers who deftly gave those fantastic decorations -to the ships’ hulls. There were smiths and painters and riggers, but -in addition to the large staff which were concerned with the ships -themselves, there was another staff who had to look after the providing -of the salt meat for the voyages. For the Company was determined to -keep the profit of victuals to itself. This department was under the -management of the “Clerk of the Slaughter-house,” his duties being to -look after the killing, salting, pickling and packing of the “beefes -and hogges.” This salt beef and pork comprised the main food of these -sailormen to the Far East and back. They had no vegetables except dried -peas and beans, no bread other than mouldy ship’s biscuit, and no fruit. - -The Company included a “Committee for Entertaining of Marriners,” -and they were on the look-out for “able men, unmarryed and approved -saylors.” Many of these fellows were of the reckless, dare-devil type, -coarse of morals and frequently drunk when ashore: yet heroic in a -crisis, imprudent, contemptuous of danger, brutal and unruly. Many a -young man—sailor and factor alike—was sent in these ships in order that -he might be got out of the way after disgracing his family: and numbers -of them never again set foot in England. If the seamen who were shipped -happened to be married, the “Clarke of the Imprest” paid the wages -allowed to their wives whilst the men were at sea. This official was -also bound to pay the wages to the “marriners which shall returne home -in the Companies ships, or to their Assignes.” - -After the masters and their mates of the respective ships had -been hired for a voyage, their names were entered under the list -of harbour-wages, and they took their oaths openly in the Court -of the Committees of the Company. After this they sought able and -good mariners “whom they shall preferre for entertainment unto the -Committees appointed to that businesse.” These masters were bound -to sleep on board the ships to which they had just been appointed, -every night, and there keep good order. They were also to appoint -quartermasters and boatswains, who were to see that the victuals, -provisions, stores and merchandise were properly stowed. The boatswain, -gunner, cook, steward, carpenter and other officers were each -responsible for their own special stores. - -Within ten days after the arrival of their ship in the Thames from -India the master was bound to deliver to the Governor of the Company -four copies of his journal and other “worthy observations” of his -voyage. When the ship was bound out the master was always to be on -board and to assist the master-pilot. When the ship returned home, a -Committee of the Company for the Discharge of the Ships was always -present on board in order to see the hold opened. This was to prevent -theft. The goods were then placed in lighters and one of the Company’s -“trusty servants” then went in the latter to watch that no embezzlement -occurred. The goods were then taken to Leadenhall, where they were -sold. “The custome hath been used heretofore [_i.e._ prior to 1621] -in selling the wares of this Company at a Generall Court, and the -Remnants of small value in the Warehouses by the light of a candle,” -and this custom was continued. Selling by the “light of a candle” was -as follows:—The article was put up for auction, a small piece of candle -burning the while. So long as that piece of candle was there the bids -could go on, but as soon as it burned out the last bid was completed -and no more could be made for that commodity. - -Before the crew put to sea, two months’ wages were allowed ahead, -and “gratifications” were also paid “unto worthy and well deserving -persons.” In these ships there went out also the merchants, factors -and supercargoes. Some, as we have already seen, founded factories -where they landed and circumstances permitted: but later on there were -factors resident in every port, just as each steamship company to-day -has its own agents wherever the ships touch. - -[Illustration: INDIA HOUSE—THE SALE ROOM. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -The Deptford yard, which the Company leased from the year 1607 and -used for the next twenty years, was of the greatest assistance to -the Company. The best merchant ships in the country there came into -being, were fitted out, repaired on their return, resheathed and then -sent to sea in excellent condition. It was true that the saving in -building for themselves was to the Company’s great benefit; but, on -the other hand, the yard with all this staff and detail was found in -the long run to be so costly that it swallowed up too much of the -capital, which could more profitably have been employed in hiring -ships. It was seen also that even with the carefulness expended in the -construction of the Company’s ships, the latter became worn out after -four voyages: so at the end of twenty years it was decided to give up -this expensive yard and to revert to the original custom of hiring -vessels as required. Later on we shall see that this system developed -in a curious manner, but for the present we must go back to see the -progress which the voyages of these early East Indiamen brought about -in the Eastern trade. It took four months to fit out these ships for -sailing again to the East, and the refit was very thorough. A large -magazine of warlike stores to the value of £30,000 was kept always -ready, and this was really a very useful asset in the country, since in -the time of necessity the material could be used by the English navy. -Even in the year 1626, within a few months of the closing down of the -shipyard, the Company were so enterprising as to erect mills and houses -for the manufacture of their own gunpowder, obtaining the saltpetre -from the East, which of course came home in their own ships. If ever -monopoly was allowed to have its own way, surely it never had such good -opportunity as was vouchsafed to the East India Company, with its own -shipyards, victualling, and its own particular trade with full cargoes -each way and a high percentage almost assured. We are accustomed in -this twentieth century to bewail the existence of “corners” and trusts: -yet these are as nothing compared with the privileges which the East -India Company enjoyed and so jealously guarded through generation after -generation, through two centuries and well into a third. And that meant -more than was really apparent. The whole world had not been developed -and opened out as it is to-day. Rather this exclusive privilege -meant the granting of about half the world to a select few, and the -democratic spirit of the twentieth century would instantly revolt -against any such condition of affairs. It must not be thought that -there were not those who protested even in the seventeenth century. -Some did certainly protest—in a very forcible manner—by cutting in -as interlopers. But it was a short-lived victory and had no lasting -effect. - -FOOTNOTES: - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -PERILS AND ADVENTURES - - -It is only by examining the official correspondence which passed -between the Company’s servants and themselves that we are able to get -a correct insight into the lesser, though usually more human, details -connected with these ships. In the last chapter but one we saw that -the third voyage had been financially satisfactory. But there are a -few sidelights which show that these voyages were not mere pleasure -cruises. If this particular one earned 234 per cent. it was by sheer -hard work on the part of the men and of the ships. Captain Keeling -writes that he had, whilst in the East, to buy “of the Dutch a maine -top-sayle (whereof we had extreame want) and delivered them a note to -the Company, to receive twelve pounds twelve shillings for the same.” -So also it was with men as with sails. Anthony Marlowe writes home to -the Governor of the Company, under date of 22nd June 1608, from on -board the _Hector_, that during the voyage “there hath died in our ship -two foremast men—Wallis and Palline: and two lost overboard, Goodman -and Jones: also there hath died Dryhurst, steward’s mate, John Newcome, -John Asshenhurst, purser’s mate, Mr Quaytmore, purser, and Mr Clarke, -merchant.” - -If there was ill-feeling ashore between the English and the Portuguese, -and the English and Dutch, so all was not ever as happy as wedding -bells in the English ships. One June day in 1608, during this third -voyage, a violent enmity had broken out between Anthony Hippon, master -of the _Dragon_, and his mate, William Tavernour. Someone endeavoured -to get them to make up their quarrel, but Hippon was obdurate, and “was -heartened forward in his malice against the said Tavernour by Matthew -Mullynex the master of the _Hector_.” - -And there is a further letter, dated 4th December 1608, which was sent -by another of the Company’s servants named James Hearne, which again -calls attention to the _Dragon’s_ want of sails, the ship then being -at Bantam. There was no canvas procurable out there, “therefore,” he -suggests, “one hundred pound more or less, would not be lost in laying -it out in spare canvas in such a voyage as this.” And then he concludes -his letter with a postscript, which shows that the life of a factor -in the Company’s service ashore out in the East was not a lucrative -occupation. “That it may please your worships,” he petitions, “to -consider me somewhat in my wages, for I have served 2 years already at -£4 a month, and in this place I am in, my charge will be greater than -otherwise.” - -We have already alluded to the setting forth of the sixth expedition -under Sir Henry Middleton in 1607. Middleton was instructed to proceed -to the west coast of India with the intention of obtaining from Surat -Indian calicoes which would find a ready sale at Bantam and the -Moluccas. Having set forth from England in the year 1610, he arrived at -Aden, where he left the _Peppercorn_, and then with his flag in the -_Trade’s Increase_ sailed for Mocha, which is at the southern end of -the Red Sea. No English vessel had yet thrust her bows into this sea, -though the Portuguese had been there even during the previous century. -And here the _Trade’s Increase_, which had received such an ovation -when she was first launched at the Deptford yard, was to begin the -first of her serious mishaps. Like many another ship that came after -her, famous for unprecedented size, she was destined to be unlucky. - -She was making for Mocha with the assistance of native pilots when -she had the misfortune to get badly aground. She was a clumsy, -unhandy ship, and it was natural enough that the natives who had been -accustomed only to their smaller craft might get her into trouble. The -incident occurred in November 1610, and the following account sent home -by one who was on board her at the time may be taken as representative -of the facts. “About five a clocke,” runs the account, “in luffing in -beeing much wind, we split our maine toppe sayle, and putting abroad -our mizen, it split likewise: our Pilots brought our shippe a ground -upon a banke of sand, the wind blowing hard, and the Sea somewhat -high, which made us all doubt her coming off ... we did what we could -to lighten our ship, sending some goods a-land and some aboard the -_Darling_ ... we land as well our Wheat-meale, Vinegar, Sea-coles, -Pitch and Tarre, with our unbuilt Pinnasse, and other provisions which -came next hand, or in the way, as well as Tinne, Lead, Iron, and other -merchandise to be sould, and staved neare all our water.” The reference -to the “unbuilt pinnasse” is explained by the fact that it was the -custom of the Elizabethan and later voyagers to take out from home the -necessary timber and planks and to build the little craft on board as -they proceeded. This kept the men occupied and was a saving in wages, -besides not involving the risk of losing such a craft before the end of -the voyage was being approached. Such a top-heavy, cumbrous vessel as -the _Trade’s Increase_ would need very careful “nursing” in a squall to -prevent her from capsizing, and it is perfectly clear that the sudden -luffing up into the wind to ease her was too much for the canvas that -had already been considerably worn and chafed during the voyage across -the Equator and round the Cape of Good Hope up to the Gulf of Aden. - -After some anxious hours the ship was eventually got afloat again, but -Middleton was taken prisoner by the Arabs. For a long while he was -compelled to endure his captivity, but was eventually released and -sailed for Surat, where he arrived with his ships on 26th September -1611, a great deal of valuable time having been lost. Here again he -was unlucky, for a Portuguese squadron of seven ships was waiting -outside. The Portuguese were now so indignant and jealous of the -English interlopers that they were resolved to resist them to the -utmost: otherwise it was obvious that the hard-won wealth of the East -would before long slip right away. All the inspiration and enthusiasm -of Prince Henry the Navigator, all the heroic voyages of the first -Portuguese navigators to the East, all the capital which had been -expended in building and fitting out their expensive caracks would -assuredly be thrown into the sea unless the aggressive Englishmen, -who had penetrated their secrets, were to be thwarted now with -determination. The Portuguese were expecting Middleton’s arrival, for -they had already heard of his being in the Red Sea, and now they were -in sufficient and overwhelming strength to oppose him: for besides -the big ships outside, there were nearly twice as many smaller craft -waiting inside the bar. The Portuguese contention was that they alone -had the right to trade with Surat: the English were not wanted and had -no justification to be there at all. - -Middleton’s position was that he had come out from the King of England -bearing a letter and presents to the Great Mogul to put on a firm -footing that trade which Englishmen had already inaugurated, and that -India was open to all nations who wished to trade with her. But, of -course, Middleton did not know at the time the incident which has -already been mentioned in connection with Hawkins and the Great Mogul. -When, however, the news presently reached him, it was to modify his -plans entirely: there could be no good object attained in endeavouring -to establish trade against the opposition of the Mogul and the -Portuguese. The natives were clearly under the thumb of the Portuguese, -and, however willing they might have been, no trade with them was -possible. - -So, after taking Hawkins on board, together with the Englishmen who -had been left at Surat, a council was held and ultimately it was -decided to return to the Red Sea so that he could there trade with -the ships from India, since to deal with them in their own country -was not practicable. This decision was carried out, and whether the -traders liked it or not they were compelled to barter the goods -which Middleton required to take farther eastwards to the Indian -Archipelago as previously indicated. But meanwhile there had set out -from England another expedition, consisting of the three ships _Clove_, -_Thomas_ and _Hector_, under the command of Captain Saris, bound for -the Red Sea, having previously obtained a firman, or decree, from -Constantinople which would grant him and his merchants kindly treatment -in the neighbourhood of Mocha and Aden. But on arriving at Socotra, -Saris found a letter from Middleton giving warning of the treacherous -treatment to expect. In spite of this, however, Saris found that the -firman was respected, but eventually deemed it prudent to make for the -Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, where he met Middleton and agreed with him to -engage in privateering the ships of India. If you had questioned these -English seamen they would have replied unhesitatingly that they were -merely engaged in trade by barter, and that as they had been prevented -by circumstances from carrying on this direct with the Indian continent -they had no other opportunity than to do it at sea. They had been sent -out by the English Company to get the cloths and calicoes to exchange -farther east and they were merely fulfilling their instructions. But in -plain language there was little difference between this and robbery, -or, at the best, compulsory sale at the buyer’s own price. - -[Illustration: THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SHIP “BRIDGEWATER” -ENTERING MADRAS ROADS UNDER JURY-RIG AFTER ENCOUNTERING GALES OF WIND. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -But when all this “trading” was finished and the _Trade’s Increase_ -went to Malay Archipelago, she was to bring to a tragic end her short -and adventurous career. Middleton had gone ahead in the _Peppercorn_, -and the _Trade’s Increase_ had been ordered to follow after. -Unfortunately she needed some repairs to her hull. It was customary -before an East Indiaman left the East on her homeward voyage for the -sheathing outside to be attended to, in order that she might make as -fast a passage home as possible. But there were no dry docks out there, -and very few anywhere, even in England or Holland. The practice, which -lasted well into the nineteenth century, was to careen a ship if she -required any attention below the water-line—her seams caulked, or her -bottom tarred. This was done in the case of the _Trade’s Increase_ -whilst she was at Bantam, where her sheathing was being seen to. But -she fell over on to her side and became a total loss. One contemporary -account states that whilst the repairs were being done “all her men -died in the careening of her,” and that then some Javanese were hired -to do the job, but five hundred of these “died in the worke before -they could sheath one side: so that they could hire no more men, and -therefore were inforced to leave her imperfect, where shee was sunke -in the Sea, and after set on fire by the Javans.” This was towards the -end of the year 1613. Another contemporary account states that she was -laid up in the ooze, and was set on fire from stem to stern, having -been previously fired twice, at the supposed instigation of a renegade -Spaniard, “which is turned Moor.” She blazed away during the whole of -one night, and her wreck was eventually sold for 1050 reales. When Sir -Henry Middleton heard the news of the loss of his famous flagship, the -pride of all the seas, he was so heart-broken that he died. Thus both -admiral and flagship had perished: it had been a calamitous voyage. - -As for Captain Saris, he had sailed to Japan in order to establish -a factory. Notwithstanding the opposition of the Dutch, who were as -jealous of his arrival in the Far East as the Portuguese had been in -India, the Emperor received him favourably and the seeds were sown -for future trade with England which, to change the metaphor, were to -prepare the way for the adoption of Western ideas by the Japanese -during the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. Strictly speaking, -Japan and China have nothing to do with India. But historically, so -far as our present subject is concerned, they are to an extent bound -together. Not merely did these first captains of the English East -India Company sail thither, but, as the reader will see further on in -this volume, a great deal of trade was done with those parts by the -Company’s servants: and at least one interesting engagement took place -on sea near by, in which the Company’s merchant ships distinguished -themselves. - -Notwithstanding the sad loss of the costly _Trade’s Increase_, -Middleton’s voyage had yielded to the Company a profit of 121 per cent. -Captain Saris’s voyage had done even better still, earning 218 per -cent.; but, as we have shown, this was not all earned by legitimate -trade. - -The journal of Captain Nicholas Downton of the homeward voyage of the -_Peppercorn_ (which you will remember had been built at the Deptford -yard and went out in company with the _Trade’s Increase_) shows the -kind of hardships which our sailors had to endure whilst earning such -handsome profits for their owners. With thankful hearts this craft -started back from Bantam, though it was to be no pleasant voyage. On -getting under way Downton saluted the admiral by way of farewell. “I -gave him 5 shot,” he writes, “having no more pieces out nor ports -uncaulked”—that is to say, he had prepared his ship for sea, having -run inboard most of his guns and caulked up the ports. The ship had -previously had her sheathing attended to, and all the stores were -aboard. The meat was kept in casks, while the bread and corn were -kept in a “tight room” in order to avoid the ravages of the cacara—“a -most devouring worm,” as Downton quaintly calls it, “with which this -ship doth abound to our great disturbance.” The drinking-water to the -extent of twenty-six tons had also been brought aboard, where it was -kept in casks. But as these were decayed, weak, rotten and leaky the -crew were bound to suffer before they reached home. He did his best to -make her what he calls “a pridie ship”—that is, a trim ship—but though -this was her first homeward voyage she leaked like a basket through -the trenail holes in the stern, owing to the negligence of the wicked -Deptford carpenters, who had scamped their work. The result was that -there were soon twenty inches of water “on our lower orlop.” Certainly -the Company’s yard had not earned much real credit for the way they had -designed and built the _Peppercorn_ and the _Trade’s Increase_. - -And so this leaky, crank, badly built ship came fighting her way -along over the trackless ocean, a continuous source of anxiety to her -commander. Troubles often enough come not singly, and the _Peppercorn_ -was another unlucky ship. By sheer carelessness she and all hands -barely escaped ending all things by fire at sea. “At noon,” says -Downton, “our ship came afire by the cook his negligence, o’erguzzled -with drink, digged a hole through the brick back of the furnace and -gave the fire passage to the ship’s side, which led to much trouble -besides spoil to our ship.” The punctuation of this sentence needs -no modification to show the short, sharp impressions jotted down by -a choleric captain. The name of this “o’erguzzled” cook was Richard -Hancock, and no doubt he had so undermined his health with drink, or -had been so severely punished by his commander that he could not long -survive, for he died shortly after one day at noon and was buried at -sea. - -But he was not the only careless member of the ship’s company. At least -one of the watch-keeping officers was just as bad in his own sphere. -“The 27th at 2 after noon we were suddenly taken short with a gust from -the SE, which by neglect of the principal of the watch not setting in -time, not only put us to much present trouble but also split us two -topsails at once, and blew a third clean away.” The following month -on the eleventh the _Peppercorn_ was at midnight overwhelmed by heavy -squalls which “split our main bonnet and fore course, whereby we were -forced to lie a try with mainsail, the sea very violent, we mending our -sail.” - -The meaning of this may not be quite apparent to those unfamiliar with -the ships of those days. The “bonnet” was an additional piece of canvas -laced on to the foot of these square-sails. It had been long in use -by the ships of the Vikings and the English craft of the Middle Ages, -and continued to be used during the Tudor period and the seventeenth -century. Even in the twentieth century it is not quite obsolete, and -is still used on the Norfolk wherries and on some of the North Sea -fishing vessels. It was such a canvas as certainly ought to have been -taken in quickly if the _Peppercorn_ was likely to be struck by a heavy -squall, being essentially a fine-weather addition. And whenever it was -unlaced the equivalent was obtained of putting a reef in the sail. To -“lie a try” was a well-known expression used by the Elizabethan seamen -and their successors: it meant simply what we mean to-day when we -speak of heaving-to. The ship would just forge ahead very slowly under -her mainsail only, being under command but making good weather of the -violent sea of which Downton speaks, and allowing most of the hands to -get busy with the sails, which had to be sent down and repaired. - -They had barely begun to resume their voyage when, on the thirteenth of -the month, the _Peppercorn_ broke her main truss—that is to say, the -rope which kept the yard of the mainsail at its centre to the mast. The -main halyards also carried away and again the main bonnet was split, -but this time the mainsail as well. The “main course,” says Downton, -“rent out of the bolt rope”—that is to say, blew right away from the -rope to which it is sewn—and so they were, owing to “want of fit sail -to carry, forced to lie a hull,” which means that they had to heave-to -again. Meanwhile the _Peppercorn_ was still leaking away merrily. “This -day again,” reads an entry in the journal a little later on, “by the -labouring of the ship and beating of her bows in a head sea, whereby we -found in the powder room in the fore part on the lower orlop, 20 or 24 -inches water, which have so spoiled, wet and stained divers barrels, so -that of 20 barrels of powder I do not now expect to find serviceable -2 barrels, besides all our match and divers other things.” It would -therefore have gone ill with the _Peppercorn_ if she had fallen in with -a big, powerful Spanish ship on the high seas ready to blaze away at -her. - -It took thirty-six hours to get these sails repaired and new ropes -spliced. This mending became in fact the rule rather than the -exception. “Our daily employment either mending of our poor old sails -daily broken, or making new with such poor stuff as we have.” There can -be no doubt whatever that these ships were sent to sea with all too -few stores to allow of accident. We have already seen that additional -canvas could not be obtained in the East, except with the indulgence -of some Dutch captain, who would naturally charge the English the full -value of a new sail, and a bit more. One wonders, indeed, how often -those London merchants realised how dearly these big percentages had -been bought—how only the dogged determination of the captains and -masters, the sufferings of the crews in the leaky, ill-found ships -could provide fortunes and luxuries for those who stayed at home in -ease. However, little though they knew it at the time, it was these -ill-faring mariners who were really building up the foundations of -England’s Eastern wealth and her Eastern Empire. Human lives in those -harsh days were rated low enough, and a poor, common sailor was not -slobbered over. He was merely one of the meshes of the big net cast -into the sea to bring in large spoil to the financiers of that time. -But it has always been thus, and the more long-suffering the seaman -has shown himself, the more courageous and patient he has been, the -more he has been treated with contumely by those very persons who have -obtained all that they possess through his achievements. - -It cannot be supposed that these seventeenth-century Indiamen were on -the whole happy ships. The captains feared mutiny all the time, and the -men were compelled to live and work under trying conditions which were -enough to break the spirit of any landsman. Downton’s journal shows -this all too well. Take the following entries, which are sufficiently -expressive:— - -“July 2. Mr Abraham Lawes conceives he is poisoned for that his stomach -falls away, and he hath often inclination to vomit, for he saith he was -so at Venice, when he was formerly poisoned.” - -Three days later Thomas Browning died, and on 27th July comes this -entry: - -“This day Mr Lawes died and is opened by the surgeon who took good -note of his inward parts which was set down by the surgeon and divers -witnesses to that note.” Similarly on 21st August: “Men daily fall -down into great weakness”; and, again, four days later: “Edw. Watts, -carpenter, died at midnight.” Under the twenty-ninth of the same month -we find the following entry:—“Stormy weather, dry, the night past -Thomas Dickorie died. Most of my people in a weak estate.” The last -day of the month we read that “John Ashbe died by an imposthume at 7 -o’clock after noon,” and other members of the ship’s company continued -to die almost daily. An “imposthume,” by the way, is an abscess. - -But the _Peppercorn_, though she had long since crossed the line, and -was even now beyond the Bay of Biscay, was destined to suffer ill -luck right to the end of her voyage. She ought, of course, to have -rounded Ushant and then squared away up the English Channel. But as a -fact Downton got right out of his reckoning. He rather imagined that -his reckoning was wrong and suspected “all the instruments by which we -observed the variation by.” The result was that he got farther to the -north than he expected. He therefore ran right across the western mouth -of the English Channel without sighting anything, so that eventually -he found himself between Wales and Ireland—miles and miles out of his -course. All too late he realised the mistake, so determined to put in -to the nearest port. He thought of Milford, but as the _Peppercorn_ -would not fetch thither, he decided to run for Waterford in Ireland. He -ran down to the coast, but when off the entrance a thick fog enshrouded -the land, so he had to put out to sea once more, being able eventually -to run into Waterford river when a more favourable opportunity -presented itself. He had got his ship safe back into the Narrow Seas, -but he had arrived a long way short of the River Thames and the port -of London, and it would mean the wasting of further delay before the -_Peppercorn’s_ rich cargo could be sold in the metropolis. But with -what success this voyage concluded to the stock-holders we have already -seen. - -[Illustration: THE “HALSEWELL,” EAST INDIAMAN. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -Apropos of this voyage there is still preserved a letter written by -Downton “aboard the _Peppercorn_ to the Right Worshipful the Indian -Company in Philpot Lane, September 15, 1613,” in which this captain -asks for “3 cables and other cordage of divers sizes, a set of sails, -sail needles and twine, and some Hamburrough lines for sounding lines.” -With regard to the bad land-fall which Downton made coming home, there -can be no doubt that he had reason to suspect those crude, inaccurate -navigation instruments to which we have already called attention. In -addition, of course, the early seventeenth-century charts bristled -with errors. As for Eastern waters, the English skippers were much -indebted to the charts which the Dutchmen had made for themselves, the -Dutch at this time being the best cartographers in the world. There is -at least one instance of a navigator of one of the English East India -Company’s ships “finding it to be truely laid down in Plat or Draught -made by Jan Janson Mole, a Hollander, which he gave to Master Hippon, -and he to the Companie.” To this knowledge received by the Company -were added the “plots” (_i.e._ charts) which their own masters of -ships brought home at the end of every voyage, amended and added to as -their experience dictated. We have already seen that it was compulsory -for the master of every East Indiaman to deliver to the Governor of -the English East India Company four copies of his journal and other -“worthy” observations of his voyage within ten days of his arrival -back in the Thames. The information thus derived was systematised, and -as time went on and the voyages became more numerous still there was -thus accumulated a number of invaluable sailing directions which were -to be condensed into “Rules for our East India Navigations” by the -famous John Davis of Limehouse, who had himself made no less than five -voyages. The East India Company thus not only built its own ships at -its own dockyard, victualled them from its own stores, but conducted -its own hydrography department. It was therefore positively unique -in its monopolies and self-dependence. England has never had any -corporation like it: and it is pretty certain it never will. - -FOOTNOTES: - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -SHIPS AND TRADE - - -We alluded on an earlier page to what were known as “separate” voyages. -In the year 1612 the owners of the different stocks joined together -and made one common capital of £740,000. Until that year the custom -had been for a number of men to subscribe together for one particular -voyage out and home. This was found by no means satisfactory, for it -meant there was too much rivalry and no co-operation. Before one voyage -was completed another would be sent out, and it happened that out in -the East several agents in their zeal to obtain cargoes for their ships -would be found bidding against each other, to the great advantage of -the natives and the loss of the English stock-holders. Then, again, -it would also happen that the ship of one particular voyage might be -lying empty at some Indian port waiting till her factor had obtained -the spices and other goods destined for England. Meanwhile the factor -of a second voyage had _his_ goods ready but no ship in which to send -them home. Each “voyage” was thus a separate and distinct concern, -declining to have anything to do with any other “voyage,” or group of -adventurers. When, therefore, this practice came to an end, the union -made for strength and did away with the ill feeling and waste of energy -till then so noticeable. The first joint stock began in the year 1613 -and ended in 1617. - -During this period twenty-nine ships of the Company were employed, and -by the end of the year 1617 eight had returned with cargoes, four had -been either lost or broken up, two had fallen into the hands of the -Dutch, and fifteen were still in the East Indies. When the new stock -was undertaken, most of these ships still in India were taken over at -valuation. The biggest East Indiaman craft at this time were the _Royal -James_, of 1000 tons; the _Anne Royal_, of 900 tons; and _The New -Year’s Gift_, of 800 tons. - -The Master Hippon, of whom we made mention in the last chapter, had -command of the _Globe_, which set forth from England alone and made -direct for the Coromandel coast (the south-east portion of India). -He called neither at the Red Sea, the Nicobars, nor the East Indian -Archipelago. His mission was to inaugurate a new sphere of trade, and -in so doing he was laying the foundations of those rich commercial -centres of Madras and Calcutta. His work was not easy, for the Dutch -would not allow him to operate in their neighbourhood, but he left -a little band of men near Masulipatam to found a factory, and then -went on to establish other factories in the Malay Peninsula and Siam. -In the year 1612 Captain Best had obtained from the Court of Delhi -considerable privileges, including that of establishing a factory at -Surat. This was to become the chief English station in India until -the acquisition of Bombay. In establishing these factories, the -English were but copying the example of the Portuguese and Dutch. -They were essential as depots for the goods brought from home and the -commodities which had been obtained from the natives, and were awaiting -the arrival of the Company’s ships. In charge of these factories were -the Company’s agents and their clerks. But it is well to bear in mind -that these factories and factors were destined to undergo development. -As a measure of precaution the former were in the course of time -strengthened, and at a still later stage they became even forts, so -that the agents and clerks developed into a garrison. And from a -strictly defensive policy a more aggressive influence occurred which -resulted in acquisition of territory as well as trading rights. - -Captain Best had sailed from Gravesend on 1st February 1612, with -the _Red Dragon_ and the _Hoseander_, and arrived in the Swally, the -roadstead for Surat, on 5th September. Here also were the Portuguese -fleet a few weeks later ready to thwart the English, but Best was ready -for them, and eventually hostilities were inevitable. But Best had the -true English spirit in him, and besides being an excellent leader of a -trading expedition, he was also no mean tactician, taking advantage of -tide and the proximity of sandy shoals. The result was that the English -were victorious and the Portuguese admiral defeated. But this meant -something more than was immediately apparent. In a word it was to have -a considerable influence on the future Anglo-Indian trade, and so give -a still greater demand for the Indian merchant ships. In order properly -to realise the position, you have to think of a weak man over-awed by -a giant. Another giant comes along and asks the weak man for certain -favours. The latter replies that he would be willing to make the -concessions if the second giant could conquer the first, for whom the -weak man has no real love. In the present instance the first giant is -represented by the Portuguese, the weak man is the Great Mogul, and the -second giant the English. The latter had been thwarted from trading -with Surat by the Portuguese. What the Mogul had said amounted to this: -“Defeat the Portuguese and I will give you and yours every opportunity -to trade in my dominions: your merchants shall not be molested, the -customs imposed shall be as light as possible, and if there is any -delinquency by which my people shall in any way injure your men, I will -see that the matter is soon set right and redress given. Your country -shall be allowed to send its ambassador and reside at my Court—but you -must first exhibit your strength by conquering the hated Portuguese.” - -So Best’s victory succeeded as only success can. The mighty power of -the Portuguese was now broken like a reed. They had been defeated on -sea who prided themselves on sea-power. They had lost their prestige -with the natives, who had had the first Europeans in awe. The whole of -the Portuguese Indian system, which had amounted to piracy, oppression -and native ruin, had been, in the words of India’s great modern -historian, Sir Wm. Wilson Hunter, “rotten to the core.” It was now -to receive its death-blow, and a new order of things was to follow. -Instead of the previous opposition, the English were now allowed to -open their trade and to start factories both at Surat and elsewhere, -and the English East India Company obtained a most firm footing—not as -interlopers doing the best they could against Portuguese vigilance, -but recognised by the Great Mogul as an important and powerful trading -corporation. It was after these concessions had been made and various -factories set up that the latter needed obvious protection both from -the Portuguese and the pirates who were greatly harassing the trading -ships. Thus on land the nucleus was formed of an Indian army: thus -afloat the nucleus also was formed of the Bombay Marine, afterwards to -be known as the Indian navy. - -For the latter the Company’s Surat agent was compelled to do the -best with local material, collecting native craft called grabs and -gallivats and commanded by officers who volunteered from the Company’s -merchant ships. As these craft, like all other local craft, were the -most suitable for the conditions of the place, the Company was well -able to patrol the Gulf of Cambay and protect the vessels loaded -with merchandise. This Indian marine had come into being during the -year 1613, and two years later consisted of ten local craft. In the -same year arrived from England four of the Company’s ships, under -Captain Keeling, with Sir Thomas Roe, who had been sent by James I. -as ambassador to the Great Mogul, and the treaty with the latter was -ratified. - -So the voyages continued to be made between England and the East. There -was still opposition on the part of the Dutch, who would occasionally -seize the Company’s ships, and in the year 1623 this opposition reached -its crisis in the notorious Massacre of Amboyna, when the English -Company’s agent and nine more Englishmen were executed on a trivial -charge. Nor were the Portuguese ships swept from the Eastern seas. The -sea-power was broken, but it still existed in its weakly condition, and -nothing gave the English seamen greater pleasure than to meet any of -their big caracks in the Indian Ocean or elsewhere and attack them. But -the factors who had been installed at Surat were in no way deficient -in enterprise. They were doing an excellent trade, not merely between -England and India, but between India and Bantam. This was not enough: -they were determined to open up commerce with the Persian Gulf. - -Now this meant that trouble was inevitable. If the Portuguese had lost -their hold on India, they were certainly just as strong as formerly at -Ormuz and other parts of the Persian Gulf. To traffic, or to attempt -to traffic, with this part of the Orient was certain to mean further -conflict with the nation which had received so much injury from Captain -Best. For most of a hundred years the Portuguese had been enjoying -their monopoly up the Gulf. However, neither this nor the certainty -of conflict could turn aside the ambition of the English East India -Company. Their ships were sent from Surat with Indian goods, the -Portuguese vessels opposed them, the victory went to the English, and -thus once more, as it had been in the territory of the Great Mogul, -so the result was to be in regard to the Persian trade. The natives -realised that the English were worth listening to, and their prestige -was raised to the height from which the Portuguese simultaneously -dropped. Henceforth the English factors could bring from Surat their -calicoes and take back silks. A little later Ormuz was destroyed—Ormuz -which had been the seat of Portuguese supremacy in the Persian Gulf -and the centre of its wealthy trade in that region—and thus once more -the nation which had been the first of European countries to unlock the -secrets of the East was told to quit. By the year 1622—a short enough -period since the inauguration of the East India Company in London—the -Portuguese had thus been driven out from those very places in the East -which had been so dear to them and the means of so much wealth. By the -year 1654 they had been compelled to agree that the English should -have the right to reside and trade in all these Eastern possessions. -It was a terrible blow to Portuguese pride, a grievous disappointment -to a nation which had done so much for the discovery of the world, and -enough to make Prince Henry the Navigator turn in his grave. But it -was inevitable, for the reason that as the Portuguese had declined in -sea-power, so the English had been rising ever since the mid-sixteenth -century, though more especially during the latter half of Elizabeth’s -reign. The call of the sea to English ears was being listened to -more attentively than ever, and when that call summoned men to such -profitable trade it continued to be heard through the centuries. Each -success added zest and gave an increased enthusiasm. Men who wanted -to see the world, or to increase their meagre incomes, or to get away -from the narrow confines of their own town or village were eager to -take their oath to the Company and go East, where a more adventurous -life awaited them. But with the Portuguese it was not so. Most of their -Latin enthusiasm had run out: they had begun well, but they had been -unable to sustain. And the series of blows—the capture of their finest -caracks, the revelation of their East Indian secrets, the colossal -defeat of the Armada, the persistent and successful impertinence -of English interlopers in India, the glaring proof that English -seamanship, navigation, naval strategy, tactics and gunnery were as -good as their own—this succession of hard facts tended to break their -spirit, made them compelled to bow to the inevitable. _Sic transit -gloria mundi._ - -Between the years 1617 and 1629 the English East India Company had sent -out no fewer than 57 ships, containing 26,690 tons of merchandise. In -addition they employed eighteen pinnaces which spent their time trading -from port to port in the East Indies. We have already alluded to the -inception of the Indian navy by the Surat factory. As time went on this -flotilla of local craft was strengthened by big ships sent out from -England. But as this volume is not a history of either the East India -Company or of the development of the Indian navy, we must confine our -attention to the story of the Company’s merchant ships during the many -years in which they existed with such marvellous and unprecedented -benefit to India and the English nation. Those who are interested -merely in the rise of the Indian navy will find the account in Captain -Low’s volumes. - -Now covetousness is a sin which is peculiar not merely to individuals, -but to corporations and even nations. You may be sure that all this -success on the part of the East India Company’s ships and of their -trading ashore led to no small amount of jealousy and longing at home. -It is true that the State had assisted and encouraged the Company in -every way: for it was obvious that it was for the nation’s welfare -generally, and in particular a fine support for the navy in respect -of ships, men and stores. But the time arrived when the Company began -to be pinched and squeezed by the power that hitherto had given only -assistance. Covetousness was at the bottom of it all, but the actual -opportunity had arisen over the capture of Ormuz, from which, it had -been reported, a large amount of spoil had been taken. It was easy -enough to invent some excuse, and this came in the year 1624 when the -Company, understanding that the Portuguese were preparing a fleet -against them in Indian waters, began to get ready a squadron of seven -ships to leave England. When these ships were ready to sail, the Lord -High Admiral of England, who happened to be the Duke of Buckingham, -obtained from Parliament an order to lay an embargo on these ships, -lying at Tilbury. A claim was made for a portion of the spoil supposed -to have been taken at Ormuz and elsewhere. And in spite of protests -the sum of £10,000 had to be paid before the ships were released. -About this time, also, the Company were attacked in Parliament on -three grounds: (1) For exporting the treasure of the kingdom, it -being alleged that £80,000 had been sent out yearly in money: (2) For -destroying the invaluable timber of the country by building exceedingly -great ships, the timber being wanted for the navy: (3) For causing -the supply of mariners to become injured by these voyages. The last -item was certainly unreasonable: for, as a fact, about one-third, or -sometimes one-half, of every ship’s complement consisted of landsmen, -who went on board “green” to sea life. But as happens over and over -again, even in our luxurious times, many a green-horn discovers after -a while that the life of a seaman is just what really suits him: and -it was so with these landsmen to a large extent. The service opened up -a new career for them, and these fellows were to add to rather than -diminish the country’s supply of sailors. - -The ships were getting slightly more habitable and better built, though -no very great change was taking place. How unseaworthy were some of -the Company’s best vessels may be seen from a letter sent on 10th -June 1614 by Robert Larkin, who murmurs bitterly of his craft, the -_Darling_. “The _Darling_,” he writes, “complaineth sore, but I hope to -God she will carry us well to Puttam, and further tediousness I omit. -But I wish to God I were well rid of my captainship, or the _Darling_ -a sounder vessel to carry me in.” So also that big East Indiaman, the -_Royal James_, during the year 1617 sprang a serious leak, and the way -in which this was stopped makes most interesting reading to all lovers -of ships. Her commander at that time, Captain Martin Pring, wrote to -the Company on the 12th of November of the year mentioned that about -a fortnight before the _Royal James_ had reached Swally—the port of -Surat—“we had a great leak broke upon us in the _James_, which in four -hours increased six foot water in hold, and after we had freed it and -made the pumps suck, it would rise thirteen inches in half-an-hour. It -was a great blessing of God that it fell out in such weather, by which -means we had the help of all the fleet, otherwise all our company had -been tired in a very short time. The 9th, we made many trials with a -bonnet stitched with oakum under the bulge of the ship, but it did -no good. The 11th, we basted our spritsail with oakum and let it -down before the stem of the ship and so brought it aft by degrees: in -which action it pleased God so to direct us that we brought the sail -right under the place where the oakum was presently sucked into the -leak: which stopped it in such sort that the ship made less water the -day following than she had done any day before from the time of our -departure out of England.” - -The device here employed was well known to the old-fashioned sailor, -and designated “fothering.” Briefly the idea was as follows. In order -to stop the leak a sail was fastened at the four corners and then let -down under the ship’s bottom, a quantity of chopped rope-yarns, oakum, -cotton, wool—anything in the least serviceable for the job—being also -put in. If you were lucky you would find that after the first few -attempts the leak would have sucked up some of the oakum or whatever -was put into the sail, and so the water would not pour in as badly. -This device certainly saved Captain Cook during one of his voyages -after his ship had struck a rock and the sea poured in so quickly -that the pumps were unable to cope with it. In the description given -above by Captain Pring you will notice that he used his spritsail for -this purpose. This was a quadrilateral sail set at the end of the -bowsprit, but was abolished from East Indiamen and other ships in the -early part of the nineteenth century. At first, you will observe, -the bonnet—doubtless the bonnet of the mainsail—the use of which we -described on an earlier page, was tried and lowered under the “bulge” -(or, as we now say, the “bilge”) of the ship. “Stitched with oakum” -means that the little tufts of oakum were lightly stitched to the -canvas just to keep them in position until the suction of the leak drew -them up the hole away from the canvas. When he says he “basted” the -spritsail with oakum he means again that the latter was sewn with light -stitches. This spritsail was lowered down at the bows till it got below -the ship’s forefoot and then brought gradually aft till the position of -the leak was reached, and then the oakum was sucked up with the happy -result noted. This all reads much simpler than it was in actuality: and -you can imagine that it was no easy matter getting this sail into its -exact position while the ship was plunging and rolling in a seaway. - -Eventually the _Royal James_ got over the bar at Swally, and a -consultation was then held aboard her by Captain Pring and a number -of other captains as to what had now best be done. One opinion was to -careen her so as to get at the leak and caulk it. Another opinion was -to “bring her aground for the speedy stopping of her dangerous leak.” -But these captains had before their minds the recollection that the -_Trade’s Increase_ had been lost whilst being careened, and another -ship named the _Hector_ likewise: so they unanimously agreed that the -best thing would be to put the _Royal James_ ashore, first taking out -of her the merchandise. They were more than a little nervous as to how -this big ship would take the ground, so “for a trial” they brought -ashore the _Francis_, an interloping vessel which they had captured. -When it was seen that the _Francis_ seemed to take the ground all -right and that she lay there three tides without apparent injury “and -never complained in any part,” they put the _Royal James_ ashore -also. Unluckily this was not with the same amount of success, “for she -strained very much about the midship and made her bends to droop: which -caused us to haul her off again so soon that we had not time to find -the leak. Yet (God be praised) since we came afloat her bends are much -righted and she hath remained very tight: God grant she may so long -continue.” - -When Sir Thomas Roe went out from England in the year 1615 to Surat as -English Ambassador to the Great Mogul, he was accompanied by Edward -Terry, his chaplain. The latter has left behind an account of his -voyage to India, and though we cannot do much more than call attention -thereto, we may in passing note that this setting forth shows how -much valuable time was wasted in those days waiting for a fair wind. -For these seventeenth-century ships had neither the fine lines nor -the superiority of rig which was afterwards to make the East Indiamen -famous throughout the world. The Company’s seventeenth-century ships -were clumsy as to their proportions, they were built according to -rule-of-thumb, the stern was unnecessarily high, the bows unnecessarily -low. Triangular headsails had not yet been adopted, except by -comparatively small fore-and-aft-rigged craft, such as yachts and -coasters. The mizen was still of the lateen shape, but all the other -sails were quadrilateral, even to the spritsail, which was suspended -at the outer end of the bowsprit and below that spar. Above the latter -on a small mast was hoisted another small squaresail, and then at the -after end of the bowsprit (which was very long and practically a mast) -came the foremast, stepped as far forward as it could go. - -With this unhandy rig, the bluff-bowed hulls with their clumsy design -and heavy tophamper could make little or no progress in a head wind. -They were all right for running before the wind, or with the wind on -the quarter: but not only could they not point close to the wind, -but even when they tried they made a terrible lot of leeway. It was -therefore hopeless to try and beat down the English Channel. Most -seamen are aware that the prevailing winds over the British Isles are -from the south-west, but that often between about February and the -end of June, more especially in the earlier part of the year, one can -expect north-east or easterly spells. The old East Indiamen therefore -availed themselves of this. For a fair wind down Channel was a thing -much to be desired, and a long time would be spent in waiting for it. -As these awkward ships had to work their tides down the River Thames, -then drop anchor for a tide, and take the next ebb down, their progress -till they got round the North Foreland was anything but fast. - -Of all this Edward Terry’s account gives ample illustration. He was a -cleric and no seaman, but he had the sense of observation and recorded -what he observed. It was on the 3rd of February 1615 that the squadron, -including the flagship _Charles_—a “New-built goodly ship of a thousand -Tuns (in which I sayled) ... fell down from Graves-send into Tilbury -Hope.” Here they remained until 8th February, when they weighed anchor, -and not till 12th February had they weathered the North Foreland and -brought up in the Downs, where they remained for weeks waiting till -a fair wind should oblige them. On the 9th of March the longed-for -north-easter came, when they immediately got under way and two days -later passed the meridian of the Lizard during the night. With the wind -in such a quarter these Indiamen would bowl along just as fast as their -ill-designed hulls could be forced through the water, making a lot of -fuss and beating the waves instead of cutting through them as in the -case of the last of the East Indiamen which ever sailed. - -By the 19th of May they had passed the Tropic of Capricorn and -Terry marvelled at the sight of whales, which were “of an exceeding -greatnesse” and “appear like unto great Rocks.” Sharks were seen, and -even in those days the inherent delight of the seaman for capturing and -killing his deadly enemy was very much in existence. As these cruel -fish swam about the _Charles_ the sailors would cast overboard “an iron -hook ... fastened to a roap strong like it, bayted with a piece of -beefe of five pounds weight.” - -[Illustration: THE “SERINGAPATAM,” EAST INDIAMAN, 1,000 TONS.] - -The squadron duly arrived in Swally Roads on the 18th of September. Sir -Thomas Roe performed his mission to the Great Mogul, and eventually -reached England again. So also Edward Terry, after having been for -some time in the East India Company’s service, was made rector of -Great Greenford, Middlesex, and in the year 1649 we find him one day -in September preaching a “sermon of thanksgiving” in the Church of St -Andrew’s, Undershaft, before the Committee of these East India Company -merchants. The occasion was the return of seven of the Company’s ships -which had arrived from the Orient together—“a great and an unexpected -mercy” after a “long, and tedious, and hazardous voyage.” Terry’s -discourse is typical of the pompous, obsequious period. We can almost -see these worthy East India merchants strolling into the church and -taking their places by no means unconscious of their self-importance, -yet not ashamed to do their duty and give thanks for the safe arrival -of ships and their rich cargoes. Many of them, if not all, had never -been out of England. Terry had been to India and back: he was therefore -no ordinary rector, and he rose to the occasion. He hurls tags of Latin -quotations at his hearers and then, after referring to the great riches -which they were obtaining from the East, reminds these merchants that -there are richer places to be found than both the East Indies and the -West, better ports than Surat or even Bantam, and so went on to speak -of the land where “nor rust, nor moth, nor fire, nor time can consume,” -where the pavement is gold and the walls are of precious stones. And -then, after this simple, direct homily, the Committee came out from -their pews and went back to their daily pursuits. - -If these seventeenth-century men were crude and had lost some of the -religious zeal of the pre-Reformation sailors, they still retained as -a relic of the Puritan influence a narrow but sincere personal piety. -And this comes out in the following prayer which was wont to be used -aboard the East Indiaman ships of the late seventeenth century. It is -called “A prayer for the Honourable English Company trading to the East -Indies, to be used on board their ships,” and bears the imprimatur of -the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London, who append their -signatures to the statement that “we do conceive that this prayer may -be very proper to be used, for the purpose express’d in the tittle -of it.” It has none of the beautiful English of the Middle Ages, for -liturgical ability, like stained-glass window painting, was at this -time a lost art. But for its simple sincerity, its suggestive deep -realisation of the terrors of the sea, its true pathos and its plain -religious confidence, it is characteristic of the period and the minds -of the men who joined in this prayer:— - -“O Almighty and most Merciful Lord God, Thou art the Soveraign -Protector of all that Trust in Thee, and the Author of all Spiritual -and Temporal Blessings. Let Thy Grace, we most humbly beseech thee, be -always Present with thy Servants the English Company Trading to the -East Indies. Compass them with thy Favour as with a shield. Prosper -them in all their Publick Undertakings, and make them Successful in all -their Affairs both by Sea and Land. Grant that they may prove a common -Blessing, by the Increase of Honour, Wealth and Power ... by promoting -the Holy Religion of our Lord Jesus Christ. Be more especially at this -time favourable to us, who are separated from all the world, and have -our sole dependance upon thee here in the great waters. Thou shewest -they wonders in the Deep, by commanding the Winds and the Seas as thou -pleasest, and thou alone canst bring us into the Haven where we would -be. To they Power and Mercy therefore we humbly fly for Refuge and -Protection from all Dangers of this long and Perilous voyage. Guard -us continually with thy good Providence in every place. Preserve our -Relations and Friends whom we have left, and at length bring us home to -them again in safety and with the desired Success. Grant that every -one of us, being always mindful of thy Fatherly Goodness, and Tender -Compassion towards us, may glorifie thy Name by a constant Profession -of the Christian Faith, and by a Sober, Just and Pious Conversation -through the remaining part of our Lives. All this we beg for the sake -of our Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom with thee and the Blessed Spirit -be ascrib’d all Honour, Praise and Dominion both now and for evermore. -Amen - - - - -CHAPTER X - -FREIGHTING THE EAST INDIAMEN - - -The joint stock arrangement, as distinct from the separate voyages, -which had been instituted in 1613 worked very well: and after the -Restoration the practice of buying and selling shares became common, -the system approximating to that of modern times. The Company’s -ships were continuing to bring back much wealth to the shareholders, -but again covetous desires had to be appeased. In the year 1649 the -Commissioners of the Navy constrained the East India Company to lend -them £4000. It was in the year 1654 that Cromwell, by means of his -treaty with the Portuguese, obtained the right of English ships to -trade with any Portuguese possessions in the East Indies. Now this -meant a very handsome additional benefit to the East India Company’s -ships. Cromwell was shrewd enough to know what he was about, and -accordingly in the following year got his _quid pro quo_ when he -succeeded in borrowing £50,000 from the Company, seeing that the latter -had gained so much from national successes; and a little later on in -the same year obtained from the same source another £10,000 to pay -Blake’s seamen, whose wages were in arrears. And this was not the last -instance of the Company being fleeced by the State. - -In the year 1640 permission had been obtained from the native -authorities to build the first of the Company’s forts in India. This -became known as Fort St George (Madras), and in the year 1658 the -Madras settlement was raised to a presidency. In 1645 the Company had -begun to establish factories in Bengal, so the ports for the East -Indiamen were now becoming more numerous, and the area from which the -cargoes could be obtained was being widely extended. The Portuguese, -as we have seen, were now out of the running as regards the East. And -as for the repeated collisions which the English had with the Dutch, -the three Anglo-Dutch wars which had been long foreseen, as they were -destined long to last, had given quite a new complexion to affairs in -India, leaving the English East India Company in a position stronger -than ever. One of the stipulations had been that the Dutch should -indemnify the English merchants and factors in India with regard to the -massacre at Amboyna, and the guilty parties therein concerned were to -be punished. In 1664 the French East India Company had been formed, and -ten years later the foundation of their settlement at Pondicherry was -laid. - -In the year 1681 the Company had developed their fleet to such an -extent that they now owned about thirty-five ships, ranging in size -from 775 to 100 tons. In customs alone the Company were paying £60,000 -a year, and they were carrying out to India £60,000 or £70,000 worth of -lead, tin, cloth and stuffs every year, bringing back raw silk, pepper -and other goods of the East. By the year 1683 so profitable were the -annual results of the Company’s trading that a £100 share would sell -for £500. Before long the size of the ships just mentioned was to -increase to 900 and even to 1300 tons, such was the demand for Indian -products; and between the years 1682 and 1689 no fewer than sixteen -East Indiamen varying in size from 900 to 1300 tons were constructed. -All the East Indiamen were well armed, for even in the year 1677, when -the Company owned from thirty to thirty-five ships of from 300 to 600 -tons apiece, these vessels each mounted from forty to seventy guns. - -It will be recollected that Bantam had been the first headquarters -or chief factory whither the Company’s ships went for their trade. -This continued until 1638, when Surat had developed so much, thanks -to the concessions by the Great Mogul, that it replaced Bantam in -pre-eminence. The last-mentioned factory, together with Fort St George -in Madras, Hooghly in Bengal, and those establishments in Persia were -all made subservient to Surat. A far-sighted person could have foreseen -that all these scattered strongholds of trade might not improbably -develop eventually into something very much more important politically. -But it was Sir Josiah Child, the principal manager of the Company’s -affairs at home, who was one of the first to project the forming of a -territorial Empire in India. - -We had reason to mention just now a ship which we described as being -an interloper. The reader is well aware that in the first instance the -charter granted to the English East India Company by Queen Elizabeth -conveyed to them the exclusive privilege of trading to the East. This -charter was renewed in the years 1609, 1657, 1661 and subsequently -in other years. But such was the jealousy, such the covetousness -which were aroused by the Company’s successful voyages that a number -of interlopers, quite contrary to the terms of the charter, fitted -out expeditions of their own. These were evidently successful, too, -especially during the latter part of the reign of Charles II., for -the number of these private adventurers increased considerably. The -result, of course, was that the Company became exceedingly indignant -and had to exert themselves to put an end to the trouble. But this, -again, opened up the whole of the question as to whether the Company -should continue to enjoy such a fine monopoly. There was a good deal of -resentment against India being restricted to a favoured few. However -the Government favoured the Company, for it had been found more than -useful to the country in times of crisis, so again in the year 1693 it -received its fresh charter. - -But between the years 1694 and 1698 this Eastern trade practically -was thrown open. And then the State happened to require a loan of -£2,000,000. This was found by a newly formed company of associated -merchants who had been very vigorous in opposing the East India -Company’s privilege. And since this new company wanted only eight -per cent. (not a high rate for those days) for their loan, they also -received a charter. The result was that there were two companies -trading to India and each with its own charter. The title of this -fresh association was the New East India Company, and presently a kind -of third company arose as an offshoot from this second one. All this -competition had a most disastrous effect and brought both the old and -new companies almost to ruin. Each company hated the other, while the -public detested both most heartily. There were only two possibilities -open. Either both companies must be wrecked or they must amalgamate. -It was wisely decided to choose the latter. They therefore adjusted -their differences, and in the year 1708 were amalgamated into one -corporation, calling themselves “The United Company of Merchants of -England Trading to the East Indies.” The capital was increased to -£3,200,000. They were the means of aiding the Government by advancing -to the latter £1,200,000 without interest, and the Government in turn -agreed to extend the Company’s charter till the year 1726, with three -years’ notice of termination. And it was subsequently extended till -1766. - -During the last decade of the seventeenth century when hostilities -existed between England and France the East India Company laid before -the House of Lords an account of the great losses which the former -had incurred at sea, owing to the lack of English cruisers. Those -were no easy times for the ships bound either to or from the Orient, -for, besides possible attacks from French men-of-war, the English -Channel and approaches thereto were alive with privateers, to the great -detriment of the Anglo-Indian trade. Some idea of the size and strength -of the East India Company’s ships about this time may be gathered from -the following list of craft which the French captured from them during -the year 1694 alone:— - - Name of Ship Tonnage Men Guns - - Princess of Denmark 670 133 40 - Seymour 500 — — - Success 400 80 32 - Defence 750 150 50 - Resolution 650 130 40 - -In later years one of the most valuable commodities which India was -to produce and send to England in these ships was tea. The first -importation by us was in the year 1667. Only a small amount, consisting -of 100 lb., was sent, but it was not long before this was greatly -exceeded. However, the early years of the eighteenth century were -marked by a disappointment in the trade which the Company was doing. -Although the latter’s ships were now trading also with China, yet -the value of our exports to the East were less than £160,000 a year: -and this, let it be remembered, included also military stores for -the Company’s settlements in the East and at St Helena. The reason -for this slump is easily explained. Every authority will admit that -the finest tonic for trade is competition. Monopoly is death to -enterprise, while a spirit of rivalry encourages progress. The East -India Company was suffering from the decaying, deadening influence of -its exclusive privilege and this went on till about the middle of the -eighteenth century. The first half of that century is decadent, not -merely with regard to India, but most things English. Art was at its -lowest, manners were never less sincere, morals were corrupt, politics -were little better. It almost seems as if England had lost the fair -wind which had carried her through the Tudor times and then become -gradually becalmed in the Stuart era till she rolled about with no -progress, making only stern-way. And then, after a period of profitless -existence, she seems to have picked up another breeze which has sent -her along through the successful industrial age, the great wars, the -Victorian and Edwardian years of prosperity up till to-day. The end -of the eighteenth century is a period quite different from its first -portion. And if it was so generally it could scarcely be different in -regard to a corporation directed and managed by men of this period. - -Just for a moment let us go back to that time when the East India -Company decided it were best to close the Deptford yard and obtain -their ships ready built. Now as time went on the hiring of ships to -the Company for this Eastern trade led to great abuses. Officially the -Company did no longer build their ships. But the Company’s directors -used to build them privately and then hire them out to the Company, to -the great personal gain of the directors. There were few other ships -big enough or strong enough. The directors would know how many to build -and to what extent prices could be demanded from the Company: and -altogether they feathered their nests very nicely. This went on till -the year 1708, when the old and new East India companies had become -amalgamated. After this year the directors were prohibited by Act of -Parliament from supplying ships to the Company. - -Instead of the former corrupt arrangement, ships for the East India -Company were to be hired in the future by open tender from the -commander and two owners. But here again was a difficulty. Inasmuch -as a special type of stalwart ship was required for this trade, the -supply was small and in the hands of a ring called the Marine Interest. -Therefore the Company was just about as badly off as before. And -throughout the eighteenth century there was one continued contest -between the East India Company and the shipbuilders, who did their -level best to fleece the former as it had been fleeced by the State at -different dates. - -[Illustration: A BARQUE FREE-TRADER IN THE LONDON DOCKS.] - -For the East India Company did not literally own their ships, even -though they were called East Indiamen, flew the Company’s flag and made -their regular voyages. A shipping company to-day buys and owns its -own ships, but the East India Company had quite a different method. -Up to the time when the old and new companies were amalgamated, in -the year 1708, the owners and the Company were unfettered by any -legislative provision. They could settle and adjust the points between -themselves, and since the directors were part owners you may be sure -there was little cause for dispute! But the by-law which came into -force after the union of the two companies, prohibiting directors from -being concerned in hiring ships to the Company, brought about a rather -curious order of things. They were hired for so many voyages at so -much a ton, the Company binding itself to freight a stipulated number -of tons. These, by the way, were generally less than the official -measurement. About the year 1700 the largest East Indiamen were under -500 tons, though their burthen was one-third greater. - -Under the new arrangement the ships were to be taken up by the Company -and their respective voyages agreed to in a Court of Directors by -ballot. No tenders were to be accepted except such as had been made by -the commander and two owners of each ship. Furthermore, the sale of -the post as captain or any other office was forbidden in the Company’s -ships. This latter was an important modification. The actual owner of -the ship from whom the vessel was hired was termed the ship’s husband, -and the practice had been for him to sell the command of the ship to -a captain whom he would select. The expression in this case was to -“sell the ship,” and a captain would sometimes pay as much as £8000 or -£10,000 for the privilege of the appointment, because this position -afforded him unique opportunities of making some handsome profits -by the goods he brought home from the East in his ship as his own -perquisites. To such an extent did this practice become established -that the sale of a command became transferable property of the captain -who had bought it. Whenever he died or resigned his heirs or he himself -had the undoubted right to dispose of the billet to the highest bidder. - -The reason for the abolition of this custom was that it was largely -responsible for the high rates of freight which the Company was forced -to pay. A compensation was paid to the captains in the service at the -time of the abolition, but henceforth money could not buy the command -of a ship for a man that was not adequately qualified for the post. -Previously commands of ships had been held in some cases by men who -possessed no right to such responsible tasks. Captain Eastwick, a -master mariner of the eighteenth century, who has happily left behind -his autobiography, relates among a number of interesting personal -reminiscences that he married the niece of a man who was sole owner of -one East Indiaman and part owner of two more of these ships. It was -therefore suggested that Eastwick should enter the Honourable Company’s -service, and a command was promised as soon as he was qualified. “This -was a very tempting offer,” writes the old sailor, “as there was no -service equal to it, or more difficult to get into, requiring great -interest.” - -“It was the practice of the Company in those days to charter ships -from their owners; these vessels were especially built for the service, -and were generally run for about four voyages, when they were held to -be worn out, and their places taken by others built for the purpose. -About thirty ships were required for the Company every year,” he -states, and then goes on to say that “there was never any written -engagement on the part of either the owners or the Company as to the -continuance of these charters, but the custom of contract was so well -established that both parties mutually relied upon it, and considered -themselves bound by ties of honour to observe their implied customary -engagements. When, therefore, a ship’s turn arrived to be employed, -the owner, as a matter of form, submitted a tender in writing to be -engaged, and proposed a particular person as captain, and this tender -and proposal were always accepted. Thus the owners of these East -Indiamen had everything in their own hands, and the favour of one of -them was a fine thing to obtain, leading to appointments of great -emolument.” - -Some idea of the value of the East Indiaman captain’s appointment may -be gathered from what Eastwick remarks under this head. “The captain -of an East Indiaman, in addition to his pay and allowances, had the -right of free outward freight to the extent of fifty tons, being only -debarred from exporting certain articles, such as woollens, metals, -and warlike stores. On the homeward voyage he was allotted twenty tons -of free freight, each of thirty-two feet; but this tonnage was bound -to consist of certain scheduled goods, and duties were payable thereon -to the Company. As the rate of freight in those days was about £25 a -ton, this privilege was a very valuable one. Of course much depended -upon the skill and good management of the individual commander, the -risk of the market, his knowledge of its requirements, and his own -connections and interest to procure him a good profit. In addition to -the free tonnage, he further enjoyed certain advantages in the carrying -of passengers, for although the allowance of passage money outward and -homeward was arbitrarily fixed by the Company, there being a certain -number of passengers assigned to each vessel, and their fares duly -determined, ranging from £95 for a subaltern and assistant-surgeon -to £235 for a general officer, with from one and a half to three and -a half tons of free baggage, exclusive of bedding and furniture for -their cabins, yet it was possible for captains, by giving up their -own apartments and accommodation, to make very considerable sums for -themselves. In short, the gains to a prudent commander averaged from -£4000 to £5000 a voyage, sometimes perhaps falling as low as £2000, -but at others rising to £10,000 and £12,000. The time occupied from -the period of a ship commencing receipt of her outward cargo to her -being finally cleared of her homeward one was generally from fourteen -to eighteen months, and three or four voyages assured any man a very -handsome fortune.” - -But though these commands were very expensive to purchase and highly -remunerative when obtained, yet like the professional man to-day this -high remuneration was preceded by years of bad pay. Before a man could -obtain the command of an East Indiaman he must necessarily have made a -voyage as fifth or sixth mate, then another voyage as third or fourth -mate, and finally a third voyage as first or second mate. Now these -junior officers in the Company’s service were quite unable to live on -their pay “and it required a private capital of at least five hundred -pounds to enable a man to arrive at the position of second mate, which -was the lowest station wherein the pay and allowances afforded a -maintenance.” - -Whenever an Indiaman became worn out, or condemned, another ship was -hired to replace her, and was said to be “built upon the bottom” of the -first. The member or members of the Marine Interest who had built the -first ship claimed the right of building the second, and so it went -on. The result was that there arose what were known as “hereditary -bottoms.” This went on till the year 1796, when some of the more -public-spirited of the directors and shareholders of the East India -Company put their heads together and determined to have this system -entirely altered. It is indeed most extraordinary that the principle of -monopoly seemed to pervade every feature of the Company’s transactions, -from the broad, important principle of exclusive trade with the East -down to the building of ships and the exclusive privileges of their -commanders. In any other line of commerce the rate of freight found its -own level, but in the East India Company there was but one bidder, and -that also a monopoly. As the voyage was long and difficult and full of -dangers, it was natural enough that good commanders should be desired. -If an owner had a good captain, the Company were only too pleased to -have him. - -The passing of a by-law in the year 1773 prevented a ship from being -engaged for the Company’s service for more than four voyages at a -certain freight, this being calculated on an estimate of the building -and the cost of fitting out a vessel with provisions and stores for -a certain number of months. In the years 1780 and 1781 differences -of opinion arose between the owners of the ships and the Court of -Directors of the East India Company as to the rate of freight demanded. -Owing to the hostilities with the Dutch, the rates of insurance and -fitting out were stated to have caused an additional charge of £10, -14s. a ton. The contest between these two opposing sets of monopolists -was always amusing to an outsider. The Company wanted the ships badly, -for their very existence depended on their ability to carry cargoes -between England and India. On the other hand the owners had built these -ships especially for the Company’s service. They represented a great -outlay of capital, and they were so big and efficient that there was -practically no other trade in which they could be profitably employed. -So, after a certain amount of mutual indignation had cooled off, and -the usual haggling had proceeded, both parties were wont to come to a -compromise and matters went on as before till the next dispute occurred. - -Thus, for instance, in the year 1783 the Court of the East India -Company’s directors fixed the rate of freight at £32 per ton for -a ship of 750 tons. To this the owners replied that it was quite -impossible to provide the ships under £35 a ton. The Court then showed -their independence. They were resolved not to suffer the intolerable -humiliation of being dictated to by these owners, so the Company -advertised for tenders. Eventually twenty-eight ships were offered the -Company by various private owners in respect of this advertisement. But -after the Company’s inspecting officer had carefully examined these -vessels he had to report that they were either foreign-built, or weak -of structure, or else almost worn out: in any case quite unfitted for -the long voyage to India and back. This placed the Company in rather -a dilemma, and gave something of a shock to their independent spirit. -Meanwhile the owners who had hitherto provided the Company with ships -had taken alarm at thus throwing open the tender for competition. They -were in serious danger of losing their own monopoly: so they began to -climb down and offered the Company the rate of £33 a ton. And inasmuch -as the latter required as much as 10,000 tons the two parties agreed -on this last-mentioned price, more especially as the ships were known -to be sound in every respect, having actually been built under the -direction of the Company’s officials. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -EAST INDIAMEN AND THE ROYAL NAVY - - -The East India Company’s progress was anything but a straight, easy -path. We must never forget that if it made big profits—and when -examined these figures, taken on an average, are not so colossal as -they seem at first sight—the risks and responsibilities were very far -from insignificant. Quite apart from the difficulties out in India, and -the absence of the invention of telegraphy thus making it difficult to -keep a complete control over the factors and trade; quite apart, too, -from the pressure which was harassing the Company from all sides—public -opinion which grudged this monopoly: shipowners who wanted to raise -the cost of hire: and Parliament which kept controlling the Company by -legislation—there were two other sources of worry which existed. - -The first of these was the continued insults by the press-gangs, -and the consequent inconvenience to the East India Company and the -great danger to their ships and cargoes. The second worry was the -ever-present possibility during the long-drawn-out wars of losing -also ships and goods by attack from the enemy’s men-of-war. In both -respects the position was not easy of solution. On the one hand, it was -obvious that the Company’s trade was likely to be crippled; but, on -the other, the Government must come first in both matters. The navy was -in dire need of men. All that it had were not enough. Men who had been -convicted and sentenced for smuggling—some of the finest sailors in -the country—were shipped on board to fight for the land that gave them -birth. All sorts of rough characters were rounded up ashore and sent -afloat by the press-gangs, but even then the warships needed more. - -Now the crews of these eighteenth-century East Indiamen were such -skilled seamen, so hardened to the work of a full-rigged ship, so -accustomed to fighting pirates, privateers and even the enemy’s -men-of-war, that it was no wonder the Admiralty in their dilemma -overstepped the bounds and shipped them whenever they could be got. -A favourite custom was to lie in wait for the homeward-bound East -Indiamen, and when these fine ships had dropped anchor off Portsmouth, -in the Downs, or even on their way up the Thames, they would be boarded -and relieved of some of their crew: to such an extent, sometimes, that -the ship could not be properly worked. I have carefully examined a -large number of original manuscripts which passed between the Admiralty -and the East India Company of the eighteenth century, and there runs -through the period a continuous vein of complaint from the latter to -the former, but there was very little remedy and the Company had to put -up with the nuisance. - -On the 21st of December 1710, for instance, the Company’s secretary, -Thomas Woolley, sends a letter from the directors complaining to -the Admiralty of the press-gang actually invading East India House, -Leadenhall Street, one day during the same month, “on a pretence of -searching for seamen.” As a matter of fact the press-gang had come to -carry off the most capable of the Company’s crews, who happened to be -present at that time. Very strongly the Company wrote complaints to the -Admiralty that the press-gangs would board the East Indiamen lying off -Spithead (bound for London) and take out all the able-bodied seamen -they could lay their hands on. These men had to go whether they liked -it or not, and the Company’s officers were indignant but powerless. -But it added injury to insult that the press-gangs replaced the picked -men taken out by “such as have been either unskilful in their duty -or careless and refractory in the performance of it,” as one of the -letters remarks. The Company therefore begged that no man might be -taken out until the East Indiamen should arrive at their moorings, or -at least till they came into the London river: for, they pointed out, -the ships had very valuable cargoes on board, and this seizing of men -exposed them to very great danger, it being often impossible to replace -the men taken out. - -[Illustration: THE PRESS GANG AT WORK. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -When the Company’s ships at length reached the Thames, the directors -would often send down hoys to meet them and to bring the goods up to -London, where they could be placed on view in the warehouses to show -the buyers before the sale opened. But the naval authorities had given -the crews of these hoys such a fright that they refused to go even -down towards the mouth of the river, fearing that the press-warrants, -which were out, would be put into execution and they themselves would -be sent to serve in the warships. These hoys were fore-and-aft-rigged -vessels of about 40 or 50 tons, the crew consisting of a skipper and -two men. Such craft were sloops—that is to say, practically cutters, -the only difference being purely technical and legal—and were built for -the purpose of carrying passengers and goods from one place to another -along the coast or up estuaries, where ordinary lighters were not able -to be taken with convenience or safety. The Margate hoy, for instance, -was very well known to Londoners at this time. - -But the need for naval seamen was so urgent, consequent on the wars, -that the Admiralty had to go to even further extremities. They actually -sent to sea a press smack with a naval officer on board, and this -craft would cruise up and down the English Channel. On one occasion -Captain Mawson of the Company’s ship _Cardonell_, homeward bound, was -followed all the way from Portsmouth to the Downs by such a smack. And -when the bigger ship brought up off Deal, Lieutenant Hutchinson, R.N., -came aboard and used his best endeavours to take away every one of the -_Cardonell’s_ crew, with the exception only of the ship’s officers. The -skipper of the merchantman naturally resented this very strongly, but -offered to let Mr Hutchinson have most of his men provided the naval -officer would supply him with others to take their place so that the -ship might be safely brought to her moorings in the Thames. But it -was no good. Hutchinson absolutely declined to make a compromise, and -according to Mawson’s account behaved very rudely and, not content with -the able seamen, carried off also the _Cardonell’s_ second mate. - -The only way in which this annoyance and danger could be overcome -was for the Admiralty to issue what were known as “protections.” -The holder of a protection was thus made immune from arrest by a -press-gang. It was a document which gave the name of the man, his -age, stature, stated whether he wore a wig or his own hair, and other -particulars of identification. No man with this authorisation could -be forced into his Majesty’s service, but it was valid only for three -months or the period written thereon. There is preserved an original -protection certificate in the archives of the Public Record Office, and -it is a quaint document which must have been very keenly appreciated by -its eighteenth-century owner. On the other hand, when the East India -Company had lost some of their seamen by desertion, they would petition -the Admiralty to allow naval men to be lent. - -Every student of history is aware of the unfortunate friction which -existed at this time between the officers of the Royal Navy and the -officers of the Mercantile Marine. Happily in the present century this -slow-dying spirit is almost extinct. In my volume, “King’s Cutters -and Smugglers,” I showed what altercations used to arise, what petty -jealousies existed between the officers of the Revenue cutters and -those of his Majesty’s navy. The captains and officers of the East -India Company were often indebted to the protection and assistance of -naval officers, but the latter were often overbearing in the exercise -of their duties, and despised any seaman who was not in the King’s -navy. On the other hand, the East Indiamen’s officers most heartily -disliked these gentlemen, and the insults from the press-gangs were too -poignant to be forgotten easily. - -As an instance, let us refer to the 14th of August 1734, when the East -India Company complained to the Admiralty of what seems certainly a -very high-handed action. It appears that the Company’s ship, the _Duke -of Lorrain_, had arrived in the Downs on the previous Sunday, and her -master, Captain Christopher Wilson, sent in a very indignant report -to the Court of Directors to the effect that “the men of war at the -Nore treated him more like an enemy than a Merchant Ship coming into -Port in such weather as he had, it being very bad, they firing near -Twenty Shott at his Ship, some of which came among the Rigging, might -have been of dangerous consequence to the Ship, and to the Company -who had a Cargo on board to the Value of Two hundred thousand Pounds. -This action being what the Company did not expect from any of the Men -of War, as the Captain of the _Duke of Lorrain_ has assured the Court -that he lowered his sails, and did what was safe to be done, they have -commanded me to signify the same to you,” continued the Company’s -letter to the Admiralty, “that so the Right Honourable the Lords of the -Admiralty may be inform’d thereof.” - -But if the East India Company thought it necessary sometimes to -complain of the treatment at the hands of the Admiralty the former -were none the less glad to have the assistance and protection of the -navy in the time of war. There is a voluminous correspondence still -preserved in which the Company write to the Admiralty asking for -convoys of the East Indiamen both outward and inward bound. The French -were very much on the _qui vive_, but unless the regular income of the -East India Company were for the present to be stopped, and the entire -Anglo-Indian trade suspended, the Company’s ships must go on their way. -This could be done only with the assistance of his Majesty’s ships. In -order to deal with this matter there was a special department of the -Company designated the Secret Committee, which communicated with the -Admiralty as to where the East Indian merchant fleet were to rendezvous -and the convoy join them, the confidential signals to be employed, and -so on. The following letter sent by the Company to the Admiralty on -12th December 1740 is typical:— - - “Secrett Committee of the United East India Company do humbly - represent to your Lordships That they do expect a considerable - fleet of ships richly laden will return from the East Indies the - next summer and do therefore earnestly beseech your Lordships That - three or four of His Majesty’s ships of good force may be appointed - to look out for and convoy them safe to England.” - -These convoys took the East Indiamen sometimes even from the Thames -down Channel as far as Spithead. Sometimes they picked the latter -up only at the Downs, escorting them for several hundred miles away -from the English coast out into the Atlantic. These merchantmen were -similarly met at St Helena and escorted home, the men-of-war being -victualled for a period of two months. Even if an East Indiaman were -able to arrive singly and run into the Hamoaze (Plymouth Sound) on -her way home, having successfully eluded hostile ships roving off the -mouth of the English Channel, it was deemed advisable for her to wait -at Plymouth until she could be escorted by the next man-of-war bound -eastward to the Thames. There were plenty of French privateersmen -lurking about the Channel, and, at any rate about the year 1716, there -were also Swedish privateers on the prowl in the same sea ready to fall -upon any East Indiaman going in or out of the Downs. - -One notorious Swede of this occupation was _La Providence_, of 26 guns. -She was commanded by Captain North Cross. The latter was an Englishman -who had been tried and sentenced to death for some crime, but he had -succeeded in making his escape from Newgate, and had fled the country. -He had crossed the North Sea and had obtained from Sweden letters of -marque to rove about as a privateer. His crew were a rough crowd of -desperate fellows of many nations, and this ship was very fond of lying -in Calais roads ready to get under way and slip across the English -Channel so soon as an outward-bound East Indiaman was known to be in -the Downs. Now, in the month of November 1717, the skipper of _La -Providence_ was lying in his usual roadstead, and tidings came to him -concerning one of the Company’s ships then in the Downs. - -The privateer was kept fully informed by means of those fine seamen, -but doubtful characters, who lived at Deal. They were some of the -toughest and most determined men, who stopped at nothing. For -generations the men of Deal had been the most notorious smugglers of -the south-east corner of England: and that was saying a great deal. -They were a brave, fearless class of men, but brutal of nature and -always ready to get to windward of the law, if ever a chance presented -itself. They handled their open luggers with a wonderful dexterity, for -which their successors are even yet famous. But they were lawless to -their finger-tips. So on the present occasion when the East Indiaman -was in the Downs, one of these Deal men sailed his little craft across -the strong tides of Dover Straits and brought the information to the -privateer. The messenger asserted that the East Indiaman had nearly -£60,000 on board in cash, so Cross got under way, averring that he -would get this amount or “Loose his Life in the Attempt.” Whether he -succeeded in his attempt I regret I am unable to say. As far as was -practicable these East Indiamen were wont, in those strenuous times, -to wait for a convoy, but there were times when they could not afford -to wait till one of his Majesty’s ships was at liberty. On those -occasions the ships would wait till they numbered a small squadron, -and then voyaging together would resolve to run all risks. There is -on record the case of a French squadron consisting of a “64” and two -frigates arriving off the island of St Helena, where the East Indiamen -were wont to call. The Frenchmen had come here in order to fall upon -the homeward-bound fleet who would soon be seen. But the longboat[B] -of one of these merchantmen was fitted out, and under the command -of a midshipman succeeded in getting to windward of the Frenchmen -unperceived and was able to give the approaching English ships warning -of the danger that awaited them. Six of the Company’s fleet fell in -with the enemy and kept up a running fight for several days, until they -anchored in All Saints’ Bay. Here the French blockaded them, but it was -to no purpose, for these merchantmen succeeded in escaping and reaching -England in safety. - -The Royal Navy assisted the Company’s ships in quite another manner as -well. Often enough after enduring heavy weather in the Bay of Biscay or -English Channel these East Indiamen would put into Plymouth and obtain -permission from the Admiralty to obtain from the latter’s stores a new -bowsprit, a new mast, or other spar, the Company of course paying for -the expense. The royal dockyard also on the Medway was similarly found -of great service, as, for instance, early in the eighteenth century, -when the Company’s ship _Hannover_ had the misfortune to run on to -a sandbank whilst going down the Thames to the Downs. The ship thus -suffered damage and was not in a fit condition to proceed to the East. -Permission was asked and obtained for her to be taken into Sheerness, -where the naval authorities could admit her into dry dock, warehouse -her cargo, supply materials and repair the injuries that had been made. - -So also on another occasion, in September 1720, the East Indiaman -_Goodfellow_ was lying at Gravesend outward bound. It was discovered at -the last moment that unfortunately all the beer on board was spoilt, -and since there was no time “to detain her till more can be brew’d,” -the Company’s directors had to request the Admiralty victualling office -to furnish the ship with 12 tons of beer at the Company’s expense. -But the naval officials were not always so obliging as this. Towards -the end of the year 1721 the East Indiaman _Cæsar_, outward bound for -Mocha, had the misfortune to damage by friction one of her cables[C] -owing to the latter getting foul of the wreck of the _Carlisle_. Those -were the days when cables were still made of hemp, and were always -liable, except when special steps were taken, to injury when rubbing -along foul ground. As she lay in the Downs, the _Cæsar’s_ master, -Captain Mabbott, asked the naval storekeeper at Deal if he would spare -him a new cable in case another storm should spring up. Mabbott was -by no means pleased when the storekeeper replied very properly that -inasmuch as he had received no orders to oblige merchant ships in that -manner, he was not able to comply with the request. However matters -were eventually set right by the Company obtaining the Admiralty’s -permission. - -A voyage in an East Indiaman of those days was often full of adventure. -After proceeding from the Downs the ship cleared the western mouth of -the English Channel and then steered “W and to WSW.” It took three -months to reach the Cape of Good Hope, and even then it was not too -far south to fall in with French men-of-war. After calling at Spithead -outward bound they were wont to sail through the Needles passage. The -seamen were probably better situated in these East Indiamen than in -any other merchant ship, but they were not allowed a soft time. They -were kept at it with setting and stowing of canvas, spreading stuns’ls -in fair weather or taking in upper canvas in heavy gales. There were -plenty of guns on board to be served, so drill formed no small part -of their duties. A seaman went on board with his sea-chest and his -bedding, and in those rough, hard-swearing days, long before ever the -sailor had his trade union, he was treated with no light hand. There is -an instance of the way slackness was wont to be punished on board the -East Indiaman _Greenwich_. This particular occurrence belongs to the -year 1719 and happened when the watch had been called. As some of the -men did not turn out as smartly as they ought, the boatswain took out -his knife and cut down their hammocks, to their great discomfort and -indignation. So infuriated in fact were the crew that they declined to -go on the next voyage until the boatswain had been discharged. - -Some idea of the kind of vessels which the Company were hiring for -their service about the year 1730 may be gathered from the following -list, which has been taken direct from the original official documents:— - - Name of Ship Commander Tons Men Guns - - Devonshire Lawrence Prince 470 94 30 - Prince Augustus Francis Gostlin 495 99 36 - Lyell Charles Small 470 94 30 - Princess of Wales Thomas Gilbert 460 92 30 - Middlesex John Pelly 430 86 30 - Mary Thomas Holden 490 98 34 - Derby William Fitzhugh 480 96 32 - London Robert Bootle 490 98 34 - Dawsonne Francis Steward 480 96 32 - Craggs Caleb Grantham 380 76 26 - Bridgwater Edward Williamson 400 80 28 - Prince William William Beresford 480 96 30 - Lethieullier John Shepheard 470 94 30 - Hartford Francis Nelly 460 92 30 - Macclesfield Robert Hudson 450 90 30 - Cæsar William Mabbott 440 88 30 - Harrison Samuel Martin 460 92 30 - Walpole Charles Boddam 495 99 32 - Frances John Lawson 420 84 30 - Duke of Cumberland Benjamin Braund 480 96 30 - George George Pitt 480 96 30 - Aislabie William Birch 400 80 26 - Stretham George Westcott 470 94 30 - Ockham William Jobson 480 96 30 - -It will be noticed that not one of these is really a big ship and that -while the average is somewhere between 400 and 500 tons, yet not one -exceeds 495 tons. The directors settled the size of ship required and -the owners saw that it was supplied. The size of the crews will be seen -to be very large, but this is explained not only because wages were low -in those days and safety was a dominating factor—allowing plenty of men -in each watch for handling sail—but because each ship carried about -thirty guns, and though both broadsides would not be fired at once, yet -even half those guns would necessitate a good number of the crew. At -various dates during the eighteenth century, when the country needed -ships, the Admiralty commissioned a number of these East Indiamen and -also gave commissions in the Royal Navy to their commanders. - -Those were the days, too, when merchantmen frequently obtained letters -of marque for acting against the ships of a nation with which our -country was at war. During the year 1739 Britain declared war against -Spain, and so one comes across a document of that year in which the -directors of “The United Company of Merchants of England Trading to the -East Indies”—for this was the official style of the East India Company -at that time—petition for “Letters of Marque or General Reprizals -against Spain.” The request is made on behalf of their ship, _Royal -Guardian_, 490 tons, 98 men and 30 guns; and for other vessels of their -fleet. These were duly granted, and such stout, well-armed craft were -able to render an excellent account of themselves against the foe. -They were necessarily built of great strength, they carried so many -guns, their crews were such seasoned men, and their commanders such -determined fellows, that they formed really a most valuable reserve -to the Royal Navy. They were not individually a match for the biggest -of the enemy’s battleships, but none the less they were equal to any -frigate and of far greater utility to the King’s service than any -merchant liner would proportionately be to-day in the time of war. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[B] The longboat carried by these East Indiamen measured from -twenty-seven to twenty-nine feet in length. - -[C] The East Indiamen of about the middle of the eighteenth century -rode to fifteen-inch cables. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE WAY THEY HAD IN THE COMPANY’S SERVICE - - -In order that the East Indiamen might be able to make themselves known -on the high seas to the British men-of-war, a special code of signals -was accustomed to be arranged by the Admiralty for the former. This was -for use during war-time, so that the Company’s vessels on meeting with -other craft might know at a distance whether these were the friends who -would convoy them or the enemy who would assail them. Some time during -the autumn, during these eighteenth-century wars when England always -seemed to be engaged in hostilities, the custom was for the Admiralty -to appoint a fresh code so that the naval and the Company’s ships might -know each other. This code was then sent sealed to the Secret Committee -of the East India Company, and handed over to the latter’s commanding -officers. Similarly special signals were arranged so that when calling -at St Helena the Governor of that island might be able to recognise the -homeward-bound East Indiamen. - -The following document, dated 5th November 1733, from the Admiralty -will give some idea of the nature of these signals:— - - “Signals to be observed by the East India Company’s ships in their - next homeward-bound passage upon their meeting with any ships near - the Channell or else where which they may supose to be the King’s - Ships, the better to know. - - “The Company’s ships whether to Windward or to Leeward, shall make - a Signal by hailing up their Foresail, and lowering down the Main - Top Sail, and spreading an English Ensign, the Cross down-ward, - from the main Top Mast head down the Shrouds; and They shall be - answered by the King’s ships by lowering down their Fore top sail, - and spreading an Ensign, in the same manner, from their Fore - topmast head downward, hailing up their Main Sail, and hoysting - their Mizen top sail, with the Clue lines hail’d up. - - “In the case of Blowing weather that the Top Sails are in, the - other Signals will be sufficient. - - “Signals by Night. - - “The Company’s Ships shall make a Signal by hoysting three Lights - one over another on the Ensign Staff, and One at the Bolt sprit end. - - “The King’s ships will answer by shewing three Lights of equal - height, One of ‘em in the Fore, One in the Main, and One in the - Mizen shrouds.” - -And in order to know any of his Majesty’s ships when encountered in -the East Indian waters the signal was to be as follows:—The ship to -windward was to hoist an English Jack at the fore t’gallant masthead, -and the ship to leeward was to answer by furling the mizen topsail and -hoisting a French Jack at the mizen topmasthead. - -The Company had their own agent at Deal, and considering the number of -days that were spent by the East Indiamen in the Downs, both outward -and homeward bound, his presence was very necessary. The ships were -taken down the Thames by the Company’s own pilots, and this corporation -owned its own pilot-cutter, which was a 60-ton craft with a master and -six men, her cruising ground being between Gravesend and the Downs. -However, even then, the Company’s ships were by no means immune from -getting ashore, although it ought to be mentioned that by the middle -of the eighteenth century a really good chart of the Thames estuary -did not exist, and the exact nature of some of the numerous shoals was -unknown. It is not surprising, therefore, to find casualties occurring -as these big ships went up and down the London river. For instance, -in March 1734 the East Indiaman _Derby_, outward bound in charge of a -“Pylot,” ran aground “on the Mouse Sand below the Nore.” (This shoal is -a few miles to the east of Southend pier.) She sustained so much damage -that she had to put into Sheerness for dry-docking and repairs. - -So also, a few days before Christmas in the year 1736, the East -Indiaman _Lyell_ “by the Unskilfulness of the Pilote has been Onshore -on the Spaniard Sand,[D] in going down for the Downs.” So she also had -to use Sheerness dock for repairs. Captain John Acton, the commander -of the _Lyell_, in his report stated that the “Pylots” pretended not -to have seen the “Buoy of the Spill,” and “borrowing too near on the -Kentish Shore, he run us aground on the Spaniard at High Water, the -wind blowing fresh N.W.” The “Spill,” or, as it is now called, the -“Spile” buoy, marks the western end of the Spile Sand. The pilots had -clearly got out of their course, for these East Indiamen, drawing as -they did 20 feet of water, would never have taken the inner passage -along the Kentish shore known as the Four Fathoms Channel. They should -have left the Spile buoy to starboard and not to port, as clearly was -the case in the present instance among the shoals. The north-west was -a fair wind from the Thames to the Downs all the way, so that no one -except by accident would have chosen to take such a ship so far out of -the main, deep-water channel. - -The ship was hard and fast on the Spaniard, and the conditions could -scarcely have been worse—a fresh onshore wind, and the accident -occurring at top of high water. All night the ship lay on the shoal -bumping and injuring herself so that there were soon seven feet of -water in the hold, and the pumps could not cope with it. But on the -morning of Christmas Eve by a great piece of luck the ship was got -off, for the wind veered to the north and sent in a bigger tide, as of -course it would, and a local fisherman—doubtless from Whitstable or the -East Swale—came and assisted with his local knowledge so that “thank -God the ship floated and we got her off here.” Making a fair wind of it -the _Lyell_ then ran into the East Swale and anchored off Faversham. -And a very handsome sight she must have looked lying to her hempen -cable in that winding river. - -One bleak day in January 1737 the East Indiaman _Nassau_ had the -misfortune to run on the south end of the Galloper in a “hard gale at -SW,” as her captain reported. The Galloper is a treacherous bank in -the North Sea off Harwich, and many a ship used to get picked up here -in the olden days. The _Nassau_ was now in a critical position, and -every moment those on board expected her to go to pieces: “but,” wrote -her skipper, “by the Providence of the Almighty in about an Hours time -we forc’d her off again with her head sails, but had the misfortune -at the same time of losing our Rudder, Main and Mizen Top Mast which -obliged us soon after to come to an anchor.” But here again, just as -had been the case with the _Lyell_, local assistance came to them. -For after a time the Harwich packet passed them bound for Holland, -and her captain, seeing the _Nassau_, hailed her skipper and advised -her to stand in for Orfordness, and even sent on board his mate, as -he knew every inch of that coast. However, the wind now veered to the -north-north-west, which made it fair for running down the North Sea, -so the _Nassau_ sailed down towards the North Foreland and anchored in -Margate Roads, whence her captain was able to send information to the -East India Company, where also he would wait for orders. - -Another peril which these East Indiamen had to remember was the -presence of pirates. These consisted not merely of local Eastern -craft, but of such people as Captains Avery and Kidd, two of the most -notorious men in the whole history of piracy. In the early part of the -eighteenth century the latter were found in many parts of the Indian -Ocean. Madagascar was a favourite base for these rovers, but they -would be found off Mauritius, or at the mouth of the Red Sea awaiting -the East Indiamen returning from Mocha and Jeddah. Not content with -this, these European pirates would hang about off the Malabar coast, -and the East India Company’s ships suffered considerably, and feared -a repetition of these attacks. And yet, when we consider the matter -dispassionately, were Avery, Kidd and his fellow-pirates very much -worse than some of those captains who first took the English ships out -to the Orient, who thought it no wrong but a mere matter of business -to stop a Portuguese ship and relieve her of her cargo just as these -eighteenth-century pirates would assail the ships of the present -monopolists of the Eastern trade? The only difference that seems -obvious is that Lancaster and those other early captains were acting on -behalf of a powerful corporation having a charter from the sovereign: -whereas Avery, Kidd and the like were acting on their own and were -outlaws. And even this cannot be pushed too far, seeing that at one -time of his career Kidd received a commission from William III. to go -forth and, as “a private man-of-war,” capture other notorious “pirates, -free-booters and sea-rovers,” on the old principle of setting a thief -to catch a thief. - -Sometimes these East Indiamen were taken for the enemy even by English -men-of-war. You will remember the famous voyage of Lord Anson round -the world in the years 1740-1744. One day whilst they were in the -South Atlantic they saw a sail to the north-west, and the squadron -began to exchange signals with each other and to give chase “and half -an hour after we let out our reefs and chased with the squadron ... -but at seven in the evening, finding we did not near the chace ... -we shortened sail, and made a signal for the cruisers to join the -squadron. The next day but one we again discovered a sail, which on -nearer approach we judged to be the same vessel. We chased her the -whole day, and though we rather gained upon her, yet night came on -before we could overtake her, which obliged us to give over the chace, -to collect our scattered squadron. We were much chagrined at the escape -of this vessel, as we then apprehended her to be an advice-boat sent -from Old Spain to Buenos Ayres with notice of our expedition. But we -have since learnt that we were deceived in this conjecture, and that -it was our East India Company’s packet bound to St Helena.” This is -certainly a fair proof of the sailing qualities of the Company’s ships, -seeing that not even the English cruisers could overhaul the merchant -ship. - -At this time the chief cargoes which these East Indiamen took out to -the East still included those woollen goods which had been sent ever -since the foundation of the first Company, and they continued to bring -back saltpetre, but now tea was becoming a much more important cargo. -But in addition to that tea which came home in the Company’s ships and -paid custom duty, there was a vast amount brought in by smugglers. And -one argument used to be that this had to be, because the East Indiamen -brought back chiefly the better, higher priced kind, compelling the -dealers to send to Holland for the cheaper variety. - -The East Indiamen’s captains were not above engaging in the smuggling -industry, at any rate as aiders and abettors. One of the methods was -to wait until the ship arrived in the Downs. Men would come out from -the Deal beach in their luggers and then take ashore quantities of -tea secreted about their person. This was the reason why the Revenue -cruisers were told to keep an especial watch on the Company’s ships -when homeward bound, because of “the illicit practices that are -continually attempted to be committed by them.” So notorious indeed and -so ingenious were the methods to land goods without previously paying -duty, that the Revenue cutters were ordered to follow these bigger -ships all the way up Channel, keeping as close to them as possible -as long as they were under sail, and when the East Indiaman came to -anchor, the cutter was to bring up as near as possible to her. This -was to prevent goods (such as silk and tea) being dropped through the -ship’s ports into a friendly boat that had come out from the beach, a -practice that was by no means unknown on board these merchant craft -home from the Orient. - -Just as there was serious friction sometimes between the Revenue -cutters and the ships of his Majesty’s navy concerning the wearing of -pendants, so these incidents were not unknown to happen to the ships -of the Honourable East India Company. As an instance, Captain Balchen, -R.N., during the year 1726 wrote to the latter complaining that one of -their ships had hoisted a broad red pendant at the main topmast head. -There was certainly no possible defence, and the Company were compelled -to reply that they were “entire strangers” to the complaint, and -would give directions to prevent this occurring again. But otherwise -these East Indiamen were treated with far more respect than any other -merchant ships. No finer ships other than men-of-war sailed the seas. -On arriving at their port in India they were always saluted, and their -captains ranked as Members of Council, being saluted with thirteen -guns when they landed, and the guard turning out when they entered -or left the fort. No one, in fact, other than officers of the Royal -Navy received such respect. Under the captain were from four to eight -officers in the bigger ships, who all wore uniforms, the duties on -board being carried on with just the same discipline as in a man-of-war. - -Some of the Company’s servants were making handsome profits even when -the Company itself was doing badly. Eastwick mentions the name of a -purser who had such nice little perquisites out of his office that he -left the service and became owner of a ship which traded between London -and Calcutta. She was a ship of no mean size, for she carried thirty -cabin passengers and 300 lascars, together with a large mixed cargo -of the value of £13,000. And you may judge of the profits from the -passenger source alone when it is stated that one of these cabins cost -four hundred guineas for the voyage. The affairs of the Company had -for some years been in a rather bad way. Instead of being able to pay -to the Government the stipulated sum of £400,000 a year, the directors -were actually compelled to ask the Government for a loan of £1,000,000. -This was in the year 1772. The affairs of the Company were brought -before Parliament, and a Committee exposed a series of intrigues and -crime. It was to remedy this rotten condition of things that in June of -1773 two Bills were introduced, of which one authorised the loan just -mentioned, and the other, celebrated as the India Act, effected most -important changes in the Company’s constitution and its relations to -India. A Governor-General was appointed to reside in Bengal, to which -the other presidencies were to be made subordinate. A supreme court -of judicature was inaugurated at Calcutta. The salary of the Governor -was to be £25,000 a year, and that of the Council members at £10,000 -each, the chief judge receiving £8000 a year. From this time forth the -Company’s affairs were brought under the control of the Crown, all the -departments were reorganised, and all the territorial correspondence -had to be laid before the British Ministry. - -It was certainly high time that the Company’s affairs were taken in -hand. Our present inquiry is concerned only with its merchant shipping, -so we may confine ourselves strictly thereto. Had it not been for the -wonderfully popular taste which the United Kingdom had now shown for -tea, the Company’s ships would have been compelled to cease trading -with the East. When, in 1773, the Company’s charter was once more -renewed, a grant was made of a monopoly also to China. From about the -middle of the eighteenth century, however, the Company had become more -of a military than a trading concern, yet the latter was anything but -insignificant. Enormous tracts of land had been obtained in India. The -governments of the native princes were corrupt, and the East India -Company was strong. The British Government was some thousands of miles -across the sea, so gradually but surely, without much interference, the -Company had obtained a strong grip on the natives. From that followed -extortion, and when the Company’s servants returned home they came with -fortunes, even though the Company itself was doing badly. - -In the year 1772 the East India Company were employing fifty-five ships -abroad, aggregating 39,836 tons. At home they owned, and there were -being built for its service thirty ships of an aggregate of 22,000 -tons. In 1784 the number of its ships at home and abroad was sixty-six. -The chief object of the inquiry into the Company’s trade with the East -by the Committee just alluded to was apparently to see if the ships -could be built and run more cheaply than under the present method of -chartering. It was seen from the evidence of Sir Richard Hotham that -the existing method of freighting the Company’s ships could be improved -upon to effect greater economy, for whereas the Company were paying in -the year 1772 as much as £32 a ton for the carriage of fine goods, this -expert witness expressed himself as willing to bring goods from any -part of the East at £21 a ton. - -The result of this inquiry was that important changes had to be made. -The Company began to put its shipping business into proper condition. -The Company decided to build for its own use a number of bigger ships -than they had been wont to use, and thus those wonderful East Indiamen, -for which the eighteenth century will ever be famous, came into being. -They were of 1200 to 1400 nominal tons, though their real measurement -was greater than this. Such ships began to be built about the year -1781, though in earlier days, as the reader is aware, the ships had -recently averaged between 400 and 500 tons, not exceeding the latter -figure. The new type, of course, did not entirely drive the smaller -ones straight off the sea, but the two classes existed side by side. -We alluded just now to the terrible national evil of smuggling. This -vice had reached amazing limits during the eighteenth century, and the -country was in such a state of alarm, and honest traders complained -so bitterly of the disastrous effects on their prosperity, that in -the year 1745 a beginning was made of an inquiry by a Parliamentary -Committee into the causes of smuggling and the most effectual methods -to stop it. We have seen that tea, because of its recent popularity, -was especially an article beloved by these smugglers. We need not enter -further into this inquiry, but evidence showed that one of the best -means of ending this illicit trade would be to reduce the duties, thus -not making it worth while for the illicit trader to carry on his work. -Now when Pitt did reduce the duties on various Indian productions, but -especially on tea, it was found that a complete change was made in the -demand for this commodity. Many thousand more pounds’ weight were now -required, the sales were trebled, and thus there was a much greater -shipping business. The export trade to China now began to be most -important also, and the Company was prospering. - -But before we proceed any further we must just see the conditions which -were in existence up to 1773 in regard to the method of chartering -ships by the Company from the owners. It was agreed that these hired -ships were to be surveyed by the Company whenever the latter desired, -and it is typical of the times that the proviso had to be inserted that -the Company’s surveyors “are to be civilly treated.” In order that the -ship might be efficiently armed, the commander and owners were liable -to a fine of £40 for each gun that was wanting. If any of the guns -were sold, the owners and commander were to be fined £100 for each gun, -and the commander to be dismissed the Company’s service. The commander -was also to obey the Company’s orders during the voyage, as well as -their agents and factors. In order to encourage the seamen, the Company -agreed to reward them when the ship returned to the Thames from the -East Indies at the end of the voyage—that is to say, if they had been -able to prevent any wilful damage to the Company’s property, or save -them from being lost, a reward suitable for the benefit was to be made. -If a seaman were to lose his life in defending the ship, his next of -kin was to receive £30. If he lost a limb, he himself was to have the -same sum. If he received minor wounds he was to be given some smaller -monetary reward and to be “cured of his wounds” at the Company’s -expense. - -The Company expressly forbade these hired ships from calling at places -other than those which it ordered, or to take any foreign coin or -bullion, goods or provisions at any place short of her consigned port. -The cargo was to be disposed in the best manner to prevent damage, and -so that the working of the ship and her efficient defence would not be -interfered with. Pepper was not to be shot loose between decks or the -freight would not be paid for. If the ship should touch at St Helena -or the island of Ascension she was not to sail without the permission -of the Governor and Council. Nor was she to touch at Barbadoes, or any -American port, or any of the western islands, or even Plymouth, without -orders or some unavoidable danger of the sea, under a penalty of £500. -The commander, chief and second mates were to keep journals of the -ship’s daily proceedings, from the time when she first took in cargo -in the River Thames to the time of her return and discharge of her -cargo in England. Wind, weather, and all the remarkable transactions, -accidents and occurrences during the voyage were to be noted in these -journals, as also of everything received into the ship. These journals -were to be delivered up to the Company afterwards, on oath, if required. - -No unlicensed goods were to be carried in the ship nor any passengers -to be taken without permission. The ship was to have her full -complement of men during the voyage, and none of these crews was -to be furnished by the master or officers with money, liquor, or -provisions beyond the value of one-third of what the wages of such -seamen should amount to at that particular time. The paymaster (who was -appointed by the Company and owners jointly) was to pay the seamen’s -wives one month’s wages in six. The commander was to have the use of -the ship’s great cabin, unless it were required for the Company’s -servants voyaging out or home. It was the duty of the part-owners -or the master to send in the ship always the sum of £500 in foreign -coins or bullion for use in the case of extraordinary expenses during -the voyage. The commander was also to be supplied with £200 a month -for paying wages and provisions while in India or China. And whenever -lascars were hired, the Company were to pay for their hire. We shall -refer to the subject of these lascars again presently, but we may now -go on to witness the development of the Company’s shipping after the -inauguration of those reforms at which we hinted just now. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[D] The Spaniard is a treacherous patch off the north-east corner of -the Isle of Sheppey. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE EAST INDIAMEN’S ENEMIES - - -The East India Company had recovered from their period of desolation. -They had set their house in order, had been granted a further extension -of their monopoly, were opening up a good trade with China, and had -received fresh capital for their operations in wider spheres. The trade -of the East was practically now in the hands of England, the Dutch -East India Company having suffered very heavily, and the French East -India Company after languishing had come to an end in 1790. Although -there had been formed the first Danish East India Company as far back -as 1612, and a Spanish Royal Company for trading with the Philippines -incorporated in 1733 and an Ostend East India Company incorporated -by the Emperor of Austria in 1723; yet the last-mentioned had become -bankrupt in 1784, and now the English East India Company, after many -vicissitudes, was left practically the sole surviving trading power in -the Orient. - -Under Pitt’s Act the directors of the English Company were allowed to -superintend their shipping and matters of commerce as before, yet the -Board of Control exercised its influence both in England and India. -Each year the Company settled the number of ships to be built and -their sizes. For instance, in 1784, as they saw that at least four more -ships would be required, they ordered six to be built. The keels were -to be laid down within six months, and the ships were to be launched -within twelve months of the laying of the keel. The following year they -decided to have three sets of shipping with about thirty ships in each -class, so leave was given for eight ships to be built. Tenders were -therefore advertised for in January 1786, much to the indignation of -the owners, who complained that this advertisement was directed against -their interests. They denied that hitherto their rates for freight -had been exorbitant, and protested that they had embarked on immense -shipbuilding programmes expressly for the Company’s benefit. The -Company therefore replied, inviting them to send in tenders, which was -done, the same rate being offered as in the preceding season—viz. £26 a -ton to China direct, £27 for coast and China, Bombay £28, coast and bay -£29. On 9th June of that year a tender was offered the Company to build -a 1000-ton ship at £22 a ton for the first two voyages, and £20 for the -third and fourth voyages. - -Up till the year 1789 the size of the Company’s recent big ships had -been from 750 to 800 tons. But in this year it was decided to build -five ships of from 1100 to 1200 tons. The following May the Court -resolved that from past experience ships could quite well make three -voyages without stripping off their sheathing. And, further, those -ships which had been accustomed to make the fourth trip their repairing -voyage might with perfect safety perform even six voyages. A by-law of -1773 had restricted the employment of ships for more than four voyages, -but this was now modified, and instead of four voyages agreements were -entered into with the owners for the ships to run six. - -It was decided also by the Company in the year 1789 to allow the -commanders and officers of their ships to fill, freight free, all such -outward tonnage as might be unoccupied by the Company, and to allow -the Company’s servants and merchants residing under the Company’s -protection in India to fill up such homeward tonnage as might be -unoccupied by the Company, at a reasonable freight. When we come to -the year 1793 we have to deal with an important Act of the reign of -George III., which had far-reaching effects. The Company’s charter -was extended until 1814, but provision was made for opening up the -Indian trade to private individuals, and thus the long-lived monopoly -of the Company was doomed. At length the agitations of the Liverpool -and Bristol shipowners to be allowed to participate in the East India -trade were to have some sort of effect, though it was far from what was -desired. However, one of the conditions of the renewal of the Company’s -exclusive privilege under this Act was that any of the Company’s civil -servants in India, and the free merchants living in India under the -Company’s protection, might be permitted to send to Europe on their own -account and risk in the Company’s ships all kinds of Indian goods with -the exception of calicoes, dimities, muslins and other piece-goods. -And “for insuring to private merchants and manufacturers the certain -and ample means of exporting their merchandize to the East Indies, and -importing the returns for the same, and the other goods, wares and -merchandize, allowed by this Act, at reasonable rates of freight,” the -Company was ordered to set apart at least 3000 tons of shipping every -year. The charge was to be £5 a ton on the outward voyage in times of -peace, and. £15 homeward. But in the time of war the rates should be -increased if the Board of Control approved. It was further stipulated -that his Majesty’s subjects might be allowed to export from England -to India any produce or manufactured goods except military stores, -ammunition, masts, spars, cordage, pitch, tar and copper. But in all -cases of exports and imports in this Anglo-Indian trade the goods must -travel in the Company’s ships. These vessels, provided under the Act, -thus became known as “extra East Indiamen,” and sometimes in reading -books of voyages and travel of this period you will find the narrator -informing the reader that he travelled to the East on board the “extra” -East Indiaman so-and-so. It may be stated at once that though the Act -was obeyed, it produced little result, for considering that the Company -still had such a powerful monopoly of trade in the East, it was quite -impossible for home merchants to compete with such a corporation. -Most manufacturers and merchants declined to avail themselves of -this privilege, full well realising beforehand how useless it would -be. However, the Company fulfilled their obligation to provide this -additional tonnage, though it entailed a heavy expenditure without much -benefit to the public. The people who benefited most were the servants -of the Company, who, being homeward bound, were able to bring back to -England Indian produce that would find a ready market here. - -In the year 1793 the Company had only thirty-six vessels of 1200 -tons each and forty of 800 tons each. This of course represented the -whole of the British shipping trading to the East. Some idea of the -shipbuilding programmes of the next few years may be gathered from -the following facts, bearing in mind that the Company were trading to -China as well as to India, and that both big and moderate-sized ships -were deemed necessary. Thus in October of 1793 the Court decided that -sixteen ships of from 700 to 800 tons were necessary, and one of 1200 -tons for the annual imports from India in their regular commerce; and -that fifteen large ships of 1200 tons would be required for imports -from China. When a ship became worn out by age, accident or inability, -an advertisement was published, describing the size of the ship -required, inviting tenders and specifying the rate of freight to be -paid for six voyages, the ship to be commanded by the captain of the -ship whose bottom was worn out. In December of the following year it -was resolved that ships of 1400 tons were the most suitable for the -Company’s trade to China, but that these ships should be tendered at -1200 tons only. So also the regular ships (as distinct from the extra -East Indiamen) which brought home their rich cargoes from Bengal and -Madras were not to exceed 820 tons and to be chartered at 799 tons. It -was further settled that ships of from 480 to 520 tons were the most -suitable craft for bringing home what were known as “gruff” goods—that -is, cargoes of Indian goods consisting of such raw materials as -cotton, rice, sugar, pepper, hemp and saltpetre. The silks, muslins, -tea and fine goods were carried in the Company’s larger ships, which -carried also the passengers. From the latter quite a large revenue -was obtained, as soon as the Company’s rule in India became fully -established. - -The public were still very jealous of the Company’s private monopoly, -and the country was deluged by pamphleteers and tractarians giving -vent to this indignation. However, some benefit had been obtained by a -reduction in the freights, and it was brought about in the following -manner. The suggestion was made that great advantages would result if -India-built ships were employed by the Company for the spare freight -which was lying ready for shipment to Europe. English oak was getting -scarcer, and therefore dearer, and could ill be spared so long as the -Royal Navy continued to be wooden walls: whereas out in India the -Company owned inexhaustible forests. So from the year 1795 India-built -ships were for the first time allowed to take exports and imports. They -were commonly known as “country-built” ships, and in the year mentioned -twenty-seven of these craft were despatched from India with cargoes -of rice. The cost of engaging these ships was at £16 a ton for rice -and other deadweight goods and £20 a ton for light goods, the ships to -arrive and discharge in the Thames. As a result a saving in one season -alone was made of £183,316 in respect of freights. But there occurred -some keen disappointment to the owners of these India-built ships. -The arrangement had been that, having delivered the goods mentioned -in the Thames, they should be allowed to take back to India whatever -merchandise they cared to put aboard. Many of these ships had been -built as a speculation, their owners believing that they would be taken -into the Company’s regular service and so be employed permanently. -Notwithstanding that they had been warned against any such supposition, -it came as a bitter grief to them when they realised that after the -Company’s immediate requirements were completed the services of these -ships were no longer required; but for all that the day was now not far -distant when trade to India was to be thrown open altogether. It is the -last straw which breaks the camel’s back, and the load which had been -accumulating ever since the year 1600 was soon to reach the point when -something would have to give way. - -It should be explained that this was one of the most critical periods -in the whole of England’s naval chronicle and therefore of her very -existence. The Battle of the Glorious First of June had been fought -in 1794, and in this same year Martinique had been captured from the -French. The year 1795 was to be even still more replete with naval -doings. Ships and men were required as they had never been wanted -before, and it was just in this respect that the existence of the East -India Company was of the greatest direct benefit to the country and -the navy. It must always be to its honour that the Company which had -for so long enjoyed the privilege of the Indian monopoly was on this -especial occasion to have the privilege of assisting the nation in -a most valuable manner. At the opening of the year France possessed -advantages which she had never previously enjoyed. She had made peace -with Prussia, she had reduced Holland to submission and made a treaty -with the latter, the result of which was that the Dutch fleet of about -120 ships was placed at France’s disposal. These were well-built -craft, manned by excellent crews who were seamen to their finger-tips. -As against this, England was in a condition of isolation and there was -a tremendous amount of work to be done and too few ships at hand. For -Brest had to be watched, and the Mediterranean fleet had to look after -the French based on Toulon. Admiral Duncan had to be sent across the -North Sea to prevent any Dutch ships from emerging out of the Texel, -but in the southern part of the world something much more historic -was destined to occur, for the Cape of Good Hope was captured from -the Dutch, and just at the time when our success hung in the balance -a strong squadron of East Indiamen arrived with a reinforcement of -British troops. The result was that against this force the Dutch -could no longer stand. The Dutch settlement (and incidentally a brig -belonging to the Dutch East India Company) now became British. - -Never had the East India Company been more useful to the navy than -in this year. Ships and seamen cannot be got by the mere signing of -documents unless they already exist, and it was lucky for the nation -that such fine, stout craft, accustomed to long voyages and fighting, -manned with such able crews, should already be at hand under the East -India Company. At the time of which we speak no fewer than six of their -finest vessels were taken into the nation’s service straight away. -Eight others which had not quite finished building were also assigned -to the Government. In addition to these fourteen handsome craft, the -Court of Directors also decided on the 13th of March to raise 3000 men -at their own cost for the Royal Navy. This meant a loss of £57,000, -but the nation needed it and the Company did their duty. During the -ensuing July the Company further decided that fourteen East Indiamen -should be placed at the disposal of the Government in September ready -to carry troops across the ocean—a work for which they were extremely -well fitted—and we have just seen to what advantage this was done. -England at this time was distressed by the scarcity of corn, but in -order to relieve this distress in some measure large quantities of rice -were brought home by twenty-seven ships which the Company purposely -added to their fleet for the emergency, and these were the India-built -ships of which we spoke just now. Thus in more ways than one, but -certainly to the utmost of their ability, the East India Company had -come to Britain’s aid when she was passing through a time of great -crisis. - -During this year the seas which wash the Indian coast were really -unsafe to merchantmen by reason of the presence of both French and -Dutch cruisers and privateers. The British naval strength in those -waters was very inadequate, and we had suffered some naval disasters -which were neither a credit to our seamanship nor likely to maintain -our prestige as gallant sea-fighters. The whole of the Bay of Bengal -was being scoured by French men-of-war ready to fall upon any merchant -craft that dared show herself. The privateers were both numerous, -well manned, well armed, well commanded and very fast sailers. The -consequence was that the East Indiamen never completed their voyages -without having some excitement. Nor were pirates exterminated; -especially along the Malabar coast, where they had many fastnesses, -their strongholds being protected by forts. These men feared nothing, -and had actually come out and defeated English, French and Dutch -men-of-war that had been especially sent out to punish them, in some -cases even capturing their enemy’s ships. A French 40-gun frigate had -been compelled to haul down her colours to these robbers of the sea: -one of the East India Company’s ships, armed with twenty guns, had also -been taken after a fair fight, and three Dutch men-of-war. For some -years they were crushed by the wholesome effect of a regular expedition -which the English had sent against them, but after a few years they -broke out again in their piracy and by the year 1798 they were freely -capturing European ships. - -On at least one occasion, however, they made a serious mistake, which -might have been even still more grievous for them but for a piece -of luck. It happened that H.M.S. _Centurion_, a 50-gun frigate, was -cruising in the neighbourhood, and her the pirates mistook for a -merchantman, for the East Indiamen were very similar in appearance to -the frigates of the Royal Navy. One of the favourite devices of these -rovers was to creep up under cover of darkness and wedge the rudder -of the ship they intended to attack, their victim being thus rendered -unable to manœuvre. In the present instance they had succeeded in -carrying out this tactic to the _Centurion_, and then surrounded the -ship and began their attack. The frigate was certainly surprised, but -she soon had her guns loaded and brought them to bear on the pirates, -and so punished them with a hot fire, which had not been expected, that -they were glad to take to flight. It was only the fact of the wedged -rudder which prevented the _Centurion_ from being steered in pursuit -and capturing their craft. However, it was a lesson to them in the -future, and they attacked only when they were certain of their victim. - -Of the privateers which hung about in Indian waters, one of the most -notorious was the _Malartic_, which had captured two of the East -Indiamen, _Raymond_ and _Woodcot_, of 793 and 802 tons respectively. -Whenever it was known that this ship was in the offing, no merchantman -dared put to sea. She eventually captured the _Princess Royal_, an -805 tonner, and other East Indiamen, but was herself finally taken by -the Company’s ship _Phœnix_. So great was the relief occasioned by -this deliverance that Captain Moffat, the _Phœnix’s_ commander, was -afterwards publicly presented with a sword of honour. But an even more -dangerous privateer was the _Confiance_. This was a very beautiful -ship, and the envy of every captain who set eyes on her. Captain -Eastwick, who knew her well, and to whose account I am indebted, -described her as follows:—“She sat very low upon the water, and had -black sides with yellow moulding posts, and a French stern all black. -She carried a red vane at her maintopgallant masthead, very square -yards and jaunt masts, upright and without the smallest rake either -forward or aft. Her sails were all cut French fashion, and remarkable, -having a great roach and steering sail, very square. There was not a -ship in those seas that she could not overtake or sail away from. It -was the custom of her commander, Captain Sourcouff, to ply his crew -with liquor, and they always fought with the madness of drink in them.” - -It was this ship which attacked the East Indiaman _Kent_, and after -a heavy engagement killed or wounded no fewer than sixty of the -merchantman’s crew, with the result that the latter was forced to haul -down her flag. When the news of this occurrence reached Calcutta, two -of the Company’s frigates were sent in pursuit of the privateer, and -both coming up with her began to attack with such determination that -it was certain the _Confiance_ would have to yield. This, however, she -refused to do, and though she had only twenty-two guns, her captain -fought his ship with great gallantry, and even though his losses were -necessarily great, he was able at the end to escape by the speed -of his ship. The _Kent_, however, was retaken from the clutches of -the _Confiance_ and brought into Calcutta, and a few years later -the _Confiance_ herself was also captured. And you may imagine with -what joy the news of her capture was received when it was reckoned -that within one single twelvemonth not less than £2,000,000 worth of -British shipping had been captured or sunk by the French privateers or -men-of-war. - -And there was the curious incident of the _Lord Eldon_ being nearly -captured right on the doorstep, so to speak, of her home. This ship -was an East Indiaman outward bound to India. At the moment of which we -are speaking she had backed her sails and was lying off the Needles -hove-to, as she awaited some passengers who had been delayed in joining -her. But whilst she was thus hove-to a sea fog suddenly came down. Not -far off was a French privateer hovering about, and this was the chance -of a century. Under cover of this fog he approached the East Indiaman -unobserved, so that he came right alongside. When the men on board the -_Lord Eldon_ discovered this big ship close up to them in the haze -they were alarmed, but not for the reason that you might suppose. It -did not occur to them that she was a privateer, but they assumed she -was one of the King’s ships and was now about to impress the East -Indiaman’s crew into the navy in the manner that we saw in an earlier -chapter. As the crew had no desire to come under impressment, they at -once hid, with the result that the privateer’s men had no difficulty in -coming on board the _Lord Eldon_. The captain was below at the time, -and hearing a noise and clamour came on deck to see what it was all -about: and then to his amazement found that his ship was in the hands -of the enemy. However, he was not one easily to be daunted, even by -such a surprise as this. His life was made up of things unexpected, -and knowing that his men were well drilled he called to them to repel -boarders. They at once responded to the command and came out from their -hiding-places, and after a sharp fight drove the invaders overboard. -One Frenchman had even got possession of the _Lord Eldon’s_ wheel, -but the East Indiaman’s captain killed him with his own hand, cutting -off his head with one stroke of the sword. In a very short time the -privateer, who was now more surprised than the crew of the merchant -ship, hurriedly made sail and disappeared into the fog. The incident -well shows the fighting efficiency of the commanders and men of the -Company’s vessels at this period. - -During the early part of the eighteenth century about a dozen or -fifteen of the Company’s ships would sail to the East Indies from -London, but this average gradually rose till, about the year 1779, -there were about twenty vessels going out each year. But thereafter -the numbers increased to such an extent that in some years there were -as many as thirty or forty: and in the year 1795 as many as seventy-six -did the voyage. After that date the numbers became again normal, so -that up to about the end of 1810 the average was more like forty or -fifty. But even this meant a great deal of trade from which the country -and Company were to benefit largely. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -SHIPS AND MEN - - -Bombay had been first so called by the Dutch, meaning Good Bay. Owing -to its spaciousness, excellent depth of water and other facilities it -was well designated. By the end of the eighteenth century it had its -dry and wet docks and every facility for careening and repairing ships, -being of great utility to the Company’s merchant ships and its navy as -well. Its dockyard was furnished with all kinds of necessary stores. -Here there was always on hand plenty of timber and planking, here -anchors could be forged, here new cables and ropes were made of all -kinds. The cables were of hemp, but for the smaller ropes the external -fibres of the cocoanut, so abundant in India, were made up into that -inferior type of rope known as kyah or coir. - -We called attention on another page to the introduction of India-built -vessels into the Company’s service. India of course is famous for its -teak, and every shipman knows what excellent material this wood is -for building craft, owing to its hardness and durability. The vessels -which Bombay built were fine, stout ships and excellently finished, -and Indian shipbuilders even constructed some battleships and frigates -for the British navy which were in every way splendid vessels. One -vessel named the _Swallow_, which was built out here and launched in -April 1777, was actually in use till she was lost on a shoal in the -Hooghly in June 1823. But during this lengthy period of usefulness -she had served in many seas and in various capacities. She was first -employed as one of the Company’s packets between India and England. -After that she was in the Bombay Marine, or the East India Company’s -navy. After that she again resumed service as one of the Company’s -merchantmen, where she remained for many years. About the beginning of -the nineteenth century she was sold to the Danes, and from Copenhagen -proceeded to the West Indies, where she was arrested as a prize by a -British man-of-war. She was then employed in the King’s service and -became a sloop-of-war, and afterwards sold out of the service to some -merchants. In this capacity she again made several voyages between -London and Bombay, and eventually brought her fine career to an end as -stated. - -Before the close of the eighteenth century the Battle of the Nile had -been fought and won. The importance of this to India was tremendous. -For had the result been otherwise Napoleon would have possessed -himself of all that the English East India Company had done there. Our -Anglo-Indian trade would have come to an end, and the ships which are -the subject of our present study would have been no longer required, -or else compelled to sail under the French flag. Nelson, in fact, had -despatched a messenger overland to the Governor of Bombay, informing -the latter of the arrival of the French in Egypt, for he knew well -that Bombay was the objective of the enemy if they could get there. -However, Nelson’s victory at the Nile quite altered all this, and when -the East India Company afterwards voted the gallant admiral the sum of -£10,000, it was to show how deeply indebted was this corporation for -the welcome relief from catastrophe. - -Before we leave the eighteenth century we have to consider some of the -more important changes and developments which were taking place. We -have seen that the size of these East Indiamen had gradually increased -during the century. About the year 1700 the biggest vessels were under -500 tons. Some were even much smaller, as, for instance, the _Juno_, of -180 tons, and the _Success_ and the _Borneo_ of similar size, but there -was also the _Arabella_, of only 140 tons, and the _Benjamin_, of 160 -tons. Between the years 1748 and 1772 all the Company’s merchant ships -are of one size—499 tons. There are very few exceptions indeed to this, -and in those few instances you get an occasional ship of 180, 300, -350, 370 or 380 tons. Otherwise there is nothing but this stereotyped -499-ton ship year after year, season after season. This curious fact -has puzzled many people, including those who in later days served in -the Company’s service. Why was it? - -[Illustration: THE EAST INDIAMAN “SWALLOW.” - -This vessel was of about 700 tons, and armed with eighteen guns. She is -here seen in the year 1788 in different ways—hove-to for a pilot, under -plain sail, and before the wind under all sail. - -(By kind permission of the P. & O. Steam Navigation Company)] - -The answer is quite simple, and I give it on the authority of an old -skipper contemporary with these ships, named Hutchinson, who at one -time of his life had been a privateer. The reader will remember that -in an earlier chapter I drew attention to the slackness of morals and -general spirit of irreligion which were notorious of the mid-eighteenth -century, at any rate so far as English people were concerned. Naturally -enough this spirit spread to the ships of the East India Company, so -that the corruption ashore had its counterpart afloat. Now these -craft, when they were of 500 tons and over, were compelled to carry -a chaplain. And it was just in order to be able to dispense with the -latter, and so save expense, that the owners used to cause these ships -to be rated at 499 tons, and so keep within the letter of the law. -These 499-ton ships carried a captain, four mates, a surgeon and a -purser. They would sail from the Downs about January or March of one -year, proceed to India or China, and then be back again in the London -river by June or July of the following year, though sometimes they were -away for much longer periods. When homeward bound they had called at -Portsmouth—where the more wealthy passengers went ashore and proceeded -home by road—and the Downs, they eventually made fast to moorings at -one of three places—Blackwall, Deptford and North-fleet. - -We spoke, also, some time back of what were known as “hereditary -bottoms,” by which it was meant that an owner who had been accustomed -to charter one of his ships to the Company had a proprietary right to -supply other ships when this one had been worn out. Thus one finds, -for instance, a ship called the _Brunswick_ built on the bottom of the -_Atlas_, the _Hindostan_ built on the bottom of the _Grosvenor_, and so -on. This went on for year after year, so that you could make out a kind -of genealogical tree of East India ships. It was a very clear instance -of eighteenth-century monopoly which would be hard to beat. But this -principle of perpetuity came to an end on 6th February 1796, when -open competition was introduced. There can be no question that this -decision, together with that of abolishing the sale of commands, was -all for the good of the service. The Company themselves recognised that -it was the only way in which they could have an efficient fleet, always -ready and consisting of vessels built on the best principles, inspected -during construction by the Company’s own surveyors, and commanded by -officers “of acknowledged character, talents and experience,” and -various by-laws were passed to this effect. The following list will -afford the reader some idea of the size and dimensions of these East -Indiamen ships at the close of the eighteenth century. The difference -between the burthen tonnage and the chartered tonnage is noticeable:— - - Name of Ship Length Beam Burthen Chartered - Tonnage Tonnage - ft. in. ft. in. - Ganges 149 0 43 6 1502 1200 - Hope 144 0 43 6 1471 1200 - Neptune 144 0 43 6 1468 1200 - Hindostan 144 0 43 6 1463 1248 - Walmer Castle 144 0 43 6 1460 1200 - Warley 144 0 43 6 1460 1200 - Earl of Abergavenny 144 0 43 6 1460 1200 - Royal Charlotte 144 0 43 6 1460 758 - Coutts 144 0 43 6 1451 1200 - Cirencester 144 0 43 0 1439 1200 - Arniston 144 0 43 0 1433 1200 - Glatton 144 0 43 0 1432 1200 - Thames 144 0 43 0 1432 1200 - Ceres 144 0 43 0 1430 1200 - Cuffnells 144 0 43 0 1429 1200 - Earl Talbot 144 0 43 0 1428 1200 - Nottingham 130 0 40 0 1152 1152 - Dorsetshire 134 0 42 0 1200 1200 - Alfred 134 0 41 0 1221 1189 - David Scott 134 0 42 0 1257 1200 - Alnwick Castle 133 11½ 42 0 1257 1200 - Exeter 132 0 41 0 1265 1200 - Carnatic 132 0 40 6 1169 1169 - Boddam 128 0 38 6 1021 1021 - Albion 125 0 38 0 961 961 - Royal Admiral 120 2 37 10 914 914 - Belvidere 123 0 38 8 986 987 - Earl Howe 117 10 37 4¾ 876 876 - Sulivan 116 0 35 0 876 876 - Middlesex 116 0 35 0 852 852 - Princess Charlotte 102 0 33 6¾ 610 610 - Earl of Wycombe 101 10¾ 34 5¾ 643 655 - Princess Mary 93 11 34 5¾ 643 462 - -The science and art of shipbuilding in England during the eighteenth -century were very defective compared with France. But during the -last decade of this, and the early part of the nineteenth century, -improvements were taking place. Papers were being read before the -Royal Society, treatises were being published, a number of valuable -experiments were being made and the best lessons of the French were -being studied. To all this must be attributed the better type of East -Indiaman which was to follow. The continued demand for tea made it -necessary to have fine, big ships which could get the cargoes of this -perishable commodity to London as soon as possible. It was always -reckoned that an 800-ton ship would be able to bring home about 750,000 -lb. of tea, and a 1200-ton ship nearly 1,500,000 lb. Some idea of the -increased popularity of this commodity in England will be ascertained -when it is stated that during the year 1765 five million lbs. were -brought home and sold by the Company. By 1784 the average was about six -million lb., the following year this figure was more than doubled, and -by the end of the century it was nearly twenty-four million lb. There -was, therefore, every need for fine, big ships of good lines. And by an -Act of 1799 the Company were restricted from employing in their service -any ships but those contracted for six voyages to India or China and -back. Whenever they wished to have more ships built, they were to give -public notice of this by advertisement four weeks ahead, inviting -tenders for building and freighting. - -But in the year 1803 the Company were empowered to engage ships for two -additional voyages, making eight in all. Two reasons were given for -this innovation. First, if was found that the ships now being built -were of such a character that they could be repaired and refitted -to perform these two additional voyages with great advantage. And -secondly, it was contended that if fewer ships were built, this would -“be the means of lessening the consumption of ship-timber.” It will be -recollected that in the year 1803 Napoleon had openly and intentionally -insulted the British Ambassador, and that in the month of May war was -again declared, and both nations made elaborate preparations for the -resumption of hostilities, the British taking time by the forelock and -sending squadrons to watch Brest and Toulon. All this warlike activity -on sea made it not any easier for the East Indiamen to go about their -lawful business. In effect it meant that they must be fitted out with -even greater care and that they must be armed as strongly as ever they -could be. And this, in turn, meant that the cost to the owners of the -ships was much increased. “War extraordinaries,” as they were called, -were always a source of keen dispute during those anxious years, -between the Company and the shipowners, and in this present case the -Company were authorised to pay higher rates owing to the increased -expense to the owners. - -But such was the improvement in the class of vessel now built that in -the year 1810 they were allowed by Act of Parliament to engage ships -even beyond the allotted eight voyages, provided that after being -repaired they were found fit for service. The Company were also allowed -to take up by private contract certain other ships in order to bring -home the cargoes from China and India. Under this class were chartered -vessels which had taken out to New South Wales convicts and stores. The -East India Company had already come to the country’s aid again during -that year, 1803. Ten thousand tons of shipping did they lend to the -State for six months free of charge, though this meant a loss to the -Company of £67,000. These ships were employed in guarding the British -coast against the threatened invasion by the French; and in other ways -they were found very useful to the Admiralty. - -In peace time they would go out to India with troops and stores, -calling at St Helena on the way, and then return home with cargoes from -China and India. In the last-mentioned territorial waters they were -almost as likely to be annoyed by the attentions of the press-gangs as -they were in English waters, for his Majesty’s ships out there were -sadly in need of men. Repeated complaints were made by the Company in -regard to this, even as they had previously complained of what used -to take place at home. But repeated and indignant representations -proved ineffectual. Captains of the Royal Navy must have men for their -ships, and the distance between England and India was too great for -much interference under this category, so things went on pretty much as -before. - -It will have been noticed from the list of the East India Company’s -ships given on an earlier page in this chapter that the size had -immensely increased. Big ships always necessitate big accommodation -when they reach port. These particular craft were far and away the -biggest merchant ships in the world, for no other trade either required -or could afford such vessels. This being so, the East Indiamen when -they now arrived in the Thames were compelled to lie many miles down -the river, since there was no accommodation for them higher up. But -this was to subject them to a grave risk. They came home with most -valuable cargoes which meant not only very much to the Company, but -were actually of some national importance. As they lay out in the river -a good deal of pilfering went on, and the loss was very serious, not -merely to the Company and the shipowners, but to the State, which lost -a good deal of customs duty thereby, since the goods thus pilfered were -then smuggled ashore. It was therefore realised that the only remedy -was to have a sufficient area of wet docks in which the ships could be -loaded and unloaded. A number of gentlemen therefore decided to form a -joint-stock company with a capital of £200,000 in order to provide wet -docks to be enclosed by proper walls and ditches, and communicating -with the Thames. These docks were to be appropriated solely for the -ships in the India trade, who should pay a duty of 14s. a ton in the -case of a registered English ship, and 12s. a ton for every India-built -ship navigated by lascars. It was ordered that the hatches of every -ship arriving from India or China should be locked down before the ship -reached Gravesend, and the captain, and one of the two officers next -to him in command, must remain on board until such time as the ship -was moored in the docks, and the keys of the hatches handed over to an -officer of the East India Company. Of the thirteen directors of these -docks, four must be directors of the East India Company. - -The result of this was that the East India Docks, so well known to all -who take any interest in the port of London, were brought into being. -During the early part of the year 1914, whilst alterations were being -made in connection with the elaborate scheme for the improvement of -London’s shipping facilities, the original foundation-stone of the -undertaking was discovered. This had been laid as far back as 4th March -1804. It had been submerged in the import dock, but was revealed at the -base of one of the old quay walls, from which it slightly projected. On -its top were found recorded the names of Mr Joseph Cotton, who was then -Chairman of the East India Dock Company, and of Mr John Woolmore, the -deputy chairman. The inscription stated that the stone had been laid -by Mr Joseph Huddart, F.R.S., and the names of the engineers, Mr John -Rennie and Mr Ralph Walker, were added. After the dock was opened there -were for many years seen therein the pick of the world’s shipping. But -now, with the overwhelming conquest of the steamship the whole aspect -has been quite changed. Gone are those fine old wind-jammers, gone -is the romance of these ships from the Orient, gone is the stately, -naval system under which these vessels were run, gone are the handsome -opportunities for making fortunes which were then open to the captains -and officers of the mercantile marine. - -In some years these ships were very unfortunate. The years 1808 -and 1809 were particularly unhappy for the Company’s craft. Ten -homeward-bound East Indiamen were lost, and with them vanished over -a million sterling. The months of November 1808 and March 1809 were -notoriously stormy. Even such big craft as the _Britannia_ (1200 tons) -and the _True Briton_ (1198 tons) were lost during this period. The -former went down off the South Foreland on 25th January 1809. The -latter had parted company from the Bombay ships on 13th October in that -year, whilst sailing in the China seas, and was never heard of again. -The _Admiral Gardner_ had set forth from the Downs on 24th January -1809, and also foundered off the South Foreland on the same day as the -_Britannia_. The _Calcutta_ parted company with the other East Indiamen -off Mauritius on 14th March 1809, and was never seen again. Other ships -were captured by the enemy, some were blown up, others ended their days -by fire, some ran ashore, but as a rule these old East Indiamen managed -to get their freights into the London river with safety. - -[Illustration: COMMODORE SIR NATHANIEL DANCE. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -About the year 1809 the rates of insurance between Bengal and England -were £7, 7s. for the regular East Indiaman, and £7 on her cargo. In -the case of “extra” ships the premium was £9, 9s. on the ship and £9 -on the cargo. India-built ships were not insured at all, but the cargo -was insured at £15, 15s. If the Company’s ships were convoyed home, -then the “extra” craft were charged only £1 from Bengal to St Helena, -and another £1 from St Helena to England. If there were more than one -ship then only 19s. was charged in both cases, but India-built ships in -these instances were charged £2, 10s. - -The number of ships employed for the India and China trade during -the years 1803 to 1808 will be found indicative of the Company’s -activities. These varied from forty-four to fifty-three, and their -burden from 36,671 to 45,342 tons. They ran great risks sometimes, but -in spite of occasional casualties they were often more than able to -look after themselves, when no naval force could be spared to convoy -them. One of the most famous instances on record is that in which the -exploits of a certain Captain Nathaniel Dance figured prominently. This -gallant commander was in charge of the Company’s ship _Earl Camden_. -This vessel was of 1200 tons charter, and had sailed from England in -the season of 1802-1803. She had put into Torbay, and left there on -4th January 1803, and proceeded to Bombay and China. On the last day -of January in the following year she had filled up her holds and began -her return voyage from China. With her sailed also fifteen other East -Indiamen, named respectively the _Warley_, _Alfred_, _Royal George_, -_Coutts_, _Wexford_, _Ganges_, _Exeter_, _Earl of Abergavenny_, _Henry -Addington_, _Bombay Castle_, _Cumberland_, _Hope_, _Dorsetshire_, -_Warren Hastings_ and _Ocean_. And inasmuch as Captain Dance was -the senior commander he acted as commodore for this China fleet. In -addition to these sixteen vessels a number of other vessels were put -under his charge to convoy them as far as their courses were the same. -These vessels included a dozen “country” ships. - -The “country” trade, by the way, was the trade between India and the -East as far as China and Manila. It was largely carried on by civil -servants of the East India Company and the free merchants living under -the Company’s protection. In effect the Company resigned this trade -to these people, the scope of this commerce to the westward extending -as far as the Red Sea, the principal commodities being indigo, pepper -and cotton. Of the East India Company’s ships the _Ganges_ was a -fast-sailing brig, which was to be employed by Dance in any way that -might tend to the safety and convenience of the fleet until it had -passed through the Straits of Malacca, when he was to send her on to -Bengal. - -On the 14th of February at daybreak the _Royal George_ made a signal to -the commodore that she had sighted four strange sail to the south-west. -Thereupon Dance signalled that the _Alfred_, _Royal George_, _Bombay -Castle_ and the _Hope_ should run down and examine them. It happened -that among the passengers aboard Dance’s ship was Lieutenant Fowler, -R.N., and the latter, who had recently been commander of the -_Porpoise_, offered to go in the _Ganges_ brig and, getting quite close -up to the strange craft, examine them carefully. To this the commodore -assented, and away she went too. After a while Dance learned by signal -that the four strange vessels were none other than a squadron of the -enemy, consisting of a line-of-battle ship, two frigates and a brig. At -one P.M. Dance signalled to his scouts to return, and formed -the line of battle in close order. Now this merchant captain was a -decidedly able tactician, and it is most interesting to note the way he -disposed his forces for battle. - -When the enemy saw that they could “fetch” in the wake of the East -Indiamen, they went about, but the commodore held on his course, -keeping under easy sail. About sunset the enemy were close up to the -rear of the English fleet, and as Dance momentarily expected his rear -ships would be attacked, he stood by to succour them. But as the day -ended no attack came, and the enemy hauled off to windward. Meanwhile -the commodore sent Lieutenant Fowler in the _Ganges_ to station the -twelve country ships to leeward of the line of East Indiamen, so that -the latter were between the enemy and the country ships. This was duly -carried out and Mr Fowler returned, bringing with him some volunteers -from the latter to help work the East Indiamen in the fight. All night -long the ships lay in their line of battle, and at daybreak the enemy -were descried about three miles to windward hove-to. The English ships -now hoisted their colours and offered battle. The enemy’s four ships -hoisted French colours. These ships consisted of the _Marengo_, an -84-gun ship with 1200 men; the _Belle Poule_, 44 guns and 490 men; the -_Semilante_, 36 guns and 400 men; and the _Berceau_, 32 guns and 350 -men. The _Marengo_ was seen to be flying the flag of a rear-admiral. In -addition there was an 18-gun brig under Dutch colours. - -At nine A.M., as the enemy showed no signs of engaging, the commodore -formed the order of sailing and resumed his course, still under easy -sail. But the enemy now filled his sails and edged towards the China -fleet. At 1 P.M. it was obvious that the rear-admiral’s intention was -to cut off the English rear, so Dance made the signal to tack and bear -down on him and engage him in succession, the _Royal George_ being the -leading ship, the _Ganges_ second, and the _Earl Camden_ (flagship) -next. This was done and then under a press of sail the British ships -ran towards the enemy—a very magnificent sight for those privileged -to behold it. The enemy then formed in a very close line, and opened -fire on the first ships, but this was not returned until the distance -was much reduced. The _Royal George_ had to bear the brunt of the -engagement, being in the van, and in consequence suffered, but she got -as close as she could to the enemy. As soon as their guns could have -effect, the _Ganges_ and _Earl Camden_ opened fire, and the rest of the -ships were ready to go into action as soon as their guns could bear. -But before this was possible the French rear-admiral had taken alarm, -the enemy hauled their wind and made away to the eastward, with every -stitch of sail they could set. They had been beaten—and by merchantmen. - -Dance then made the signal for a general chase. This was at 2 P.M., -and the retreating enemy were pursued for two hours, but as the -commodore feared that further pursuit would take his fleet too far -from the Straits, and that his first duty was to preserve his ships -rather than give the enemy any further beating, he made the signal to -tack, and at 8 P.M. anchored for the night, so as to be able to make -for the entrance of the Straits in the morning. The casualties were -confined to the _Royal George_, which had lost one man killed and one -more wounded. Her sails and hull had received many shot, but both the -_Ganges_ and the _Earl Camden_ were practically untouched. The enemy’s -gunnery was distinctly bad, the shot falling either short or over. - -Every man who took part in this extraordinary engagement had done his -duty handsomely. Captain Timins of the _Royal George_ had taken his -ship into action most gallantly, but every ship in the English line had -been cleared and prepared for action, anxious to have the opportunity -of showing their worth. As the enemy had now long since disappeared -there was nothing for Dance to do but continue on his homeward voyage. -From Malacca he despatched Fowler in the _Ganges_ brig to Pulo Penang, -asking the captain of any of his Majesty’s ships to convoy this -exceedingly valuable fleet—the value of the sixteen ships together with -their cargoes and private property amounting to nearly eight million -pounds sterling. It was learned at Malacca that the squadron which -had just been encountered was that of Admiral Linois, comprising a -battleship, two heavy frigates, a corvette and the brig. - -On the 28th of February, whilst in the Straits of Malacca, Dance’s -fleet fell in with two of his Majesty’s ships, _Albion_ and _Sceptre_, -and the _Albion’s_ captain was prevailed upon to take charge now of -the fleet, considering its national importance, and on the 9th of -June these treasure ships reached St Helena, still under the convoy -of the two British men-of-war. There the latter parted company from -the merchantmen, and instead H.M.S. _Plantagenet_ convoyed them to -England, where they arrived early in the month of August. The news of -this successful engagement, the circumstance that an enemy’s fleet had -been put to flight and chased by a fleet of East Indiamen caused the -greatest acclamation in London. The Patriotic Fund Committee presented -Commodore Dance with a sword of the value of £100, and a silver vase of -the same worth; to Captain Timins a sword of the value of £50, and each -of the other captains, as well as to Lieutenant Fowler. - -As for the directors of the East India Company, they showed their -appreciation of the gallantry and the preservation of their property -in the most handsome manner. Setting aside about £50,000 they rewarded -Commodore Dance with the sum of 2000 guineas, and a piece of plate -valued at 200 guineas. To Captain Timins 1000 guineas and a piece -of plate valued at 100 guineas. To Captain Moffat 500 guineas and a -piece of plate valued at 100 guineas. The other thirteen captains were -each awarded 500 guineas and a piece of plate valued at 50 guineas. -The chief officers received each 150 guineas, the second officers 125 -guineas, and so on down to the boatswains, who got 50 guineas, and -the seamen and servants 6 guineas each. The Company also presented -Lieutenant Fowler with 300 guineas and a piece of plate, as well as 500 -guineas to the captain of the _Plantagenet_, who had convoyed them home -from St Helena. - -[Illustration: REPULSE OF ADMIRAL LINOIS BY THE CHINA FLEET UNDER -COMMODORE SIR NATHANIEL DANCE. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -Commodore Sir Nathaniel Dance was offered a baronetcy, which he -refused, but accepted a knighthood: and thus ended the last chapter in -an incident that was the pride and subject of yarning among the men -of the East India Company’s service for many a long day. It certainly -shows the British merchant sailor at his best—ready for a fight, -going into the engagement gallantly, and yet all the while remembering -that his first duty is to his owners and to get ships and cargoes -safely to port without unnecessarily wasting valuable time. - -FOOTNOTES: - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -AT SEA IN THE EAST INDIAMEN - - -The first decade of the nineteenth century had been very unfortunate -for the East India Company. There had been the losses of those ships -already mentioned, owing to disasters at sea. This meant not only the -loss to the Company of the rich cargoes, but of the advances to the -owners amounting to thousands of pounds. The French war had also not -merely interfered with the coming and going of the merchant ships, but -it had thrown the whole of Europe into such a state of bewilderment -that commerce generally was paralysed, and therefore the trade in -Indian goods to the different parts of the Continent was exceedingly -curtailed. Notwithstanding all that had been done by the Act of 1796, -and the superintendence which was exercised over the Company, the -latter was anything but prosperous. It had been engaged in hostilities -with the Mahrattas and other Eastern powers. The result had been the -acquisition of vast territory which was shortly to be for the good of -the British Empire. But the immediate result of all this was that the -Company’s finances were in a crippled condition. Later on we shall -see what a wholesale effect the abolition of the monopoly had on the -Eastern trade, dating from the year 1813: but before we come to that -I desire to give the reader a fair account of the conditions of life -in the East Indiamen of the first part of the nineteenth century. We -shall presently proceed to examine these in greater detail, but it will -greatly assist the imagination if we look into contemporary accounts -left behind by officers who put to sea in these craft. - -And first of all let us take the account of that Captain Eastwick -whom we introduced to the reader on an earlier page. This time he was -proceeding to India, not in his capacity of mercantile officer, but -as a passenger. Nevertheless his ripe knowledge and experience were -of the greatest value to these East Indiamen, as will be seen. It was -a tedious business in those days to get down to Portsmouth, where the -wealthier passengers used to join the East Indiamen. Eastwick was -taking out to India his sister-in-law on a visit to her brother-in-law, -Colonel Gordon. The journey was made to Portsmouth by road, of course, -and those who have motored along this Portsmouth road scarcely realise -how tedious and risky the journey was in those days. In the month of -January 1809 Eastwick and his sister-in-law set out on their journey -with a good deal of luggage and jewellery, as well as a hundred pounds -in money. They had to cross Hounslow Heath, which was then infested -with robbers, and there was every probability of the post-boys -being held up, the horses shot and the passengers relieved of their -possessions. However, in the present case the journey to Portsmouth was -made without adventure, where it was learnt that the _Neptune_ East -Indiaman would not sail for another ten days. - -This was a vessel of 1200 charter tons, and one of the largest of the -East India Company’s fleet, being employed for the voyage to Bombay and -China, this being her sixth trip thereto. She was owned by Sir William -Fraser, Bart., and commanded by Captain William Donaldson, under whom -were a chief officer and three mates, a surgeon and a purser. After -the _Neptune_ and her fellow-ships of the Company’s fleet had at last -got under way a storm came up—the reader will remember that this year, -1809, was notorious for its virulent weather—and as a result the _Henry -Addington_, another East Indiaman of about the same size, got driven -to the eastward round Selsey Bill and struck the Bognor Rocks to the -north-eastward of the Bill, and it was only with difficulty that she -got off and reached Portsmouth again. This storm had dispersed the -whole of the Company’s fleet outward-bound, and the _Neptune_ had -found herself in the vicinity of the Channel Islands, where she was in -extreme danger. Captain Donaldson ordered the second mate to go aloft -and help to take in the foretopsail, but this the officer refused to -do, and he was instantly “broke.” - -Eastwick thereupon volunteered to fill his place, and this offer was -gladly accepted temporarily, the _Neptune_ eventually sailing across -the English Channel once more and let go anchor on the Mother Bank -(to the west of Ryde, Isle of Wight). Here the ship was refitted for -a second attempt, and the second mate had his place now taken by a Mr -Richard Alsager, who had lately been M.P. for Surrey. At length the -_Neptune_ was ready for sea once more, the heavy weather had given way -to beautiful summer, and the wind was fair for making a quick passage -down the English Channel: so on 21st June the East India fleet weighed -anchor and proceeded, consisting of the _Neptune_, _Henry Addington_, -_Scaleby Castle_ and the _True Briton_. These ships were all pretty -much of the same size, though the _True Briton_ was of 1198 charter -tons. So fine did the weather continue that when the fleet was two days -out from England the captain of the _Neptune_ gave a dance on board to -the passengers of _all_ the ships, and the following evening another -dance was given by the captain of the _Henry Addington_. Fortunately -the passengers were safely rowed across the ocean to the entertaining -vessel, and back. But most people will agree with Eastwick’s criticism -of this foolish proceeding. “I did not consider it prudent at such a -season of the year to do these things at sea.” - -So the voyage continued as far as Table Bay with everything in their -favour. After rounding the Cape, the _Neptune_, the _Scaleby Castle_ -and the _True Briton_ shaped a course for Bombay, but the _Henry -Addington_ was compelled to stay behind in order to repair a bad leak -that had broken out afresh. This was doubtless a relic of the incident -on Bognor Rocks. Whilst approaching Madagascar Captain Donaldson -invited the other two captains to come on board and dine with him, and -during the conversation the subject came up of the disagreeable weather -met with during the south-west monsoon on going into Bombay. Eastwick -offered that if no pilot were available he would take the squadron in, -and this the three captains accepted. The next day they encountered -just that experience which the reader will remember occurred to some -of the first English sailors when bound to India. For a heavy clap of -thunder—“so loud it sounded as though a hundred great guns were going -off”—broke over the _Neptune_ and an extraordinary flash of lightning -took place, and so close that Eastwick declares he saw many electric -balls darting into the water. The chief officer was on watch at the -time, and came running aft. He announced that the ship had been struck -in the foremast and that the lightning had knocked down four of the -men. It took the crew afterwards sixteen hours to repair the damage, -get up the new foretopmast, foretopgallant mast and yard, for the -original ones had been rendered useless. - -As the squadron approached Bombay they got into the south-west monsoon, -with very thick, dirty weather and a tremendous sea running. It was -when they were just a day’s sail off Bombay that the captain of the -_True Briton_, who was acting as commodore of the squadron, made the -signal: “Will Eastwick stand by his promise?” This was immediately -answered by the affirmative signal, and then the commodore ran up -another: “_Neptune_, go ahead, and lead the way.” So, although a -passenger, Eastwick had the honour of taking the squadron into Bombay -harbour and never picked up a pilot until ready to let go anchor. - -But even more illuminating than Eastwick is a man named Thomas Addison, -who was born on 18th December 1785, and made a dozen voyages in the old -East Indiamen, entering the service as a midshipman of the _Marquis -Wellesley_ in February 1802, and eventually rising to fifth mate, and -so to first mate by May 1817. There are of course plenty of log-books -and journals still existing, but one has to wade through many pages -before one finds anything of real interest. In the case of Addison, -however, there is so much in his journals that reveals to us the life -and the incidents on board these old ships of the Company’s service -that we cannot feel other than grateful that the MS. still exists. -After his death these journals eventually passed into the hands of a -Norfolk rector, who was good enough to place them in the hands of the -Navy Records Society, and a few years ago they were edited by Sir John -Laughton and published under the auspices of that Society. It is to -this source that I am indebted for the information which is afforded by -Addison, though space will not allow of more than a brief outline of -his experiences. - -He was able to obtain a berth in the Honourable Company’s “Maritime -Service” (as it was called, in contradistinction to the Company’s -Marine) owing to the influence of a Mr Edmund Antrobus, a teaman and -banker in the Strand. The latter took the sixteen-year-old youth and -introduced him to a Mr Matthew White, who was the managing owner of the -ship _Marquis of Wellesley_, by whom the midshipman’s appointment had -been granted. She was a vessel of 818 charter tons and was now about to -start on her second voyage to India, her commander being Captain Bruce -Mitchell. Mr White gave Addison a letter of introduction to the chief -officer, named Le Blanc, and after the boy had completed his sea-going -kit he was taken down to the ship at Gravesend by Mr Antrobus. Addison -was now handed over to his future messmates, and then began his -initiation. As so many of these old-time ceremonies have long since -passed away, it may not be out of place to say Addison was sent up -into the mizen top, outside the futtocks, where according to custom he -should have been seized up to the rigging by a couple of seamen, had he -not received the tip to promise them beforehand a gallon of beer. “In -lieu of which, by the by, five gallons was afterwards demanded of me by -my messmates, stating that the mizen top was their sole prerogative. -This is a very old usage practised on board all ships, considered a -fair claim from all strangers on first going aloft.” - -In addition to the captain, there were the chief officer, three mates -and a large crew. In all there were thirty officers and petty officers, -the whole complement amounting to 151, which nowadays would be thought -enormous for a ship of her size. The men received two months’ wages -in advance before sailing, and in February 1802 made sail down the -Thames from Gravesend under the charge of one of the Company’s pilots, -who brought her safely into the Downs, where the wind was blowing -hard from the south-west, sending in a high sea. Addison was destined -at once to have excitement, for about sundown, whilst his Majesty’s -frigate _Egyptienne_ was coming to anchor in the Downs, she had -shortened sail and left herself too little way to shoot ahead of the -Indiaman, with the result that she fell broadside on to the _Marquis -Wellesley’s_ bows, tearing away the latter’s cutwater and bowsprit, -bringing down the foretopmast also, making in fact a clean sweep of -the ship forward. The merchantman was lying to a single anchor at the -time, but although it blew most of a gale during the night the ship -rode it out all right, and next morning, the weather having moderated, -the frigate’s commander sent some hands on board to give the ship -a temporary refit. After this the Indiaman proceeded to Portsmouth, -where she was fully repaired alongside a man-of-war hulk. On the 4th -of March she went out of harbour and anchored at Spithead, where she -took on board a number of his Majesty’s dragoons, as well as forty-nine -of the East India Company’s troops and their wives for India. The next -day, having received the Company’s packet from the India House and the -despatches for Bengal and Madras, she weighed anchor in the afternoon -and proceeded down Channel. - -The last of old England was sighted the following day, and then anchors -were unbent and all harbour gear stowed away for the long voyage. -Madeira was sighted on the 14th of that month—not a bad passage for a -sailing ship—and on the 4th of April the Equator was passed, where the -usual ceremonies of crossing the line were undergone. “It being my own -and Newton’s [a young messmate’s] first trip into Neptune’s dominions, -we underwent the accustomed and awful ordeal of shaving by the hands -of his Majesty’s barber, thereby rendering us free mariners of the -ocean.” On 24th April they were off the Cape of Good Hope, and on 21st -June sighted Ceylon, and three days later arriving at Madras, “Found -Admiral Rainier’s squadron riding here, consisting of eight sail. -Shortly afterwards a sham fight took place with the fleet and shore, -followed by a grand illumination displayed from ships as well as the -shore, likewise fireworks and rockets, in commemoration of the Peace of -Amiens.” - -The _Marquis Wellesley_ left Madras again in February 1803, after -visiting ports on the coast, and in July fell in with an American -bound from Gibraltar to Boston, and learned from her that war had -been declared between England and France, so cartridges were filled -and every preparation made on board the East Indiaman for defending -herself. On the nineteenth of that month a strange sail appeared. The -Indiaman made her private signal, but the stranger did not answer -and sailed away. But at midnight she returned and was coming up -fast, so the Indiaman at once prepared for action, Addison acting -as powder-monkey. But presently she was found to be H.M. frigate -_Endymion_, and sent a boat to the Indiaman in charge of a lieutenant -and pressed eight of the merchant ship’s men, for the frigate had -captured so many prizes that he had more prisoners on board than -all his ship’s company. But before the mouth of the English Channel -was reached the _Marquis Wellesley_ was to have further exciting -experiences. A few days after the previously mentioned incident, two -ships were descried one morning while the people were at breakfast. At -first Captain Mitchell bore up to assist one which was flying English -colours, but one of the passengers (apparently of the sea-lawyer type -which still survives) protested “against the legal propriety of such -proceeding on the part of an Indiaman volunteering her services in -such an affair,” so Mitchell put his ship again on her course, much to -the indignation of a choleric colonel, for the ship with the English -colours was subsequently captured. - -Later on a large ship hove in sight on the weather bow and stood down -towards the _Marquis Wellesley_. It was now night and the latter at -once cleared for action and showed two tiers of lights. The stranger -was hailed seven times before it could be ascertained that she was -H.M.S. _Plantagenet_ with a sloop-of-war as tender in company. Her -captain came on board and complimented Captain Mitchell on the good -arrangements made for the defence of the ship, and as he walked round -the decks the men remained at quarters. He was good enough also to -compliment Mitchell on the clever manner in which he had manœuvred his -ship to prevent a raking broadside, but before leaving he “impressed a -few hands from us.” - -On the 1st of August the Indiaman anchored in the Downs, and one of the -Company’s pilots came aboard and took charge of her, bringing with him -a number of “ticket-men” to work the ship up the Thames. These were men -who were sent from a man-of-war in place of such as had been impressed. -On the third of the month the ship had reached her moorings off the Gun -Wharf, Deptford, and four days later discharged the ship’s company and -hired gangs to deliver the cargo. And then came the final, dramatic -touch to this voyage: “Shortly afterwards found that Mr White, managing -owner of the _Marquis Wellesley_, had become bankrupt and was unable to -pay the ship’s company.” - -Addison’s first voyage had thus begun and ended with adventures. He -had got back in the summer of 1803 and soon began to prepare for a -second voyage. Through the good offices of his friend Mr Antrobus he -once more obtained a berth as midshipman, this time in the _Brunswick_. -The latter was a ship of 1200 charter tons, and was about to make her -sixth voyage out to Ceylon and China. On being introduced to Captain -James Ludovic Grant, the latter made him senior midshipman and his -coxswain, as none of the other youngsters had yet been to sea. The -midshipmen were allowed a cabin, servant and every comfort, and though -Captain Grant was regarded as a martinet and disciplinarian, yet he was -by no means unpopular among Addison’s messmates, “supporting his mids -as officers and gentlemen.” “There were five of us; two were stationed -as signal midshipmen, as he was commodore; the other three in three -watches, one in each. I was in the latter; never allowed to quit the -lee side of the quarter-deck, except on duty or on general occasions -of reefing or furling. Two of us dined with him every day, and nothing -could exceed his politeness and kindness at table.” - -Captain Grant had served as midshipman in the Royal Navy in the _Prince -George_ with the Duke of Clarence, who at the time we are speaking of -was now George III. Grant had reached the rank of lieutenant in the -navy, and was serving aboard a frigate in the West Indies in the year -1786. The captain died and then it was decided to continue the cruise, -Grant as first lieutenant, and a brother officer named Hugh Lindsay as -captain. However, when at length they reached England their conduct was -so badly criticised that they had to resign their commissions. Both -officers therefore did the next best thing and joined the East India -Company’s service, Grant being now commander of the _Brunswick_, whilst -Lindsay had the _Lady Jane Dundas_, a vessel of 820 tons. - -During the month of February, then, the _Brunswick_, having taken -on board her cargo and stores, dropped down the Thames to the Lower -Hope, where she received on board passengers and the remainder of -her crew, who received their usual advance. Colonel Hatton and staff -of the King’s 66th Regiment came on board, together with about 350 -privates: and a little later the ship sailed to Portsmouth. Here she -remained till the 20th of March, when she came out of harbour and ran -across to the Motherbank, where she anchored. Here the whole fleet -of East Indiamen, together with their naval convoy, were assembled. -This consisted of nine ships—his Majesty’s frigate _Lapwing_, and the -Company’s ships _Brunswick_, _Marquis of Ely_, Addison’s former ship -the _Marquis of Wellesley_, the _Lady Jane Dundas_ (Captain Hon. Hugh -Lindsay, Grant’s old shipmate), the _Marchioness of Exeter_, the _Lord -Nelson_, the _Princess Charlotte_ and the _Canton_. The captain of the -_Marquis Wellesley_ was now Charles Le Blanc, who had been “chief” when -Addison first went to sea. - -It must have been a magnificent sight to have witnessed this fine fleet -getting under way and setting their canvas that afternoon at a signal -from the frigate. Under close-reefed topsails they ran down the Solent -and past the Needles with a fresh breeze from north by east. Four and a -half hours after leaving the Motherbank they had dropped their pilot in -the English Channel, and by eleven that night they were nine miles off -the Portland lights, with a gale working up and thick, hazy weather. -This caused the fleet to be scattered and topsails were taken in, but -towards morning the weather moderated. Getting into the north-east -trade-wind the _Brunswick_ soon reeled off the miles, though the units -of the fleet were still much dispersed, thus making it much easier for -the enemy to inflict injury if met with. - -On the 7th of April Addison has this entry in his journal:— - -“Trimmed ship by the head with 200 pigs of lead. The missing ships -rejoined the convoy with two whalers. On a Saturday (weather -permitting) constantly exercised great guns, and small arms frequently, -with powder blank cartridges. My station at quarters was aide-de-camp -to the captain.” - -And then there are several instances of the way discipline was -maintained on board in those days of flogging:— - -“9th. John McDonald, seaman, was punished with a dozen for insolence to -the boatswain.... - -“12th. Punished T. Botler, seaman, with a dozen for neglect, etc.” - -[Illustration: A VIEW OF THE EAST INDIA DOCKS AS THEY APPEARED IN THE -EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -On the following day the frigate parted company with the fleet -to return to England, so the _Brunswick_ became commodore ship. -On the 23rd of June the squadron was in the Mozambique Passage, -and at daylight espied a strange brig to the south-east. Sail was -therefore made, the _Lord Nelson_ having been signalled to chase -with the _Brunswick_, and the _Dundas_ to lead the fleet on a -north-east-by-north course. At 7 A.M. the brig tacked, and -half-an-hour later the _Brunswick_ also tacked. At eight o’clock -Grant ordered his squadron to heave-to, and at noon was coming up -fast with the brig. Half-an-hour later he had reached her and found -her to be the French _La Charlotte_ of four guns and twenty-nine men. -She had left the Isle de France twenty-eight days previously and -was bound for the Mozambique. She was now a prisoner, and Commodore -Grant accordingly sent on board the _Brunswick’s_ second officer, Mr -Benjamin Bunn, Addison, five seamen and twenty soldiers in the cutter -to take possession of her. Her captain, a lieutenant, a midshipman and -ten seamen were brought off to the _Brunswick_, and at three in the -afternoon the brig was taken in tow, but two hours later she was cast -off. Eventually, after the captains of the other English ships had come -aboard and joined in a consultation, Grant decided that the prize was -not worth keeping. So all her cargo of muskets were thrown into the -sea, and afterwards she was handed over again to her French captain, -who went aboard her with his men, very thankful to be allowed to take -possession once more. - -About the middle of June the East Indiamen reached Trincomalee and -saluted H.M.S. _Centurion_ with eleven guns, which respect was -returned. But it is typical of the time that the following day a -lieutenant came off from the _Centurion_ and pressed ten of the -Indiamen’s men, and a little later three more seamen deserted and -joined H.M.S. _Sheerness_. Having disembarked the troops and baggage, -assisted by the boats of his Majesty’s ships, the _Brunswick_ once -more put to sea, and two days later brought up in Madras Roads, where -she saluted the fort with nine guns, and received a similar salute in -return. Here also a lieutenant from H.M.S. _Wilhelmina_ came aboard -and pressed four more men. Here the _Brunswick_ remained some weeks, -landing the Company’s cargo, taking on board cotton and other goods for -Captain Grant’s own account—on a later page the reader will learn how -much cargo a captain was allowed to ship for himself—and after the -vessel’s rigging had been refitted, and her hull painted, she prepared -for sea. - -Meanwhile the Company’s ships which had come out with her bound for -Bengal had sailed to the north, but on the 13th of August H.M. frigate -_Caroline_, which was now to convoy the East Indiamen bound for China, -made the signal for the fleet to unmoor, and then proceeded on the -voyage. The fleet went through the Singapore Straits, the convoy being -kept in close order of sailing as Admiral Linois was known to be -cruising in the China Sea. It was now September, and the reader will -recollect that in February of that year his squadron had been put to -flight by Commodore Dance. The East India squadron now consisted of the -Company’s ships _Brunswick_, _Glatton_, _Cirencester_, _Walmer Castle_, -_Marquis of Ely_, _Thames_, _Canton_, _Winchelsea_, ten country ships, -and convoyed by five of his Majesty’s ships—the _Caroline_, _Grampus_, -_La Dédaigneuse_, _Russell_ and _Dasher_, the first-mentioned being the -commodore’s ship. - -Arrived at the mouth of the Tiger, permission was obtained from two -mandarins to pass, as was the custom in those days when China was -still so little open to the European. And the way the fleet was able -to navigate the river by night at the last quarter of the flood is -most interesting. Two Chinese pilots had been taken on board the -_Brunswick_, and in order to denote the channel across the bar by -night a row of fifty boats with lights was placed on one side, and -another fifty on the other, the ship of course to sail between. When -the _Brunswick_ was about in mid-channel one of the pilots sang out -“port littee,” while the other contradicted him by shouting “starboard -littee.” Captain Grant was not the man to be humbugged in this manner, -so he kicked one of these men overboard, and the other immediately -jumped after. The lights were at once put out and the _Brunswick_ -grounded on the bar. The tide soon began to fall, and in spite of -carrying out a kedge she refused to budge. So the top-gallant yards -and masts were sent down, the guns were put into the launches which -were sent by the other ships of the fleet, and eventually next day the -_Brunswick_ was floated at high water, but at once swung round and took -the ground again, and the tide ebbed out. - -In order to lighten her forward, the bower anchors were made fast -between boats, and the stream anchor was taken out in the launch -ready for the next flood, and with the last quarter of that tide she -came off; the hawsers were slipped, and while the anchors were being -recovered Captain Grant backed and filled across the channel and -finally came to anchor again. - -Addison tells us of an interesting custom in the Company’s service at -that time. For each season the senior captain was allowed £500 “table -money,” as we should call it, for public dinners and various expenses, -the second captain in seniority being allowed £300 for the same -purposes. The ships took their turn to act as guardship, naval fashion, -and whichever ship’s turn it was so to act on a Sunday, the captain -was to attend on board together with his surgeon. And during the whole -day, up till eight o’clock in the evening, one of his sworn officers -was to row guard up and down the fleet, after which he was to make his -report to the senior ship. But when the viceroy and the leading Chinese -authorities made their visits to these English ships in state they -were received with great ceremony, which is curiously absent from the -modern merchant ship. - -Many hundred local craft would put off to the East Indiamen. The -English captains were on board to receive them, the yards were manned -and every possible display was made. An officer was first sent in full -uniform to compliment the great man—John Tuck, as the English sailor -nicknamed him, owing to the fact that in the fore end of his boat he -kept gallows to tuck up any unfortunate who displeased him. Having come -alongside the East Indiaman, the great man always refused to trust his -valuable life to the ropes and accommodations supplied for entering the -ship, but used his own long ladders. Business was duly contracted, and -then he would make a present to the ship’s company of bullocks, flour, -fruit and a vile, maddening spirit of a most intoxicating nature, which -the men were made to exchange for something better. After this the -captains all dined together on board a large chop boat. - -The fleet remained here from October till the first day of 1805, and -then got under way with fine cargoes of teas for England. But the -_Brunswick_ never reached England. Doubtless owing to the damage -sustained when she got aground on the bar she developed a serious leak, -and made for Ceylon and Bombay, where she was docked and repaired, her -tea being sent to England in another ship. The _Brunswick_ was now sent -back to China again with a cargo of cotton, which would have been a -very lucrative affair. But there was a good deal of trouble with the -crew, many of the men deserting to the warships, until at last Captain -Grant sent every man he had in the launch on board a British frigate. -The latter’s captain selected from these all that were worth having and -then sent the rest back to the _Brunswick_. - -When the latter set sail from Bombay for China on 1st July 1805 she was -very ill-manned, consequent on nearly the whole of the ship’s company -having been pressed by the navy. There were not twenty European seamen -on board to work this big ship. The guns had to be manned by Chinamen, -with only one European seaman at each. For the rest lascars had to be -relied upon. In such a weak condition she put to sea, together with -a couple of country ships, keeping as near each other as possible. -But a few days later at break of day two strange sail were discovered -to the eastward. The _Sarah_ made a signal that the strangers looked -suspicious. Later on the _Brunswick_ perceived that one was a -line-of-battle ship and the other a frigate. But the _Sarah_ signalled -that she thought they were friends. However, the _Brunswick_ was much -less credulous and had already cleared for action, hoisting her private -signal (which was not answered) and hoisting her British colours. -The stranger presently answered by showing St George’s colours. The -line-of-battle ship then tacked in order to get into such a position -as to rake the _Brunswick_ from aft. The frigate passed to leeward -and exchanged St George’s colours for the French national colours, -giving the _Brunswick_ a broadside as she passed. This was immediately -returned, but as the ship was heeling over at a great angle, the lee -guns could not be elevated sufficiently to do any damage to the enemy. - -But the _Brunswick_ was clearly to be out-manœuvred. The frigate went -about just astern of the Indiaman, and as she was then observed to -be coming on fast, Captain Grant kept his ship as full as possible, -hoping to be able to run her ashore. The frigate, however, approached -at such a pace, and the line-of-battle ship was also so close that -the _Brunswick_ would assuredly have been sunk by the line-of-battle -ship’s broadside before taking the ground. After consultation with his -officers Grant was reluctantly compelled to strike his colours and -surrender to the enemy off the coast of Ceylon. A boat came off—and -then, well the line-of-battle ship was none other than Admiral Linois’ -_Marengo_, and the big frigate was the _Belle Poule_, which had fought -and run away the previous year from Commodore Dance. Linois was -stationed in those Eastern waters for the express purpose of harassing -and cutting up our trade, avoiding the British ships-of-war. Any modern -strategist would tell you that whilst this kind of hostility is very -annoying to the power attacked, it cannot afford any lasting good. The -same kind of folly was attempted, you will remember, by the Russians -interfering with Japanese merchantmen in the East during the late war, -and the practical value of this measure was nil. - -However, Linois may have remembered that he who fights and runs away -will live to fight another day. He had been compelled to fly before -Dance, but this time he got his revenge. You may ask what England was -doing to leave those seas unpoliced. The answer is that as a matter -of fact Indiamen had to rely on naval convoys when they could be got, -and Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Troubridge, who had been one of Nelson’s -captains at the Battle of the Nile, was actually escorting, in H.M.S. -_Blenheim_, eleven more Indiamen. The two courses were converging and -presently we shall see them meet. - -Needless to say, it was with great grief that Captain Grant, all his -officers and midshipmen (excepting the chief officer and surgeon) were -put on board the _Marengo_, whilst the frigate went in pursuit of the -_Sarah_. The latter, however, ran herself ashore with all sail set, -but the crew were saved. Admiral Linois received Captain Grant with -every courtesy, and the _Brunswick_ was ordered to a rendezvous nearer -the Cape of Good Hope. Before the month was out, when a fog which had -settled down lifted for a while, the _Marengo_ suddenly found herself -close to a large convoy of Indiamen. The former instantly cleared for -action and firing began. It was Troubridge with his convoy! But nothing -much came of this, and the contending forces separated during the -night. To cut the story short, Addison and his shipmates were landed -in South Africa, whence they were taken to St Helena by an American -brig. From there they reached England in a British frigate, landing -at Spithead, and so making their way to London. As for the poor old -_Brunswick_, she drove ashore on the South African coast, and so ended -her days. - -[Illustration: THE “THAMES,” EAST INDIAMAN, 1,424 TONS. - -This was one of the finest vessels employed in the East Indian trade.] - -If Addison had been unfortunate in the ending of his first voyage, so -in this he was again unlucky. “According to the Company’s law,” he -writes in his journal, “having been captured by an enemy, or the ship -in any way wrecked or destroyed, the captain, officers and crew forfeit -their pay and wages, consequently we have no claim upon the owners of -the late _Brunswick_ for at least twenty months’ hard duty on board of -her.” However, he was now wedded to the sea, and the next time he went -in his first ship, the _Marquis Wellesley_, as fifth mate, with Charles -Le Blanc as captain, and in her he served during the following years -till he went as second mate in another of the Company’s ships. I make -no apology to the reader for giving so much detail in this connection, -for Addison’s and Eastwick’s accounts tell us just those intimate -details which show the risks of many sorts which had to be encountered -in the old days when the sailing ship was still far from perfect, and -those handsome, fast China tea-clippers had not yet come into being -to startle the world with their record runs. No doubt the captains of -these East Indiamen of which we are speaking were often hated by their -men for their severity: but those were no kid-glove days, and a voyage -was not a thing of certainty as with the modern liner, which maintains -a punctuality almost equal to that of a passenger train. If a captain -retired after a few voyages with a nice little fortune, he certainly -deserved it. For he was a long time before he reached a command, and -there was scarcely a day during the whole of those long voyages when he -was not plunged into some sort of anxiety. Anything might happen; from -having his sails blown out of his ship and carrying away his best spars -to losing the ship herself, her cargo, her men. Every force seemed to -be up against him—gales of wind, uncharted seas, coasts and rivers, -privateers, warships of the enemy: even the warships of his own country -snatched out of his vessel his best men. And then, to add insult to -injury, he came home to find either his managing owners gone bankrupt -or a by-law which prevented him from receiving his hard-earned pay. - -Yes, taking it by and large, he deserved his good luck when it came -his way; but when it was absent, he did his best and more for the -British capitalist and merchant princes than the latter ever cared to -acknowledge. In the history of Eastern development and civilisation -the shipmaster of these old Indiamen ought to occupy a high place of -respect and admiration. He has left behind a magnificent example for -his successors to follow. - -When a passenger in the olden days joined an East Indiaman as she -lay in the Downs he had to be rowed off by one of the Deal boatmen. -These “sharks” often made a fine thing out of such passengers, for the -latter were completely at the mercy of the former. In calm weather -the boatman was willing to row the passenger aboard for the sum of -five shillings (or more if he could get it). But in the case of dirty -weather and the nasty lop which gets up here with onshore winds the -passenger had to pay as much as three guineas and sometimes even five: -it was all a question of bargaining between himself and the boatman. -Inasmuch as the passenger had to get aboard the big ship at all costs, -and since the only method possible was to employ one of these Deal -boatmen, the competition was solely between the boatmen themselves. -But these fellows were so closely bound together, owing to the ties of -relationship and their co-operation in extensive smuggling, that the -passenger could scarcely help being fleeced. - -Having at last arrived on board, weary of his coach drive from -London, drenched with the sea-spray scooped up by the Deal galley, -the passenger bound for India in those days set forth with not the -light heart and eagerness with which the modern traveller embarks on -an East-bound liner. If contemporary accounts are to be trusted, the -mere anticipation was a kind of terrible nightmare. The passenger -often enough would retire at once to his cot, and remain there for -days prostrate with sea-sickness. The cuddy would not see him at meals -until the Bay of Biscay had been passed and finer, warmer weather -encountered. Some of the Company’s cadets bound out to enter this -corporation’s Indian army were utter scamps, and the only way to get -them out of their cots was to cut the lanyards which kept the latter -up. Before they had reached the Equator they had begun to find their -sea-legs, and they were compelled to take part in the usual ceremonies -of crossing the line. In the accompanying illustration will be found -one of these young gentlemen undergoing this initiation in one of the -East Indiamen ships. - -These ships, because of their bad lines and clumsy proportions, could -scarcely rely on keeping up an average of more than three or four -knots an hour, and their performances when compared with the voyages -of the celebrated clippers in the mid-nineteenth century show the -essential difference in the capabilities of the old and the new types -respectively. Let the following table show how slow the old-time craft -were. The reference is to an East Indiaman which left the Thames in -1746, and after voyaging to the East arrived off Scotland in 1748:— - - Left England, September 20, 1746. - Arrived at St Helena, December 25, 1746. - Left St Helena, January 14, 1747. - Arrived at Batavia, April 19, 1747. - Left Batavia, June 9, 1747. - Arrived in China, July 8, 1747. - Left China, January 12, 1748. - Arrived at St Helena, April 4, 1748. - Left St Helena, April 25, 1748. - Arrived off Scotland, July 9, 1748. - -Even one of the Company’s own ships—the _Thames_—which was not as -fast as the China clippers presently to be started by private firms, -performed the voyage between Canton and England in 115 days a little -time before the East India Company lost their China monopoly. This -vessel left Canton on 18th November 1831, arrived at St Helena on 28th -January 1832, and was in the English Channel on the following 13th -March. - -An anonymous writer who flourished about the middle of the eighteenth -century, on whose authority the details of the length of voyages have -been given above, has left us a detailed account of a voyage to the -East Indies about this time. I need not try the patience of the reader -by following the entire journey, but it will suffice if we, so to -speak, voyage with this traveller from England as far as St Helena. The -account, which is written with great restraint, leaves the reader every -opportunity to imagine the discomforts and trepidations which were the -essential conditions of the long journey to the Orient in those days. - -“On Thursday the 30th of July 1746, I set out from London for -Gravesend, where I was agreeably entertained to see a great number of -people on board the vessel, in which I was appointed to go to the East -Indies, and the vast preparations, and quantities of provisions, on -board, to supply the necessities of so long a voyage. - -“Next day several young people came on board, inlisted to go in the -service of the East India Company, where they were to remain for the -space of five years at least.... - -“On the 2d of August we weighed anchor, passed the Nore, saluted the -_Royal Sovereign_ with nine guns, and came to an anchor in the Downs -on the 3d. As the wind was variable, we were obliged to come to an -anchor every now and then. On the 5th, at night, we passed Dungeness -lighthouse, and, on the 8th, anchored in St Helen’s road [Isle of -Wight]. - -“On the 10th we received on board our treasure from Portsmouth, and, -among the rest, a fine large stone-horse, designed as a present from -the Company to the Sultan of Benjar, an Indian Prince on the island of -Borneo. After taking in more fresh provisions, we weighed anchor, and -made the best of our way towards Plymouth. On the 29th we came to an -anchor in Cawson [Cawsand] Bay, where, not caring to break upon our -store, we sent our long-boat ashore for fresh water. Here we were to -wait for a convoy. We were supplied at this place with plenty of bread, -fish, etc., in small boats, rowed by a parcel of the stoutest and most -masculine women I ever saw. - -“On the 5th of September we had very thick weather, with hard gales -of wind from S.W. so that we were obliged to lower our fore and main -yards, and give great scope of cable, and even to strike our topmasts. - -“On the 6th in the morning the weather abated; but, in the evening of -that day, it blowed very hard. We heard the _Norfolk_ fire several guns -as signals of distress. She had parted her cable, and had run adrift -before it was discovered: and she was obliged to anchor within the -beacon, on the east side of the Sound, in foul and rocky ground. But, -by the assistance of some of the men of war, she was again brought to -an anchor in Cawson Bay. - -“From the 7th to the 16th we were employed in putting everything in -order aboard, and, on the 17th, the _Mermaid_ man of war was appointed -our convoy, and gave a signal for unmooring the same night. - -“On Sunday the 20th of September we got under sail, the wind at NNE. -When at sea, we cleared our ship fore and aft, and exercised our great -guns and small arms.... - -“On the 27th we parted with our convoy, and made the best of our way -for the island of St Helena, for which we had several stores on board.” - -And so they proceeded on their journey to the south. On 9th October, -when in lat. 37° 32´ N., and long. 22° 16´, “we were now beginning to -feel the hot climate, so that the allowance of water, with the greatest -economy, was little enough to quench thirst. We put an awning on the -quarter-deck, to keep off the scorching heat of the sun.” - -As to the kind of shipmates this traveller had, the following statement -is sufficiently illustrative:— - -“We could hardly put a stop to the frequent thefts that were committed -by the soldiers, though every day one or two of them were tied to the -shrouds, and severely whipt. It is indeed the less to be wondered at, -as these wretches, who go as soldiers in the company’s service, are -for the most part the scum of the three kingdoms, and generally go to -India to screen themselves from justice at home. By their laziness and -inactivity, they were over-run with vermine, and began to complain of -swellings in their legs, soreness in their bones, and other symptoms -of the scurvy. To prevent their infecting the ship’s company, they -were brought up on deck, put into a large vessel of hot water, brushed -with scrubbing brushes, and all their clothes and bedding thrown -over-board.... - -“On the 2d of December, we had a large swelling sea, with easterly -winds. At five in the morning we were surprised with a large -waterspout, within three ships-length of our starboard-side. It had -no sooner passed our ship, than a sudden puff of wind laid us gunwale -to, which was over before we could lower our sails. We had frequent -dewfalls in the night, which are very dangerous, and often mortal, if -they happen to rest on the naked breast or body of a man, while asleep -on the deck. A great deal of our salted pork was so rotten, that we -threw several casks of it over-board. - -“On the 17th, had cloudy weather, employed our cooper to set up all the -water-casks, which we had knocked down as soon as they were empty, for -the sake of room. - -[Illustration: THE “WINDHAM,” EAST INDIAMAN, WITH THE FLEET SAILING -FROM ST. HELENA UNDER CONVOY OF HIS MAJESTY’S SHIP “MONMOUTH.” - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -“The 22d, we kept a good look-out for St Helena, and found ourselves to -be in Lat. 16° 6´, and, on the 23d, we observed several pigeons flying -about the ship, a sure indication that we were near land.” This island -they eventually sighted the following morning, and arriving off the -fort saluted the Governor with nine guns, everyone in the ship being -heartily relieved to see land once more. It should be recollected -of course that St Helena had long been in the possession of the East -India Company, and its geographical position was of great convenience -to the ships bound to or from the Orient, giving opportunities for -obtaining fresh supplies and drinking water. The illustration which is -here reproduced shows the appearance of St Helena at the time of which -we are speaking, together with a contemporary East Indiaman lying at -anchor. - -Such, then, is the kind of life which had to be endured on board -these vessels, depicted as we have shown by men of entirely different -interests and tastes—the captain, the midshipman and the passenger. -But if these voyages were unpleasant and even risky, it is to them and -the determination of those on board that the wealth of the East India -Company was due, and the fortunes of so many private individuals as -well. Ocean travel in those days was not pleasure, but a long-drawn-out -martyrdom, except for a very few and in exceptional weather. To-day, -even the worst-appointed liner would seem luxurious to the voyager -of the eighteenth century, although more comfortable deep-sea ships -were not to be found than those which flew the naval pennant of the -Honourable East India Company. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -CONDITIONS OF SERVICE - - -We have seen something of the lives of the officers and men in the -Company’s ships at sea: we desire now to learn more of their conditions -of employment—what was their uniform, what were their rates of pay, -privileges, pensions according to their different ranks, the kind of -accommodation for the passengers, the nature of their cargoes, and so -on. In other words, we are to endeavour to fill in those details of the -picture already roughly sketched. - -Dating back from the time of the first East India Company, the -commanders were always sworn into the service. So likewise were the -first four officers. Before being allowed to proceed to his duty on -board, an officer had to sign a contract for performing the voyage, -and a petition for his “private trade” outwards. As the latter was so -very lucrative to him, it may be well to give details. Particulars had -to be sent in this petition to the Committee of Shipping of the East -India Company, giving the dead-weight of the articles they proposed to -take out to the East. These consisted of almost anything, from wines to -carriages. This “private” trade allowed to the commanders and officers -of the East India ships, allowing them to participate in the Company’s -exclusive monopoly, did not permit woollen goods and warlike stores, -but otherwise the ship’s officers could reap a fine income by taking -out English goods and bringing back Eastern products which would be -sure of a market at home. - -There was a proper schedule, and the following were the -officers and petty officers enabled to avail themselves of this -privilege:—Commander, chief mate, second mate, third mate, purser, -surgeon, surgeon’s mate, fourth mate, fifth mate, sixth mate, -boatswain, gunner, carpenter, four midshipmen, one midshipman (who -was also the commander’s coxswain), six quartermasters, commander’s -steward, ship’s steward, commander’s cook, carpenter’s first mate, -caulker, cooper, armourer and sailmaker. Reckoned for a ship let for -755 tons and upwards, the commander was allowed as much as 56 tons, or -20 feet of space, for all articles (excepting liquors) which weighed -more than they measured were reckoned according to their weight. The -chief mate was allowed eight tons, the second mate six tons, and so on -down the list, even a midshipman being allowed a ton, the purser three -tons, the surgeon six, and each quartermaster as much as a midshipman. -In the case of the China ships only, if it was not practicable to -invest in goods to the following amounts respectively, the Company -allowed them to carry out bullion to make up the amount:—Commander, -£3000, chief mate, £300, and so on down to carpenter, £50. - -Homeward-bound East Indiamen were similarly allowed privileges to their -officers. Ships lading from India might not bring back tea, china-ware, -raw silk, or nankeen cloth: and ships lading from China might not bring -back China raw silk, musk, camphor, arrack, arsenic or other poisonous -drugs. But otherwise the commanders of China ships were allowed -homeward 38 tons, the chief mate 8 tons, the second mate 6 tons, -and so on down to the carpenter 1 ton. But the other homeward ships -allowed the commander 30 tons or thirty-two feet, the chief mate 6 -tons or sixteen feet, and so on down to the carpenter, who was allowed -thirty-two feet. These importers, of course, had to pay the customs and -also three per cent. to the Company for warehouse room on the gross -amount at the sale of the goods in the case of Indian products, and a -bigger percentage in the case of goods from China. But the wily old -commanders were not always content with these privileges. The reader -is doubtless familiar with the word dunnage. This consists of faggots, -boughs, canes or other similar articles, which are laid on the bottom -of a ship’s hold and used for stowing the cargo effectively. Now -when it was found that there was a good demand in London for Eastern -bamboos, ratans, and canes a commander would see that his dunnage -consisted of a very ample amount of these realisable articles, and far -beyond what was necessary for the protection of the cargo. The result -was that the Company had to step in and make very strict regulations -to stop this abuse, so that if the dunnage did not seem absolutely -necessary and _bona fide_ it was charged against the amount of tonnage -allowed to the commander and officers. - -Tea was allowed to be brought home from China and Bencoolen according -to a schedule, the captain being allowed as much as 9336 lb., down -to the carpenter, 246 lb., but a big percentage was charged on its -sale value. Piece-goods were allowed to be brought home on paying -the customs and £3 per cent. for warehouse room. These articles were -disposed of at the Company’s sales, which took place in March and -September. Although the importation of china-ware was reserved to the -Company, yet “as the Company do not at present import any China-ware on -their own account” they allowed their officers to do so, “during the -Court’s pleasure,” provided it was brought as a flooring to the teas -and did not exceed thirteen inches in height. This made, therefore, -another source of revenue to the officers, for as much as 40 tons of -this ware could be permitted in the 1400-ton ships and 30 tons in a -1200-tonner. The commander could also bring home two pipes of Madeira -wine in addition to the above allowances. - -When outward bound the chief, second, third, fourth and fifth mates, -the surgeon and his mate, the pursers, boatswains, gunners and -carpenters were allowed as indulgence a liberal amount of stores, -consisting of wine, butter, cheese, groceries, pickles, beer and -also spirits for the respective messes. In the case of “extra” ships -the commanders and officers were usually allowed 5 per cent. of the -chartered tonnage, but the chief mate was always allowed three tons, -the second mate two, the third mate one ton, and the surgeon two. The -fourth officers and pursers in these ships were not acknowledged in -this respect. As regards indulgence in stores, the chief mate, second -mate and surgeon were allowed the same amounts as in the regular ships -just mentioned, but the third mate was allowed not quite so much. - -On the whole, it will be seen that every officer and petty officer -of an East Indiaman, whether trading to India or China, had the -opportunity of putting by very handsome perquisites, and so you can -now easily believe Eastwick’s statement that a purser friend of his -had retired and bought a ship for himself. But, of course, in addition -to all these “privileges,” everyone received his salary or wages. The -following is a list of the monthly pay to the commander, officers, -petty officers, “tradesmen” (_i.e._ coopers and the like), and the -able-bodied seamen, called foremast men. It will be found that this -makes up a complement of 102 men, such as were employed in one of the -big regular East Indiamen. The pay in the case of “extra” ships will be -given after this list:— - - -MONTHLY PAY ON BOARD A REGULAR EAST INDIAMAN - - Commander £10 0 - Chief Mate 5 0 - Second Mate 4 0 - Third Mate 3 10 - Fourth Mate 2 10 - Fifth Mate 2 5 - Sixth Mate 2 5 - Surgeon 5 0 - Purser 2 0 - Boatswain 3 10 - Gunner 3 10 - Master-at-Arms 3 0 - Carpenter 4 10 - Midshipman and Coxswain 2 5 - 4 Midshipmen, each 2 5 - Surgeon’s Mate 3 10 - Caulker 3 15 - Cooper 3 0 - Captain’s Cook 3 5 - Ship’s Cook 2 10 - Carpenter’s 1st Mate 3 5 - Carpenter’s 2nd Mate 2 10 - Caulker’s Mate 2 15 - Cooper’s Mate 2 10 - 6 Quartermasters, each 2 10 - Sailmaker 2 10 - Armourer 2 10 - Butcher 2 5 - Baker 2 5 - Poulterer 2 5 - 2 Commander’s Servants, each 1 5 - 1 Chief Mate’s Servant 1 0 - 1 Second Mate’s Servant 0 18 - 1 Surgeon’s Servant 0 15 - 1 Boatswain’s Servant 0 15 - 1 Gunner’s Servant 0 15 - Captain’s Steward 2 0 - Ship’s Steward 2 10 - 2 Boatswain’s Mates, each 2 10 - 2 Gunner’s Mates, each 2 10 - 1 Carpenter’s Servant 0 15 - 50 Foremast Men, each 2 5 - -In the case of an “extra” ship the commander received £10 a month, -the chief mate £5, the second mate £4, the third mate £3, 10s., the -surgeon £5, the boatswain £3, 10s., the gunner £3, 10s., the carpenter -£4, 10s., the two midshipmen were paid £2, 5s. each, the cooper and -steward got £3, the captain’s cook £3, 5s., the ship’s cook £2, 10s., -the boatswain’s mate and the gunner’s mate were each paid £2, 10s., -the carpenter’s mate and caulker £3, 15s., the two quartermasters -received each £2, 10s., the two commander’s servants £1, 5s. each, -and the thirty foremast men £2, 5s. each. As to the last-mentioned, -a vessel of from 400 to 500 tons carried twenty foremast hands. A -ship of 500 to 550 had thirty hands, and the next size, from 550 to -600 tons, carried thirty-five. A 600 to 650 tonner had forty men, and -a 650 to 700 tonner forty-five men. But a 700 to 800 ton ship had -fifty-five men, and an 800 to 900 tonner sixty-five of these hands. -The Company’s rule was that regular vessels of 750 to 800 tons were to -carry a total complement of 101 officers and men. A 900-ton ship was to -carry 110 men, a 1000-ton ship 120 men, a 1100-ton ship 125 men, and a -1200-tonner 130 men. - -Five supernumeraries were allowed to be carried, of whom two were to be -allowed to walk the quarterdeck. No commander was allowed to increase -the number of midshipmen under pain of being suspended for three -years. This was to prevent him from taking a raw young officer out of -consideration for a monetary reward. In order to act as a safeguard, -if any person borne on the ship’s books as part of her complement were -discharged in India, China or St Helena without permission of the -Company, or if the commander were to act in collusion and allow him -to quit his vessel, the commander was liable to a fine of £300. Nor -could he bring home or carry out any passenger or person without the -directors’ leave. - -Owing to the fact that the men out of these East Indiamen were so -frequently pressed into the British men-of-war whilst in the East, it -was often enough necessary to ship a lot of lascars in order to get -the vessel home at all. But these feeble-bodied men were accustomed -only to voyages of short duration, and that in the fine weather season. -They could not bear the cold, neither were they dependable when the -East Indiaman had to defend herself against a privateer, pirate or -enemy’s warship. Ignorant of the English language, they were not easy -to handle. It was always reckoned that eighty or ninety of them were -not quite the equal of fifty British seamen, and for every hundred of -them employed four British seamen must be also. It was the India-built -ships which were manned almost exclusively by these lascars, and a new -problem arose, for these fellows used to remain behind in England, -where their condition became piteous. There was an obligation that -these lascars were always to be sent back to India, but in practice -many of them “are turned off in London, where they beg and perish.” -So wrote Macpherson in 1812. “The appearance of these miserable -creatures,” he remarked, “in the streets of London frequently excites -the indignation of passengers against the Company, who, they suppose, -bring them to this country and leave them destitute,” whereas, in -reality, these Easterns actually preferred to sink into degradation -in our land rather than return to their own. Many of them never -reached England, or, if they did, died on the return voyage: for the -bad weather off the Cape of Good Hope and the rigours of the English -climate caused considerable sickness and death. - -English gentlemen who had been for some years under the Company in -India, either in a civil or military capacity, were often wont to -bring black servants home with them, and after these servants had been -some time in England they were discharged. The result was that, under -the terms of their obligation, the Company were put to great expense -in sending them back to their native country. It was with a view to -protecting themselves from this possibility that the Company used to -cause the master of such a servant to take a bond in India as security -for the cost of returning these coloured people, these bonds being -sent to the commander of the ship in which the master and his servant -was travelling to England. Otherwise, the commander was ordered by the -Company to refuse to have the black man on board. - -Before an officer could become commander of one of the Company’s ships -it was necessary that he should be twenty-five years old and have -performed a voyage to and from India or China in the Company’s regular -service as chief or second mate, or else have commanded a ship in the -extra service. A chief mate had to be twenty-three years old, have -voyaged to India or China in the Company’s service as second or third -mate. A second mate had to be twenty-two years old and have made a -similar voyage as third mate. To become a third mate he had to be aged -twenty-one and been two voyages in the Company’s service to and from -India or China. A fourth mate had to be twenty years old and been one -voyage of not less than twenty months to India or China and back in the -Company’s service, and one year in actual service in any other employ, -and of the latter he had to produce satisfactory certificates. - -In the case of the extra ships the commander had to be twenty-three -years old at least, have made three voyages to India or China and -back in the Company’s service, one of which must have been as chief -or second mate in a regular ship, or as chief mate in an extra ship. -The chief mate must be at least twenty-two, and have made two of these -voyages as officer in the Company’s regular service. The second mate -had to be at least twenty-one and have performed two voyages as officer -in the Company’s service to India or China and back. The third mate -must be twenty years and been one voyage in the Company’s service, or -two voyages as midshipman in the extra service. - -It would not be untrue to say that officers of the early part -of the nineteenth century in this service were excellent seamen -and fair navigators, but many of them would not be sufficiently -expert in navigation nowadays to have entrusted to them the work -and responsibilities commensurate with those with which they were -charged. It was in the year 1804 that the Company issued the following -regulation:— - -“That such of the officers as have not been already instructed in -the method of finding the longitude of a ship at sea, by lunar -observations, do immediately perfect themselves under Mr Lawrence -Gwynne, at Christ’s Hospital, previous to their attending the Committee -to be examined for their respective stations; and that they do produce -to the Committee a certificate from that gentleman of their being -qualified in the method.” - -And within six weeks after each ship had arrived home, the commander -and officers had to attend a Committee of the Company which dealt with -the reasons for any deviation which the ship might have made during the -voyage. - -As touching the accommodation in these ships, the officers had -canvas berths only, laced down to battens on the deck, with upright -stanchions, a cross-piece, and a small door, with canvas panels, the -canvas being capable of being rolled up. On the gun-deck the chief -mate’s berth was on the starboard side from the fore part of the -aftermost port, to the fore part of the second port from aft, the space -being eight feet broad. The second mate was located on the opposite -side to correspond, but his space was six inches narrower. Between the -second and third ports two similar berths, each six feet long and seven -feet broad, were fitted up for the third and fourth mates: and two more -for the purser and surgeon between the third and fourth ports. Two -others, slightly smaller still, were located between the ports on this -deck for the boatswain and carpenter. And no alteration from this was -allowed to be made during the voyage. The captain’s “great cabin” was -in the steerage, and he was forbidden to partition it off in any way -without special orders from the Company. When a ship went into action, -those canvas berths or cabins of the officers just alluded to were -taken down. The reader will recollect the capture some pages back of -the _Brunswick_ by the _Marengo_. Addison in his journal mentions that -when he and his fellow-officers were taken on board the latter they -were marched below to the ward-room. He then adds that, “being cleared -for action, the cabins were all down, and the whole deck clear fore and -aft, open to the seamen.” - -The full uniform for the commander of one of the Company’s ships was -as follows:—Fine blue coat, black Genoa velvet round the cuffs, four -holes by two’s, three outside, one inside. Black velvet lapels, with -ten holes by two’s. Black velvet panteen cape, with one hole on each -side, straight flaps, with four holes by two’s. The fore parts were -lined with buff silk serge, black slit and turns faced with the same. -One button on each hip, and one at the bottom. The buttonholes were -gold embroidered throughout and gilt buttons with the Company’s crest. -The chief mate wore a blue coat with black velvet lapels, cuffs and -collar, with one small button to each cuff. The buttons gilt, with the -Company’s crest. The second, third and fourth mates’ uniforms were -similar to that of the chief mate, except that the second had two small -buttons on each cuff, the third had three, and the fourth had four. - -[Illustration: THE “JESSIE” AND “ELIZA JANE” IN TABLE BAY, CAPE OF GOOD -HOPE, 1829. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -In the extra ships the commander wore a blue coat with black velvet -lapels, cuffs and collar, with only one embroidered buttonhole on each -cuff, and on each side of the collar. His buttons were gilt with -the Company’s crest. The chief mate’s uniform in these extra ships -consisted of a blue coat, single-breasted, with a black velvet collar -and cuffs, and one small buttonhole on each cuff, with gilt buttons as -before. The second and third mates’ were like this with the difference -of two or three small buttons on each cuff as mentioned. And it was -strictly ordered that officers were always to appear in this uniform -whenever they attended on the Court of Directors, their Committees, any -of the Presidents and Councils in India, or at St Helena, or the Select -Committee of Supra-Cargoes in China. - -Some of the officers when they came up to be sworn in before the Court -of Directors did not always appear in the prescribed uniform, and the -Company sent out a warning against coming into their presence in boots, -black breeches and stockings, except in the case of deep mourning. When -appearing before the Court of Directors the officers were compelled to -wear full uniform, but when attending the Committee they were to wear -undress. - -Whenever the ship dropped down from Deptford or Blackwall to Gravesend -the captain was to be on board. There were two sets of pilots. One took -the ship from Deptford or Blackwall to Gravesend, and another took her -from Gravesend to the Isle of Wight. Whilst the ship lay at Gravesend -the commander was ordered to go aboard her once a week in order to -report her condition to the Committee. Before sailing, the ship took on -board a sufficient amount of lime-juice to last the crew through the -whole voyage. And the commander had strict instructions to see that his -new hands—“recruits” the Company called them—wore the clothes which -the Company provided, and that the men did not sell them for liquor; -also that these men did not desert. For this reason no boats were -allowed to remain alongside the ship without having been made fast by -a chain and lock—thus preventing any possibility of the men escaping -to the shore. No boat was allowed to put off from the ship until every -person in her had been examined, lest one of the crew might be in her. -And a quarter watch was to be kept night and day to prevent the loss -of recruits. If any did desert, then the commander would most probably -have to pay the cost which this involved. - -During the course of every watch the ship was to be pumped out, and -entries made in the log. And as regards divine worship, the slackness -of the previous period mentioned in an earlier chapter was no longer -tolerated. “You are strictly required to keep up the worship of -Almighty God on board your ship every Sunday, when circumstances will -admit, and that the log-book contain the reasons for the omission when -it so happens; that you promote good order and sobriety, by being -yourself the example, and enforcing it in others; and that you be -humane and attentive to the welfare of those under your command, the -Court have resolved to mulct you in the sum of two guineas for every -omission of mentioning the performance of divine service, or assigning -satisfactory reasons for the non-performance thereof every Sunday, in -the Company’s log-book.” - -From the Company’s India House in Leadenhall Street the commander -was supplied with charts. These had to be returned at the end of the -voyage, together with the commander’s journals and track charts. What -were known as free mariners must have performed two voyages to India -or China and back in the Company’s ships, or else have used the sea -and been in actual service for at least three years. The reader is -aware that many a time the Company’s ships were endangered by the naval -authorities impressing so many men from them. At last, after many -protests, the Admiralty instituted a new regulation, so that, although -it was still not possible to abolish this impressment, yet the evil so -far as the East Indiamen were concerned was mitigated and controlled. -A letter was sent to the Rear-Admiral of the Red on the East Indies -station instructing him to order his captains and commanders to conform -to this new regulation. A proper scheme was drawn up, showing what -officers and men in East Indiamen ships of varying tonnages were to be -exempt from impress, though this protection applied only until the ship -should reach Europe. However, even if the whole exemption could not be -obtained, a portion thereof was better than nothing at all, especially -as the Company attributed so many of the losses of their ships to -having been deprived of their best men. - -In addition to their wages, the men became entitled to a pension from -what was known as the Poplar Fund. Any commander, officer or seaman, or -anyone else who had served aboard any of these East Indiamen for eight -years and regularly contributed to this fund was entitled to a pension. -But if a man had been wounded or maimed so as to be rendered incapable -of further service at sea, he could still be admitted to a pension even -under eight years. The size of the pension was based on the amount of -capital which the officer possessed. Thus, if a commander stated that -he was not worth £2500, or £125 a year, he received a pension of £100. -Similarly, if a chief mate had not been able to amass £1300, or had £65 -coming in every year, he was granted a pension of £60. And so the scale -descended down to the rank of midshipman, who was granted a £12 pension -if he was not worth £400, or £20 a year. Allowances were also made for -the widows and orphans of those who had served the Company for seven -years. - -Before a candidate could be appointed as ship’s surgeon, those who -had already made one voyage in the Company’s service, or acted twelve -months in that capacity in his Majesty’s service in a hot climate were -given priority. After a qualified surgeon had served in one of the -extra ships for one voyage to India and back he was eligible for the -regular service. Both surgeon and a surgeon’s mate had to produce a -certificate from the examiners of the Royal College of Surgeons and -also from the Company’s own physician. The surgeons were allowed, -in addition to their salary and their privilege of private trade, -fifteen shillings per man on the voyage for medicine and attendance -on the military and invalids. But they were no longer required, as -part of their duties, to cut the hair of the Company’s servants! The -assistant-surgeon had to be at least twenty years old, and possess a -diploma from the College of Surgeons of London, Edinburgh or Dublin, -and a certificate from the Company’s own physician. - -The gunner and his mate were examined as to their efficiency by the -Company’s master-attendant, who after approval gave them a certificate. -Volunteers for the Company’s Indian Navy, otherwise known as the -Bombay Marine, had to be between the ages of fourteen and eighteen; for -their cavalry and infantry, between sixteen and twenty-two. - -To many passengers this voyage to the East was one of terror. Eastwick -tells a yarn about an assistant-surgeon in one of these ships. For five -days on the way out a great storm had been raging. This had evidently -so impressed this surgeon that the night after the storm abated he -dreamt that there was a great hole in the ship’s side. Jumping out of -his cot with alacrity, he knocked over the water-jug, and feeling the -cold water about his toes he ran headlong up on deck, clamouring that -the ship was sinking. For some time he was believed. The carpenter and -some of the officers hurried to his cabin, and meanwhile the passengers -had become alarmed and left their cabins, congregating by the boats. -The story, however, does not give the remarks of the carpenter and -officers when they found the assistant-surgeon had been romancing. - -The passengers in these ships were made as comfortable as possible, -though they had to pay fairly heavily for the same. We have seen that -they were entertained with dances whenever possible. They brought with -them on board their servants, their furniture and their wines. But -the conduct of some of these passengers became so highly improper at -times that the Company found it necessary to frame regulations for -the preservation of good order on board, and these had to be enforced -strictly by the commander. In the words of the Court of Directors, -they bewailed the fact that “the good order and wholesome practices, -formerly observed in the Company’s ships, have been laid aside, and -late hours and the consequent mischiefs introduced, by which the ship -has been endangered and the decorum and propriety, which should be -maintained, destroyed.” - -One of the great terrors on board these vessels was the possibility of -fire at sea. We shall have the account presently of the loss of the -_Kent_ East Indiaman in the Bay of Biscay, through that species of -disaster, in the year 1825, and there were other instances. It was in -order to guard against this possibility that no fire was allowed to -be kept in after eight at night except for the use of the sick, and -then only in a stove. Candles had to be extinguished between decks by -nine o’clock, and in the cabins by ten at the latest. This was before -the days when ships were compelled by Act of Parliament to carry -sidelights. In fact, just as in mediæval days not even the boatswain -was allowed to use his whistle, nor a bell to be sounded, nor any -unnecessary noise made after dark, lest the ship’s presence should be -betrayed to any pirate in the vicinity, so in the case of these East -Indiamen, not only were there no sidelights, but the commander was -enjoined that the utmost precautions be used to prevent any lights -‘tween decks or from the cabins being visible “to any vessel passing in -the night.” - -[Illustration: THE “ALFRED,” EAST INDIAMAN, 1,400 TONS. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -The passengers used to dine not later than 2 P.M. And such was -the authority of the captain that when he retired from the table after -either dinner or supper, the passengers and officers must also retire. -The captain was to pay due attention to the comfortable accommodation -and liberal treatment of the passengers, “at the same time setting -them an example of sobriety and decorum, as he values the pleasure -of the Court.” Any improper conduct of the ship’s officers towards the -passengers or to each other was to be reported quietly to the captain, -and the decision left with the latter. But if anyone thought himself -aggrieved thereby, he could appeal to the Governor and Council of the -first of the Company’s settlements at which the ship should arrive, or, -if homeward bound, to the Court of Directors. - -And the following brief, common-sense paragraph summed up the whole -situation:— - -“The diversity of characters and dispositions which must meet on -ship-board makes some restraint upon all necessary; and any one -offending against good manners, or known usages and customs, will, on -representation to the Court, be severely noticed.” - -We can well believe that those military officers or civil servants of -the Company who came on board homeward bound, after spending years -in India without benefit to their livers and tempers, if to their -pecuniary advantage, and were as ill-accustomed to the conditions of -ship life as they were bereft of an adaptable spirit, needed all the -tact and patience of the commander and ship’s officers to prevent -matters being even more uncomfortable than they were. Those who had -spent their lives wielding authority in India, and both honestly and -otherwise making fortunes, were not the kind of mortals most easy to -live with in the confined area of a ship not much over 1200 tons. -However, every passenger who came on board was given a printed copy of -the regulations, which had been formed for the good of all, and they -were told very pertinently to observe them strictly, and the captains -had to see that they did as they were told. - -Certainly up to the second decade of the nineteenth century, the -ships themselves also were in great need of supervision, as to their -construction, though there were not many capable critics then in -existence. All the Company’s ships were of course built of wood, but -iron was already being extensively used for the knees. The idea was -excellent, but in practice inferior material was actually employed and -not the best British iron. And the same defect was noticeable with -regard to anchors and mooring chains. Of those various losses which -occurred to the East Indiaman ships about the year 1809, it was thought -by some that the cause was traceable to these weak iron knees which had -been put into the vessels. A certain Mr J. Braithwaite wrote a letter -to the East India Company in December of 1809, in which he stated that -he had been employed to recover the property of the _Abergavenny_, -which had been lost off Weymouth; and he found, on breaking up the -wreck, that many of the iron knees were broken, owing to having been -made of such poor, inferior material. This, he noticed, snapped quite -easily, and he was convinced that ships fitted with such knees would, -on encountering gales of wind, be lost owing to the knees giving way. -The East Indiaman _Asia_ was thought to have perished owing to that -reason. - -But there was also another reason why the ships of this period were -unsatisfactory. They were built not under cover but outside, exposed -to all the weather. But, in addition, there was a bad practice at -that time which unquestionably caused a great deal of serious injury -to the ship. When the ship was approaching completion, and before the -sheathing had been put on, the sides and floor were deluged with -water, the intention being to see if there were any shake in the -plank, or butt or trenail holes, or if any of the seams had been left -uncaulked. If the water poured through anywhere this would indicate -that there was need for caulking before the ship was set afloat. - -This was all very well in theory, but in practice it was very bad -indeed, for the water thus admitted settled down into the innermost -recesses, and the result was that the cargoes were always more or -less affected injuriously by the damp. Similarly, it injured the ship -herself, and dry-rot eventually shortened the vessel’s life. Damp, -badly ventilated, these old East Indiamen were frequently the source -of much anxiety to their managing owners or “ships’ husbands,” as they -were usually called. Then there was another defect. The influence of -the Middle Ages was not yet departed from shipbuilding: consequently -trenails were still used. This meant that the ship was riddled with -holes for the insertion of these wooden pegs. Speaking of an East -Indiaman of this time, a contemporary says that thus “she appears like -a cullender,” and “there is hardly a space of six inches in small ships -that is not bored through” by a trenail of one and a half inches in -diameter, being only six inches apart from the next trenail. Thus, of -course, the timbers were weakened, and at a later date when the ship -needed to be re-bored with holes for more trenails on the renewal of -decayed planking, there were so many holes in the timbers that the ship -was very considerably weakened thereby. - -The method of the French in building ships had formerly been to -use iron fastenings, but the plank grew nail sick, and the iron -having corroded became very weak. Indian-built ships, however, were -constructed in such a way that there were no numerous series of holes -bored, and thus the hulls remained strong and stout. The planking was -secured to the timbers by spikes and bolts of iron, yet—owing to the -oleaginous sap of the teak from which they were built—the iron did -not corrode as it did in the case of oak-built ships. So about the -year 1810 the introduction of metal nails and bolts was advocated in -connection with the building of ships. - -After the Company had lost their China monopoly the class of ship that -was built by the Greens, for instance, was composed of oak, greenheart -and teak, and excellently constructed. Mr F. T. Bullen has written of -such a ship, the _Lion_, which was launched in 1842 from the famous -Blackwall yard. He tells us that this was the finest of all the great -fleet that had been brought into being at that yard up to this date: -how, decked with flags from stem to stern, with the sun glinting -brightly on the rampant crimson lion that towered proudly on high from -her stem, she glided down the way amid the thunder of cannon and the -cheers of the spectators. She was afterwards given ten 18-pounders, -with many muskets and boarding-pikes stowed away in a small armoury in -the waist. This famous vessel, so characteristic of the best type of -East Indiaman which succeeded the Company’s ships, was, in spite of -her great size—as she was then regarded—far handier than any of those -“billy-boys” which used to be such a feature of the Thames. “There was -as much intriguing,” says Mr Bullen, “to secure a berth in the _Lion_ -for the outward or homeward passage as there was in those days for -positions in the golden land she traded to. Men whose work in India -was done spoke of her in their peaceful retirement on leafy English -country-sides, and recalled with cronies ‘our first passage out in the -grand old _Lion_.’ A new type of ship, a new method of propulsion, was -springing up all round her. But whenever any of the most modern fliers -forgathered with her upon the ocean highway, their crews felt their -spirits rise in passionate admiration for the stately and beautiful old -craft whose graceful curves and perfect ease seemed to be of the sea -_sui generis_, moulded and caressed by the noble element into something -of its own mobility and tenacious power.” - -Like many other of the later-day East Indiamen, she was eventually -taken off the route to India and ran to Australia with emigrants. With -her quarter-galleries, her far-reaching head, her great, many-windowed -stern, she would seem a curious kind of ship among twentieth-century -craft. But she held her own even with the new steel clippers, and made -the round voyage from Melbourne to London and back in five months and -twenty days, including the time taken up in handling the two cargoes, -finally being sold into the hands of the Norwegians, like many another -fine British ship both before and since her time. The last act of her -eventful life came when she crashed into a mountainous iceberg and -smashed herself to pieces. It was a sad end to a ship that had begun so -gloriously. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -WAYS AND MEANS - - -There was a fixed rate of passage-money, and it was thought necessary -to forbid the captains to charge passengers any sum above that -specified for their rank. These were the respective rates, including -the passage and accommodation at the captain’s table. - -General officers in the Company’s service were charged for the passage -from England £250, colonels or Gentlemen of Council £200, while -lieutenant-colonels, majors, senior merchants, junior merchants and -factors had to pay £150. Captains were charged £125. Writers in the -Company’s service paid £110, subalterns the same, assistant-surgeons -and cadets £95. If any of the two last mentioned proceeded to India -in the third mate’s mess, the latter was not to demand more than £55 -for the passenger’s accommodation. The money was paid direct to the -paymaster of seamen’s wages at his pay office in London, who handed -these respective sums over to the commander or third mate. In the case -of military officers who were in his Majesty’s service and not in the -East India Company’s army, the charges were slightly different. Thus -general officers were charged £235, colonels £185, lieutenant-colonels -and majors £135, captains and surgeons £110, subalterns and -assistant-surgeons £95, for the voyage out. - -For the homeward voyage the commanders of these East Indiamen were -allowed to charge 2500 rupees from Bombay for lieutenant-colonels -or majors, 2000 rupees for captains, and 1500 rupees for subalterns -when returning to Europe, either on sick certificate or military -duty, whether in his Majesty’s or the Company’s service. Regular East -Indiamen were bound, if asked, to receive on board at least two of -the above officers, and in this case the larboard third part of the -captain’s great cabin, with the passage to the quarter-gallery, was to -be apportioned off for their accommodation. In the case of an extra -ship one such officer was bound to be carried if the commander were -requested, and he was to be accommodated with a cabin on the starboard -side, abaft the chief mate’s cabin, and abreast of the spirit-room. His -cabin was to be not less than seven feet long and six feet wide. If the -whole of one of his Majesty’s regiments were returning to England, the -entire accommodation in the ship might be allotted as the Government -in India deemed advisable, the sums for the officers being paid to the -commander as just mentioned. Factors and writers homeward bound from -Bombay were charged 2000 and 1500 rupees respectively. - -Under no circumstance was a commander allowed to receive any gratuity -above these sums, and to give effect to this he had to enter into a -bond for £1000 before being sworn in. Similarly the third mate was -equally forbidden to exact more than the sums mentioned under his -category. - -Some idea of the victuals which were carried on board a 1200-ton -East Indiaman may be gathered from the following. Recollect that, of -course, there was no such thing as preserved foods or refrigerating -machinery in those days, but during these long voyages the passengers -and crew were not pampered with the luxuries of a modern liner. -The accommodation was lighted with candles and oil-lamps, the food -was plain, the cooking very English. Beside the amounts which an -Atlantic liner takes on board for her short voyage these figures -seem insignificant: and there were none of those manifold articles -for serving up the food in an appetising manner. For the strong, the -healthy and vigorous, this plain, substantial living was all right: but -for invalids, for delicate women, and for children naturally terrified -of the sea and unable to settle down to life on board, the voyage was -certainly not one long, delightful experience. - -[Illustration: THE EAST INDIAMAN CRUISER “PANTHER,” KNOWN AS A -“SNOW,” LYING IN SUEZ HARBOUR ON AUGUST 15TH, 1794. - -(From a sketch in the Journal of William Henry, a Midshipman serving in -her at the time)] - -For the use of the commander’s table 11 tons of ale, beer, wine or -other liquors were carried in casks or bottles, allowing 252 gallons -or 36 dozen quart bottles to the ton. There were also 40 tons of -beef, pork, bacon, suet and tongues, 28 tons of beer (additional to -the above), 350 cwt. of bread, 30 firkins of butter, 500 gallons of -spirit for the commander’s table, 1040 gallons of spirit for the ship’s -company, 20 cauldrons of coals, 50 dozen candles, 50 cwt. of cheese, -£65 worth of “chirugery and drugs,” 6 cases of confectionery, 134 -cwt. of flour, 21 cwt. of fish, 80 cwt. of groceries, 130 gallons of -lime-juice, 50 bushels of oatmeal, 300 gallons of sweet and lamp oil, -500 bushels of oats, 15 tons of potatoes, 5 barrels of herrings and -salmon, 2 chests of “slops” for the seamen to obtain new clothes, 11 -hogsheads of vinegar, 6 chests of oranges and lemons and 70 tons of -drinking water. In addition, 63 barrels of gunpowder, 6 tons of iron -shot, 6 tons of iron for the store, 5 cwt. of lead shot, 20 barrels of -pitch, 6 cwt. of rosin, 7 tons of spare cordage, 2½ tons of sheet -lead, 30 cwt. of tobacco, 20 barrels of tar, 3 barrels of turpentine -and quantities of wood were also carried for the boatswain’s, gunner’s -and carpenter’s stores. - -As to the passengers’ baggage, Gentlemen in Council were allowed -to bring three tons or twenty feet of baggage, two chests of wine -being included as part of this baggage if returning to India. Their -ladies were allowed to take one ton of baggage if proceeding with -their husbands: but if proceeding to their husbands two tons. General -officers were allowed the same as Gentlemen in Council, colonels were -allowed three tons, but only one chest of wine, and so on down the -scale. When a first-class passenger to-day goes aboard a liner he finds -that his state-room contains everything that is required in the way of -furniture: but had he lived in the days of the East Indiamen he would -have to have taken on board a table, a sofa (or two chairs), and a -wash-hand stand. This much he would have to acquire, and this much he -was allowed. But in addition to bedding, sofa, table and two chairs, -members of the Select Committee could take three tons of baggage, -supra-cargoes two and a half tons and writers proceeding to China one -and a half tons. - -If there was no duty payable on the baggage it could be shipped at -Gravesend: but if otherwise it went aboard at Portsmouth. No other -articles than wearing apparel and such things as were really intended -for the use of the respective passengers on the voyage, including -“musical instruments for ladies” and books, were allowed to be taken as -baggage. - -The East India Dock Company, which we have seen was a subsidiary -company of the East India Company, was governed by twelve directors, -and the three dock-masters lived at the docks. Before the vessels -were allowed to enter the dock they had to be dismantled to their -lower masts, take out their guns, ammunition, anchors and stores while -they lay at moorings. Before being permitted to enter, a report had -to be made by the captain to the dock-master of the amount of water -the ship was leaking every twelve hours for the previous three days. -Whatever stores remained in her after coming into the basin had to be -discharged before she was allowed to go into the inner dock. But all -ships from the East Indies or China unloaded their cargoes within the -docks, except in the case of the biggest ships, which had to unload -some of their goods in Long Reach, so as to lessen the draught of -water. Outward-bound East Indiamen used to load either in the dock -or in the river below Limehouse Creek. Gunpowder was always unloaded -before entering dock, and the Company’s servants would superintend the -unloading of the cargoes when finally moored alongside the wharf. The -goods were then taken away by the Company’s “caravans,” the tea being -conveyed to the Company’s warehouses without being weighed at the docks. - -Tea, of course, was not the only, though the principal cargo which -these ships were bringing home. To give a complete list of the -commodities would take up too much space, but we may be allowed to -mention the following as being among those commonly found in the hold -of a homeward-bound East Indiaman:—Aloes, drugs, buffalo hides, bark, -coffee, camphor, cotton, cowries, silk, cochineal, coral, elephants’ -teeth, ebony, green ginger, gum arabic, hemp, Japan copper, china-ware, -shells, myrrh, nutmegs, nux vomica, opium, pepper, rice, redwood, -spikenard, shellac, sugar, saltpetre, sago, sandalwood, as well as both -black and green tea. - -The Company had their warehouses in Fenchurch Street, Haydon Square, -Cooper’s Row, Jewry Street, Crutched Friars, New Street, Leadenhall -Street, and elsewhere in London. As to the private trade allowed to -the commanders and officers by the Company, we have already shown -what spaces were granted in these ships, but it may not be out of -place to mention that the goods under this category used to include -such articles as the following, which were much in demand in the -East:—Carriages, ale and beer, earthenware, hosiery, anchors, books, -charts, bar iron, looking-glasses, ironmongery, Manchester goods, -cutlery, millinery, hats, clocks, chronometers and watches, boots and -shoes, jewellery, saddlery, lead, port wine, stationery, window glass, -wines, and so on. - -Smuggling still went on even well into the nineteenth century from -these homeward-bound ships, and commanders, officers and men were -just as bad as each other. The Company and the Board of Customs did -their best to stop it by regulations and threats, but there was a -certain amount of satisfaction in cheating the State, and good prices -were always offered and received for these goods from the East. The -officers were always reminded when being sworn in that if they took any -part in this illicit trade they would be dismissed the service, but -it was most difficult to put an end to the offence, the chief goods -illegally thus imported being tea, muslins, china-ware and diamonds: -and the professional smuggler was always glad to give what help he -could in running his small craft alongside the East Indiaman as she -came up the English Channel and anchored in the Downs. It was for this -reason that the Company took every care that their ships did not loiter -off the British coasts when returning. But very often it happened that, -after the officers of these ships had been detected smuggling by the -Board of Customs officials, the Company never learned anything of the -matter, for although suits were brought against the offending parties -the latter used to compound and the matter ended, though not without -loss to the Company itself. - -The biggest East Indiaman in existence about the year 1813 was the -_Royal Charlotte_ of 1518 registered tons. She measured 194 feet long, -43 feet 6 inches wide, and had been built as far back as the year 1785. -About the same size were the _Arniston_ (1498 tons), _Hope_ (1498 -tons), _Cirencester_ (1504 tons), _Coutts_ (1504 tons), _Glatton_ (1507 -tons), _Cuffnells_ (1497 tons), _Neptune_ (1478 tons), _Thames_ (1487 -tons) and _Walmer Castle_ (1518 tons). There were about 116 ships in -the Company’s service at the time we are speaking, and these had been -built either on the bottoms of other ships, or by open competition -(in pursuance of the late eighteenth-century Act which had made this -compulsory), or they were those much smaller “extra” ships. Some -again had been built as a speculation, and had been taken up by the -Company, whilst at least one—the _Thomas Grenville_—had been built at -Bombay for the Company in the year 1809. And there were in process of -construction in this year four vessels in India, and one in England for -the season 1813-1814. The India-built ships were being constructed in -Bombay, Bengal and Calcutta, and all these ships were of 1200 tons. The -following, which is an example of a tender made under the new system -of free and open competition, and accepted by the Company, indicates -the prices per ton which were paid for engaging these East Indiamen in -September 1796:— - - “To China, and the several parts of India. - - “_Ganges_, 1200 tons, William Moffat, Esq., - for six voyages £17 10 - - Surplus tonnage, peace and war. £8 15 - - For difference of outfit, difference of Insurance - beyond eight guineas per cent., - maintaining seamen, returning lascars, - and every other contingency and expence £18 10.” - -The Company had its own hydrographer, who inspected the journals of -the commanders and officers on the arrival home of the ships. Happily -some of these are still in existence, and from them we are able to -gather a good many details of the work which went on in the ships. -Let us take, for example, the journal of Griffin Hawkins, who was a -midshipman in the _Triton_ during the years 1792-1794. This was one of -the more moderate-sized East Indiamen of 800 tons. We have not space -to go through the whole of this journal, which occupied a good many -large and closely written pages, but it is merely to illustrate the -Company’s standing orders which we have already chronicled, and to show -the preparations which were made in getting these East Indiamen ready -for sea, that the following brief extracts are made. You must think -of her as lying off Deptford, and in order that you may be able to -picture her the more easily, the accompanying sketch of her at anchor -by young Hawkins himself is here reproduced. The time of which we are -now to speak is the autumn of 1792, when the ship was in hand for the -1792-1793 season. - -“Tuesday Oct. 30th ... at 11 A.M. came on board Mr Upham, Inspector, -with Mr Bale, Surveyor, overhauld the limbers &c. Left Mr Bale on -board. Employed taking in empty butts, and stowing them, also the -ship’s coals. Chief and fourth officers on board.... - -“Wednesday 31st.... Received on board the best and smallest bower -cables, and sundry stores, filled 43 butts with water. Do. officers. - -“Thursday Nov. 1st.... Employed taking in tin and iron, on account of -Honble. Company, also the ship’s shott and sundry old stores, filling -water etc. Do. officers. - -“Friday 2nd.... Clapt a mooring service on the small bower cable, set -up the rigging for and aft, filling water etc. Do. and 6th officers on -board. - -[Illustration: AN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY EAST INDIAMAN. - -This rough sketch of the East Indiaman “Triton’s” stern is from her -Quarter Bill, as will be noticed, the date being 1792.] - -“Saturday 3rd.... Employed taking in shot on account of the Honble. -Compy. and 45 tons of kentledge for the ship, and also some small -stores, filling water etc. Clapt a mooring service on the best bower. -2nd, 4th and 6th officers on board.” - -On the following Monday the ship took in a quantity of copper as -well as sundry stores. On the Tuesday she shipped three new cables, -her pitch, tar and chandlery stores. On the Wednesday she saw to her -anchors and bent on her cables. On the Thursday her pilot came aboard -and took her down the river as far as Gravesend. And finally—to skip -over the ensuing weeks—after leaving the Thames and the Isle of Wight, -she had to put in to Torbay, quitting the latter not till 13th January -1793. The setting forth of ships was thus a very leisurely, slow -business as compared with the dispatch that attends the modern liner. - -The tea which came in these ships was disposed of at the quarterly -sales, the duty being paid thirty days later. Some idea of the length -of time these vessels were away from home may be gathered from one -or two voyages at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Thus, -the 1200-ton _Glatton_ left the Downs for China on 29th March 1802, -proceeded to China, disposed of her cargo, took on board a fresh -one, and was back at her moorings in the Thames by 24th April of the -following year. Another ship, the _Marquis of Ely_ (whose managing -owner was Mr Robert Wigram, a name that became famous during the -clipper period), also of 1200 tons, left Portsmouth on 20th March 1804, -proceeded to Ceylon and China, transacted her business, and was back -at her moorings in the Thames on 12th September of the following year. -Some of the smaller vessels made good voyages too, when we consider -that these ships were not well designed nor built with the kind of hull -that makes for speed. Their first object was to carry safely a large -amount of cargo, rather than to get a small cargo home in the quickest -time. Thus, the 600-ton ship _Devaynes_ left Portsmouth on 17th -September 1808 for Bombay, loaded and unloaded and was back at moorings -on 6th July 1810. The _General Stuart_, of the same tonnage, left -Portsmouth on the same day and was back in the Thames on 16th April -1810. These passages may be conveniently compared with the hustling -days of sixty or seventy years later, when the famous China clipper -_Ariel_ made her record passage out to China. Leaving Gravesend on 14th -October 1866, she arrived in Hong Kong the following 6th of January and -was back again in the Thames on 23rd September. - -The East India Company had their agents in different ports, both -at home and abroad, and it is worth mentioning in passing that the -Company’s agent at Halifax a few years later on in the century—that is -to say, about the year 1830—was that Samuel Cunard who was afterwards -to found the great line of Atlantic steamships which still bear his -name. - -It was in the year 1814 that a most momentous development occurred. -Ever since the time of Elizabeth the East India Company had possessed -this wonderful monopoly of trading to the East. In spite of the -march of time, in spite of all the improvements in commerce and the -development of the world, in spite of the spread of industrialism -and the growing demands of democracy, in spite of all the vast sums -of money which had been on the aggregate extracted from the East, in -spite, finally, of the many abuses of which the East India Company -or its servants had been guilty, this exclusive privilege of trade -had been withheld for over two centuries from the other persons or -corporations of the kingdom. - -But now all this was banished. For a long time merchant enterprise had -realised that Eastern trade would be extended, and that considerably, -if it were thrown open and competition were allowed to have its way. -So in the year mentioned the monopoly was done away with as regards -India. The British public were henceforth allowed to trade with that -country unconditionally, except that it must be done in vessels of not -less than 350 tons. But China was reserved as the exclusive trading -preserve of the East India Company, and the Company still retained the -control of the supply of tea, which had become now a common article of -consumption, and therefore the importing of this commodity was of great -value to this ancient corporation. - -It was not without a great effort that the Indian monopoly was done -away with. This was a time when the interests of private individuals -in high power were considered even more than they would be to-day. -The character of social life has changed a great deal since then, -so that it is not immediately easy to appreciate the revolutionary -nature of this change from a close preserve, strictly guarded for -many a generation, to become an open area common to all and sundry of -the British nation. The merchants of Manchester, Bristol and Glasgow -had been agitating for years: now at last the desired object had been -attained. All sorts of arguments were spoken and printed concerning -the reasons on behalf of the monopoly. Some of these were utterly -ridiculous, and obviously not sufficiently disinterested to appear -sincere. The argument of the monopolists was largely of the kind which -says practically: “You may not like it, but allow us to tell you that -it is really all for your good that we want the monopoly ourselves.” -Merchants outside the Company were too wide-awake to see it in that -light. And when this monopoly was removed in 1814, what was the result? - -The result was this. As soon as the barrier was thrown down, private -shipowners entered, and a number of excellent ships were built for -the voyages to India and back. Commerce received a great impetus, and -eventually (as had been foreseen) the private traders gained ascendancy -over the East India Company, and the trade with India became trebled. -The effect of this new element of competition was to cause a reduction -in the average rate of freights per ton. The East India Company had -been paying £40 a ton for their ships, while better ships could be -built and equipped for £25 a ton. By the year 1830 the cost of freights -from India to England had dropped to £10 a ton. There can be no doubt -that the Company had been managing their affairs with too little regard -to economy. Their ships were fitted up with too much expense for the -passengers. They were paying £40 a ton as against £25 paid by other -traders. The East India Company’s ships carried much larger crews than -other ships. The former used to have one man to every ten or twelve -tons, though the ships engaged in the West Indian trade carried one -man to every twenty-five tons. And whilst we are making comparisons -let us show how much beamier these East Indiamen were. Four beams to -the length was their rule, as compared with five or six beams to the -length in the case of the famous Clyde and American clippers which were -to come after. To-day in the twentieth century the biggest Atlantic -liners have between nine and ten beams to their length. It should be -mentioned at the same time that these East Indiamen had necessarily -to carry large numbers of men because they must needs be well armed -to fight their enemies on an equal footing. But the long years of -warfare were now giving way to peace, and instead there was to come a -century of industrial progress, invention and commercial development. -Privateers, hostile ships, pirates—these were to be withdrawn, and -simultaneously the need for arming merchantmen disappeared. It is only -quite recently, with the Anglo-German tension, that our merchant ships -have begun to be armed again on any extensive scale. - -The abolition of the monopoly gave a new impetus to British -shipbuilding, and the firm of Scotts, of Greenock, turned out some -fine vessels for the East, such as the _Christian_, launched in 1818, -the _Bellfield_ of 478 register tons—the latter being built in 1820. -Both these ships were for the London-Calcutta trade. The Company were -of course still trading to India and China, and among the ships which -they owned or hired about the last-mentioned date may be mentioned -the following. Their biggest ship, then, was the _Lowther Castle_, of -1507 tons. She was built in the year 1811, carried 26 guns and 130 -men. Another fine ship was the _Earl of Balcarres_, built at Bombay in -1815. She had the same number of men and guns as the _Lowther Castle_, -though of 1417 tons register. Such a vessel was ship-rigged with three -masts, triangular headsails and stuns’ls. Still unable to get away from -the mediæval influence, the jibboom was “steeved” very high. With her -rows of square ports, her figurehead, her enormous anchors, which were -stowed over the side by the fore rigging, she was very similar to a -British man-of-war of that period. Boat-davits had now come into use, -and a boat was thus hung on each quarter. - -Contemporary manuscript records of the late eighteenth-century -Company’s ships show them wearing a long pennant at one mast and a -square flag at another. Each of the East Indiamen ships in a convoy -would have its own distinguishing pennant. Sometimes this was flown at -the main with a square flag at the fore, at other times you find a ship -with the square flag at the mizen and the pennant at the fore. And a -most elaborate code of signals both for day and night was provided for -use between the flagship and the respective units. - -[Illustration: THE EAST INDIAMAN “EARL BALCARRES.” - -This fine ship was built at Bombay in 1815, and was sold out of the -Honourable East India Company’s service in 1834. Her tonnage was 1,417, -she carried 130 men, and was armed with twenty-six 18-pounder guns.] - -Promotion in the Company’s own ships was by seniority, though in the -case of the ships which the Company hired from private owners for a -certain number of voyages, promotion depended rather on ability and -influence. The East India Company were wont to appoint commanders to -their ships before the latter were completed, in order that they might -be fitted out under the captain’s personal supervision. Midshipmen -had to be between thirteen and eighteen years of age. Pursers were -appointed by the commander, subject to the approval of the Committee of -Shipping. We have shown that if the pay in these ships was not great, -yet the privileges were so lucrative that a commander could afford to -retire after four or five voyages with a fortune that would render him -independent for the rest of his life. What with being allowed to engage -extensively in the Eastern trade, plus the amount of free space allowed -them for this purpose on board, and the receipt of passage-money -from the various officials who voyaged between England and India, -a commander was remarkably unlucky if he had not made about £20,000 -in his five voyages in that rank. In some cases his revenue amounted -to about £6000 a voyage and even more. This is the figure for what he -obtained by honest means. To this must be added in many cases that -which he obtained by illicit trade, better known as smuggling. Lindsay -mentions the instance of one commander within his own knowledge who in -one voyage from London to India, thence to China and so back to London, -realised no less than £30,000, this captain having a large interest in -the freight of cotton and other produce conveyed from India to China. -And, having examined the records of the custom-house, I can assure the -reader that whatever a captain made legally he also made additional -sums by stealth, to the loss of the nation’s customs. - -These ships would go out of their voyage to call at foreign, English, -Irish and Scottish ports, or to meet with smuggling craft at sea in -order to unload some of their goods stealthily, and that was why the -Company were so particular in inquiring into the deviations made -during the passage. It speaks very little for the honour of some of -these captains that, in spite of such handsome remuneration from one -source and another, they were always ready to go out of their way to -earn a little more by dishonest methods that would bring themselves, -their ship and the Company into disgrace. But it is never fair to -judge men except when taking into consideration the moral standard of -the time: and the less said about the eighteenth and early nineteenth -century in this respect perhaps the better. Might was right, and -honesty in commerce was a rare virtue. Of course, the mere existence -of this trade monopoly was in itself an unhealthy influence, breeding -jealousy, corruption, greed and avarice. And this seems to have -permeated the Company’s service generally, not merely afloat, but -ashore. But a better type of man of good family and high character -entered the Company’s service in the nineteenth century. This, and the -rigorous determination of the Company and of the Board of Customs, made -smuggling practically non-existent in these East Indiamen. - -Let us pass now to a more pleasant subject and see how these ships were -worked at sea. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -LIFE ON BOARD - - -At 6.30 A.M. in these East Indiamen the crew began to wash down decks, -and an hour later the hammocks were piped up and stowed in the nettings -round the waist by the quartermasters. At eight o’clock was breakfast, -and then began the duties of the day.[E] The midshipmen slept in -hammocks also, but the chief mate and the commander were the only -officers in the ship to have a cabin of their own. - -In no other ships outside the navy, excepting perhaps some privateers, -was discipline so strict. The seamen were divided into two watches, the -officers into three. The crew had four hours on duty and four hours -off. There was always plenty of work to be done. After saying good-bye -to the English coast cables had to be put away and anchors stowed for -bad weather. Sails were being set, men were sent aloft to take in sail, -and sheets and braces required trimming. The East Indiamen from the -latter part of the eighteenth century had all been steered by wheels, -and the accompanying illustration shows the wheel on board the East -Indiaman _Triton_. The rigging also had to be set up occasionally, -and among the confidential signals to be used by these ships when -proceeding in a convoy, you will find one which asks permission of the -commodore to be allowed to heave-to and set up rigging. In addition, -ballast sometimes required shifting, sails had to be repaired, leaks -stopped, masts greased, new splices made and so on. This was in normal -voyages: but in the case of bad weather there was much more besides. - -[Illustration: DECK SCENE OF THE EAST INDIAMAN “TRITON.” - -This contemporary sketch shows the wheel and mizzen mast and two gun -carriages of an East Indiaman of 1792, and is used as a decorative -heading to the ship’s list of signals employed when convoying.] - -On Wednesdays and Saturdays the ‘tween decks were cleaned and -holystoned. The origin of the word “holystoned” has been variously -derived. To “holystone” is to rub the decks with sandstone or -“prayer-books.” When ships, both of the East India Company, his -Majesty’s navy and other craft, used to anchor in St Helen’s Roads -(off Bembridge, Isle of Wight, facing Portsmouth) the place was found -convenient for two reasons. There was a convenient dip-well close to -the shore, which still exists to-day: and this water kept in wooden -butts used to keep so well, and unlike much other water did not turn -putrid when the ships had been at sea some time, that East Indiamen -were actually known to have brought back some of it home quite -fresh after being out to the East and remaining in the ship about a -twelvemonth. But besides the excellent water, the men used to be sent -ashore here to obtain sand for scrubbing the decks. One day it was -discovered that there was nothing so good as a piece of the stone of -the old St Helen’s Church, which had recently been abandoned, the relic -of which survives to-day only as a sea-mark. In those sacrilegious days -there was little respect for hallowed things, such as churches or -graves, and before long every ship that came to these roads would send -men ashore as a matter of course to fetch bits of the church and even -gravestones in small blocks. The suggestion is that thus when the decks -were rubbed with them the work was known as “holystoning,” and the -blocks themselves called “Bibles” or “Prayer-books.”[F] - -The men in these East Indiamen were divided into messes, of eight men, -their allotted space being between the guns, where the mess-traps were -arranged. The ‘tween decks had to be kept scrupulously clean, and -were inspected by the commander and surgeon. No work was allowed to -be performed on Sunday except what was necessary, though manuscript -journals rather show that this regulation was not much respected. -The crew were mustered in their best clothes, and then everyone that -could be spared was present at prayers. Dinner was served at noon, -and the passengers were given three courses and dessert, but without -fish. There was plenty of wine and beer, and there was also grog at -11 A.M. and 9 P.M. Champagne was drunk twice a week. There was a cow -carried, and later on the calf, which was always brought on board with -its mother, became veal when the ship had crossed the line and was -nearer India. In addition there were also ducks and fowls, sheep and -pigs, so that the ship’s boats and decks were often mildly suggestive -of a farmyard. The crew had grog served out to them at dinner-time -and on Saturday nights, when the time-honoured custom of “sweethearts -and wives” had not begun to die out. As we have seen from Addison’s -journals the ceremonies of crossing the line were kept up, and Eastwick -has instanced dances: and in addition theatricals were also given on -board to relieve the monotony of the long voyage. - -The men often employed their dog-watches to “make and mend,” or going -through their sea-chests, games or amusements. On Saturday nights there -would be songs and dancing. When they reached their Eastern port, the -men would unload the ship themselves without the assistance of natives. -And a ship in those days was far more independent of the shore than -even a sailing ship is to-day. There were no better riggers in the -world, and steel rope had not taken the place of hemp. We have seen -from Addison that in China the crews of the Company’s ships rowed guard -on Sundays among the ships in the harbour. The number of guns which -these ships carried has been mentioned at various dates throughout -these pages, and the men were drilled with about as much persistency -as in the Royal Navy of that time. The mediæval boarding-pike was -still in use, and they were drilled also in musket, cutlass and other -small-arms. Also quite naval fashion was the custom of holding courts -martial on board, the members being composed of the captain and -the four senior officers, the latter having always been sworn when -the captain took his oath prior to the ship’s sailing from London. -Discipline was strict even to harshness and cruelty, and punishments -were sometimes inflicted for the merest trivialities. At the same time -these crews were not as mild as a porcelain shepherdess, and they were -a tough, virile, desperate class as a whole. The reader will recollect -Addison’s entry in his journal that such and such a seaman was punished -“with a dozen” for insolence or neglect. This punishment was inflicted -over the bare back and shoulders by the brawny boatswain’s mate armed -with a cat-o’-nine-tails, the victim being triced up by the thumbs. And -when it was all over a bucket of salt water washed the blood away. Yes, -these men were reckless, they were a coarse lot of dare-devils, they -were ever ready to break all the laws and regulations which concerned -them. They would desert or cheat his Majesty’s customs, knock a man -down, drink far more than was good for them, yet for all that they were -true seamen to their finger-tips, who could be relied upon to go aloft -in all weathers, and the very fellows on whom you could rely when it -was a question of nerve and pluck. In battle, stripped to the waist, -they would fight with the utmost courage: and when punishment was -whacked out to them they bore it like true sons of Britain. - -They were kept fairly busy on board, yet as there were so many hands -no one could justly complain of being overworked as in the case of the -modern man-of-war. They had always plenty of food and grog, and they -knew that if they were killed in the Company’s service their wives and -dependents would be looked after. - -As for the ships themselves, they were of course all built of wood. -From roughly 1775 to well on into the nineteenth century they were -not only rigged, fitted out, manned and handled like the contemporary -frigates of the Royal Navy, but they were, in the first place, built -after their model, with one exception. The East Indiamen were a -fuller-bodied type, but the naval frigates, inasmuch as they were -built for speed and not for cargo, could afford to have finer lines. A -great deal of valuable room had to be wasted in the excessive amount -of pig-iron ballast which these ships had to carry. To call them fast -would not be truthful, but then there was no competition before the -year 1814, and so there was little need to hurry, and they certainly -were not driven. At the approach of night they snugged down, for there -was no premium awaiting them, however fast they made the voyage. If, -however, they endangered the ship or damaged the cargo they would not -only incur the East India Company’s displeasure, but detract from their -own privileges. - -Therefore before darkness overtook them these ships would always take -in their royals and fine-weather sails, and the royal yards would be -sent down on deck. If bad weather threatened them t’gallantsails and -mainsail would also be stowed, and a precautionary reef tucked in the -topsails. Thus these vessels never made record-breaking runs, and were -never given the opportunity of showing their fullest speed. Caution -was the dominating factor, and not speed. In other words, the policy -was the exact opposite of the clipper ships which were to follow: but -then the clippers were built for speed, and not for fighting. There was -in essentials very little difference between the hulls of the time of -James I. and of the early nineteenth century, if we omit the somewhat -elaborate external decoration which was peculiar to the Stuart times, -and give the ships their later triangular headsails, staysails and a -spanker instead of the old lateen mizen. The cumbrous hull was really -but little modified. Built of English oak, elm, and Indian teak, -copper-fastened throughout, the later ships of the Company were strong -and well-found, with good spars, stout rigging and canvas. Sometimes -they were built by the very men and on the very yard that had witnessed -the building of the King’s ships. - -One of the finest ships ever built for the Company was the famous -East Indiaman _Thames_. Happily that great marine artist of the early -nineteenth century, E. W. Cooke, sketched her in all her beauty, and -the accompanying illustration shows how she appeared in the year 1829. -This was a vessel of 1424 tons, with her general, massive appearance, -the strength of her gear, the gun-ports, the decorative stern with -its windows—the East Indiaman with all her striking characteristics -of picturesque power. A boat hangs in davits on either quarter, the -topsails are still single and very deep, with plenty of reef-points, -but the hull is certainly unnecessarily cumbrous and clumsy—impressive -rather than beautiful, strong rather than fine. But in any case she -would have been a pretty tough proposition for a contemporary hostile -ship to tackle, especially with such crews as she carried. Compared -with her contemporary, the West Indiaman _Thetis_ (which is here shown -in the act of getting under way off the Needles), the _Thames_ is a -more powerful fighting ship. But the West Indiamen were essentially -more suited for trade, and their capacity for cargo was very great. -They were mercantile craft pure and simple. - -One of the greatest disasters which ever befell any of these East -Indiamen was the loss of the _Kent_. This was a fine new ship which had -left the Downs on the 19th of February 1825. She was of 1350 tons, -so very similar to the _Thames_. She was bound out to China, calling -first at Bengal, and in her were travelling officers, troops, women and -children of the 31st Regiment, as well as twenty private passengers and -a crew of 148 officers and men. - -Favoured with a fine north-east wind the _Kent_ made, for her class of -vessel, a quick passage down the English Channel, and on the 23rd was -out in the Atlantic pitching to the swell. Interrupted occasionally -with bad weather the stately ship pursued her way across the Bay of -Biscay for another five days, when a heavy gale from the south-west -sprang up, and the following morning the weather got worse: the fair -wind which had brought them down Channel now headed them and tormented. -The bigger sails were taken in, and others were close reefed. -Topgallant-yards had to be struck, and so violent was the gale that -by the morning of the 1st of March the vessel had to be hove-to under -a triple-reefed main-topsail only. In other words, there was only the -merest patch of canvas allowed on her. - -[Illustration: THE WEST INDIAMAN “THETIS” (CAPTAIN BURTON). - -This shows an Early Nineteenth Century first-class ship employed in the -West Indian trade.] - -She was rolling very badly, and life-lines were run along the deck -for the whole watch of soldiers to hang on by. For the women and -children below, matters were alarming and unpleasant in those cooped-up -quarters. So heavily did the _Kent_ roll that at every lurch her main -chains were well below the water. Things were bad enough on deck, but -below the furniture and other articles had broken away from their -cleats and were being violently dashed about both in the cabins and -the cuddy. In order to see whether everything was all right below in -the hold, one of the ship’s officers went down with a couple of -seamen, in case anything might have broken adrift and be endangering -the hull. He took with him a patent safety lantern, but as the lamp -was burning dimly he handed it up to the orlop deck to be trimmed. He -then discovered that one of the spirit casks had got adrift, and sent -the two men to get some wood to wedge it up. Soon afterwards the ship -gave a heavy lurch, so that the officer most unfortunately dropped the -lantern. In his eagerness to recover it he let go his hold of the cask, -and there was a smash. Instantly the spirits reached the lamp and the -whole of the afterhold was in a blaze. - -Here was a terrible position: a raging storm outside and a raging fire -within. Clouds of smoke came up the hatchway and were blown violently -to leeward as the wind fanned the flames. The captain of the ship -gave his orders, and both the seamen and the troops worked their very -hardest with buckets, pumps, wet sails, hammocks—anything in fact that -could be employed to put the fire out. But far from decreasing the -conflagration was spreading, and smoke came up in volumes from all four -hatchways. The captain now ordered the lower decks to be scuttled, the -combings of the hatches to be cut, and the ports to be opened, so that -all the sea possible might have a free entry. Meanwhile some of the -sick soldiers, a woman and several children, unable to gain the upper -deck, had perished. - -As some of the passengers went below they met one of the mates -staggering up the hatchway, exhausted and almost senseless. He reported -that he had just stumbled over some dead bodies, who must have -perished in the suffocating smoke. With difficulty the lower ports -could be opened owing to the atmosphere, but when the passengers at -last succeeded the sea came pouring in, carrying chests and bulkheads -before it. Happily the tons of water which made their way into the -hold checked the fury of the flames and decreased the possibility of -explosion, which had been the greatest fear. But now the ship was -fairly water-logged, and death from explosion was apparently to give -way to death by drowning. Efforts were therefore made to close the -ports again, and batten down the hatches and stifle the fire. The -occasion was terrifying in the extreme, for it was merely a question as -to how long the grave position could be tolerated. Six or seven hundred -human beings in the agony of suspense—often more trying than physical -pain itself—were on the upper deck. Some had been suffering the pangs -of seasickness for days, many had rushed up from below with no time -to slip on warm clothes, others were seeking out husbands, wives or -children. Some were standing resigned to their fate, while others, as -is always the case on such occasions, were indulging in despair and -frenzy. Some were saying their prayers, while some of the toughest of -the soldiers and seamen took up their positions immediately over the -magazine in the hope that when the explosion came at any moment they -might be blown into eternity without delay. Every man, woman and child -was, to use a fitting expression, “bump up against the inevitable,” and -everyone acted according to his or her character in this time of crisis. - -Meanwhile the seas were making game of the ship, and suddenly the -_Kent’s_ binnacle broke away and was dashed to pieces on the deck. This -was taken as a particularly bad omen by some, and the end was being -awaited as certain. But just then the fourth mate decided to send a man -up to the foretop in case—and it was not even a slender hope—that a -distant ship might be descried. With dramatic suddenness the man, after -scanning the horizon, began waving his hat and shouting. - -“A sail on the lee bow!” he exclaimed, and the announcement was -received with three cheers. Flags of distress were at once hoisted, -minute guns began to be fired, and setting the three topsails and -foresail the _Kent_ ran down to the direction of the stranger. This was -found to be the brig _Cambria_, of 200 tons burthen, on her way from -Falmouth to Vera Cruz with a number of Cornish miners on board. After -the _Kent’s_ signals had been hoisted there followed a further period -of suspense. Had the brig seen the signals? Had the sound of the guns -reached her in the violence of the gale? But presently the stranger was -seen to hoist British colours and to crowd on all sail, in spite of the -gale. Her captain was evidently determined to assist if he could. - -There are those who say that the age of miracles has ended, but the -good fortune of falling in with the _Cambria_ was really far more -extraordinary than may seem to the modern reader. To-day the continuous -stream of traffic across the Bay of Biscay—liners, men-of-war, tramp -steamers and a few sailing ships—is something very considerably -greater than at the time of which we are speaking. To-day, if such an -occurrence took place in a ship bound for India, there would always -be shipping in the vicinity and wireless would summon assistance -before very long. But at this time there were no lines of steamships -ploughing their regular furrow across the Bay. There were few -ocean-going vessels of any sort, and you might cross the ocean time -after time without sighting another craft. It was therefore one of -those rare instances that the _Cambria_ should have chanced to be -anywhere in the neighbourhood. - -As the ships were lessening the intervening distance, the _Kent’s_ -boats were being got ready. The ship’s commander consulted with the -colonel and major of the regiment, and provision was made to prevent -that dreaded incident in such a case as this, which has sometimes -marred the whole picture of self-sacrifice and resignation. Some of the -soldiers and seamen in the _Kent_ seemed to give evidence of being the -ones to rush the boats at the first opportunity. To thwart this, some -of the military officers stood over them with drawn swords, and this -had a wholesome effect. - -[Illustration: THE “KENT,” EAST INDIAMAN, ON FIRE IN THE BAY OF BISCAY. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -The starboard boat was filled with women and children so far as its -capacity allowed, these people getting into her through the cuddy-port -on that side. The boat was then lowered away into a sea that was so -awful that it seemed impossible for the little craft to live many -minutes. Even as it touched the water the usual difficulty occurred—and -it must have been much worse in those days when there were no patent -davits or disengaging gear. The tackle was unhooked only with -difficulty, and the boat narrowly escaped being dashed to fragments -against the great, heavy hull of the _Kent_. Over the sea the people -in the _Kent_ watched the load of human lives, now on the summit of -a wave crest, now disappearing in the trough. But at length, after -this further suspense, strong British arms pulled her alongside the -_Cambria_, and the first human being to be lifted into the _Cambria_ -was an infant of only a few weeks old. - -The passage had taken twenty minutes between the sinking and rescuing -ships, and after this load had been received on board, the other boat -came off. One of the passengers in the _Cambria_ who watched the -incident afterwards stated that the seas were so big that when the two -ships happened to be in a trough of sea at the same time, the _Kent_, -great as she was, could not be seen for the intervening mountain wave. -The _Cambria_ had wisely taken up her position some distance from the -_Kent_, fearing that if there were an explosion she might be badly -injured. But evidently the _Kent’s_ boats on their return journey -had to row to windward, and this was not easy. Owing to the seas now -running these boats could not come alongside the _Kent_ again: so the -women and children had to be tied together in twos and then lowered -from the stern, the boat doing its best to be immediately underneath at -the right time. Everyone who has had experience of the sea knows how -difficult this must have been, and it happened that many of these poor -women were unwillingly ducked several times in the sea before being -received half-drowned and half-dead with terror into the boats. Still, -not one of this sex was lost thereby, though some of the children -perished with exhaustion and shock. - -Some of the soldiers behaved with great gallantry, and worked hard to -save the women and children, to their own danger. The _Kent_ had six -boats, but three had been swamped or stove in during the trips between -the two vessels. All this time the flames were spreading worse than -ever, and as the daylight was drawing to a close it became a race -against time, for there were still many passengers on board, although -many had been taken off to the _Cambria_. The _Kent’s_ captain had a -rope made fast to the outer end of the spanker-boom, and after walking -out to the end of this spar the men had to slip down by the rope into -the remaining boats below. Many landsmen, however, dreaded this means -of escape so much that they preferred to throw themselves out of the -stern windows. Rafts were constructed out of spars, hen-coops and other -materials, and acted as a means of reaching the boats. But now night -had fallen over the wreck. Some of the baser passengers who remained -still on board had drunk themselves speechless: others were prowling -about for spoil, whilst the ship’s poultry and pigs were turning the -ship into a mad farmyard. - -As the darkness came down the work of rescue was the more difficult. -The _Kent_ was now sunk ten feet below her marks, and squalls of wind -and rain together with the big seas made her hours of existence fewer. -The guns had burst their tackle owing to the action of the flames, and -as they fell into the hold exploded. There were still a few people left -in the ship, including the captain, but the latter, having in vain -tried to persuade the others to leave, left them too terror-stricken -and dumbfounded to move. Crawling out along the spanker-boom and -steadying himself by the topping lift, he dived into the sea and was -picked up by one of the boats. As the last boat left the side of the -_Kent_, flames burst through the cabin windows. Some of those who had -feared to leave the ship had also a miraculous escape. Driven by the -flames, they sheltered as best they could on the chains (where the -rigging joins the ship’s hull) and stood there till the masts went by -the board. They then clung to one of these masts until a ship named -the _Caroline_, bound from Egypt to Liverpool, saw the explosion when -three miles away and made all sail in its direction, and so picked -up fourteen survivors. The captain of the _Caroline_ stood by till -daylight, but was unable to find any more people. - -The magazine (which in East Indiamen ships was placed under the -forecastle) had exploded about 1.30 A.M., and portions of the old East -Indiaman that had set forth so well with a fair wind now rose into the -air like rockets. As for the survivors in the _Cambria_, they had been -hauled on board with difficulty by the Cornish miners standing in the -chains as the heave of the sea lifted the boats up to that level. The -women, surviving children and men were made as comfortable as possible, -in spite of the fact that 600 people in a brig of only 200 tons put a -somewhat heavy strain on the accommodation at their disposal, with a -heavy Atlantic gale blowing too. In a few days all the food and water -on board would give out, so, at the risk of carrying away his masts, -the captain of the brig drove her for all she was worth before the -gale, so that by the afternoon of 3rd March the Scillies were sighted, -and soon after midnight the ship had cast anchor in Falmouth harbour. -It was another miracle that the _Cambria_ arrived in Falmouth when -she did, for an hour after she had dropped anchor the wind flew right -round to north-east and remained there for several days. This would -have meant a head-wind for the brig, and meanwhile in this delay—for -those bluff old craft were very slow beating and could not sail very -close—many of her passengers must have died of starvation. - -At Falmouth the survivors disembarked, being met on the beach by huge -crowds, and were hospitably received in the houses of the inhabitants, -who also got up a subscription for the relief of the sufferers. A -service of thanksgiving was held, and a few days later the passengers -and sailors were sent to their homes, the troops embarking for Chatham, -while the sick and injured remained in hospital. Notwithstanding that -about six hundred had been saved, yet eighty-two had perished in this -disaster. Some of the seamen belonging to the _Kent_ had certainly -behaved in a cowardly manner by refusing to go back and fetch the -remainder of their shipmates until they were compelled by the captain -of the _Cambria_. It is such instances as these which make one wonder -whether those rough characters were always as brave as we have -preferred to hope they were. - -The captain of the _Cambria_ for his fine seamanship and the excellent -manner in which he directed the rescue was awarded the sum of £150 -from the War Office, with smaller sums to the mate, crew and miners. -The East India Company, in compensation for the losses and expenses -caused by this rescue, sent the sum of £287, 11s. to the captain of the -_Cambria_ for payment of the bill of provisions, £287, 10s. on account -of the owners for the food of the passengers, and £300 for demurrage. -In addition, they presented the _Cambria’s_ captain with the sum of -£600, the first mate £100, and varying sums to the crew and miners. -Other presents were also made by Lloyd’s, the Royal Humane Society, the -Royal Exchange Assurance, and the Liverpool underwriters. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[E] For some details in this connection I am indebted to Lindsay’s -“History of Merchant Shipping,” as well as to an article in _The -Mariner’s Mirror_, vol. i., No. 1. - -[F] Mentioned in Captain E. du Boulay’s “Bembridge, Past and Present.” - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -THE COMPANY’S NAVAL SERVICE - - -Primarily, of course, the East Indiamen were built fitted out and -manned for the purpose of trade: but owing to circumstances they were -compelled to engage in hostilities both offensive and defensive. The -result was that these ships figured in more fights than any essentially -mercantile ships (as distinct from pirates, privateers and other -sea-rovers) that have ever been built. - -It is necessary at the outset to distinguish carefully between what -became known subsequently as the Indian Navy and the Company’s merchant -ships. The former existed to protect the latter, by suppressing both -local and nomadic pirates of all kinds, by convoying East Indiamen and -even carrying troops when necessary, and by performing other duties, -such as surveying, in addition to existing as a defence against any -aggressive projects of rival nations. The Indian Navy evolved from -the Bombay Marine. It is not necessary to recapitulate the history -of the East India Company and the rise of its mercantile fleet: it -is sufficient to state that with the establishment of factories on -shore and the passing and repassing of valuable freights over seas -frequented by hostile ships some sort of local force was essential. -The Portuguese had their Indian Navy, consisting of large, ocean-going -vessels and small-draught craft for operating in shallow local waters, -the crews being composed of Portuguese, slaves and Hindoos. It was -therefore natural enough that the English should soon find it necessary -to fit out ships capable of meeting the enemy on a fairly even basis. -Furthermore, the Bombay trade had been so much interfered with by the -attacks from Malabar pirates that it became essential to build small -armed vessels to protect merchant craft. The result was that Warwick -Pett, of that famous shipbuilding family which had been building -vessels in England from the early Tudor times, was sent out in the -seventeenth century to Bombay to construct suitable ships. Local craft -were also employed, and very useful they were found in negotiating -shallow waters.[G] - -Throughout most of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the East -India Company’s cruisers were kept actively employed in suppressing -the native pirates who roamed the Indian Ocean and attacked with great -daring and ingenuity. They hung about off the entrance to the Red Sea, -found a snug base near the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, strengthened -it with fortifications for the protection of themselves and their -shipping, and eventually moved to Madagascar, which was to be a famous -base for those notorious eighteenth-century pirates of European and -North American origin, whose names are familiar to most schoolboys. - -[Illustration: THE “CAMBRIA” BRIG, RECEIVING ON BOARD THE LAST -BOAT-LOAD FROM THE “KENT,” EAST INDIAMAN, WHEN THE LATTER WAS BEING -BURNT. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -The year 1697 was marked by attacks on the Company’s ships, not -merely by pirates, but by the French. Three of these East Indiamen were -attacked, plundered and burned by pirate craft flying English colours. -Two more of the Company’s ships were captured by the French, so things -were serious enough. The matter was reported to England, and a squadron -of four well-armed ships was accordingly sent out to extirpate these -robbers of the sea. In fact, the pirate problem became so great that -by a mutual agreement the English, French and Dutch eventually agreed -to an arrangement for policing the Eastern seas for the purpose of -destroying their common foe. Thus the English looked after the southern -Indian Ocean, the Dutch were responsible for the Red Sea, and the -French for the Persian Gulf. - -The English Indian Marine had sometimes to be strengthened by seamen -from the Company’s merchant ships, and very gallant fighters they -proved themselves to be. Arabian pirates roamed about over the whole -of the Indian seas, and having become emboldened with success actually -built more ships and formed what was in fact a navy of their own. Their -ships were well armed and their men were excellent both as seamen and -fighters, and as soon as ever the English men-of-war moved off, these -pirates, swooping down on coast or ship, would act as they liked. - -After the occupation by the English of Bombay and that island becoming -a presidency, the naval force there developed under the name of the -Bombay Marine, under the command of an admiral, drafts of officers and -men being obtained from ships arriving from Europe. For years this -service had indeed fought against privateers, pirates, Portuguese, -Dutch and French, to defend both ships and factories of the Company. -In a smaller, but still an important, degree they had been called upon -also to keep out those interloping English ships which had no lawful -right to trade with India. Looking back through the first century -of the Company’s existence, its ships had captured the Island of St -Helena in 1601. Eight years later the _Solomon_ had defeated several -Portuguese ships. In 1612 the Company’s fleet had again defeated the -Portuguese fleet in India, and the year after this incident had been -repeated. In 1616 a valuable Portuguese frigate had been taken and the -Dutch severely defeated at Batavia. Four of the Company’s ships in 1619 -and 1620 defeated yet another Portuguese fleet. The capture of Ormuz -in 1622 had been made by the Company’s fleet acting with the King of -Persia’s forces. In 1635 Bombay had been recaptured by the Company’s -fleet, but it was not till 1662 that England sent out men-of-war to -India for the protection of the Company’s interests. Therefore, during -its first sixty years the Company had to act both as merchants and a -naval power without any external aid, such as trade had a right to -demand. - -If the Bombay Marine was distinctly a small service as regards numbers, -it was certainly very gallant, and many a fine incident bright with -bravery and daring belongs to its history. During the war with France -a number of ships belonging to the Bombay Marine were attached to the -Royal Navy on service in the waters that wash the coasts of India, and -rendered good service in this capacity. For although the real theatre -of war between England and France was not in the Orient, yet some -severe, if indecisive, engagements were here fought, and the Company’s -ships, if smaller in size, were a valuable form of assistance. About -the middle of the eighteenth century the Marine consisted of about -twenty ships, and these were essential for protecting the progress -of the mercantile East Indiamen, for without such convoys it was -impossible for those rich freights ever to have traversed the Indian -Ocean. It was the Bombay Marine, also, who made surveys of part of the -Arabian, Persian, the west coast of Media and other coasts, and all -this was to be for the benefit of navigation and trade generally. - -By the beginning of the nineteenth century the Bombay Marine consisted -of a couple of frigates, three sloops-of-war, fourteen brigs, in -addition to prizes and vessels specially purchased for the service, and -a few years before that, when Napoleon was contemplating his big scheme -in connection with Egypt, which was to be the stepping-stone to India, -a naval force was sent from England to cruise in the Red Sea. But, as -everyone now knows, the Battle of the Nile prevented these vessels from -having any serious work to perform. And when eventually hostilities -were resumed, the Bombay Marine had to protect the trade in the Bay -of Bengal. This they did with such thoroughness that British merchant -ships were singularly free from capture. In spite of the opposition in -some quarters, and the prejudice against India-built ships, some of the -biggest vessels of the Bombay Marine were built in India, and excellent -craft they proved themselves to be. - -One of the most interesting incidents connected with the Bombay Marine -during the early part of the nineteenth century was that in which the -_Mornington_ sloop-of-war figures conspicuously. The French privateers, -especially _La Confiance_ (of which we spoke on an earlier page) and -_L’Eugénie_, were most harassing to any craft navigating the vicinity -of the East Indian coast. The commander of the _Mornington_ was Captain -Frost, and he was determined to bring _L’Eugénie_ to book. For a time -the latter evaded him, and he then hit upon a smart idea. He succeeded -in altering the _Mornington’s_ appearance so that even her own builder -would scarcely have recognised her. In order to prevent any suspicion -of her seeming a warship, Captain Frost added to his ship a false -poop, so that she looked just like a country ship. He changed also -the painting of the hull and added patches of dirty old canvas to -the sails, and after a while she seemed to be anything but the smart -sloop-of-war which she really was. - -When this transformation had been completed, the _Mornington_ took -up her position to cruise about the track where the French ship was -likely to be hovering, and before long the look-out aloft espied -the privateer. The _Mornington_ then continued her game of bluff -and altered her course as if she was anxious to get away from the -Frenchman. The latter, unsuspecting, began to work up towards the -English ship, and by sunset was getting quite near. After darkness -had fallen the _Mornington_ ran under easy sail, and presently the -Frenchman hailed, asking the ship’s name, ordering them to heave-to. -Too late the privateer discovered that he had been ensnared and fired -into the _Mornington_, mortally wounding a seaman and injuring the -running gear. Captain Frost now determined to injure the enemy’s -rigging and sails aloft, and thus cripple him to such an extent that -_L’Eugénie_ would not be able to get the windward berth. So chasing -him he blazed away at the Frenchman. It was an exciting chase and -lasted for three hours. So anxious was the privateer to escape that -she threw overboard guns and boats and spars as she went: but at -the end of this time the _Mornington_ had come up alongside and the -Frenchman’s captain hailed and begged the Englishman to cease firing -as they had surrendered. Very shortly the privateer became an English -prize, though she was found to be so crippled that she could not beat -to windward. But it was a great relief when the news reached India that -this mosquito craft had been taken away from any further possibility -of preying on the peaceful merchant ships; and by the irony of events -she who had formerly spent her time in attacking these trading craft -was now to become their protector, for the Government added her to -the service and the command was given to the senior lieutenant of the -_Mornington_. - -The Bombay dockyard by the end of the second decade of the nineteenth -century was building such big warships as a ‘74 and ‘84 gun -line-of-battle ship, the latter being of 2289 tons. Other big warships -were also being constructed, and even those most conservative of -sailormen who had always believed exclusively in oak were able after -trial to concede that better ships than these Indian teak craft could -not be desired. And the men and officers were like their ships. -Continuously they seemed to be subject to service, and always they came -through it well. French and Dutch, pirates of the Indian Ocean or the -Persian Gulf, privateers of France, England or America, it was much -the same; the Bombay Marine had to do its work, being hurried here and -there to fight and conquer. And when the short intervals of respite -occurred these hard-worked people took up again their surveying duties -between those distant regions of the Cape of Good Hope and the Sea of -Japan and northwards to the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. At the close -of the Burmese War the officers and men of the Bombay Marine received -the thanks of both Houses of Parliament, for no fewer than five of the -Company’s cruisers had served throughout the campaign. - -But the time was at hand for a series of changes in the Bombay Marine. -First of all we must call attention to the law passed in the year -1826 by which it was decreed that henceforth any naval force that -was sent out from England by his Majesty to the East Indies on the -representation of the East India Company’s Court of Directors, for the -purpose of hostilities against native powers, was to be paid for by the -Company. The Marine Board which controlled this Company’s naval force -consisted of the Superintendent, the Master-Attendant, the Commodore of -the Harbour and the senior captain. To be Commodore at Surat or in the -Persian Gulf, or Master-Attendant at Calcutta was also to enjoy one of -the plums of the service reserved for those who had served long years. -But after twenty-two years’ service an officer could retire with the -following pay:— - - Master-Attendant and Commodore £450 a year - Captain of the First Class 360 “ - Captain of the Second Class 270 “ - First Lieutenant 180 “ - -If an officer were to retire after ten years’ service, owing to -ill-health, he was granted one-half of the above allowance. But except -from the cause of ill-health no officer was allowed to come home on -furlough under ten years. - -During the year 1827 the whole condition of the Bombay Marine was -inquired into, and as a result the service was changed from a Marine -established purely for war purposes into something of a curious -character. The officers were embodied into a regiment called the -Marine Corps, and a regular packet service was established. The larger -warships of the service were made more efficient, new ships were -added, and a uniform approximating more to that of the Royal Navy was -sanctioned. Finally, from the 1st of May 1830 the Bombay Marine was -changed to the Indian Navy, and this in turn came to an end in the year -1863. Beginning as an adjunct of the East India Company it rendered -a varied and important series of services during a period extending -over two and a half centuries. It had combated the hostility of the -Portuguese and Dutch in those early days when the English Company was -struggling to get a secure foothold in India. It had made history -along the Persian Gulf, it had inflicted punishment on privateers and -pirates, it had protected the mercantile East Indiamen, it had assisted -the British navy wrestling with the French foe in the Orient. The -Company’s cruisers were, in fact, excellent fighting ships for their -size, commanded by gallant officers and well manned by able crews. -And when at last this service was abolished, many were the indignant -outcries against such a step. However, it had long survived the -existence of the Company’s maritime service, both as regards India -and China, and a new order of things in India had already begun to be -inaugurated. The story of the East India Company’s navy, as distinct -from its maritime or mercantile service, is that of a comparatively -small force doing wonders for two and a half centuries, showing great -gallantry, enterprise, and enduring much hardship. Its last years were -conspicuously marked by red tape, yet the time had clearly come for -a change, and the last link was snapped that had connected the old -East Indiamen of historic memory with the period of steamships and the -modern men-of-war. Sentiment is an excellent thing in its way, and one -of the undoubted forces of the world, yet when it comes into collision -with efficiency it is not the latter which must give way. To-day the -Royal Indian Marine contains just as gallant and able a personnel as -in the past, and the name of Lieutenant Bowers of this service, who -died in Captain Scott’s expedition to the South Pole, will at once be -remembered. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[G] I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness in this chapter to Captain -Rathbone Low’s “History of the Indian Navy.” - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -OFFENCE AND DEFENCE - - -We have made reference during the course of our story to the grave -risks which were run by the mercantile East Indiamen in regard to -pirates and privateers. It will now be our duty to give some instances -of these and to show that if the captains and officers of the Company’s -ships received big rewards for their few voyages, they were certainly -entitled to a high rate of remuneration considering the dangers which -had to be encountered as regards ships, cargoes and human lives. The -very essential basis of overseas trade is that trade-carriers shall be -able to go about their lawful business with some certainty of not being -attacked on the way. To-day, if a war broke out between our own and -some other country possessing a navy, the merchant ships would be so -endangered that they would either have to remain in port or else wait -till our cruisers could convoy them. - -To a certain extent this happened in the time when the East Indiamen -flourished. But some say that to-day privateering could not be revived, -and in any case piracy, if not quite dead in the East (and for that -matter off the north coast of Africa), has been so heavily crushed, -thanks to the good work of the Royal Navy, that it would not avail -much against our big modern liners and freight-carriers. But in the -days with which this present volume is concerned, piracy was a very -real, flourishing concern: and quite apart from all the long-drawn-out -hostilities between our country and other powers this remained an -eternal source of anxiety to an East Indiaman captain. If he could not -meet the pirate on an equal footing the end would come quickly and -decisively, for the pirate captains were often enough of British origin -and just as fine seamen and fighters as any in the employ of the East -India Company. - -Take the case of Captain John Bowen, who about the year 1700 used to -cruise over the Indian Ocean between the Malabar coast and Madagascar, -making piracy his serious trade. One day he fell in with an English -East Indiaman homeward bound from Bengal under the command of a Captain -Conway. In a very short space of time she had been overcome, made a -prize of, taken into port, and both her hull and her cargo put up -for sale to the highest bidders, which consisted of three merchants -glad to obtain the spoil at their own price. A little later on the -East Indiaman _Pembroke_, having put into Mayotta for water, and -being promptly boarded by the boats of the pirates, whose men killed -the chief mate and one seaman, the ship was taken. Some idea of the -experiences which beset the East Indiamen may be gathered from a letter -dated from Bombay on 16th November 1720 by a certain Captain Mackra, -who was in command of one of the Company’s ships. - -“We arrived on the 25th of July last,” he writes, “in company with the -_Greenwich_, at Juanna, an island not far from Madagascar. Putting in -there to refresh our men we found fourteen pirates who came in their -canoes from the Mayotta, where the pirate ship to which they belonged, -viz, the _Indian Queen_, two hundred and fifty tons, twenty-eight guns, -and ninety men, commanded by Captain Oliver de la Bouche bound from -the Guinea Coast to the East Indies had been bulged [_i.e._ “bilged”], -had been lost. They said they left the captain and forty of their men -building a new vessel to proceed on their wicked designs. Captain Kirby -and I concluding that it might be of great service to the East Indian -Company to destroy such a nest of rogues, were ready to sail for that -purpose on the 17th of August, about eight o’clock in the morning, -when we discovered two pirates standing into the bay of Juanna, one of -thirty-four, and the other of thirty-six guns. I immediately went on -board the _Greenwich_, where they seemed very diligent in preparation -for an engagement, and I left Captain Kirby with mutual promises of -standing by each other. I then unmoored, got under sail, and brought -two boats ahead to row me close to the _Greenwich_: but he being open -to a valley and a breeze, made the best of his way from me: which an -Ostender[H] in our company, of twenty-two guns, seeing, did the same, -though the captain had promised heartily to engage with us, and I -believe would have been as good as his word, if Captain Kirby had kept -his. About half-an-hour after twelve, I called several times to the -_Greenwich_ to bear down to our assistance, and fired a shot at him, -but to no purpose: for though we did not doubt but he would join us -because, when he got about a league from us he brought his ship to -and looked on, yet both he and the Ostender basely deserted us, and -left us engaged with barbarous and inhuman enemies, with their black -and bloody flags hanging over us, without the least appearance of ever -escaping, but to be cut to pieces. But God, in his good providence, -determined otherwise: for notwithstanding their superiority, we engaged -them both about three hours: during which time the biggest of them -received some shot betwixt wind and water, which made her keep off a -little to stop her leaks. The other endeavoured all she could to board -us, by rowing with her oars, being within half a ship’s length of us -above an hour: but by good fortune we shot all her oars to pieces, -which prevented them, and by consequence saved our lives. - -[Illustration: THE “VERNON,” EAST INDIAMAN, 1,000 TONS. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -“About four o’clock most of the officers and men posted on the -quarter-deck being killed and wounded, the largest ship making up to -us with diligence, being still within a cable’s length of us, often -giving us a broadside, there being now no hopes of Capt. Kirby coming -to our assistance, we endeavoured to run ashore: and though we drew -four feet more of water than the pirate, it pleased God that he struck -on a higher ground than happily we fell in with: so was disappointed -a second time from boarding us. Here we had a more violent engagement -than before: all my officers and most of my men behaved with unexpected -courage: and, as we had a considerable advantage by having a broadside -to his bow, we did him great damage: so, that had Captain Kirby come -in then, I believe we should have taken both the vessels, for we had -one of them sure: but the other pirate (who was still firing at us) -seeing the _Greenwich_ did not offer to assist us, supplied his consort -with three boats full of fresh men. About five in the evening the -_Greenwich_ stood clear away to sea, leaving us struggling hard for -life, in the very jaws of death: which the other pirate that was afloat -seeing, got a warp out, and was hauling under our stern. - -“By this time many of my men being killed and wounded, and no hopes -left us of escaping being all murdered by enraged barbarous conquerors, -I ordered all that could to get into the long-boat, under the cover of -the smoke of our guns: so that, with what some did in boats, and others -by swimming, most of us that were able got ashore by seven o’clock. -When the pirates came aboard, they cut three of our wounded men to -pieces. I with some of my people made what haste I could to King’s -town, twenty-five miles from us, where I arrived next day, almost dead -with the fatigue and loss of blood, having been sorely wounded in the -head by a musket-ball. - -“At this town I heard that the pirates had offered ten thousand dollars -to the country people to bring me in, which many of them would have -accepted, only they knew the king and all his chief people were in my -interest. Meantime I caused a report to be circulated that I was dead -of my wounds, which much abated their fury. About ten days after, being -pretty well recovered, and hoping the malice of our enemy was near -over, I began to consider the dismal condition we were reduced to: -being in a place where we had no hopes of getting a passage home, all -of us in a manner naked, not having had time to bring with us either a -shirt or a pair of shoes, except what we had on. Having obtained leave -to go on board the pirates with a promise of safety, several of the -chief of them knew me, and some of them had sailed with me, which I -found to be of great advantage; because, notwithstanding their promise, -some of them would have cut me to pieces, and all that would not enter -with them, had it not been for their chief captain, Edward England, and -some others whom I knew. They talked of burning one of their ships, -which we had so entirely disabled as to be no farther useful to them, -and to fit the _Cassandra_ in her room. But in the end I managed the -affair so well, that they made me a present of the said shattered ship, -which was Dutch built, and called the _Fancy_: her burden was about -three hundred tons. I procured also a hundred and twenty-nine bales -of the Company’s cloth, though they would not give me a rag of my own -clothes. - -“They sailed on the 3rd of September: and I, with the jury masts, and -such old sails as they left me, made a shift to do the like on the 8th, -together with forty-three of my ship’s crew, including two passengers -and twelve soldiers: having no more than five tuns of water aboard. -After a passage of forty-eight days, I arrived here on the 26th of -October, almost naked and starved, having been reduced to a pint of -water a day, and almost in despair of ever seeing land, by reason of -the calms we met with between the coast of Arabia and Malabar. - -“We had in all thirteen men killed and twenty-four wounded: and we were -told that we destroyed about ninety or a hundred of the pirates. When -they left us, there were about three hundred whites and eight blacks -in both ships. I am persuaded had our consort of the _Greenwich_ done -his duty, we had destroyed both of them, and got two hundred thousand -pounds for our owners and selves: whereas the loss of the _Cassandra_ -may justly be imputed to his deserting us. I have delivered all the -bales that were given me into the company’s warehouse, for which the -governor and council have ordered me a reward. Our governor, Mr Boon, -who is extremely kind and civil to me, had ordered me home with the -packet: but Captain Harvey who had a prior promise, being come in with -the fleet, goes in my room. The governor had promised me a country -voyage to help to make up my losses, and would have me stay and -accompany him to England next year.” - -This Captain England was a notorious sea-pirate and had made many a -capture of an innocent merchant ship, and now commanded the _Victory_, -which as the _Peterborough_ he had previously captured. He used -Madagascar as his base for attacking East Indiamen, though he had -sailed into most of the seas of the world on the look-out for his -victims. It was only after remaining a short time at Madagascar that -they had proceed to Juanna and fallen in with the two English East -Indiamen and one Ostender. Captain Mackra was certainly lucky to have -got off with his life and also with even a crippled ship to reach -India. But England, villain that he was, respected Mackra as a brave -seaman, and with difficulty succeeded in restraining the pirate crew -from exhausting their fury upon the East Indiaman captain. In fact this -generosity towards Mackra was eventually the undoing of England, for -the crew considered the treatment had not been in accordance with the -severe traditions of pirates, and England was deprived of his command. - -Captains of the East Indiamen had to be masters of resource no less -than able tacticians and shipmasters. In the month of January 1797 the -French Rear-Admiral Sercey was splendidly outwitted by the captain of -one of the East India Company’s merchant ships. It happened on this -wise. Admiral Sercey was commanding a squadron of six frigates and was -returning to the Isle of France. When he was off the east end of Java -he descried what appeared to be a considerable force, and before the -day had ended counted himself very fortunate to have escaped them. -That, indeed, was how it appeared to him. But looked at from the -opposite point of view we have to consider half-a-dozen homeward-bound -East Indiamen all richly laden, and not one of them a warship. The -commodore of this merchant squadron was Captain Charles Lennox, whose -ship was the _Woodford_. On the morning of the day mentioned he was -alarmed to see Admiral Sercey’s frigate squadron and feared for the -safety of the Indiamen under his own charge. Here was a dilemma indeed. -These six merchantmen were not the equal of the six frigates in a -fight: therefore an engagement must be avoided. But, on the other hand, -if the merchantmen attempted to crowd on all sail and run away this -would be an admission of inferior strength and the Frenchman would be -bound to attack at once. - -So with much ingenuity Lennox devised a piece of bluff. In order to -deceive Sercey, the English commodore hoisted the blue flag of the -French Rear-Admiral Rainier at the mizen, and made all the other five -ships to hoist pennants and ensigns to correspond, for it must be -remembered that in appearance a French frigate and one of the Company’s -East Indiamen were very similar at a distance. In addition he had the -audacity to detach two of his ships and send them on to reconnoitre -the French squadron. These approached the French reconnoitring frigate -_Cybèle_, and the latter’s captain, having had a good look at the -enemy, made the signal at her mast-head, “The enemy is superior in -force to the French,” and crowding on sail rejoined Sercey’s squadron. -The French admiral therefore caused his ships to make sail and escape, -though when one of his vessels—the _Forte_—had the misfortune to carry -away her maintopmast he was more than surprised to notice that the -English did not continue their chase. But inasmuch as the captain of -the _Cybèle_ had assured him that the enemy’s force consisted of two -line-of-battle ships and four frigates he felt that he was justified -in retreating and declining fight. So it came about that the six East -Indiamen were able to congratulate themselves on escaping, and the -French rear-admiral was no less pleased to have avoided an engagement. -But you may judge of the latter’s anger and chagrin four weeks later -when, on arriving at the Isle of France, he learned that Admiral -Rainier had not been near the straits (where the East Indiamen were -sighted), and that therefore six rich merchant ships which ought to -have been captured had been allowed literally to slip through his -fingers. - -From time immemorial the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Persia had been -the happy hunting-ground of pirates, and the mouth of the Red Sea, -from its strategical position, was another favourite resort. There -is on record an incident belonging to the year 1696, when the pirates -attacked a Bombay ship commanded by an Englishman named Sawbridge, -whose cargo consisted of Arab horses for Surat. The pirates were able -to seize the ship, whereupon Sawbridge began to expostulate with them -as to their manner of life. On this they ordered him to be silent, but -as he continued to speak they took a sail-needle and twine and sewed -his lips together, keeping him like this for several hours with his -hands tied behind him. They then at length unloosed both his hands and -his lips and took him on board their own ship, and having successfully -plundered Sawbridge’s vessel they set it on fire, burning both her and -the horses. Sawbridge was set ashore at Aden, together with his people, -but it is not surprising to learn that he soon died. - -Now the pirate in this case was not an Oriental, but that notorious -blackguard Captain Avery, who certainly knew better. The pirates, -however, of whom we are now to speak as enemies of the East Indiamen -ships were those Easterns who dwelt on the Arabian side of the Persian -Gulf and were known by the name of Joassamees. They were seamen by -nature and occupation, trading with their vessels to Bussorah, Bushire, -Muscat and India. Finding that to plunder the big merchant ships which -now came to the Persian Gulf was a profitable concern, they applied -themselves with great assiduity to that task, and became even more -ambitious. About the year 1797 one of the East India Company’s warships -was lying at anchor in the inner roads of Bushire (on the Persian side -of the Gulf). Her name was the _Viper_ and she carried ten guns. -Anchored in the harbour were some Joassamee dhows, but as they had -always respected or feared the British flag no hostile measures had -been taken against them by British ships. The commanders of these -dhows had applied to the Persian agent of the East India Company for a -supply of gunpowder and cannon shot, and as the agent had no suspicion -of their intentions he furnished them with an order to the commanding -officer on board for the quantity required. - -The captain of the _Viper_ was ashore at the time in the agent’s house, -but as the order was produced to the officer on board the powder and -shot were delivered and the dhows subsequently made sail. At this -moment the crew of the _Viper_ were below at breakfast, when suddenly -they were alarmed by a cannonade from two of the dhows directed at the -_Viper_. The Joassamees attempted to board, but the English officers -leaping on deck sent the crew to quarters, cut the _Viper’s_ cable and -got sail upon her so that she might have the advantage of manœuvring. A -regular engagement now followed between the _Viper_ and four dhows, all -being armed with guns and full of men. The commanding officer of the -_Viper_ was wounded, but after tying round a handkerchief still kept -the deck, till he fell with a ball entering his forehead. The command -then devolved on a midshipman, who continued the fight with great -bravery, and the result was that the dhows were beaten off and chased -out to sea. - -Reverting now to the Company’s purely mercantile ships it is well to -see how they were armed to withstand the attacks of their enemies. On -another page the reader will find the lines of one of the finest East -Indiamen of the early nineteenth century. This was one of the Company’s -ships which carried freight and passengers between England and India -and was not one of their cruisers belonging to the Bombay Marine. We -may take this vessel as typical of the biggest and most formidable type -of their ships at the time of which we are speaking. She measured 165 -feet 6½ inches long. Her length of keel (measured for tonnage) was -134 feet. Her extreme breadth was 42 feet, and the depth of her hold 17 -feet, her burthen working out at 1257 tons. Such a ship was armed with -twenty-six 18-pounders on her middle deck and ten 18-pounders on her -upper deck, with two more guns in the after ports as stern-chasers. One -of the greatest authorities on shipbuilding and naval architecture of -that time, who himself was a Fellow of the Royal Society, went so far -as to state that the biggest East Indiamen were not safe owing to their -bad design below water, adding that whenever these vessels got ashore -in bad weather they usually broke their floors and then filled with -water—so weakly constructed were they below. - -With respect to the armament of these ships, James, the famous naval -historian, in commenting on that incident in which Commodore Dance beat -off the French Admiral Linois (already related in another chapter), -says that each of the Indiamen under Dance carried from thirty to -thirty-six guns apiece, but the strongest of them was not a match for -the smallest 36-gun French frigate, and some of these East Indiamen -would have found it difficult to avoid yielding to the 22-gun corvette. -Speaking of these East Indiamen, he says: “Some of the ships carried -upon the main deck 26 medium 18-pounders, or ‘carronades,’ weighing -about 28 cwt. and of very little use: guns of this description, indeed, -have long since been exploded. Ten 18-pounder carronades on the -quarter-deck made up the 36 guns. Others of the ships, and those among -the largest, mounted long 12 and 6 pounders. No one of the crews, we -believe, exceeded 140 men, and that number included Chinese, Lascars, -etc. Moreover in fitting the ships, so much more attention had been -paid to stowage than to the means of attack and defence, that one and -sometimes two butts of water were lashed between the guns, and the -decks in general greatly lumbered.” - -The fact was that the old East Indiamen had to go about their work -under very trying conditions. They could not be built of more than a -certain tonnage for the reason that shipbuilders were not equal to the -task. Within their limited size of about 140 feet on the keel a very -great deal had to be got in. First and most important of all, the ship -must be able to carry a large amount of cargo. Without this she would -not be of service to the East India Company. Secondly, she carried -passengers and a large crew. This meant that the designer’s ingenuity -was further taxed to find accommodation for all. Then, although she -had to be strong enough to carry all her armament, yet she had to make -as fast a passage as she could with safety and caution. In short, like -all other ships she was a compromise, but the real difficulty was to -combine space, speed and fighting strength without one item ousting -the other. To-day the designer of our merchant ships has a difficult -problem; but he has not to consider so much how his ship would fare -in an engagement, but how he can get out of her the greatest speed -combined with the maximum amount of room for passengers and cargo. -He has to work on all sorts of data obtained from actual experience -of years and experiments made in tanks with wax models. But the -designers and builders of the old East Indiamen were tied down to the -frigate type and bound by convention. There was very little science in -shipbuilding, and practically all that they could do was to modify very -slightly the models which had been in vogue for so many generations. If -they had been in possession of greater theoretical knowledge, if they -could have been allowed to eliminate all thought of the ship being a -fighting unit, we should have seen, no doubt, the clipper era appearing -some years before it actually did. It is easy enough to find fault with -the old East Indiamen for their clumsiness, but it is much more just -to remember the conditions which were handicapping the designers and -builders of those times. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[H] That is to say a ship belonging to the Ostend East India Company. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -THE “WARREN HASTINGS” AND THE “PIÉMONTAISE” - - -One of the most gallant duels which was ever fought between a merchant -ship and a man-of-war is that which occurred in the year 1805: and -though eventually the former was at last captured, yet the engagement -none the less remains to her credit, since the fight lasted for four -hours and the enemy was compelled to haul off several times during the -action. The incident, in fact, affords an excellent example of the -readiness for hostilities which was so marked a feature of the old East -Indiamen. James has happily preserved to posterity a full account of -this, although in some instances he has not always done full credit to -the gallantry and determination of these merchant ships. And I shall -make no apology for availing myself of his detailed story. - -The _Warren Hastings_ was a vessel of 1200 tons, was armed with 44 -guns, and her crew consisted of 196 men and boys. She was therefore in -size, in armament and crew a distinctly formidable ship, her commander -being Captain Thomas Larkins. On the 17th of February 1805 she left -Portsmouth bound for China. This was one of the most historic years -in the whole history of the sea, and a few months later the Battle -of Trafalgar brought matters to a crisis. It was obvious that in -consequence of the eventful times no ship, not even an East Indiaman, -could dare to begin a voyage unless special precautions had been taken -to render her as fully equipped against a French frigate as both money -and the ship’s own limitations would permit. - -[Illustration: THE “SIBELLA,” EAST INDIAMAN, 721 TONS. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -In the case of so valuable a ship as the _Warren Hastings_ -extraordinary precautions had been taken to make her as powerful as -possible. Her forty-four guns were composed as follows. She carried -on her main or lower deck twenty-six medium 18-pounders, fourteen -carronades (18-pounders) on her upper deck, and four carronades -(12-pounders) on her poop. The medium gun was six feet in length, and -weighed about 26¾ cwt. It will be seen that this was a smaller -weapon than that used in the Royal Navy, for the common 18-pounder -of the latter measured nine feet long, and weighed 42 cwt. The East -Indiaman’s medium 18-pounder when run out did not reach out more than -a foot from the ship’s side. The 18-pounder carronade was five feet -long, and weighed about 15½ cwt. The 12-pounder was 3¼ feet long -and weighed about 8½ cwt. The _Warren Hastings’_ carronades were -mounted, says James, “upon a carriage resembling Gover’s in every -particular but the only essential one, the having of rollers adapted -to a groove in the slide. The consequence of this silly evasion of an -ingenious man’s patent was, that the whole of the ship’s quarter-deck -and poop guns became utterly useless, after only a few rounds had been -fired from them. The first discovery of any imperfection in the new -carriage occurred at exercise: but a plentiful supply of blacklead -upon the upper surface of the slide lessened the friction, and, -with the aid of an additional hand, enabled the gun to be run out. On -account, however, of the rain, and the salt water in washing the deck, -the application of blacklead was obliged to be repeated every time of -exercise.” - -The _Warren Hastings_, after leaving Portsmouth on the day mentioned, -made a safe and uneventful passage to China and duly began her return -journey. But this time she was armed not quite so strongly. Four of her -main-deck ports had been caulked up so as to afford additional space -for a storeroom, and the four guns had been put away in the hold. Nor -had she so good a crew, for forty Chinamen had decided to remain at -Canton, and there was the usual impressment from the British navy, a -warship relieving the _Warren Hastings_ of eighteen English seamen: and -you can be sure they were some of the best men in the ship. In addition -to the four guns already mentioned, four of the 18-pounder carronades -were also transferred to the hold. The net result was that when she put -to sea for her homeward voyage she mounted 36 guns only and carried a -crew of 138 men and boys. - -It was on the 21st of June at 7.30 in the morning that, while this -ship was foaming along under a smart press of canvas before a strong -breeze, she descried a strange ship under treble-reefed topsails and -courses. This turned out to be the French frigate _Piémontaise_ of 40 -guns, commanded by Captain Jacques Epron. This ship was armed rather -differently from the rest of French frigates which were so famous -at this period, and as we are about to watch the contest between -her and the Indiaman it will be well to notice these details. The -_Piémontaise_ had the usual twenty-eight long 18-pounders on her -main-deck. On her quarter-deck and forecastle she mounted ten iron and -two brass 36-pounder carronades, two long French 8-pounders, and four -long English 9-pounders, these having belonged to the British frigate -_Jason_, which had been compelled to throw them overboard when she -grounded off Pointe de la Trenche at the capture of the Seine in 1798. - -In addition to her forty-six carriage guns, the Frenchmen also carried -swivel guns and musketoons in her tops and along her gunwales. On each -fore and main yard-arm there was fixed a tripod to contain a shell -weighing a quarter of a ton, the idea being that when in combat she -got alongside another ship, the shell was to have its fuse lighted by -a man lying out on the yard. It would then be thrown from the tripod, -fall on the enemy’s deck, pass through to the deck below, and then -exploding would cause wholesale destruction. Meanwhile, the French crew -would rush on board, profiting by this confusion, and the capture of -the Frenchman’s enemy would be an easier matter. The French crew would -also be armed each with a dagger in the buttonholes of his jacket in -addition to the boarding-pike which he would hold in his hand. These -tactics were, even at the beginning of the nineteenth century, a -curious survival of the mediæval methods of fighting. Gunnery was not -the chief reliance, but was looked upon merely as a means for quelling -the enemy so that she might be boarded and a hand-to-hand fight begun. -It seems strange in this twentieth century, when a battleship would -open fire at six miles and be pretty sure to keep a good distance from -its opponent, that the older fashion should have survived so long. -If the French frigates of yesterday were the German light cruisers of -to-day, and the old East Indiamen were the crack ships of the Cunard -Line of the P. & O., the latter could, if desired, be attacked and sunk -without the vessels ever getting within several miles of each other, -let alone any thought of boarding, unless the German was determined -to spare human life, keep within the limits of international law and -take the merchant ship captive. Thus have the conditions changed in the -course of time. - -But to return to the incident before us. An hour and a half after -sighting the Frenchman, the _Warren Hastings_ noticed that the frigate -was shaking out her reefs from her topsails and was approaching the -English ship, the latter still keeping on her course. At half-past -nine that morning the frigate was fast gaining on the Indiaman, -and nevertheless set her topgallant-sails as well as her fore and -maintopmast stuns’ls. Her next act was to hoist an English blue ensign -and pennant. However, the skipper of the _Warren Hastings_ was far too -experienced in the ways of the sea to be taken in by this piece of -bluff, and still kept his ship on her way. He replied to the signals by -hoisting his English colours and making the private signal, of which we -have spoken elsewhere in this volume. The Frenchman, however, made no -reply to this private signal, so it was pretty certain that there was -treachery. - -On came the frigate, tearing through the water with the smart breeze, -doing good work all the time. Meanwhile, the East Indiaman’s commander -was seeing that everything was in readiness for obvious impending -trouble. At eleven o’clock he shortened sail, hauled up a point and -cleared his ship for action. One hour later the frigate also took -in her “fancy” canvas—her stuns’ls and her staysails, but also her -mainsail too. And having approached to within one mile hauled down her -English colours and sent up her French flag. She had intentionally -chosen the leeward position, because of the high wind, and opened fire -at the Indiaman’s port quarter within musket-shot distance—that is to -say, about four hundred yards away; and so soon as the Indiaman could -bring her guns to bear this fire was returned. This firing went on for -about a quarter of an hour, when the frigate bore away, let her sails -fill, and went on ahead. The only damage that had been done to the -Indiaman was to carry away part of the rigging. - -After the frigate had got about a mile and a half ahead the latter -tacked, passed close to leeward of the _Warren Hastings_ again, -and once more a smart fire was exchanged. This time several of the -_Warren Hastings’_ crew were killed and wounded, and in addition -the whole of the port fore shrouds, the foretopsail tie, her chief -running gear, her stays and her ensign were cut away and her foremast -seriously injured. The ensign, however, was quickly rehoisted at the -maintopgallant-masthead. Quickly the Indiaman repaired her damage, but -then the frigate having put about astern of the Indiaman began the -action a third time, though this did little more damage than crippling -the merchant ship’s foremast altogether. Owing to this fact and the -heavy sea and high wind the _Warren Hastings_ could carry sail only on -her main and mizen masts. The result was that the Frenchman could run -round her even more easily than before. - -This time she went ahead again, tacked, and was about to make a further -onslaught when the _Warren Hastings_ opened a hot fire. The Frenchman -replied, but it was seen that the Englishman was being injured still -more and more. She was now injured not merely at her foremast, but -at her main too. Her standing and running rigging had also been -considerably damaged, two quarter-deck guns were disabled, five men -had been killed and others were wounded. However, in this crippled -state she had to sustain a fifth attack. For the frigate, coming on the -Indiaman’s port quarter, poured in a heavy and destructive fire which -smashed the driver-boom to splinters, and soon the mizen-mast went. And -as it fell it succeeded in disabling every effective gun on the upper -deck. Troubles seldom come singly, and in addition to these misfortunes -the lower deck was on fire from the shot which had entered the counter, -and as the nail of the tiller rope on the barrel of the steering wheel -had drawn, the rudder became useless. - -The surgeon was in the act of amputating and dressing the wounded when -a shot entered and destroyed the whole of his instruments. Altogether -it was a bad business, and the poor, crippled Indiaman, after having -done her best to fight against a superior foe, was reluctantly -compelled to lower her colours just before five o’clock that evening. -She had been rendered almost a mere hulk, she had lost her purser and -six men all killed. Thirteen more, including her chief, third and -sixth officers and her surgeon’s mate had been wounded, whereas the -Frenchman out of her enormous crew of 385 men and boys had lost only -seven men killed and five badly wounded. Her hull was practically -undamaged and her rigging and sails were only partially injured. But -this, of course, was natural enough, for the frigate’s weight of -broadside was 533 lb. as against the Indiaman’s 312 lb. The Indiaman -carried only 138 men and boys, as against the Frenchman’s 385. - -But it is necessary also to bear in mind that a warship exists solely -for the purpose of being an efficient fighting unit. This frigate had -to think of nothing else. Whenever she cruised about, her intention -was to find some opportunity of inflicting injury on an English ship. -The Indiaman, on the other hand, had to consider primarily how best -she could carry the greatest amount of cargo, how she could get this -to port in the quickest manner: and then only in a secondary sense -had she to contemplate being an able fighter. Necessarily, therefore, -the frigate was always better armed and more ready for war. It so -happened that the _Warren Hastings_ was still further handicapped by -the fact that she could make very little use of her upper deck and poop -batteries after the second or third round of shot. Owing to lack of -men she could man only eight out of her eleven guns on her lower deck, -while the frigate was in no way impeded. - -“Under these circumstances,” says James, “the defence made by the -_Warren Hastings_, protracted as it was to four hours and a half, -displayed a highly commendable zeal and perseverance on the part -of Captain Larkins, his officers, and ship’s company, but with all -their gallant efforts, the latter could never have succeeded in -capturing—although, had the ship’s guns been in an effective state, -they might, in beating off—an antagonist so well armed, manned, and -appointed as the _Piémontaise_.” - -But we have not yet concluded. The _Warren Hastings_ being dismasted, -and a heavy sea running, the ship was allowed to fall off. And as the -French frigate was lying close to leeward, under three topsails, with -the mizen one aback and the main one on the shake, this warship had to -bear up to avoid collision with the Indiaman. The former filled her -maintopsail, but as there was none left at the helm she luffed up into -the wind and fouled the _Warren Hastings_ on the latter’s port bow. -You can readily imagine that with such a sea running there followed a -series of sickening thuds as these two heavy ships banged against each -other’s sides. But the situation was now suitable for boarding tactics, -and the Frenchmen, led by the first lieutenant, poured aboard the -merchant ship. But they came not as conquerors, but as assassins, with -uplifted daggers and threatening the lives of all. - -One of these villains dragged the English captain about the ship, -accusing him of an attempt to run the frigate down in order to cripple -her masts. The first lieutenant also stabbed the captain on the right -side. It was a brutal affray, which cannot be said to redound to -the credit of any naval officer. Captain Larkins, brave man though -he was, soon fainted through loss of blood, and was then ordered on -board the frigate. It should be added that the first lieutenant and -many of his men were highly intoxicated at the time and so cannot be -held fully responsible for their base treatment of their victims. -The second officer, the surgeon and the boatswain’s mate were also -stabbed, and a midshipman was pierced in seven different places by the -first lieutenant. The ship was afterwards pillaged by this drunken -gang, but after such excesses had been allowed to have their way the -French captain did his best to make the survivors comfortable. The -_Piémontaise_ then steered for the Isle of France, taking her fine -prize in tow, one of the handsomest vessels which the Honourable -East India Company ever possessed. Captor and captive arrived at the -Isle of France on the 4th of July, and a strange sight these two -must have made as they proceeded. The reader may have marvelled that -the _Piémontaise_ had been able to overhaul the _Warren Hastings_ so -quickly and to manœuvre so easily when she kept returning to make one -attack after another. But these French frigates were splendid craft and -wonderfully fast, for although the East Indiamen were built on frigate -lines more or less, yet they were modified to allow of a large cargo -being carried, and this of course could be done only by sacrificing -speed possibility. Some idea of the pace which these French frigates -could reach may be gathered from the statement that the _Piémontaise_, -in a moderate breeze, carrying three single-reefed topsails, foresail -and mizen staysail, was able to tow her prize, a deeply laden ship of -bigger tonnage than herself, having very small jury-sail set, at the -rate of seven and a half knots an hour. - -This fight and capture show the kind of adventure that was always -imminent during a great portion of the East Indiaman period. It is -almost difficult for us who travel with safety and punctuality in -modern steamship liners to realise the uncertainty, the danger and -anxieties with which the old merchant ships to the East proceeded on -their way. There was not a species of disaster peculiar to maritime -travel that was not ready to bring the career of such fine ships to -a speedy end. Every conceivable kind of enemy seemed to be lying in -wait for these craft: and the wonder really is, not that they were so -often lost, but that they got to port. Knowing, as we do, something of -the characters of the commanders who took these East Indiamen over the -ocean, we need not be altogether surprised that their sagacity, their -determination, leadership, seamanship and ability as navigators and -tacticians when tested did so much for the honour of their service and -for the safety of the ships and cargoes which the Company entrusted to -their care. They were men of whom the Company and the country had every -right to be proud. - -FOOTNOTES: - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -PIRATES AND FRENCH FRIGATES - - -Another pirate who was a thorn in the flesh to the East Indiamen was -a man named Jean Lafitte, who was born at St Malo. This man was no -stranger to the Eastern seas. He had been appointed mate of a French -East Indiaman which was bound from Europe to Madras. But on the way out -the ship encountered bad weather off the Cape of Good Hope, by which -she was so damaged that the captain determined to call at Mauritius: -and a quarrel having sprung up between Lafitte and the captain, the -former decided to quit the ship at the island. Now there were several -privateers or pirates fitting out at this island, and before long -Lafitte became captain of one of these vessels. - -For a time he cruised about the seas robbing whatsoever ships he could, -but was eventually chased by an English frigate as far north as the -Equator: and from there he later on came south and proceeded to the -Bay of Bengal to obtain provisions. His ship was of 200 tons, with -only two guns and twenty-six men. This should be noted, because it -shows how much inferior as a fighting unit she was to any Indiaman. -Nevertheless whilst off the Bengal coast he fell in with the East -Indiaman _Pagoda_, which was armed with twenty-six 12-pounders and -had a crew of a hundred and fifty men. With this disparity in strength -it was obvious that Lafitte could only hope for victory by employing -artifice. So he manœuvred as if he were a pilot for the Ganges ready -at his station cruising about. The _Pagoda_ came along and was quite -taken in by this trickery, and, to cut the story short, when it was -all too late to get out of the trap, the East Indiaman found Lafitte’s -ship alongside, and the pirate, together with his men, suddenly leapt -on board the merchant ship, overcame every opposition and very speedily -captured the ship. And it was this same pirate who at a later date -became skipper of that notorious _Confiance_ of which we have had need -to speak in this volume. - -We pass over the intervening period until we come to the year 1807, -when we find Lafitte during the month of October still on the prowl. -Off the Sand Heads he fell in with the East Indiaman _Queen_, a vessel -of about 800 tons, a crew of nearly four hundred, and carrying forty -guns. She was such a fine ship that this Frenchman determined to become -her owner. Compared with the pirate the _Queen_, with her tall masts -and high freeboard, her guns and crew, seemed absurdly superior to -the smaller vessel. But Lafitte was as plucky as he was adventurous, -and this apparent inequality only added zest to his plans. As the two -ships were getting nearer and nearer, he exhorted his men with that -wild, almost fanatical enthusiasm which was usually an electrifying -force to a band of desperadoes, and then having manœuvred his ship -with no little cleverness, brought her alongside the Indiaman. Just as -he did this the English vessel greeted him with a broadside, but the -Frenchman was expecting this, and ordered his men to lie flat on the -deck. And when the first fire had been made, the pirates all got up -again, and from the yards and tops hurled down bombs and grenades into -the Indiaman’s forecastle. - -These tactics entirely surprised the _Queen’s_ captain, and great -havoc was wrought. Lafitte realising the amount of consternation which -had now been caused sent aboard the _Queen_ forty of his men with -pistols in their hands and daggers between their teeth, and as soon -as their feet touched the Indiaman’s deck they drove the terrified -and astonished crowd into the steerage, where the latter endeavoured -to defend themselves as best they could. Lafitte now reinforced his -forty men with another division, and himself went as their leader, -and the result was that the _Queen’s_ captain was killed and the rest -of the survivors were swept into one terror-stricken crowd. He then -caused a gun to be loaded with grape and pointed to the place where the -crowd were gathered, and threatened to blow them into eternity. Upon -this the English determined that further opposition was useless, and -surrendered. Lafitte therefore ceased his bloody slaughter, and became -possessor of the ship. The incident, when the news reached India, -caused a deep sensation, and the name of this scoundrel was spoken of -with horror. But as East Indiamen now began to traverse the Indian -Ocean only under powerful convoys, Lafitte found his opportunities very -few and rare, so he betook himself to other waters, to end his days -with a violent death. - -[Illustration: THE “QUEEN,” EAST INDIAMAN. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -We come now to the year 1810. About this time the French frigates -were very actively on the _qui vive_ for our East Indiamen and other -merchant ships, and the neighbourhood of Madagascar and Mauritius was -popular for setting forth to lie in wait for the victims. When any -prisoners were brought in here from the Company’s ships they were made -to form part of the crews of these French frigates. And if any British -soldiers were also found on board they were likewise destined to become -part of the frigates’ complement. Some were made so to do only by -vehement threats if they declined: while some others were base enough -to desert the English flag. - -On the 3rd of July of the year just mentioned, just as the day was -dawning, the French frigates, _Bellone_ and _Minerve_, and the corvette -_Victor_, having stood leisurely up the Mozambique Channel, were about -thirty-six miles off the island of Mayotta, when they were sighted -by three outward-bound East Indiamen, who were steering to the north -before a fresh breeze from the south-south-east. The frigates were -about nine miles off to the north-north-east, close-hauled on the port -tack. A signal was made by the senior officer or commodore of the -British ships half-an-hour later, and the three Indiamen hauled their -wind on the port tack under double-reefed topsails, courses, jib and -spanker. The names of these vessels were the _Ceylon_ (commodore’s -flagship), _Windham_ and _Astell_, the commodore being Captain Henry -Meriton. At half-past seven the _Ceylon_ made the private signal, as -was customary. This was in accordance with the secret code provided by -the Admiralty: and if the strange ships had been British naval frigates -or fellow East Indiamen they would have answered in accordance with -the code. Failure to reply would have indicated that they were hostile. - -Inasmuch as there was no reply in this case the East Indiamen’s -commodore ordered his ships to clear for action. There could be no -sort of doubt now, and every minute was valuable, for the enemy was -passing on the opposite tack. At half-past nine the _Astell_ was -carrying rather more sail than she could do with and made a signal to -that effect: the _Ceylon_ and _Windham_ therefore shortened sail to -keep her company. Captain Meriton now telegraphed to his two consorts -the following message: “As we cannot get away, I think we had better -go under easy sail and bring them to action before dark.” It was the -only thing to be done: otherwise the _Astell_ might have been lost. -The _Windham_, however, replied thus: “If we make all sail and get -into smooth water under the land we can engage to more advantage.” But -half-an-hour later, as the force of the wind had increased, it became -necessary for the East Indiamen to heave-to and take in a third reef -in their topsails. But even under this shortened canvas the ships -were making heavy weather of it. As a fact, they heeled over so much -that the high sea that was running made it quite impossible for the -lower-deck ports on the lee side to be kept open. - -James, with his characteristic love of detail, has given full -particulars of this incident, and we can well watch with him what -followed. At 11.30 A.M. the _Minerve_ tacked in the wake of -the Indiamen and at about six miles away. Soon afterwards the _Bellone_ -and the _Victor_ also went about. When Captain Meriton had watched -these tactics and observed the _Minerve_ coming up at a great rate -astern he made the following signal: “Form line abreast, to bear on -ships together, _Ceylon_ in the centre.” So the _Windham_, _Ceylon_ -and _Astell_ formed a close line in the order named and awaited the -oncoming of the enemy, and the _Victor_ and _Minerve_ were approaching -rapidly on the starboard quarter, which was also the weather side. - -Presently the _Minerve_ arrived abreast of the British centre, the -_Victor_ being ahead. Up went French colours, a shot was fired at the -_Windham_ and then a whole broadside was fired into the _Ceylon_, -which was so close astern of her consort as almost to touch her. -The _Astell_, however, was a long way to leeward and astern of the -_Ceylon_. When the corvette opened fire the action became general -between the _Minerve_ and _Victor_ of the one side and the _Windham_, -_Ceylon_ and _Astell_ on the other. But inasmuch as the _Ceylon_, by -reason of her situation, was just abeam of the frigate, this Indiaman -received a pretty hot time. After a little while the corvette found the -fire of the British too warm, so bore up and passed to leeward of the -_Astell_, and the captain of the latter becoming wounded severely, the -chief mate had to take command. It is quite certain that an officer -of a modern steamship liner is a much abler navigator than those who -served in the old East Indiamen. But it is unquestionable that even if -he were a Royal Naval Reserve officer, and had served for a year in -his Majesty’s fleet, he would not be such a master of tactics as his -forefathers who served in the “John” Company. I have not the slightest -doubt in asserting that if a European war broke out to-morrow every -officer in the British mercantile marine would render an excellent -account of himself for resource and bravery. Recent disasters and -rescues in mid-ocean have shown that the fine old British stuff still -goes to the making of our sailors. But if their ships were attacked -by cruisers the merchantman would have no opportunity for displaying -fighting tactics, since there is to-day a far greater difference -between the fighting qualities of a liner and a navy’s cruiser than -there existed between an armed East Indiaman and a French frigate. And -this even if we include the recently built _Aquitania_ of the Cunard -line, which happens to be the most heavily armed British liner which -ever put to sea. - -In these sea-fights, then, between the Indiamen and their foreign -enemies we have a condition that is not comparable with anything -to-day. It belongs to the past absolutely, and therefore the difference -between the captains of yesterday and to-day is also different, and -that not merely owing to the fact that one commanded a ship propelled -by sails, whereas his successor handles a steamship. We cannot help -admiring the many-sided ability of the East Indiamen captains. Taking -them by and large, with all their defects in respect of smuggling -and other delinquencies which need not be enlarged upon, they were -extraordinarily successful in most complicated circumstances. It -is characteristic of any kind of seaman, in whatever service he is -enrolled, that he is adaptable, but could you find a greater strain -imposed on any man than that which had to be borne by the commanders -of the vessels whose history we are considering? As exponents of -the art of pure seamanship they were never beaten, unless by their -immediate successors, who made such wonderful passages during the -clipper-ship era. And certainly as tacticians and fighting men they -had few superiors even in the Royal Navy of that time. I feel that -it is only just to emphasise these points, for with the transition -from one period of the ship to another the ability of our mercantile -officers has changed not in degree but in kind: and very shortly the -last link—in the person of a steamship captain who formerly commanded -a sailing ship—connecting the ships of yesterday with to-day will -have been broken for ever. No one can fail to admire the consummate -cleverness with which a modern mercantile captain brings a gigantic -liner through a narrow, twisting channel in a strong tideway and berths -his ship so quietly as not to break the proverbial eggshell. No one can -help being struck with the scientific and practical ability by which -perfect land-falls are made and punctual voyages are carried through -even in thick weather. The captains of the Indiamen of yesterday were -never called upon to bear the kind of responsibility which attaches to -a man who has a 40,000-ton ship and 5000 lives under his care. But at -the same time our modern commanders in the merchant service have never -yet been called upon to think out battle tactics and manœuvre so as to -fight a superior enemy without losing one’s ship or cargo. - -This was always the anxiety which an East Indiaman’s skipper had to -think of. Was he justified in remaining to fight: or was his chief duty -to run away? His command was not primarily a fighting ship, but a means -of trade. And even if he got his ship safe in port would he incur the -displeasure of the Honourable East India Company’s directors? His job -was too valuable to be thrown away by an error of judgment. It would be -a fine feather in his cap if he could follow the example of Commodore -Dance, and he was sure to be well rewarded by his Company. To deal a -smashing blow at the nation’s enemy would ensure fame for this captain -to the end of his days and after. But—_if_ he should forget that his -first duty was to get the valuable cargo home he might find himself a -broken man and not a hero. - -Such, then, was the position of Captain Meriton in the incident we are -discussing. He had to take in the situation at a glance and form a -quick but not hasty judgment, and then act accordingly, flinging out -his signals and disposing his squadron. At four o’clock the _Minerve_ -went ahead and then bore down as if intending to get alongside the -_Windham_. Now this was a mode of attack which the Indiamen in the -present instance had reason to fear least of all, for they chanced to -have plenty of soldiery on board. The _Windham_ therefore made sail so -as to strike the French frigate on the port side at the quarter, whilst -the _Ceylon_ and _Astell_ closed on their consort so as to assist in -this manœuvre. However, the _Windham_ had been greatly damaged in -regard to her sails and rigging, so did not possess enough way to act -as she had hoped. The result was that the _Minerve_ was able to cross -her bows only a few yards away. All this time the three Indiamen had -kept up an incessant and well-aimed musketry fire from their troops on -board. - -Just as the _Minerve_ got out of gun-shot—that is to say, about a -mile away—the _Astell_ passed astern of the _Windham_ and became the -headmost and weathermost ship. The _Windham_ was now the sternmost -and leewardmost vessel of the three, and the _Minerve_, true to the -best tradition of tactics employed by Nelson and other great admirals, -endeavoured to cut the _Windham_ off from the other two: but the best -laid schemes of clever tacticians sometimes do not fructify: for the -_Minerve_ now lost her main and mizen topmasts, and there came a lull -in the contest, though not for long. It was now six in the evening, and -the _Bellone_, followed by the _Victor_, began a most destructive fire -on the _Windham_. Taking up her position presently a little farther -on, the _Bellone_ began to attack the commodore’s ship, whilst with -her foremost guns she attacked the _Astell_. The _Victor_ was some -distance away, and so her fire at the _Windham_ was not so effective. -Captain Meriton now endeavoured to close with the French frigate in -order that he might be able to give full opportunity to the troops’ -musketry, but had the misfortune to receive a severe wound in the neck -from grape-shot. The command therefore fell to the chief mate, Mr T. W. -Oldham. But the latter, being himself wounded not many seconds later, -was obliged to yield the command to the second mate, Mr T. Fenning. By -seven o’clock the poor _Ceylon_, which had endured much, was in a sorry -plight. Her two principal officers had been wounded, her masts, rigging -and sails were all damaged badly, all the guns on her upper deck had -been disabled and five on the lower deck. Her hull, too, had been so -badly holed that she was leaking to such an extent that she made three -feet an hour. In addition, many of her people had been killed and -wounded. - -She therefore came out of the firing-line and passed astern of the -_Bellone_, which was engaging the _Windham_ all the time. And then -there appears to have been some misunderstanding. The _Windham_ hailed -the _Astell_ time after time, asking her to join in making an attempt -to board the _Bellone_: but the _Astell_ put out her lights, crowded on -sail, and went off, receiving a heavy parting fire from the frigate. -As for the _Ceylon_, there was nothing left for her to do but to haul -down her colours, and she then had the humiliation of being taken -possession of by a prize crew sent off in a boat from the _Minerve_. As -the _Ceylon_ passed the _Windham_, the former hailed the latter that -she had struck. The _Windham_ was therefore now left alone: and since -she, too, was considerably damaged as to her masts and rigging, so that -it was impossible to set sail, she doggedly continued the action, so -that the _Astell_ might be able to make good her escape. Nine of the -_Windham’s_ guns had been put out of action, many of her crew had been -killed or wounded, so finally she too had to haul down her colours, and -was taken possession of by the _Bellone_. Meanwhile the _Victor_ had -gone in pursuit of the _Astell_, but the latter was able to get right -away owing to the extreme darkness of the night and the length of time -which had been taken in securing the two prizes. - -The result of this fight, which had lasted almost from dawn till after -dark, was melancholy: but the Indiamen had fought very gallantly, and -it is not always that success comes to those who seem assuredly most -to deserve it. Each of these merchant ships was of 800 tons, and their -armament was quite unequal to that of the French frigates, which had -no cargo to carry and could mount more numerous guns. There were -about two hundred and fifty troops on board each of these Indiamen, -in addition to a hundred lascars, but there were only about twelve -or a score of British seamen. So in respect of numbers the merchant -ships were quite inferior to the trained men-of-war’s-men of the -French. The _Ceylon_ lost four seamen, one lascar and two soldiers -killed. Her captain, chief mate, seven of her seamen, one lascar, one -lieutenant-colonel and ten soldiers had been wounded—a pretty heavy -toll to pay. The _Windham_ had a seaman, three soldiers and two lascars -killed: and seven soldiers, two lascars and three of her officers and -half-a-dozen others wounded. The _Astell_ had four seamen and the same -number of soldiers killed: whilst her captain, her fifth mate, nine -seamen, a lascar, five cadets and twenty soldiers were all wounded. - -Everyone in these Indiamen had fought splendidly against heavy odds. -The commodore had fulfilled his part as well as the difficulty of -the situation allowed him. Soldier and sailor alike had done their -level best. How did the East India Company eventually consider this -forlorn fight? It may be said at once that, in spite of the result, the -directors showed their appreciation of their servants by presenting -each of these three captains with the sum of £500, whilst the rest of -the officers and men were also handsomely rewarded. The captain of the -_Astell_ received a pension of £460 a year from the East India Company, -whilst the officers and crew were presented with the sum of £2000 -between them. It is said that one of the _Astell’s_ seamen, a man named -Andrew Peters, nailed the pennant to the maintopmast-head and was -killed as he was on his way down: and the _Astell’s_ colours were shot -away no fewer than three times. - -To show their appreciation of the _Astell’s_ fine defence the Admiralty -granted the ship’s company protection from impressment for three years. -But even all this exhibition of approbation must have been unable to -wipe out from officers and men the miserable recollection of having -been compelled to yield to the nation’s deadly enemy. - -FOOTNOTES: - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -THE LAST OF THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN - - -It must not be thought that even after that momentous change of 1834, -when the “free traders,” as they were called, began to send their ships -to India, the Company were freer of anxiety. It has already been shown -that they were being badly defeated in the new competition. But this -was not all. In the year 1816 the owners of thirty-four ships which had -been engaged by the Company under the Act of 1799 for six voyages on a -settled peace freight now complained that these rates were inadequate -to meet the increased charge of outfit and repairs. For since the -Treaty of Paris the cost and equipment of ships had gone up, and to an -extent that could not have been expected. The long duration of the war, -and the extraordinary price of articles of a ship’s inventory continued -long after the cessation of hostilities: and therefore it was but -natural that an improved rate should be granted for the remainder of -the voyages. - -And with the much larger number of men required for the bigger ships -it was frequently found when lying in an Indian port that with “dead, -run, or discharged” men a vessel had not the required number of crew in -her that she ought to have. So now these East Indiamen were allowed -to sail with less than their full complement. Great Britain had won -her fights chiefly on the sea, yet for all that she was not abundantly -blessed with seamen. - -And then came the final change, which had really been foreshadowed by -that event of 1814. True the East India Company had been bereft of -their Indian monopoly, but China had been reserved to them. However, -in 1832 the subject had to be faced again in Parliament. The mind of -the public was distinctly adverse to the Company and its monopoly: too -long it had been permitted to enjoy these privileges and keep back the -stream of trade. Discontent increased both in vehemence and volume, -and so at length the Company were powerless to hold on to their China -monopoly. Private shipowners desired to trade with all parts of the -Orient, and this desire had to be met. From the year 1833, then, the -East India Company lost their exclusive trading privilege. And inasmuch -as the free traders had done so much, and were determined to do more, -it were useless for the Company to continue in commerce at all. Instead -they became entirely a political body and permitted British subjects to -settle in India. Actually the Company’s commercial charter came to an -end in April 1834, and thereafter it proceeded to close its business as -soon as possible. - -[Illustration: THE EAST INDIAMAN “MALABAR.” - -Built of wood in 1860 at Sunderland for Mr. Richard Green. Her tonnage -was 1,350, her length 207.2 feet, beam 36.6 feet, depth 22.5 feet. She -was copper fastened and her bottom sheathed.] - -For a Company that had always relied for its success on protection from -competition, paying high prices for its ships, and being squeezed very -tightly by many of its servants, it could not be expected that when the -free traders introduced their voyages to China and a strong, sensible -spirit of competition that this ancient but decaying Company could -hold its own. The new blood would be too vigorous, the enterprise -would be irresistible, and in any case the Company would be doomed -to further humility. No other course, therefore, was possible than -to submit to what had come as the result of the advance of time. In -a word, that East India Company which had ruled the Eastern seas for -so long now resolved to get rid of the whole of their fleet. Some of -these were condemned and some were bought up by those new aspirants -to Eastern wealth. Some of these old “tea-waggons,” as they were -nicknamed, were broken up for their valuable copper fastenings, and the -rest were sold, not at once, but after they had completed their voyages -to India and China. - -One of the very last of the Company’s ships to make the voyage to -China in the employ of this ancient corporation was the _Elizabeth_, -which sailed from the Thames in the spring of 1833, arrived in China -in January 1834 and left there in March. From there she proceeded to -St Helena, where she arrived in June, and then crossed the Atlantic, -arriving in Halifax the following August. Probably this was the very -last of the Company’s ships to leave China. I have examined her -log-book and have been able to verify the dates, but what happened -after she reached Halifax I cannot find out. Probably she was sold -there. But, at any rate, there is a sentimental interest attached to -her voyage, and the following few abstracts from her log may form a -connecting link with the last voyages of a fleet whose inception dates -back to the time when Elizabeth was on the throne. - -The log opens on 23rd May 1833 with the usual details of getting the -ship ready for sea and taking aboard cargo in the Thames. It ends -on 3rd September 1834, when the last of the cargo had been landed at -Halifax. Her master was John Craigie, and, as was the custom at this -time, the manuscript log-book is prefaced with a page of black-faced -print which read as follows:— - -“The Honourable Court of Directors of the United Company of Merchants -of England trading to the East Indies have ordered me to send you this -log book, in which pursuant to your Charter-party, you are to take care -that a full, true, and exact account of the ship’s run and course, with -the winds, weather and her draught of water at the time of leaving -every port, and all occurrences, accidents and observations, that -shall happen or be made during the voyage, from the time of the ship’s -first taking in goods, until the time of her return, be duly entered -every day at noon, in a fair and legible manner. And that the officer -commanding the watch from eight o’clock till noon, do, before he dines, -sign his name at length to every day’s log so entered....” - -This vessel drew 17 feet 6 inches forward and 17 feet 4 inches aft when -she left Gravesend, and after bringing up in nine fathoms off Margate -rode to forty-eight fathoms of cable until she received the Company’s -dispatches which she was taking out to the East. As she proceeded down -Channel she was handicapped by light easterly breezes and calms, so -that although she passed Beachy Head on 28th July, it was not till 2 -P.M. of the following day that she was off Brighton, where she -dropped her pilot. Six hours later she had passed the Owers Lightship -(off Selsey Bill), and so after leaving the Wight made her way past -Portland Bill and out into the Bay of Biscay. We need not follow her -throughout her passage, but on Sunday, 6th October 1833, she was caught -in very bad weather, as the following extracts show:— - -“3 A.M. Hard squalls attended with most tremendous gales. In -fore and mizen topsails. Reef’d fore sail and close reefed main topsail. - -“5 A.M. Heavy sea running, ship labouring much. Hove to under -close reefed ... topsail, reefed foresail ... staysail and fore-topmast -staysail. Housed fore and mizzen topgallantmasts. - -“Noon. Hard gales and a tremendous sea running. Ship labouring much.” - -Two days later there is this entry: - -“During the late severe gale I find from the heavy labouring of the -ship many seams in the upper and lower decks much opened and the -caulking worked out, and from the great quantity of water ship’d over -all and the ship requiring constant pumping during the above period, I -apprehend considerable damage is done to the cargo.” - -However, she got safely across the ocean to China, and brought up -on 28th January 1834 at her port with small bower anchor in seven -fathoms, giving her thirty-five fathoms of cable to ride to. As the -ship approaches her port we see interesting little details entered in -the log, such as these: “Bent larboard bower cable and unstowed the -anchor”; then a little later on, “bent starboard chain”; and again, -“bent the sheet cable.” On the 13th of March she weighed anchor, -proceeded south, crossed the Indian Ocean, as so many of the Company’s -ships had done for over two centuries, rounded the Cape of Good Hope -and dropped anchor off St Helena on 19th June 1834, eventually arriving -in Halifax harbour on 18th August 1834, where she proceeded to Mr -Cunard’s wharf—Mr Cunard was the East India Company’s agent, as we have -mentioned—and thus brought her voyage to an end. By 3rd September the -whole of her cargo was taken out of her. - -But already, long before the East India Company had decided to sell -their fleet, the death-knell of the steamship had been sounded in the -Orient, though actually the decease was to be preceded by a wonderful -rally in the famous China clippers. In the year 1822 a public meeting -had been called together in London to discuss the practicability of -running steamships to the East, and as a result a steam navigation -company was formed. Lieutenant (afterwards Captain) J. Johnson was -sent out to Calcutta to see what could be done in this respect, and -the outcome was that a steamship called the _Enterprize_ was built -at Deptford and proceeded to India under the command of this Captain -Johnson. She was of only 470 tons and 120 nominal horse-power. She -started on 16th August 1825, and after a voyage of 113 days reached -Calcutta, though ten of these days were spent in taking on board fuel. -Her average speed was only a little under nine knots: but here was a -precedent. She had come all the way under steam, and some day soon this -speed would be improved upon. Already in that same year the _Falcon_, -of 176 tons, had also voyaged round the Cape to Calcutta. But this -vessel was an auxiliary steamship, using partly steam and partly sails; -so the _Enterprize_ was really the first Anglo-Indian steamship. It -was not till the year 1842 that the P. & O. Company started sending -their steamers to India via the Cape of Good Hope. This was another -nail in the coffin of the sailing ships which had been trading to -the East for so long a time. The name of the first ship was the -_Hindostan_. She was a three-master with a long bowsprit, setting yards -on her foremast for foresail, topsail and top-gallant sails, while her -main and mizen were fore-and-aft-rigged: and before long other steamers -followed her. - -But before the Government built its transports specially for trooping -the modern sailing Indiamen—that is to say, the successors of the East -India Company’s ships—carried all the military to the East. Even when, -in the days before the opening of the Suez Canal, the P. & O. were -the only steamships voyaging to India, most of the passengers still -travelled to the Orient in the East Indiamen, with the exception of -the wealthy and the principal officials. Therefore, though the East -India Company was dead as a commercial concern, those private firms who -had bought up the Company’s ships or built new ones were doing a good -business both in freights and passengers. - -Before the Suez Canal was opened there were three ways of reaching -India. You could go by a sailing East Indiaman round the Cape of Good -Hope or in a P. & O. steamship by the same route, or you could go by P. -& O. steamship to Alexandria, then overland by camels, and then by boat -on the Mahmoudieh Canal to the Nile, whence passengers proceeded to -Cairo by steamer. From there they went across the desert to Suez. Three -thousand camels had to be employed for transporting a single steamer’s -loading, and every package had to be subjected to no fewer than three -separate transfers. The opening of the Suez Canal, therefore, in the -year 1870, made all the difference in the world, and by the end of the -next year scarcely any passengers went round the Cape in sailing ships, -but journeyed to the East in steamships via the canal. Troops were also -taken through the latter, and so the old and the new East Indiaman -sailing ships passed out of existence. - -After April 1834 the directors of the East India Company were not -traders, but rather a council advising and assisting in the control of -the political India. In 1857 occurred the Indian Mutiny. The martial -races began suddenly to move, the native army of Bengal revolted, and -the northern predatory races rebelled. As everyone knows, the Mutiny -was eventually quelled, but for our present consideration the most -important result was that it was to bring to an end the great career of -the East India Company. It was deemed best that Queen Victoria should -assume the direct government and rule through a Viceroy, the first of -whom was Canning. On 1st November 1858 proclamation was made throughout -India that the government had been transferred from the East India -Company to the British Sovereign. The Board of Control was abolished -and a Council of State for India instituted. Thus, having ceased -to be either traders or a political power, this unique corporation -came to an end. It had lost its prestige, lost its privileges and -strength in India and China, sold its fleet, and at length, on 15th -May 1873, came the resolution to dissolve the Company altogether, -as from 1st June 1874. East India House, which had been built in the -year 1726, enlarged in 1799, was sold with its furniture in the year -1861 and pulled down in the following year. Of course there had been -a much earlier East India House in Leadenhall Street also, and the -accompanying reproduction of an old print shows the house which stood -from 1648 to 1726. The reader will notice on the building a picture of -a seventeenth-century ship. - -By many of the Indian natives the East India Company had been known as -the “Honourable John Company.” The origin of this designation is not -quite clear, but it was in effect a personification of the corporation -taken quite seriously by the natives. John he knew as a man’s name, for -was not his English master called John? Naturally enough, therefore, -the Company might also be called the “John” or “Honourable John.” The -idea imprinted in the native’s mind was that the Company was one mighty -prince, who had to be respected. - -But before we close this chapter we want to know what became of the -ships and men. If the Company had come to an end the East Indiamen -and those who used to work her across the ocean were not _ipso -facto_ wiped out of existence. Some of the ships fetched quite good -prices, considering that the sale was virtually compulsory. The _Earl -of Balcarres_, for instance, that big ship of which we spoke on a -previous page, fetched the sum of £10,700, and she sailed the seas for -fifty-two years before being turned into a hulk. The _Lady Melville_ -also was sold for £10,000; that fine, handsome ship, the _Thames_, of -which we have given an illustration, obtaining £10,700 as her price. -The _Buckinghamshire_ fetched £10,550; the _General Kyd_, £9100; -the _Asia_, £6500, whilst other ships fetched sums from about £4500 -upwards. Of those sold for breaking up were the _Waterloo_, which -fetched about £7200; the _Atlas_, £4100; the _Canning_, £5750; the -_Princess Charlotte_, £3000; the _London_, £5900; _General Harris_, -£6600; _Farquharson_, £6000. Of course, not all these were sold at the -same time. In some cases, the Company having foreseen the inevitable, -began to sell as far back as 1830, and they went on selling until the -end of 1834. Those shipowners who were out looking for bargains knew -that these vessels would not fetch the highest prices, yet they were -known to be soundly put together of first-class material. The best -prices were obtained by the Company, not in auction, but privately. -Among the buyers one finds such well-known shipping names as Joseph -Somes, Wigram & Green. The former was one of the founders of Lloyd’s -Register. Robert Wigram and Richard Green built and owned some of the -finest sailing ships which ever floated in the Thames, and these men, -together with the Smiths of Newcastle and other shipowners, began to -construct more modern frigate type of ships for the China and India -trade now that all privileges had been thrown on one side. These ships -used to snug down at night like their predecessors when crossing the -sea. But they were run commercially on more sensible lines, and the -extravagant privileges to the captains were largely curtailed. - -And inasmuch as many of the captains, officers and crew who had served -in the East India Company’s craft were now employed in the ships -of the new firms there was not such a vast change in the conditions -as might have been imagined. Gone was the stately dignity, gone the -semi-naval character of the East Indiamen, but in most other respects -matters were much the same. Gradually as the newer types of ships began -to be built, improved models were effected with finer lines, and the -old kettle-bottom type of the Company’s ships gave place to that which -was to become historic as the China tea-clippers of 1850 to 1870. -With these, however, our present story has no concern. But it was a -long time before the main traditions of the East India Company died -entirely. Frigate-fashion had been the motto of the shipbuilder for -too long for this to be thrown over at once. The _Blenheim_ and the -_Marlborough_, for instance, which came out in 1848, were constructed -exactly like the contemporary naval frigates: in design and scantlings -they were identical with a 40-gun ship of that class, the Government -surveying them and reporting them as fit to carry armaments. These two -ships had been built by Messrs T. & W. Smith of Newcastle-on-Tyne. They -carried enormous jibbooms “steeved” very high. With their overhanging -stern, figurehead, row of square ports, stuns’ls, and dolphin-striker -they were very picturesque craft. As regards speed these were an -improvement on the ships possessed by the East India Company, and -represent the intermediate stage between the latter and the famous -China clippers which were to come in a few years’ time. The new type -of East Indiaman, frigate-built and copper fastened, cost about £40 a -ton to build, so that a 1000-ton ship cost about £40,000. The ships -of Messrs Wigram & Green were not pierced for guns, the square windows -in these vessels at the poop being used for lighting the passengers’ -cabins. These were ships of finer lines than the old East Indiamen or -even the vessels which Smith built. Duncan Dunbar also owned a number -of fine East Indiamen; in fact, he became at one time the largest -shipowner in Great Britain, and many of his vessels were constructed in -India, as, for instance, the _Marion_, of 684 tons, which was launched -at Calcutta in 1834, and from that date sailed the seas until she was -wrecked off Newfoundland nearly fifty years later. But even before the -East India Company lost their China monopoly they possessed a very few -ships whose speed was just about as good as any of the more modern -successors until the coming of the first tea-clippers of about 1840 -onwards. The East Indiaman _Thames_, of which we give an illustration, -was certainly one of the fastest. - -[Illustration: THE “BLENHEIM,” EAST INDIAMAN, 1,400 TONS. - -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)] - -At the time when the East India Company lost their China charter and -sold off their fleet, the commanders and officers considered themselves -very much aggrieved. It is quite true, as we have stated, that a good -many of them afterwards shipped on board the modern East Indiamen, who, -of course, did not fly the naval pennant which the Company’s ships had -been allowed to wear. But these officers, in July 1834, banded together -and sent a letter to the directors of the East India Company, in which -it was pointed out that the Company’s ships and seamen—otherwise known -as the Maritime Service in contrast with the Bombay Marine or East -India Company’s navy—had been employed for over two hundred years. -These ships and men had been instrumental to a great degree in securing -the vast territory of British India. These commanders and officers of -the present day had entered the Company’s service in the confident -expectation that it was a provision for life. But now they found -themselves deprived of their profession owing to the sudden ceasing -of the Company’s trade. Although the commanders and officers were in -the first instance recommended by the shipowners to the Company, yet -the latter examined and approved them, and into the latter’s service -they were sworn. They were paid, fined, suspended or dismissed by the -Company—and not by the owners. They wore the Company’s uniform, enjoyed -rank and command under the latter, and became eligible to offices of -high honour and emolument. And the extraordinary fact was that they -even took precedence of the Company’s Bombay Marine. These maritime -commanders ranked with the field officers in India, were saluted with -guns, and were eligible for important offices of profit in India. - -The position now was therefore not one which seemed to have a bright -outlook. They had served in capacities of great trust, and many of -them had devoted the whole of their lives to service in the Company’s -ships. But when the “free traders” now came on to the scene the latter -did not care to employ captains and officers who had been accustomed to -navigate only vessels of the size and expensive equipment of those of -the East India Company. Only one-fifth of these men were therefore at -once taken over by the shipowners, who were now buying up the Company’s -ships or building new ones. As for the rest of these officers they had -enjoyed the dignity and privileges of the Company for so long a period -that they did not care to be employed in “free trade,” considering it -derogatory. In any case they could not obtain, from the new owners, -the same amount of remuneration as they had been accustomed to receive -from the Company. For the latter’s extravagant methods were to give -place to a more business-like method. In plain language, the rest -of the merchant service rather fought shy of employing these former -East Indiamen skippers, and the latter were not anxious to degrade -themselves by signing on in these interlopers. - -So the captains and officers appealed to the East India Company for -compensation in the shape of pensions. The petition was received with -little enthusiasm, but the directors could not deny that there was a -good deal of truth in what was set forth by these men, and ultimately -decided to grant compensation to all commanders and officers who had -been actually employed in the Maritime Service for five years on 22nd -April 1834. Thus a commander received a monetary payment of £1500, -with lesser sums for the other officers. In addition to this, each -commander received £4000 for three unexpired voyages, £3000 for two -voyages and £2000 for one voyage which they would have made had they -continued in the service. Besides these sums, commanders who had served -for ten years were granted a pension for life of £250 a year, the chief -mate receiving a pension of £160, and so on down to the carpenter and -gunner. The condition being that these men assured the Company of -their inability to obtain further employment, and that any income -which they possessed was to be in abatement of these pensions. - -Thus, at last, the historic East India Company came to an end, its -ships and men scattered or employed by other owners. No company in the -world, no fleet of mercantile vessels can boast of such a long and -adventurous story as this: no ships of commerce were so closely and -continuously concerned in establishing political power in the East. -For this reason the old East Indiamen sailing ships, whether of the -seventeenth, eighteenth or nineteenth centuries, must always possess a -unique interest for Britons generally, for Anglo-Indians in particular, -and for all who take an interest in the world’s development. People -ordinarily do not realise the full extent of their indebtedness to -the ships and sailors of the past in respect of discovery, empire, -power and wealth. Such men as worked the vessels which we have been -considering in this volume were very far from perfect in respect -of many virtues. But they are deserving of our great respect and -admiration for their pluck, their endurance and their enterprise: -for without them India would have been the possession of some other -European nation. - - -THE RIVERSIDE PRESS LIMITED, EDINBURGH - - -Transcriber’s Note: - - With reference to paragraph fifteen in Chapter XV, Captain Grant - most likely served with William Henry, Duke of Clarence, the third - son of George III., who succeeded his older brother George IV. as - king, reigning as William IV. George III. never joined the Royal - Navy and is of an earlier generation than Grant. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Old East Indiamen, by Edward Keble Chatterton - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN *** - -***** This file should be named 54561-0.txt or 54561-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/5/6/54561/ - -Produced by MWS, Brian Wilcox and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - diff --git a/old/54561-0.zip b/old/54561-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 24d2627..0000000 --- a/old/54561-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h.zip b/old/54561-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index a05aaeb..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/54561-h.htm b/old/54561-h/54561-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 9223185..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/54561-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,10869 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> - <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> - <title> - The Project Gutenberg eBook of the Old East Indiamen, by E. Keble Chatterton. - </title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1 {font-weight: normal; - text-align: center; - clear: both; -} - - h2 {font-weight: normal; font-size: 1.0em; - text-align: center; - clear: both; -} - - h2.no-break - { - page-break-before: avoid; - padding-top: 0;} - -p {text-indent: 1em; - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; -} - -p.indent { - margin-top: 0em; - text-align: left; - margin-bottom: 0em; - text-indent: -1em; margin-left: 1em; -} - -p.largeimg {text-align: right; font-size: .8em;} -@media handheld {p.largeimg {display: none;}} - -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} - -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; -} - - .tdl {text-align: left;} - .tdr {text-align: right;} - .tdc {text-align: center;} - -table.my90 {border-collapse: collapse; table-layout: auto; -margin-left: 1%; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; -font-size: 90%;} - - .tdr {text-align: right;} - .tdl {text-align: left;} - .tdc {text-align: center;} - -.blockquote { - font-size: 95%; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - margin-left: 1em; - margin-right: 1em; -} - -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; -} /* page numbers */ - - -.bbox {border: solid 0.1em;} - -.center {text-align: center;} - -.center table { margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} - -.right {text-align: right;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -.noindent {text-indent: 0;} - -.lowercase {text-transform: lowercase;} - -.small {font-size: 90%;} -.smaller {font-size: 80%;} -.smallest {font-size: 70%;} -.large {font-size: 110%;} -.larger {font-size: 120%;} - -.padt2 {padding-top: 2em;} - -.padb1 {padding-bottom: 1em;} - -.padb2 {padding-bottom: 2em;} - -.padl2 {padding-left: 2em;} - -.padr1 {padding-right: 1em;} - -.vertb {vertical-align: bottom;} - -.vertt {vertical-align: top;} - -.normal {font-weight: normal;} - -.caption {font-weight: normal; - text-align: center;} - -.covernote {visibility: hidden; display: none;} - -.chapter {page-break-before: always;} - -/* Images */ -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; - font-size: 0.9em; -} - - -/* Footnotes */ -.footnotes {border: dashed 0.1em;} - -.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} - -.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: - none; -} - -/* Poetry */ - -.poetry-container {text-align: center; font-size: .9em; - margin-bottom: 0.1em; margin-top: 0.1em;} - -.poetry {display: inline-block; text-align: left;} - -.poetry .stanza {margin: 0em 0em 0em 0em;} - -.poetry .line {margin: 0; text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em;} - -.poetry .i1 {margin-left: 1em;} - - -.center {text-align: center;} - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom: 5em; - margin-top: 2em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - -#half-title -{ - text-align: center; - font-size: large; -} - -@media screen -{ - #half-title - { - margin: 6em 0; - } -} - -@media print, handheld -{ - #half-title - { - page-break-before: always; - page-break-after: always; - } -} - -@media handheld { - .covernote {visibility: visible; display: block;} -} - - </style> - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -Project Gutenberg's The Old East Indiamen, by Edward Keble Chatterton - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: The Old East Indiamen - -Author: Edward Keble Chatterton - -Release Date: April 17, 2017 [EBook #54561] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN *** - - - - -Produced by MWS, Brian Wilcox and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="transnote covernote"> - <p>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> -</div> - -<p id="half-title">THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN</p> - -<div class="figcenter padb2"> -<img src="images/i_a_001.jpg" width="100" height="146" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<div class="bbox"> -<h2 id="BOOKS_OF_TRAVEL"><span class="larger">BOOKS OF TRAVEL</span></h2> - -<p class="center"><em>Demy 8vo. Cloth Bindings. All fully Illustrated</em></p> - -<p class="indent padl2"><span class="large">THROUGH UNKNOWN NIGERIA</span><br /> -By <span class="smcap">John R. Raphael</span>. 15s. net.</p> - -<p class="indent padl2"><span class="large">A WOMAN IN CHINA</span><br /> -By <span class="smcap">Mary Gaunt</span>. 15s. net.</p> - -<p class="indent padl2"><span class="large">LIFE IN AN INDIAN OUTPOST</span><br /> -By Major <span class="smcap">Casserly</span>. 12s. 6d. net.</p> - -<p class="indent padl2"><span class="large">CHINA REVOLUTIONISED</span><br /> -By <span class="smcap">J. S. Thompson</span>. 12s. 6d. net.</p> - -<p class="indent padl2"><span class="large">NEW ZEALAND</span><br /> -By Dr <span class="smcap">Max Herz</span>. 12s. 6d. net.</p> - -<p class="indent padl2"><span class="large">THE DIARY OF A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE</span><br /> -By <span class="smcap">Stanley Portal Hyatt</span>. 12s. 6d. net.</p> - -<p class="indent padl2"><span class="large">OFF THE MAIN TRACK</span><br /> -By <span class="smcap">Stanley Portal Hyatt</span>. 12s. 6d. net.</p> - -<p class="indent padl2"><span class="large">WITH THE LOST LEGION IN NEW ZEALAND</span><br /> -By Colonel <span class="smcap">G. Hamilton-Browne</span> (“Maori Browne”). 12s. 6d. net.</p> - -<p class="indent padl2"><span class="large">A LOST LEGIONARY IN SOUTH AFRICA</span><br /> -By Colonel <span class="smcap">G. Hamilton-Browne</span> (“Maori Browne”). 12s. 6d. net.</p> - -<p class="indent padl2 padb1"><span class="large">SIAM</span><br /> -By <span class="smcap">Pierre Loti</span>. 7s. 6d. net.</p></div></div> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_frontis"> -<img src="images/i_frontis.jpg" width="600" height="425" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE EAST INDIAMAN “THOMAS COUTTS,” AS SHE APPEARED IN THE YEAR 1826.<br /> -<br /> -(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_frontis_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<h1 class="chapter"> -THE OLD EAST<br /> -INDIAMEN</h1> - -<h2 class="no-break"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br /> -<br /> -E. KEBLE CHATTERTON<br /> -<br /> -<span class="small">Lieutenant R.N.V.R.</span></h2> -<p class="center"><span class="smaller"><em>Author of “Sailing-Ships and their Story,”<br /> -“Down Channel in the ‘Vivette,’”<br /> -“Through Holland in the ‘Vivette,’”<br /> -“Ships and Ways of Other Days,” etc.</em></span></p> - -<p class="center padt2"><em>ILLUSTRATED</em></p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2"> -<img src="images/i_titlepage.jpg" width="100" height="88" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="center noindent padb1"><span class="small">LONDON</span><br /> -T. WERNER LAURIE LTD.<br /> -<span class="small">8 ESSEX STREET, STRAND</span></p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">v</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> - -<div class="center"> -<table class="my90" border="0" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="1" summary="toc"> -<tr> -<th class="tdl normal smaller" colspan="2">CHAPTER</th> -<th class="tdr normal smaller">PAGE</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">I.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">1</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">II.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The Magnetic East</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">10</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">III.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The Lure of Nations</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">18</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">IV.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The Route to the East</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">31</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">V.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The First East India Company</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">46</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">VI.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Captain Lancaster distinguishes Himself</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">64</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">VII.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The Building of the Company’s Ships</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">77</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">VIII.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Perils and Adventures</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">91</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">IX.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Ships and Trade</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">106</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">X.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Freighting the East Indiamen</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">124</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XI.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">East Indiamen and the Royal Navy</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">138</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XII.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The Way they had in the Company’s Service</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">152</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XIII.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The East Indiamen’s Enemies</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">166</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XIV.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Ships and Men</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">180</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XV.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">At Sea in the East Indiamen</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">198</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XVI.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Conditions of Service</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">226</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XVII.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Ways and Means</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">248</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XVIII.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Life on Board</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">265</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XIX.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The Company’s Naval Service</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">281</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XX.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Offence and Defence</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XX">291</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">vi</a></span></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XXI.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The “Warren Hastings” and the “Piémontaise”</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXI">305</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XXII.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Pirates and French Frigates</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXII">316</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr vertt padr1">XXIII.</td> -<td class="tdl vertt padr1"><p class="indent"><span class="smcap">The Last of the Old East Indiamen</span></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIII">329</a></td> -</tr></table></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">vii</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS">LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> - -<div class="center"> -<table class="my90" border="0" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="1" summary="loi"> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The East Indiaman <em>Thomas Coutts</em></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_frontis"><em>Frontispiece</em></a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td> </td> -<td class="tdr smallest">FACING PAGE</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The East India House</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_004fp">4</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The Hon. East India Co.’s Ship <em>General Goddard</em> with H.M.S. -<em>Sceptre</em> and <em>Swallow</em> capturing Dutch East Indiamen off St Helena</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_012fp">12</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Essex</em> East Indiaman at anchor in Bombay Harbour</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_024fp">24</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The East Indiaman <em>Kent</em></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_042fp">42</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">Dutch East Indiamen</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_054fp">54</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The launch of the Hon. East India Co.’s Ship <em>Edinburgh</em></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_078fp">78</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">India House, the Sale Room</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_088fp">88</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The Hon. East India Co.’s Ship <em>Bridgewater</em> entering Madras -Roads</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_096fp">96</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Halsewell</em> East Indiaman</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_104fp">104</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Seringapatam</em> East Indiaman</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_120fp">120</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">A Barque Free-trader in the London Docks</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_130fp">130</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The Press-Gang at Work</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_140fp">140</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The East Indiaman <em>Swallow</em></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_182fp">182</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">Commodore Sir Nathaniel Dance</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_190fp">190</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">Repulse of Admiral Linois by the China Fleet under Commodore -Sir Nathaniel Dance</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_196fp">196</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">A view of the East India Docks in the early 19th Century</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_210fp">210</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Thames</em> East Indiaman</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_218fp">218</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Windham</em> East Indiaman sailing from St Helena</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_224fp">224</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Jessie</em> and <em>Eliza Jane</em> in Table Bay, 1829</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_236fp">236</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Alfred</em> East Indiaman</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_242fp">242</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The East Indiaman Cruiser <em>Panther</em> in Suez Harbour</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_250fp">250</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The East Indiaman <em>Triton</em>, rough sketch of stern</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_256fp">256</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The East Indiaman <em>Earl Balcarres</em></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_262fp">262</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">Deck scene of the East Indiaman <em>Triton</em></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_266fp">266</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The West Indiaman <em>Thetis</em></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_272fp">272</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Kent</em> East Indiaman on fire in the Bay of Biscay</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_276fp">276</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The Cambria brig receiving the last boat-load from the <em>Kent</em></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_282fp">282</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Vernon</em> East Indiaman</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_294fp">294</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Sibella</em> East Indiaman</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_306fp">306</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The East Indiaman <em>Queen</em></p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_318fp">318</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The East Indiaman <em>Malabar</em>, built of wood in 1860</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_330fp">330</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1"><p class="indent">The <em>Blenheim</em> East Indiaman</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb"><a href="#i_b_340fp">340</a></td> -</tr></table></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">viii</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter padt2" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> author desires to acknowledge the courtesy of Messrs T. H. Parker -Brothers of Whitcomb Street, W.C., for allowing him to reproduce the -illustrations mentioned on many of the pages of this book; as also the -P. & O. Steam Navigation Company for permission to reproduce the old -painting of the <em>Swallow</em>.</p> - -<p class="padb2">Owing to the fact that the author is now away at sea serving under the -White Ensign, it is hoped that this may be deemed a sufficient apology -for any errata which may have been allowed to creep into the text.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<h2 class="chapter padt2" id="CHAPTER_I"><span class="larger">THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN</span><br /> -<br /> -CHAPTER I<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">INTRODUCTION</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">In</span> this volume I have to invite the reader to consider a special -epoch of the world’s progress, in which the sailing ship not only -revolutionised British trade but laid the foundations of, and almost -completed, that imposing structure which is to-day represented by the -Indian Empire. It is a period brimful of romance, of adventures, travel -and the exciting pursuit after wealth. It is a theme which, for all -its deeply human aspect, is one for ever dominated by a grandeur and -irresistible destiny.</p> - -<p>With all its failings, the East India Company still remains in history -as the most amazingly powerful trading concern which the world has ever -seen. Like many other big propositions it began in a small way: but -it acquired for us that vast continent which is the envy of all the -great powers of the world to-day. And it is important and necessary to -remember always that we owe this in the first place to the consummate -courage, patience, skill and long-suffering of that race of beings, -the intrepid seamen, who have never yet received their due from the -landsmen whom they have made rich and comfortable.</p> - -<p>Among the Harleian MSS. there is a delightful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span> phrase written by a -seventeenth-century writer, in which, treating of matters that are -not immediately concerned with the present subject, he remarks very -quaintly that “the first article of an Englishman’s Politicall Creed -must be that he believeth in ye Sea etc. Without that there needeth -no general Council to pronounce him uncapable of Salvation.” This -somewhat sweeping statement none the less aptly sums up the whole -matter of our colonisation and overseas development. The entire glamour -of the Elizabethan period, marked as it unfortunately is with many -deplorable errors, is derived from the sea. With the appreciation -of what could be attained by a combination of stout ships, sturdy -seamen, navigation, seamanship, gunnery and high hopes that refused -persistently to be daunted, the most farsighted began to see that -success was for them. Honours, wealth, the founding of families that -should treasure their names in future generations, the acquisition -of fine estates and the building of large houses with luxuries that -exceeded the Tudor pattern—these were the pictures which were conjured -up in the imaginations of those who vested their fortunes and often -their lives in these ocean voyages. The call of the sea had in England -fallen mostly on deaf ears until the late sixteenth century. It is only -because there were some who listened to it, obeyed, and presently led -others to do as they had done, that the British Empire has been built -up at all.</p> - -<p>Our task, however, is to treat of one particular way in which that call -has influenced the minds and activities of men. We are to see how that, -if it summoned some across the Atlantic to the Spanish<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span> Main, it sent -others out to the Orient, yet always with the same object of acquiring -wealth, establishing trade with strange peoples, and incidentally -affording a fine opportunity for those of an adventurous spirit who -were unable any longer to endure the cramped and confined limitations -of the neighbourhood in which they had been born and bred. And though, -as we proceed with our story, we shall be compelled to watch the -gradual growth and the vicissitudes of the East Indian companies, yet -our object is to obtain a clear knowledge not so much of the latter -as of the ships which they employed, the manner in which they were -built, sailed, navigated and fought. When we speak of the “Old East -Indiamen” we mean of course the ships which used to carry the trade -between India and Europe. And inasmuch as this trade was, till well on -into the nineteenth century, the valuable and exclusive monopoly of -the East India Company, carefully guarded against any interlopers, our -consideration is practically that of the Company’s ships. After the -Company lost their monopoly to India, their ships still possessed the -monopoly of trading with China until the year 1833. After that date -the Company sold the last of their fleet which had made them famous as -a great commercial and political concern. In their place a number of -new private firms sprang up, who bought the old ships from the East -India Company, and even built new ones for the trade. These were very -fine craft and acted as links between England and the East for a few -years longer, reaching their greatest success between the years 1850 -and 1870. But the opening of the Suez Canal and the enterprise of -steamships sealed their fate, so that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span> instead of the wealth which was -obtained during those few years by carrying cargoes of rich merchandise -between the East and the West, and transporting army officers, troops -and private passengers, there was little or no money to be made by -going round the Cape. Thus the last of the Indiamen sailing ships -passed away—became coal-hulks, were broken up; or, changing their name -and nationality, sailed under a Scandinavian flag.</p> - -<p>The East India Company rose from being a private venture of a few -enterprising merchants to become a gigantic corporation of immense -political power, with its own governors, its own cavalry, artillery -and infantry, its own navy, and yet with its trade-monopoly and its -unsurpassed “regular service” of merchantmen. The latter were the -largest, the best built, and the most powerfully armed vessels in -the world, with the exception only of some warships. They were, so -to speak, the crack liners of the day, but they were a great deal -more besides. Their officers were the finest navigators afloat, -their seamen were at times as able as any of the crews in the Royal -Navy, and in time of war the Government showed how much it coveted -them by impressing them into its service, to the great chagrin and -inconvenience of the East India Company, as we shall see later on in -our story.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_004fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_004fp.jpg" width="614" height="430" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE EAST INDIA HOUSE.<br /> -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p></div> - -<p>From being at first a small trading concern with a handful of factors -and an occasional factory planted in the East in solitary places, the -Company progressed till it had its own civil service with its training -college in England for the cadets aspiring to be sent out to the East. -It is due to the Company not only that India is now under the British -flag,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span> but that the wealth of our country has been largely increased -and a new outlet was found for our manufactures. The factors who went -out in the first Indiamen sailing ships sowed the seed which to-day we -now reap. The commanders of these vessels made their “plots” (charts) -and obtained by bitter experience the details which provided the first -sailing directions. They were at once explorers, traders, fighters, -surveyors. The conditions under which they voyaged were hard enough, -as we shall see: and the loss of human life was a high price at which -all this material trade-success was obtained. Notwithstanding all -the quarrels, the jealousies, the murders, the deceits, the misrule -and corruption, the bribery and extortion which stain the activities -of the East India Company, yet during its existence it raised the -condition of the natives from the lowest disorder and degradation: and -if the Company found it not easy to separate its commercial from its -political aspirations, yet the British Government in turn found it -very convenient on occasions when this corporation’s funds could be -squeezed, its men impressed; or even its ships employed for guarding -the coasts of England or transporting troops out to India.</p> - -<p>It is difficult to realise all that the East India Company stood for. -It comprised under its head a large shipping line with many of the -essential attributes of a ruling nation, and its merchant ships not -only opened up to our traders India, but Japan and China as well. And -bear in mind that the old East Indiamen set forth on their voyages -not with the same light hearts that their modern successors, the -steamships of the P. & O. line, begin their journey.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span> Before the East -India Company’s ships got to their destination, they had to sail right -away round the Cape of Good Hope and then across the Indian Ocean, -having no telegraphic communication with the world, and with none of -the comforts of a modern liner—no preserved foods, no iced drinks or -anything of that sort. Any moment they were liable to be plunged into -an engagement: if not with the French or Dutch men-of-war, then with -roving privateers or well-armed pirate ships manned by some of the -most redoubtable rascals of the time, who stopped at no slaughter or -brutality. There were the perils, too, of storms, and of other forms -of shipwreck, and the almost monotonous safety of the modern liner was -a thing that did not exist. Later on we shall see in what difficulties -some of these ships became involved. It was because they were ever -expectant of a fight that they were run practically naval fashion. They -were heavily armed with guns, they had their special code of signals -for day and night, they carried their gunners, who were well drilled -and always prepared to fight: and we shall see more than one instance -where these merchant ships were far too much for a French admiral and -his squadron.</p> - -<p>These East Indiamen sailing ships were really wonderful for what -they did, the millions of miles over which they sailed, the millions -of pounds’ worth of goods which they carried out and home: and this -not merely for one generation, but for two and a half centuries. It -is really surprising that such a unique monopoly should have been -enjoyed for all this time, and that other ships should have been (with -the exceptions we shall presently note) kept out<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span> of this benefit. -The result was that an East Indiaman was spoken of with just as much -respect as a man-of-war. She was built regardless of cost and kept in -the best of conditions; and all the other merchantmen in the seven seas -could not rival her for strength, beauty and equipment. It was a golden -age, a glorious age: an epoch in which British seamanhood, British -shipbuilding in wood, were capable of being improved upon only by the -clipper ships that followed for a brief interval. They earned handsome -dividends for the Company, they were always full of passengers, troops -and valuable freight; and, although they were not as fine-lined as the -clipper ships, yet they made some astounding passages. They carried -crews that in number and quality would make the heart of a modern -Scandinavian skipper break with envy. The result was that they were -excellently handled and could carry on in a breeze till the last -minute, when sail could be taken in smartly with the minimum of warning.</p> - -<p>The country fully appreciated how invaluable was this East India -service, and certainly no merchantmen were ever so regulated and -controlled by Acts of Parliament. To-day you never hear of any merchant -skipper buying or selling his command, nor retiring after a very few -voyages with a nice little fortune for the rest of his life. But these -things occurred in the old East Indiamen, when commanders received even -knighthoods and a good income settled on them, for life, as a reward -of their gallantry. Those were indeed the palmy days of the merchant -service, and many an ill-paid mercantile officer to-day, wearied of -receiving owners’ complaints and no thanks, must regret that his lot<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span> -was not to be serving with the East India Company.</p> - -<p>When we consider the two important centuries and a half, during -which the East Indiamen ships were making history and trade for our -country, helping in the most important manner to build up our Indian -Empire, fighting the Portuguese, the Dutch and the French, privateers -and pirates, and generally opening up the countries of the East, it -is to me perfectly extraordinary that the history of these ships has -never yet been written. I have searched in vain in our great national -libraries—in the British Museum, the India Office, the Admiralty -and elsewhere—but I have not been able to find one volume dealing -exclusively with these craft. In an age that sees no end to the making -of books there is therefore need for a volume that should long since -have been written. Many of the story-books of our boyhood begin with -the hero leaving England in an East Indiaman: but they say little or -nothing as to how she was rigged, how she was manned, and what uniforms -her officers wore.</p> - -<p>I feel, then, that I may with confidence ask the reader who loves ships -for themselves, or is fascinated by history, or is specially interested -in the rise of our Indian Empire, to follow me in the following pages -while the story of these old East Indiamen is narrated. In a little -while we shall have passed entirely from the last of all surviving -ocean-going sailing ships, but during the whole of their period none -have left their mark so significantly on past and present affairs -as the old East Indiamen. I can guarantee that while pursuing this -story the reader will find much that will interest and even surprise -him: but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span> above all will be seen triumphant the true grit and pluck -which have ever been the attributes of our national sailormen—the -determination to carry out, in spite of all costs and hardships, the -serious task imposed on them of getting the ship safely to port with -all her valuable lives, and her rich cargoes, regardless of weather, -pirates, privateers and the enemies of the nation whose flag they -flew. And this fine spirit will be found to be confined to no special -century nor to any particular ship: but rather to pervade the whole of -the East India Company’s merchant service. The days of such a monopoly -as this corporation’s trade and shipping are much more distant even -than they seem in actual years: but happily it is our proud boast, as -year after year demonstrates, that those qualities, which composed -the magnificent seamanhood of the crews of these vessels, are no less -existent and flourishing to-day in the other ships under the British -flag that venture north, south, east and west. The only main difference -is this:—Yesterday the sailor had a hundred chances, for every one -opportunity which is afforded to-day to the sons of the sea, of showing -that the grand, undying desire to do the right thing in the time of -crisis is one of the greatest assets of our nation.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE MAGNETIC EAST</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Within</span> human experience it is a safe maxim, that if you keep on -continuously thinking and longing for a certain object you are almost -sure, eventually, to obtain that which you desire.</p> - -<p>There is scarcely any better instance of this on a large scale than -the longing to find a route to India by sea, and the attainment of -this only after long years and years. As a study of perseverance it -is remarkable: but the inspiration of the whole project was to get at -the world’s great treasure-house, to find the way thereto and then -unlock its doors. For centuries there had been trade routes between -Europe and India overland. But the establishment of the Ottoman Empire -in the fifteenth century placed a barrier across these routes. This -suggested that there might possibly be—there was most probably—a route -via the sea, and this would have the advantage of an easier method of -transportation. It is very curious how throughout the ages a vague -tradition survives and lingers on from century to century, finally to -decide men’s minds on some momentous matter. It is not quite a literal -inspiration, for often enough these ancient traditions had a modicum of -truth therein contained.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span></p> - -<p>In my last book, “Ships and Ways of Other Days,” I gave an instance of -this which was remarkable enough to bear repeating. A reproduction was -given of a fourteenth-century portolano, or chart, in which the shape -of Southern Africa was seen to be extraordinarily accurate: and this, -notwithstanding that it was sketched one hundred and thirty-five years -before the Cape of Good Hope had been doubled. Some might suppose this -knowledge to have been the result of second-sight, but my suggestion -is that it was the result of an ancient tradition that the lower -part of the African continent was shaped as depicted. For there is -a well-founded belief that about the beginning of the sixth century -<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> the Phœnicians were sent by Neco, an Egyptian king, down -the Red Sea; and that after circumnavigating the African continent they -entered the Mediterranean from the westward.</p> - -<p>The dim recollection of this voyage over a portion of the Indian Ocean, -coupled with other knowledge derived from the Arabian seamen, doubtless -left little hesitation in the minds of the seafaring peoples of the -Mediterranean that the sea route to India existed if indeed it could be -found. The various fruitless attempts, beginning with Vivaldi’s voyage -from Genoa in 1281, are all evidence that this belief never died. For -years nothing more successful was obtained than to get to Madeira or a -little lower down the west coast of Africa, yet almost every effort was -pushing on nearer the goal; even though that goal was still a very long -way distant. The East was exercising a magnetic influence on the minds -of men: India was bound to be discovered sooner or later, if they did -not weary of the attempt.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span></p> - -<p>Then comes on to the scene the famous Prince Henry the Navigator, who -built the first observatory of Portugal, established a naval arsenal, -gathered together at his Sagres headquarters the greatest pilots and -navigators which could be collected, founded a school of navigation and -chart-making, and then sent his trained, picked men forth to sail the -seas, explore the unknown south with the hope ultimately of reaching -the rich land of India. I have discussed this matter with such detail -in the volume already alluded to that it will be enough if I here -remark briefly that though Prince Henry died in the year 1460 without -any of his ships or men attaining India, yet less than forty years -were to elapse ere this was attained, and his was the influence which -really brought this about. We must never forget that on the historical -road to India through the long ages from the earliest times down to the -fifteenth century the name of Prince Henry the Navigator represents one -of the most important milestones.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_012fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_012fp.jpg" width="600" height="349" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SHIP “GENERAL -GODDARD,” COMMANDED BY WM. TAYLOR MONEY, WITH HIS MAJESTY’S SHIP -“SCEPTRE” AND “SWALLOW,” PACKET, CAPTURING SEVEN DUTCH EAST INDIAMEN -OFF ST. HELENA, ON 14th JUNE, 1795.</span><br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_012fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>You know so well how that thereafter, in the year 1486, the King of -Portugal sent forth two expeditions with the desire to find an eastern -route to India, and that one of these proceeded through Egypt, then -down the Red Sea, across the Arabian Sea, and finally after some -hardships reached Calicut, in the south-west of India. The other -expedition consisted of a little squadron under Bartholomew Diaz, and -although it did not get as far as India, yet it passed the Cape of -Torments without knowing it—far out to sea—and even sighted Algoa Bay. -The Cape of Torments he had called that promontory on his way back, -remembering the bad weather which he here found: but the Cape of Good -Hope his master,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span> -King John II., renamed it when Diaz reached home in safety. And then, -finally, the last of these efforts was fraught with success when Vasco -da Gama, in the year 1497, not only doubled the Cape of Good Hope, but -discovered Mozambique, Melinda (a little north of Mombasa), and thence -with the help of an Indian pilot crossed the ocean and reached Calicut -by sea in twenty-three days—an absolutely unprecedented achievement for -one who had sailed all the way from the Tagus.</p> - -<p>This was the beginning of an entirely new era in the progress of the -world, and till the crack of doom it will remain a memorable voyage, -not merely for the fact that da Gama was able to succeed where so -many others had failed, but because it unlocked the door of the East, -first to the Portuguese, and subsequently to other nations of Europe. -The twin arts of seamanship and navigation had made this possible, -and it was only because the Portuguese, most especially Prince Henry, -had believed “in ye sea” that the key had been found. As Columbus, -by believing in the sea, was enabled in looking for India to open up -the Western world, so was da Gama privileged to unlock the East. And -since the sea connotes the ship we arrive at the standpoint that it is -this long-suffering creature, fashioned by the hand of man, which has -done more for the civilisation of the world than any other of those -wonderful creations which the human mind has evolved from the things of -the earth.</p> - -<p>The first cargo which da Gama brought home was, so to speak, merely a -small sample of those goods which were to be obtained by the ships that -came after for generation after generation till the present<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span> day. It -showed how great and priceless were the riches of the East—spices and -perfumes, pearls and rubies, diamonds and cinnamon. The safe arrival -of these, when da Gama got back home, made a profound impression. But -it was no mere sentimental wonder, for the receipt of all these goods -repaid the cost of the entire expedition sixty-fold. From this time -forth the Portuguese were busily engaged in extracting wealth as men -get it out from a gold mine. Their ships went backwards and forwards in -their long voyages, sometimes narrowly escaping the attentions of the -Moslem pirates anxious to relieve them of their valuable cargoes. Some -Portuguese settled in India, and gradually there came into existence a -fringe of Portuguese nationality extending from the Malabar coast right -away to the Persian Gulf. Even as far as Japan was the East explored, -and the vast fortunes which were brought back ever astonished the -merchants of Europe. The first Portuguese factory was established at -Calicut in the year 1500. For about a hundred years they were able to -benefit, unrivalled, by their newly found treasure-house and to use -their best endeavours, unfettered, to empty it.</p> - -<p>In 1503 they erected their first fortress and strengthened their -position. In their hands was the monopoly: theirs were the great -and invaluable secrets of this amazing trade. And considering -everything—the enterprise and training of Prince Henry, the far-sighted -prudence in believing in the sea, the years and years of distressful -voyages, the final attainment of the treasure-land only after many -vicissitudes and the loss of ships and men—we cannot marvel that the -Portuguese preserved these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span> secrets, and held on to their monopoly, -to the annoyance of the rest of civilised Europe. The fact was that -Portugal was then the sovereign of the seas: she was far too strong -afloat for any other country to think of wresting from her by force -what she had obtained only by much study, skill and perseverance. What -she had obtained she was going to hold. Those who wanted these Eastern -goods must come to Lisbon, where the mart was held: and come they did, -but they went back home envious that Portugal should enjoy this secret -monopoly, and wondering all the time how India could be reached by a -new route.</p> - -<p>Curiosity and envy combined have been the means of the unravelling of -many a secret. It was so now. Let us not fail to realise how greatly -these human feelings influenced many of the voyages during the next -hundred years. We justly admire the great daring of the Elizabethan -seamen, but though the spirit of adventure and the hatred of Spain -had a great deal to do with the cause of their setting forth to cross -the ocean, yet there was another reason: and this explains much that -is not otherwise quite clear. It is always fair to assume that men do -not act except at the instigation of some clear motive. They do not -persuade merchants to expend the whole of their small wealth in buying -or building ships, victualling them and providing all the necessary -inventories, without some rational cause. In the Elizabethan times, -when wealth was much rarer than it is to-day, the prime motive of these -expeditions was the pursuit of greater wealth.</p> - -<p>But as England was not yet as expert at sea as the Portuguese, she -could not hope to obtain the treasures of distant lands. Before she was -ready<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span> there was, however, still Spain: and the latter was determined -to do her best to obtain on her own what Portugal was enjoying. In -a word, then, many of the sixteenth-century voyages which we have -attributed, rashly, solely to a hope for adventurous exploration were -in fact animated by the desire to find some new route to India. To -this inspiration must be attributed many of those long sea journeys to -the north, the north-east and the north-west. Men did not endeavour to -find north-east or north-west passages merely for fun, but in order to -discover a road to India. No one knew that it was impossible: if the -Portuguese had been able to go one way, why should not they themselves -go by another route? Remembering this, you must think of Spain sending -Magellan to the west; of England sending Davis to the north-west; and -of Holland sending Barentsz to the north-east to find a passage to the -treasure-land of India or China.</p> - -<p>The Spaniards discovered a way to India through the straits which are -called after Magellan, and henceforth did their utmost to keep the -ships of other countries out of their newly found waters, until the -increase of English sea-power and the daring of our more experienced -seamen showed that this Spanish sovereignty on sea could not be -maintained by force. But still the English seamen had not yet reached -India. We must turn for a moment to the Dutch, who were destined to -become a great naval power. In the year 1580 the Spanish and Portuguese -dominions had become united under the Spanish crown, and the Dutch -were excluded from trading with Lisbon, their ships confiscated and -their owners thrown into prison. Now, one of these captains<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span> while -undergoing his imprisonment obtained from some Portuguese sailors a -good deal of information concerning the Indian Seas, so that when he -reached the Netherlands again he told the most wonderful accounts to -his countrymen. The latter were so impressed by what was related that -they decided to send an expedition to find the Indies themselves.</p> - -<p>Presently, then, we shall see the Dutch not merely casting longing -eyes towards India, but actually getting a footing therein, building -up a very lucrative trade and employing great, well-built craft: but -before we come to that stage we must note the gradual and persistent -way in which the countries outside the Iberian Peninsula felt their -way to this land of spices and precious stones, and after groping some -time in the dark found that which they had been searching for during -generations.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE LURE OF NATIONS</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">When</span> once it was realised how wonderful was Portugal’s good fortune in -the East, the nations of Europe one and all desired to enjoy some of -these riches for themselves.</p> - -<p>Even during the time of Henry VIII. one Master Robert Thorne, a London -merchant, who had lived for a long time in Seville and had observed -with envy the enterprise of the Portuguese, declared to his English -sovereign a secret “which hitherto, as I suppose, hath beene hid”—viz. -that “with a small number of ships there may bee discovered divers -New lands and kingdoms ... to which places there is left one way to -discover, which is into the North.... For out of Spaine they have -discovered all the Indies and Seas Occidentall, and out of Portingall -all the Indies and Seas Orientall.” His idea, then, was to seek a way -to India via the north. The same Robert Thorne, writing in the year -1527 to Dr Ley, “Lord ambassadour for king Henry the eight,” concerning -“the new trade of spicery” of the East, pointed out the wealth of the -Moluccas (Malay Archipelago) abounding “with golde, Rubies, Diamondes, -Balasses, Granates, Jacincts, and other stones and pearles, as all -other lands, that are under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span> and neere the Equinoctiall”; for just as -“our mettalls be Lead, Tinne, and iron, so theirs be gold, silver and -copper.”</p> - -<p>Now Master Thorne was a very shrewd investor. “In a fleete of three -shippes and a caravel,” he says, “that went from this citie armed by -the marchants of it, which departed in Aprill last past, I and my -partener have one thousand foure hundred duckets that we employed in -the sayd fleete, principally for that two English men, friends of -mine, which are somewhat learned in Cosmographie, should go in the -same shippes, to bring me certaine relation of the situation of the -countrey, and to be expert in the navigation of those seas, and there -to have informations of many other things, and advise that I desire to -know especially.” His idea was that our seamen should obtain some of -the Portuguese “cardes” (<em>i.e.</em> charts) “by which they saile,” “learne -how they understand them,” and thus, in plain language, crib some of -the Portuguese secrets.</p> - -<p>Thorne shows that he was no mean student of geography himself. Already -he possessed “a little Mappe or Carde of the world” and pointed out -that from Cape Verde “the coast goeth Southward to a Cape called Capo -de buona speransa” (the Portuguese name for the Cape of Good Hope). -“And by this Cape go the Portingals to their Spicerie. For from this -Cape toward the Orient, is the land of Calicut.” “The coastes of the -Sea throughout all the world I have coloured with yellow, for that -it may appeare that all is within the line coloured yellow is to be -imagined to be maine land or islands: and all without the line so -coloured to bee Sea: whereby it is easie and light to know it.” Now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span> -Thorne had obtained this “carde” somehow by stealth: by rights he -should not have possessed it, for the Portuguese, as already mentioned, -were most anxious that their Indian secrets should not be divulged. He -therefore begs his friend not to show anyone this chart else “it may -be a cause of paine to the maker: as well for that none may make these -cardes, but certaine appointed and allowed for masters, as for that -peradventure it would not sound well to them, that a stranger should -know or discover their secretes: and would appeare worst of all, if -they understand that I write touching the short way to the spicerie by -our Seas.”</p> - -<p>We see, then, the determined desire to obtain the required information -about a route to India obtained from the study of the very charts -which the Portuguese made after some of their voyages, and by sending -Englishmen out in their ships sufficiently expert in cosmography to -learn all that could be known. It must not be forgotten, at the same -time, that there were also land-travellers who journeyed to India and -brought back alluring accounts of India. Cæsar Frederick, for instance, -a Venetian merchant, set forth in the year 1563 with some merchandise -bound for the East. From Venice he sailed in a vessel as far as Cyprus: -from there he took passage in a smaller craft and landed in Syria, and -then journeying to Aleppo got in touch with some Armenian and Moorish -merchants whom he accompanied to Ormuz (on the Persian Gulf), where -he found that the Portuguese had already established a factory and -strengthened it, as the English East India Company’s servants were -afterwards wont, with a fort. From Ormuz he went on to Goa and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span> other -places in India. Already, he pointed out, the Portuguese had a fleet -or “Armada” of warships to guard their merchant craft in these parts -from attack by pirates. Proceeding thence to Cochin, at the south-west -of India, he found that the natives called all Christians coming from -the West Portuguese, whether they were Italians, Frenchmen or whatever -else: so powerful a hold had the first settlers from the Iberian -Peninsula gained on the Indians. We need not follow this traveller on -his way to Sumatra, to the Ganges and elsewhere, but it is enough to -state that the accounts which he gave to his fellow-Europeans naturally -whetted still more the appetites of the merchant traders anxious to -get in touch with India by sea. He told them how rich the East was -in pepper and ginger, nutmegs and sandalwood, aloes, pearls, rubies, -sapphires, diamonds. It was a magnificent opportunity for an honest -merchant to find wealth. “Now to finish that which I have begunne to -write, I say that those parts of the Indies are very good, because that -a man that hath little shall make a very great deale thereof: alwayes -they must governe themselves that they be taken for honest men.”</p> - -<p>When Magellan set forth from Seville to find a new route to India he -had gone via the straits which now bear his name, and then striking -north-west across the wide Pacific had arrived at the Philippine -Islands, where he was killed. But his ships proceeded thence to the -Moluccas, and one of his little squadron of five actually arrived back -at Seville, having thus encircled the globe. Englishmen, however, were -so determined that there was a nearer route than this that, in the year -1582, the Indian frenzy which enthralled our countrymen culminated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span> -in the voyage of Edward Fenton that set forth bound for Asia. This -expedition consisted of four ships. It was customary in those days to -speak of the Commodore or Admiral of the expedition as the “Generall,” -thus indicating, by the way, that not yet had the English navy got -away from the influence of the land army. The flagship was spoken of -as the “Admirall.” These four ships, then, consisted, firstly, of the -<em>Leicester</em>, the “Admirall” of the squadron. She was a vessel of 400 -tons, her “generall” being Captain Edward Fenton, with William Hawkins -(the younger) as “Lieutenant General,” or second in command of the -expedition, the master of the ship being Christopher Hall. The second -ship was the <em>Edward Bonaventure</em>, a well-known sixteenth-century craft -of 300 tons, which was commanded by Captain Luke Ward, and the master -was Thomas Perrie. The third ship was the <em>Francis</em>, a little craft of -only 40 tons, whose captain was John Drake and her master was William -Markham. The fourth was the <em>Elizabeth</em>, of 50 tons; captain, Thomas -Skevington, and master, Ralph Crane.</p> - -<p>Before we proceed any further it may be as well to explain a point -that might otherwise cause confusion. In the ships of that time the -captain was in supreme command, but he was not necessarily a seaman -or navigator. He was the leader of the ship or expedition, but he -was not a specialist in the arts of the sea. As we know from Monson, -Elizabethan captains “were gentlemen of worth and means, maintaining -there diet at their own charge.” “The Captaines charge,” says the -famous Elizabethan Captain John Smith, the first president of Virginia, -“is to commaund all, and tell the Maister to what port<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span> he will go, or -to what height” (<em>i.e.</em> latitude). In a fight he is “to giue direction -for the managing thereof, and the Maister is to see to the cunning -[of] the ship, and trimming the sailes.” The master is also, with his -mate, “to direct the course, commaund all the saylors, for steering, -trimming, and sayling the ship”: and the pilot is he who, “when they -make land, doth take the charge of the ship till he bring her to -harbour.” And, finally, not to weary the reader too much, there is just -one other word which is often used in these expeditions that we may -explain. The “cape-merchant” was the man who had shipped on board to -look after the cargo of merchandise carried in the hold.</p> - -<p>On the 1st of April 1582 the <em>Edward Bonaventure</em> started from -Blackwall in the Thames, and on the nineteenth of the same month -arrived off Netley, in Southampton Water, where the <em>Leicester</em> was -found waiting. On 1st May the four weighed anchor, but did not get -clear of the land till the end of the month, “partly of businesse, and -partly of contrary windes.” The complement of these ships numbered -a couple of hundred, including the gentlemen adventurers with their -servants, the factors (who were to open up trade), and the chaplains. -In selecting crews, as many seamen as possible were obtained, but -by this time these were not at all numerous in England: and even -then great care had to be taken to avoid shipping “any disordered or -mutinous person.”</p> - -<p>The instructions given to Captain Fenton are so illustrative of these -rules then so essential for the good government of overseas expeditions -that it will not be out of place to notice them with some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span> detail. -As for the “Generall,” “if it should please God to take him away,” a -number of names were “secretly set down to succeede in his place one -after the other.” These names were inscribed on parchment and then -sealed up in balls of wax with the Queen’s signet. They were then -placed in two coffers, which were locked with three separate locks, -one key being kept in the custody of the captain of the <em>Edward -Bonaventure</em>, the second in the care of the <em>Leicester’s</em> captain, and -the third in the keeping of Master Maddox, the chaplain. If the general -were to die, these coffers were to be opened and the party named -therein to succeed him.</p> - -<p>Fenton’s instructions were to use all possible diligence to leave -Southampton with his ships before the end of April, and then make for -the Cape of Good Hope and so to the Moluccas. After leaving the English -coast the general was to have special regard “so to order your course, -as that your ships and vessels lose not one another, but keep companie -together.” But lest by tempest or other cause the squadron should get -separated, the captains and masters were to be advised previously of -rendezvous, “wherein you will stay certaine dayes.” And every ship -which reached her rendezvous and then passed on without knowing what -had become of the other ships, was to “leave upon every promontorie -or cape a token to stand in sight, with a writing lapped in leade to -declare the day of their passage.” They were not to take anything -from the Queen’s friends or allies, or any Christians, without paying -therefor: and in all transactions they were to deal like good and -honest merchants, “ware for ware.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_024fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_024fp.jpg" width="600" height="404" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “ESSEX,” EAST INDIAMAN, AS SHE APPEARED WHEN -REFITTED AND AT ANCHOR IN BOMBAY HARBOUR.<br /> -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_024fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>With a view to inaugurating a future trade they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span> were if possible to -bring home one or two of the natives, leaving behind some Englishmen -as pledges, and in order to learn the language of the country. No -person was to keep for his private use any precious stone or metal: -otherwise he was to lose “all the recompense he is to have for his -service in this voyage by share or otherwise.” A just account was to -be kept of the merchandise taken out from England and what was brought -home subsequently. And there is a strict order given which shows how -slavishly the Portuguese example of secrecy was being copied. “You -shall give straight order to restraine, that none shall make any charts -or descriptions of the sayd voyage, but such as shall bee deputed by -you the Generall, which sayd charts and descriptions, wee thinke meete -that you the Generall shall take into your hands at your returne to -this our coast of England, leaving with them no copie, and to present -them unto us at your returne: the like to be done if they finde any -charts or maps in those countreys.”</p> - -<p>At the conclusion of the expedition the ships were to make for the -Thames, and no one was to land any goods until the Lords of the Council -had been informed of the ships’ arrival. As to the routine on board, -Fenton was instructed to set down in writing the rules to be kept by -the crew, so that in no case could ignorance be pleaded as excuse for -delinquency. “And to the end God may blesse this voyage with happie -and prosperous successe, you shall have an especiall care to see that -reverence and respect bee had to the Ministers appointed to accompanie -you in this voyage, as appertaineth to their place and calling, and -to see such good order as by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span> them shall be set downe for reformation -of life and maners, duely obeyed and perfourmed, by causing the -transgressours and contemners of the same to be severely punished, and -the Ministers to remoove sometime from one vessell to another.”</p> - -<p>But notwithstanding all these precautions this voyage was not the -success which had been hoped for. After reaching the west coast of -Africa and then stretching across to Brazil, where they watered ships, -did some caulking, “scraped off the wormes” from the hulls, and learnt -that the Spanish fleet were in the neighbourhood of the Magellan -Straits, they determined to return to England. This they accordingly -did. Before leaving England they had been instructed not to pass by -these straits either going or returning, “except upon great occasion -incident” with the consent of at least four of Fenton’s assistants. But -a conference had decided that it were best to make for Brazil. And then -the news which they received there of the Spanish fleet convinced them -that it were futile to attempt to get to India that way.</p> - -<p>But as the Italian whom we mentioned just now got to India by the -overland route, so an Englishman named Ralph Fitch, a London merchant, -being desirous to see the Orient, reached Goa in India via Syria and -Ormuz. He set sail from Gravesend on 13th February 1582, left Falmouth -on 11th March, and then never put in anywhere till the ship landed him -at Tripoli in Syria on the following 30th April. After being absent -from home nine years, Fitch came back in an English ship to London in -April 1591. The reports which he brought were similar to the Italian’s -verdict. India was rich in pepper, ginger, cloves, nutmegs, sandalwood, -camphor, amber, sap<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>phires, rubies, diamonds, pearls, and so on. There -was not the slightest doubt that it was the country to trade with. But, -as yet, no English ship had found the way thither.</p> - -<p>During the years 1585-1587 John Davis tried to find a way thither by -the North-West Passage. Davis had a fine reputation as “a man very well -grounded in the principles of the Arte of Navigation,” but none the -less his efforts were unavailing. In 1588 the coming of the expected -Armada turned the energies of the English seamen into another channel. -But already, in the year 1586, Thomas Candish had set out from Plymouth -with the <em>Desire</em>, 120 tons, the <em>Content</em> of 60 tons and the <em>Hugh -Gallant</em> of 40 tons, victualled for two years and well found at his own -expense. Journeying via Sierra Leone, Brazil and the Magellan Straits, -he reached the Pacifice and China, and after touching at the Philippine -Islands passed through the Straits of Java. From Java he crossed the -ocean to the Cape of Good Hope, was able to correct the errors in -the Portuguese sea “carts,” and in September 1588 reached Plymouth -once more, having learnt from a Flemish craft bound from Lisbon that -the Spanish Armada had been defeated, “to the singular rejoycing and -comfort of us all.”<a name="FNanchor_A_1" id="FNanchor_A_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_1" class="fnanchor">A</a></p> - -<p>The value of this voyage round the world was, from a navigator’s point -of view, of inestimable advantage. For the benefit of those English -navigators who were, a few years later, to begin the ceaseless voyages -backwards and forwards round the Cape of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span> -Good Hope, between England and India, Candish made the -most elaborate notes and sailing directions, giving the latitudes -(or, as the Elizabethans called them, “the heights”) of most of the -places passed or visited. Very elaborate soundings were taken and -recorded, giving the depth in fathoms and the nature of the sea-bed, -wherever they went round the world, if the depth was not too great. In -addition, he gave the courses from place to place, the distances, where -to anchor, what dangers to avoid, providing warning of any difficult -straits or channels, the variation of the compass at different places, -the direction of the wind from certain dates to certain dates, and so -on. But this, valuable as it undoubtedly was in many ways, did not -exhaust the utility of the voyage. From China, whither the ships of the -East India Company some years later were to trade, “I have brought such -intelligence,” he wrote on his return to the Lord Chamberlain, “as hath -not bene heard of in these parts. The stateliness and riches of which -countrey I feare to make report of, least I should not be credited: -for if I had not knowen sufficiently the incomparable wealth of that -countrey, I should have bene as incredulous thereof, as others will be -that have not had the like experience.”</p> - -<p>And he showed in still further detail the fine opportunity which -existed in the East and awaited only the coming of the English -merchant. “I sailed along the Ilands of the Malucos, where among some -of the heathen people I was well intreated, where our countrey men may -have trade as freely as the Portugals if they will themselves.”</p> - -<p>It is not therefore surprising that in the following year the English -merchants began to stir themselves<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span> afresh. The East was calling -loudly: and with the information brought back by Candish and some -other knowledge, gained in a totally different manner, the time was -now ripe for an expedition to succeed. For in the year 1587 Drake had -left Plymouth, sailed across the Bay of Biscay, arrived at Cadiz Roads, -where he did considerable harm to Spanish shipping, spoiled Philip’s -plans for invading England that year, and then set a course for the -Azores. It was not long before he sighted a big, tall ship, which was -none other than the great carack, <em>San Felipe</em>, belonging to the King -of Spain himself, whose name in fact she bore. This vessel was now -homeward-bound from the East Indies and full of a rich cargo. Drake -made it his duty to capture her in spite of her size, and very soon she -was his and on her way to Plymouth.</p> - -<p>Now the most wonderful feature of this incident was, historically, -not the daring of Drake nor the value of the ship and cargo. The -latter combined were found to be worth £114,000 in Elizabethan money, -or in modern coinage about a million pounds sterling. But the most -valuable of all were the ship’s papers found aboard, which disclosed -the long-kept secrets of the East Indian trade. Therefore, this fact, -taken in conjunction with the arrival of Candish the year following, -and the wonderful incentive to English sea-daring given by the victory -over the Spanish Armada—the fleet of the very nation whose ships had -kept the English out of India—will prepare the reader for the memorial -which the English merchants made to Queen Elizabeth, setting forth the -great benefits which would arise through a direct trade with India. -They there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span>fore prayed for a royal licence to send three ships thither. -But Elizabeth was a procrastinating, uncertain woman. She had in that -expedition of Drake in 1587 first given her permission and then had -sent a messenger post haste all the way to Plymouth countermanding -these orders. Luckily for the country, Drake had already got so far out -to sea that it was impossible to deliver the message: and it was a good -thing there was no such thing as wireless telegraphy in Elizabeth’s -time.</p> - -<p>So, in regard to these petitioning merchants, first she would and then -she wouldn’t, and she kept the matter hanging indecisively until a few -months before April 1591. By that time the necessary capital had been -raised and the final preparations made, so that on the tenth of that -month “three tall ships,” named respectively the <em>Penelope</em> (which was -the “Admirall”), the <em>Marchant Royall</em> (which was the “Vice-Admirall”) -and the <em>Edward Bonaventure</em> “Rear-Admirall”) were able to let loose -their canvas and sailed out of Plymouth Sound.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE ROUTE TO THE EAST</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I want</span> in this chapter to call your attention to a very gallant English -captain named James Lancaster, whose grit and endurance in the time of -hard things, whose self-effacing loyalty to duty, show that there were -giants afloat in those days in the ships which were to voyage to the -East.</p> - -<p>The account of the first of these voyages I have taken from Hakluyt, -who in turn had obtained it by word of mouth from a man named Edmund -Barker, of Ipswich. Hakluyt was known for his love of associating with -seamen and obtaining from them first-hand accounts of their experiences -afloat. And inasmuch as Barker is described as Lancaster’s lieutenant -on the voyage, and the account was witnessed by James Lancaster’s -signature, we may rely on the facts being true. Hakluyt was of course -very closely connected with the subject of our inquiry. When the East -India Company was started he was appointed its first historiographer, -a post for which he was eminently fitted. He lectured on the subject -of voyaging to the Orient, he made the maps and journals which came -back in these ships useful to subsequent navigators and of the greatest -interest to merchants and others. And when he died his work<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span> was in -part carried on by Samuel Purchas of <em>Pilgrimes</em> fame. The second of -these voyages, in which Lancaster again triumphs over what many would -call sheer bad luck, has been taken from a letter which was sent to -the East India Company by one of its servants, and is preserved in the -archives of the India Office and will be dealt with in the following -chapter. But for the present we will confine our attention to the -voyage of those three ships mentioned at the end of the last chapter.</p> - -<p>After leaving Devonshire the <em>Penelope</em>, <em>Marchant Royall</em> and <em>Edward -Bonaventure</em> arrived at the Canary Isles in a fortnight, having the -advantage of a fair north-east wind. Before reaching the Equator -they were able to capture a Portuguese caravel bound from Lisbon for -Brazil with a cargo of Portuguese merchandise consisting of 60 tuns of -wine, 1200 jars of oil, about 100 jars of olives and other produce. -This came as a veritable good fortune to the English ships, for the -latter’s crews had already begun to be afflicted with bad health. “We -had two men died before wee passed the line, and divers sicke, which -tooke their sicknesse in those hote climates: for they be wonderful -unholesome from 8 degrees of Northerly latitude unto the line, at that -time of the yeere: for we had nothing but Ternados, with such thunder, -lightning, and raine, that we could not keep our men drie 3 houres -together, which was an occasion of the infection among them, and their -eating of salt victuals, with lacke of clothes to shift them.” After -crossing the Equator they had for a long time an east-south-east wind, -which carried them to within a hundred leagues of the coast of Brazil, -and then getting a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span> northerly wind they were able to make for the Cape -of Good Hope, which they sighted on 28th July. For three days they -stood off and on with a contrary wind, unable to weather it. They had -had a long voyage, and the health of the crew in those leaky, stinking -ships had become bad. They therefore made for Table Bay, or, as it was -then called, Saldanha, where they anchored on 1st August.</p> - -<p>The men were able to go ashore and obtain exercise after being cramped -for so many weeks afloat, and found the land inhabited by black -savages, “very brutish.” They obtained fresh food by shooting fowl, -though “there was no fish but muskles and other shel-fish, which we -gathered on the rockes.” Later on a number of seals and penguins were -killed and taken on board, and eventually, thanks to negro assistance, -cattle and sheep were obtained by bartering. But when the time came -to start off for the rest of the voyage it was very clear that the -squadron, owing to the loss by sickness, was deficient in able-bodied -men. It was therefore “thought good rather to proceed with two ships -wel manned, then with three evill manned: for here wee had of sound -and whole men but 198.” It was deemed best to send home the <em>Marchant -Royall</em> with fifty men, many of whom were pretty well recovered from -the devastating disease of scurvy. The extraordinary feature of the -voyage was that the sailors suffered from this disease more than the -soldiers. “Our souldiers which have not bene used to the Sea, have -best held out, but our mariners dropt away, which (in my judgement) -proceedeth of their evill diet at home.”</p> - -<p>So the other two ships proceeded on their way towards India: but not -long after rounding the Cape<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span> of Good Hope they encountered “a mighty -storme and extreeme gusts of wind” off Cape Corrientes, during which -the <em>Edward Bonaventure</em> lost sight of the <em>Penelope</em>. The latter, in -fact, was never seen again, and there is no doubt that she foundered -with all hands. The <em>Edward</em>, however, pluckily kept on, though four -days later “we had a terrible clap of thunder, which slew foure of our -men outright, their necks being wrung in sonder without speaking any -word, and of 94 men there was not one untouched, whereof some were -stricken blind, others were bruised in their legs and armes, and others -in their brests, so that they voided blood two days after, others -were drawn out at length as though they had bene racked. But (God be -thanked) they all recovered saving onely the foure which were slaine -out right.” The same electric storm had wrecked the mainmast “from -the head to the decke” and “some of the spikes that were ten inches -into the timber were melted with the extreme heate thereof.” Truly -Lancaster’s command was a very trying one. What with a scurvy crew, an -unhandy ship, now partially disabled, and both hurricanes and electric -storms, there was all the trouble to break the spirit of many a man. -Still, he held determinedly on his way whither he was bound.</p> - -<p>But his troubles were now very nearly ended in one big disaster. After -having proceeded along the south-east coast of Africa, and steering in -a north-easterly direction, the ship was wallowing along her course -over the sea when a dramatic incident occurred. It was night, and while -some were below sleeping, one of the men on deck, peering through -the moonlight, saw ahead what he took for breakers.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span> He called the -attention of his companions and inquired what it was, and they readily -answered that it was the sea breaking on the shoals. It was the “Iland -of S. Laurence.” “Whereupon in very good time we cast about to avoyd -the danger which we were like to have incurred.” But it had been a -close shave, and though Lancaster was to endure many other grievous -hardships before his days were ended, yet but for the light of the -kindly moon his ship, his crew and his own life would almost certainly -have been lost that night.</p> - -<p>But this was presently to be succeeded by the luck of falling in with -three or four Arab craft, which were taken, their cargo of ducks -and hens being very acceptable. They watered the ship at the Comoro -Islands; a Portuguese boy, whom they had taken when the Arab craft were -captured, being a useful acquisition as interpreter. But the master of -the <em>Edward Bonaventure</em>, having gone ashore with thirty of his men to -obtain a still further amount of fresh water, was treacherously taken -and sixteen of his company slain. It was just one further source of -discomfort for Lancaster now to have lost his ship’s master and more -of his crew. So thence, “with heavie hearts,” the <em>Edward</em> sailed for -Zanzibar, where they learnt that the Portuguese had already warned the -natives of the character of Englishmen, in making out that the latter -were “cruell people and men-eaters, and willed them if they loved -safetie in no case to come neere us. Which they did onely to cut us off -from all knowledge of the state and traffique of the countrey.”</p> - -<p>The jealousy of the Portuguese was certainly very great: they were -annoyed, and only naturally, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span> another nation should presume to -burst into the seas which they had been the first of Europeans to open. -Off this coast, from Melinda to Mozambique, a Portuguese admiral was -cruising in a small “frigate”—that is to say, a big galley-type of -craft propelled by sails and oars. And had this “frigate” been strong -enough she would certainly have assailed Lancaster’s ship, for she came -into Zanzibar to “view and to betray our boat if he could have taken at -any time advantage.”</p> - -<p>It was whilst riding at anchor here that another electric storm -sprung the <em>Edward’s</em> foremast, which had to be repaired—“fished,” as -sailors call it—with timber from the shore. And, to add still more -to Lancaster’s bad luck, the ship’s surgeon, whilst ashore with the -newly appointed master of the ship, looking for oxen, got a sunstroke -and died. But the sojourn in that anchorage came to an end on 15th -February. The progress of this voyage had been slow, but it had been -sure. Relying on what charts he possessed, and then, after rounding -the Cape of Good Hope, practically coasting up the African shore until -reaching Zanzibar, he had wisely remained here some time. For this was -the port whence the dhows traded backwards and forwards across the -Indian Ocean and the East, and it must be remembered that the Arabs -were skilled navigators and very fine seamen, who had been making these -ocean voyages for centuries, whilst Englishmen were doing little more -than coasting passages. Zanzibar was clearly the place where Lancaster -could pick up a good deal of valuable knowledge regarding the voyage to -India, and, incidentally, he took away from here a certain negro who -had come<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span> from the East Indies and was possessed of knowledge of the -country.</p> - -<p>From Goa to Zanzibar the Arabian ships were wont to bring cargoes of -pepper, and it was now Lancaster’s intention to cut straight across -the Indian Ocean and make Cape Comorin—the southernmost point of the -Indian peninsula—as his land-fall. He then meant to hang about this -promontory, because it was to the traffic of the East what such places -as Ushant and Dungeness to-day are to the shipping of the West. He knew -that there was plenty of shipping bound from Bengal, the Malay Straits, -from China and from Japan which would come round this cape well laden -with all sorts of Eastern riches. He would therefore lie in wait off -this headland and, attacking a suitable craft, would relieve her of -her wealth. But the intention did not have the opportunity of being -fulfilled as he had wished it. “In our course,” says Lancaster, “we -were very much deceived by the currents that set into the Gulfe of the -Red Sea along the coast of Melinde”—that is to say, from Zanzibar along -the coast known to-day as British East Africa and Somaliland. “And the -windes shortening upon us to the North-east and Easterly, kept us that -we could not get off, and so with the putting in of the currents from -the Westward, set us in further unto the Northward within fourescore -leagues of” Socotra, which was “farre from our determined course and -expectation.”</p> - -<p>Therefore, as they had been brought so far to the northward of their -course, Lancaster decided that it were best to run into Socotra or -some port in the Red Sea for fresh supplies; but, luckily for him, the -wind then came north-west, which was of course<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span> a fair wind from his -present position to the south-west coast of India. Being a wise leader -he of course now availed himself of this good fortune and sped over -the Indian Ocean towards Cape Comorin, when the wind came southerly: -but presently the wind came again more westerly, and so in the month -of May 1592 the Cape was doubled, but without having sighted it, and -then a course was laid for the Nicobar Islands in the Bay of Bengal. -But though they ran on for six days with a fair wind, and plenty of it, -“these Ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due -observation of the South starre.” It would be easy enough to criticise -the lack of skill in the Elizabethan navigators, but it is much fairer -to wonder rather that they were able to find their way as well as they -did over strange seas, considering that until comparatively recently -it was to them practically a new art. Excellent seamen they certainly -had been for centuries: but it was not till long after Prince Henry the -Navigator had taught his own countrymen, that this new sea-learning -of navigation had reached England and “pilots-major” instructed our -seamen in the higher branch of their profession. They were keen, they -were adventurous, and they knew no fear: but these mariners were -rude, unscientific men, who could not always be relied upon to make -observations accurately. They did the best they could with their -astrolabes and cross-staffs, but they lacked the perfection of the -modern sextant. The most they could hope for was to make a land-fall -not too distant from where they wanted to get, and then, having picked -up the land, keep it aboard as far as possible. Thus they would -approach their destined port, off which,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span> by means of parleying with -one of the native craft, they might persuade one of the crew to come -aboard and so pilot them in.</p> - -<p>As the <em>Edward Bonaventure</em> had missed the Nicobar Islands, it was -decided to push on to the southward, which would bring them into the -neighbourhood of Sumatra. There they lay two or three days, hoping -for a pilot from Sumatra, which was only about six miles off. And -subsequently, as the winter was approaching, they made for the Islands -of Pulo Pinaou, which they reached in June, and there remained till -the end of August. Many of the crew had again fallen sick, and though -they put them ashore at this place, twenty-six more of them died. Nor -were there many sources of supplies, but only oysters, shell-fish and -the fish “which we tooke with our hookes.” But there was plenty of -timber, and this came in very useful for repairing masts. When the -winter passed and again they put to sea, the crew was now reduced to -thirty-three men and one boy, but not more than twenty-two were fit -for service, and of these not more than one-third were seamen: so the -<em>Edward</em> was scarcely efficient.</p> - -<p>But those which remained must have been of a resolute character, for in -a little while they encountered a 60-ton ship, which they attacked and -captured, and, shortly after, a second was also taken. Needless to say, -the cargoes of pepper were discharged into the <em>Edward</em>, and even the -sick men were soon reported as “being somewhat refreshed and lustie.” -Lancaster had not by any means forgotten the fact that richly laden -ships from China and Japan would pass through the Malacca Straits, and -having arrived here he lay-to and waited. At<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span> the end of five days a -Portuguese sail was descried, laden with rice, “and that night we tooke -her being of 250 tunnes.” This was a big ship for those days, and so -Lancaster determined to keep her as well as her cargo. He therefore put -on board a prize crew of seven, under the command of Edmund Barker. -The latter then came to anchor and hung out a riding-light so that -the <em>Edward</em> could see her position. But the English ship was now so -depleted of men that there were hardly enough men on board to handle -her, and the prize had to send some of the men back to help her to make -up the leeway. It was then decided to take out of the prize all that -was worth having, and afterward, with the exception of the Portuguese -pilot and four other men, she and her crew were allowed to go.</p> - -<p>But it was not long before the <em>Edward</em> fell in with a much bigger -ship, this time of 700 tons, which was on her way from India. She had -left Goa with a most valuable cargo, and a smart engagement ended in -her main-yard being shot through, whereupon she came to anchor and -yielded, her people escaping ashore in the boats. Lancaster’s men -found aboard her some brass guns, three hundred butts of wine, “as -also all kind of Haberdasher wares, as hats, red caps knit of Spanish -wooll, worsted stockings knit, shooes, velvets, taffataes, chamlets, -and silkes, abundance of suckets, rice, Venice glasses,” playing-cards -and much else. But trouble was brewing in the <em>Edward</em>, and a mutinous -spirit was afoot. Lancaster’s men refused to obey his orders and bring -the “excellent wines” into the <em>Edward</em>, so, after taking out of her -all that he fancied, he then let the prize drift out to sea.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span></p> - -<p>From there the <em>Edward</em> sailed to the Nicobar Islands, and afterwards -proceeded to Punta del Galle (Point de Galle, Ceylon), where she -anchored. Lancaster’s intention was again to lie in wait for shipping. -He knew that more than one fleet of richly laden merchantmen would -soon be due to pass that way. First of all he was expecting a fleet -of seven or eight Bengal ships, and then two or three more from -Pegu (to the north-west of Siam); and also there ought to be some -Portuguese ships from Siam. These, he had learned, would pass that way -in about a fortnight, bringing the produce of the country to Cochin -(in the south-west of India), where the Portuguese caracks, or big -merchantmen, would receive the goods and carry them home to Lisbon. -It was a regular, yearly trade, the caracks being due to leave Cochin -in the middle of January. A fine haul was certain, for these various -fleets were bringing all sorts of commodities that were well worth -having—cloth, rice, rubies, diamonds, wines and so on.</p> - -<p>But Lancaster was again bound to bow to ill-luck. First of all, he had -brought up where the bottom was foul, so he lost his anchor. He had -on board two spare anchors, but they were unstocked and in the hold. -This meant that a good deal of time was wasted, and meanwhile the -ship was drifting about the whole night. In addition, to make matters -worse, Lancaster himself fell ill. The current was carrying the ship -to the southward, away from her required position, so in the morning -the foresail was hoisted and preparations were being made to let loose -the other sails, when the men mutinied and said they were determined -they would remain there no longer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span> but would take the ship to England -direct. Lancaster, finding that persuasion was useless and that he -could do nothing with them, had no other alternative but to give way -to their demands: so on 8th December 1592 the <em>Edward</em> set sail for -the Cape of Good Hope. On the way Lancaster recovered his health, and -even amused himself fishing for bonitos. By February they had crossed -the Indian Ocean and made the land by Algoa Bay, South Africa, where -they had to remain a month owing to contrary winds. But in March they -doubled the Cape of Good Hope once more, and on 3rd April reached St -Helena. And here an extraordinary thing happened. When Edmund Barker -went ashore he found an Englishman named Segar, like himself of -Suffolk. He had been left here eighteen months before by the <em>Marchant -Royall</em>, which you will remember had been sent home from Table Bay on -the way out. On the way home he had fallen ill and would have died if -he had remained on board, so it had been decided to put him ashore. -When, however, the <em>Edward’s</em> men saw him this time, he was “as fresh -in colour and in as good plight of body to our seeming as might be, but -crazed in minde and halfe out of his wits, as afterward wee perceived: -for whether he were put in fright of us, not knowing at first what we -were, whether friends or foes, or of sudden joy when he understood we -were his olde consorts and countreymen, hee became idel-headed, and for -eight dayes space neither night nor day tooke any naturall rest, and so -at length died for lacke of sleepe.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_042fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_042fp.jpg" width="600" height="396" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE EAST INDIAMAN “KENT,” 1,000 TONS.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_042fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>On 12th April 1593 the <em>Edward</em> left St Helena, and the mutinous -spirit was not yet dead on board. Lancaster’s intention was to cross -the Atlantic to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span> Pernambuco, Brazil, but the sailors were infuriated -and wished to go straight home. So, the next day, whilst they were -being told by the captain to finish a foresail which they had in -hand, some of them asserted determinedly that, unless the ship were -taken straight home, they would do nothing: and to this Lancaster was -compelled to agree. But when they were about eight degrees north of the -Equator the ship made little progress for six weeks owing to calms and -flukey winds. Meanwhile the men’s victuals were running short, and the -mutinous spirit reasserted itself strongly. They knew that the officers -of the ship had their own provisions locked away in private chests—this -had been done as a measure of precaution—and the men now threatened to -break open these chests. Lancaster therefore determined, on the advice -of one of the ship’s company, to make for the Island of Trinidad in -the West Indies, where he would be able to obtain supplies. But, being -ignorant of the currents of the Gulf of Paria, he was carried out of -his course and eventually anchored off the Isle of Mona after a few -days more.</p> - -<p>After refreshing the stores and stopping a big leak, the <em>Edward</em> next -put to sea bound for Newfoundland, but a heavy gale sent them back -to Porto Rico, the wind being so fierce that even the furled sails -of the ship were carried away, and the ship was leaking badly, with -six feet of water in the hold. The victuals had run out, so that they -were compelled to eat hides. Small provisions were obtained at Porto -Rico, and then five of the crew deserted. From there the ship went to -Mona again, and whilst a party of nineteen were on shore, including -Lan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>caster and Barker, to gather food, a gale of wind sprang up, which -made such a heavy sea that the boat could not have taken them back to -the <em>Edward</em>. It was therefore deemed wiser to wait till the next day: -but during the night, about midnight, the carpenter cut the <em>Edward’s</em> -cable, so that she drifted away to sea with only five men and a boy -on board. At the end of twenty-nine days a French ship, afterwards -found to be from Dieppe, was espied. In answer to a fire made on shore -she dowsed her topsails, approached the land, hoisted out her ensign -and came to anchor. Some of the <em>Edward’s</em> crew, including Barker and -Lancaster, went aboard, but the rest of the party to the number of -seven could not be found. Six more were taken on board another Dieppe -ship and so reached San Domingo, where they traded with the people for -hides. Here news reached them of their companions left in Mona. It was -learnt that, of the seven men there left, two had broken their necks -while chasing fowls on the cliffs, three were slain by Spaniards upon -information given by the men who went away in the <em>Edward</em>, but the -remaining two now joined Lancaster by a ship from another port.</p> - -<p>Eventually Lancaster and his companions took passage aboard another -Dieppe vessel, and arrived at the latter port after a voyage of -forty-two days. They then crossed in a smaller craft to Rye, where they -landed on 24th May 1594.</p> - -<p>What good, then, had this expedition done? In spite of losing two out -of the three ships, in spite of the losses of many men and the whole -of the rich cargoes which had been obtained by capture, Lancaster and -his companions had returned to England<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span> with something worth having. -How had English trade with India been benefited? The answer is simple. -If nothing tangible had been obtained, this expedition had been a -great lesson. If it had brought back no spices or diamonds, it had -brought much valuable information. Once again it showed to the English -merchants that there was a fortune for all of them waiting in the -Orient, and it showed by bitter experience the mistakes that must be -avoided. The voyage had been begun at the wrong season of the year; -it would have to be better thought out, and better provision would -have to be taken to guard against scurvy. The route to India was now -well understood, and it was no longer any Portuguese secret. England -was just on the eve of sharing with the Portuguese their fortunate -discovery, which eventually the latter were to lose utterly to the -former.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE FIRST EAST INDIA COMPANY</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Although</span> the expedition of those three tall ships related in the -previous chapter had been commercially such a dismal failure, it had -shown that James Lancaster was the kind of man to whom there should be -entrusted the leadership, not only of a single ship, but of an entire -expedition. With the greatest difficulty he had prevented his unruly -crew from excesses, he had taken his ship most of the way round the -world, he had shown that he could put up a good fight when needs be, -and that he possessed a capacity for finding out information—a most -valuable ability in these the first days of Indian voyaging. He had -obtained information about winds, tides, currents, places, peoples and -trade. He had got to know where the Portuguese ships were usually to be -found, where they started from and at what times of the year. Clearly -he was just the man for the big expedition which was shortly to start -from England, after but a few years’ interval.</p> - -<p>We mentioned on an earlier page the travels of Ralph Fitch to India, -though even prior to his setting forth another Englishman named Thomas -Stevens had been to the East. This was in the year 1579, and although -he was the first of our countrymen to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span> reach India, yet he went out in -a Portuguese ship, and is therefore entirely indebted to the Portuguese -for having reached there at all. He had first proceeded from England -to Italy, and then made his way from that country to Portugal. Having -arrived in Lisbon, he went aboard and started eight days later when the -Portuguese East Indian fleet sailed out. This was towards the beginning -of April, which was very late for their sailing, but important business -had detained them. Five ships proceeded together, bound for Goa, with -many mariners, soldiers, women and children, the starting off being a -solemn and impressive occasion, accompanied by the blowing of trumpets -and the booming of artillery. Proceeding on their way via the Canaries -and Cape Verde, they rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and afterwards -steered to the north-east. And then occurred just that very incident -which afterwards we have seen was to happen to Lancaster. Not knowing -the set of the currents they got much too far to the northward and -found themselves close to Socotra (at the entrance to the Gulf of -Aden), whereas they imagined they were near to India. But eventually, -having sailed many miles, and noticed birds in the sky which they knew -came from their desired country, and then having seen floating branches -of palm-trees they realised that they were now not far from their -destination, and so on 24th October they arrived at Goa.</p> - -<p>Stevens had watched the Portuguese navigators closely, and he had -marvelled that these ships could find their way over the trackless -ocean. “You know,” he wrote to his father in England, telling him all -about the voyage, “you know that it is hard to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span> saile from East to -West, or contrary, because there is no fixed point in all the skie, -whereby they may direct their course, wherefore I shall tell you what -helps God provide for these men. There is not a fowle that appereth or -signe in the aire, or in the sea, which they have not written, which -have made the voyages heretofore. Wherefore, partly by their owne -experience, and pondering withall what space the ship was able to make -with such a winde, and such direction, and partly by the experience of -others, whose books and navigations they have, they gesse whereabouts -they be, touching degrees of longitude, for of latitude they be alwayes -sure.”</p> - -<p>It was a real difficulty in those early Indian ships to ascertain -their longitude with any correctness. Longitude was reckoned from the -meridian of St Michael, one of the Azores, on the grounds that there -was no variation of the compass there. It was not, in fact, till -the chronometer was invented in the latter half of the eighteenth -century that the difficulty could be overcome. But these early East -Indiamen were by no means devoid of the instruments of navigation, -which included an astrolabe and cross-staff, as already mentioned, a -celestial globe, a terrestrial globe, a calendar, a universal horologe -for finding the hour of the day in every latitude, a nocturne labe for -telling the hour of the night, one or more compasses, a navigation -chart corrected according to the last voyagers who had used it: and, a -little later on, printed charts, as well as a general map.</p> - -<p>But whilst Lancaster had been away from England on his voyage to the -East, Englishmen at sea had fallen in with two of the Portuguese East -Indian caracks—the <em>Santa Cruz</em> and the <em>Madre de Dios</em><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span>—homeward-bound -from Goa. The former had been burnt and the latter taken into -Dartmouth. When she arrived in that port her immense size and wealth -made a great sensation. Even in Elizabethan money the value was -assessed at £15,000. She was of no less than 1600 tons and chock-full -of Oriental treasures, with about six or seven hundred souls aboard, -and armed with thirty-two brass guns. This wonderful East Indiaman had, -besides a number of precious stones, a cargo consisting of spices, -drugs, silks, calicoes, quilts, carpets, canopies, pearls, ivory, -Chinese ware and hides. In fact when all this cargo was taken out of -her in Dartmouth and sent by sea to London, it freighted ten coasters. -As you can well imagine, these west-country seamen were careful to note -all her details when once they had her in port. She was completely -surveyed, and found to be 165 feet long, and 46 feet 10 inches wide, -and drew 26 feet, though when she left India she was drawing 31 feet. -She had seven decks at the stern, the length of the keel being 100 -feet, the height of the mast 121 feet, and the length of the main-yard -106 feet.</p> - -<p>The consternation caused by the sight of the wonderful goods which -eventually arrived at Leadenhall, London, fired the imaginations of the -London merchants afresh. When, in September 1592, they observed the -vast quantities of pepper, nutmeg, cloves, cinnamon, ginger, incense, -damasks, golden silks, and saw with their own eyes the very goods which -had come all the way from that Eastern land of wealth, they marvelled -greatly. One of the results of all this was that the Levant Company, -which had been founded in 1581 to trade with Turkey and the eastern -ports of the Mediterranean, now became<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span> expanded into a more ambitious -venture. Realising full well the amazing riches of the East Indies, it -succeeded in obtaining from Elizabeth, in 1593, a charter to trade now -with India, but via the overland route.</p> - -<p>In passing we may just say a word about the English trading companies, -some of which were of great antiquity. The oldest was the Hamburg -Company, which consisted of English merchants trading to Calais, -Holland, Zealand, the Low Countries, the Baltic and the inhabitants of -modern Prussia. It had been first incorporated by Edward I. in 1296, -and enjoyed special privileges during successive reigns. There was -also the Russian Company, which had been inaugurated at the end of the -reign of Edward VI. and the beginning of the reign of Philip and Mary, -though its charter was received from Queen Elizabeth. This company had -arisen from the enterprise of a number of English merchants, who had -sent three ships to find, if possible, a north-east passage into Asia -and the East. So, also, the Turkey or Levant Company, mentioned just -now, had been founded in 1581 with a view of trading to the part of -the world designated. All these various companies were just so many -societies of merchant-adventurers who were bound together with one -common interest by the royal charter. But the greatest of all was to -be the celebrated East India Company, founded in 1600, about which we -shall speak presently, though we may sufficiently anticipate matters by -asserting that it grew out of the Levant Company.</p> - -<p>But England was by no means to have the whole field to herself. If the -Portuguese power was in the descendant: if her precious secrets of -this East<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span> Indian trade had been ruthlessly revealed: if her ships and -her rich cargoes had been repeatedly taken with the same determination -that the Armada had been defeated; yet she was still active in India, -and the only European nation there established. However, not merely -England, but Holland, too, had been growing strong in maritime ability. -The Dutch people had always been by nature seamen for centuries, and -were able to rival any English ability in the maritime arts. They were -intrepid mariners, they were excellent shipbuilders, and they were -careful students of all the sea-knowledge which had come forth from -Portugal. The influence of Prince Henry’s cartographical school had -spread northwards from Sagres, and Flemish printers had done much for -map-making and thus made known this knowledge of the world far and -wide. This was the final blow to the closely guarded Portuguese secrets -of India. The first atlas ever printed was published by the Dutch at -Leyden in the year 1585. The man to whom belongs the credit of this was -named Wagenaer, and, according to the crude knowledge and the still -more elementary buoyage, the Narrow Seas were well shown. The charts -which Holland published were also brought out in English, together with -little sketches of the various headlands, their latitude, distances, -and so on, including sailing directions for entering various harbours. -So also at Antwerp and at Bruges excellent schools of cartography grew -up just as they had in Portugal and Spain: and fired with the amazing -stories of the East, Holland was not merely anxious but well prepared -for asserting herself in India and coming back with a series of rich -cargoes for those prepared to venture.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span></p> - -<p>Briefly, this was brought about as follows. We mentioned on an earlier -page that though the Portuguese jealously guarded the secret of the -India route, they were quite willing to dispose of these Indian goods. -One of these marts, to which merchants came from other countries in -order to purchase, was Lisbon. The second was Antwerp, which was -convenient for the merchants of Northern Europe. England, by the way, -had done a good deal of overseas trade between London and Antwerp for -centuries, so this additional East Indian trade made the visits of our -merchantmen even more important, and thus many first realised what -India meant commercially, and could mean to them. And similarly the -people of the Low Countries became equally impressed with what they -learned. Thus very naturally we see in 1593—the actual year in which -the Levant Company had obtained their extended charter—the first of -a series of efforts made by Dutchmen to reach Asia by a north-east -passage. And we must not omit to mention the very great influence which -Jan Huygen von Linschoten, a native of Haarlem, had. The latter was -a great student of geography, at a time when all knowledge of this -kind was rare. For a while he was resident in Lisbon, where he amassed -a large amount of invaluable data concerning the East—its harbours, -configuration, trade-winds, and so on. Lisbon, in fact, was just the -place in which all the East Indian information naturally collected -itself. Later on Linschoten himself proceeded to India and dwelt at -Goa, in the train of the Portuguese Archbishop, but in the year 1592 he -returned to Europe, and the tales which this traveller told concerning -India astonished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span> the slow-reasoning minds of his fellow-countrymen. -In the year 1596 he published a most valuable book dealing with the -East, affording charts and maps and no end of information which would -be priceless to any who might venture on a voyage to India. An English -translation appeared two years later, and it certainly had a great -influence on the founding of our first East India Company. So important -was the book, indeed, that it was also translated and published in -French, in Latin and German.</p> - -<p>As for Holland, the tangible result was that four ships were fitted -out, and under Cornelis Houtman were sent in 1595 to the countries -situate the other side of the Cape of Good Hope, beyond the Indian -Ocean. Houtman’s voyage had been a success, for in the year 1597 he -returned, bringing with him a treaty made with the King of Bantam, -which was the means of opening up to Holland the Indian Archipelago. -This voyage convinced even the most sceptical, and a new era had -begun, in which Holland was to grow rich and powerful, a great -commercial country and of considerable strength at sea. The handsome -seventeenth-century buildings which you still find standing in Holland -to-day, and the brilliant seventeenth-century Dutch painters of -portraits and shipping scenes, are surviving evidences of a wonderful -prosperity derived for the most part from the East India trade of that -time.</p> - -<p>It came about, then, that England was to find a keen rival for the -possessions of the East. There was going to be a very hard struggle -as to which would win the race. One voyage succeeded another, so that -actually the Dutch were wanting in big craft and had to come over to -England to buy up some of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span> our shipping. But this was the final straw -which broke the back of Englishmen’s patience. They had looked on for -some time with restraint at the progressive enterprise of the Dutch, -and had become very jealous of their commercial prosperity. It was a -condition to which the present Anglo-German rivalry is very similar in -kind. But it was clear something must be done now. The London merchants -who were interested in the Levant Company had found that their charter -of extension granted in 1593 for overland trading with India availed -them but little. Therefore, arising out of this company it happened -that a number of merchants met together in London in the year 1599 -and agreed to petition Elizabeth for permission to send a number of -well-found ships to the East Indies, for which they prayed a monopoly, -subscribing the sum of £30,133 for an East Indian voyage. It was -certainly high time to be moving, for the Dutch were gaining all the -foreign freight—they were nicknamed the “waggoners of the sea”—whilst -English ships were rotting away in port, or doing little more than mere -coasting.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_054fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_054fp.jpg" width="600" height="373" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">DUTCH EAST INDIAMAN.<br /> - -<br />The vessel on the right shows the type of craft in the employment of -the Dutch East India Company of about 1647.</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_054fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>This petition was not approved by the Privy Council, but in the year -1609, and on the last day in that year, it received the Queen’s -assent. More capital had been obtained, the exclusive privilege of -this Indian trade had been granted for fifteen years, so there was -nothing to do but obtain the necessary ships and men and hurry on -the fitting-out. The Company was managed by twenty-four directors, -under the governorship of Alderman James Smith, who was subsequently -knighted, but altogether there were two hundred and eighteen of these -merchants, aldermen,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span> knights and esquires, who were made up by the -title of “The Governors and Company of the Merchants trading unto the -East Indies.” The countries prescribed by this charter showed a rather -extended area, embracing all ports, islands and places in Asia, Africa, -America, between the Cape of Good Hope and the Straits of Magellan. -The Company were promised that neither the Queen nor her heirs would -grant trading-licences within these limits to any person without the -consent of the Company: and the Company was furthermore granted the -privilege of making the first four voyages without export duty, and the -permission was further granted to export annually the sum of £30,000 in -bullion or coin.</p> - -<p>This “privilege for fifteen yeeres” “to certaine Adventurers for the -discoverie of the Trade for the East-Indies” was to be a spirited -reply to the action of the Dutch, and marks the beginning of that -series of English East India companies which were in effect the means -of acquiring India for the British crown after the Indian Mutiny in -the nineteenth century. From now onwards the East Indiamen ships have -a standing and importance which were not previously possessed, and we -shall find this culminating in the amazingly dignified manner of the -Indian merchantmen in the early part of the nineteenth century.</p> - -<p>Among those who had agreed together for this expedition “at their owne -adventures, costs and charges as well for the honour of this Our Realme -of England, as for the increase of Our Navigation, and advancement of -trade,” was the Earl of Cumberland. He was one of those Elizabethan -gentlemen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span> who were wont to fit out a small squadron of ships for -roving the seas and attacking the well-laden ships of the Spanish and -Portuguese. It was a fine, adventurous game and there was a good chance -of coming home with a fortune. Of those ships which the noble earl -owned for this purpose one was a craft named the <em>Red Dragon</em>, and as -she was built for fighting and ocean cruising she was just the ship -for the first voyage of the East India Company, being of 600 tons. She -was therefore purchased from her owner by this Company for the sum of -£3700. Her name at one time had been the <em>Mare Scourge</em> (perhaps to -suggest the terror of the sea which was thus exhibited), but at any -rate in the year 1586 she was known as the <em>Red Dragon</em>.</p> - -<p>Under their charter the Company were allowed to send “sixe good ships -and sixe good pynnaces” and “five hundred Mariners, English-men, to -guide and sayle.” But not more than four ships were sent actually, for -it was a costly venture. These London merchants had “joyned together -and made a stocke of seventie two thousand pounds, to bee employed in -ships and merchandizes”; but the purchase of four ships, the expense of -fitting them out, furnishing them with men, victuals and munitions for -a period of twenty months had eaten up the sum of £45,000. This left -£27,000, which amount was taken out in the ships, partly in merchandise -(with which to trade in Asia) and partly in Spanish money, with which -the natives would be familiar. Advance wages were paid to the crew -before setting forth.</p> - -<p>The “Generall of the Fleet” was that same James Lancaster whom we -considered just now, and his flagship was to be the <em>Red Dragon</em>. There -was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span> no better leader for the job, and the reader will shortly see -how well he conducted himself in conditions that were not less trying -than in his previous voyage to the East. To him Elizabeth entrusted -letters of commendation addressed to “divers Princes of India,” the -vice-admiral being John Middleton; and the celebrated John Davis, of -Arctic fame, was to go as pilot-major, or navigating expert—another -excellent man for the undertaking. After a busy winter the four ships -were ready and fitted out, so that on 13th February 1601 they were -able to leave Woolwich, their crews amounting to 480. In addition to -the <em>Red Dragon</em> there were the <em>Hector</em>, of 300 tons and 108 men; the -<em>Ascension</em>, 260 tons and 82 men; the <em>Susan</em> (which had been bought -from a London alderman for £1600), 240 tons and 88 men; and in addition -they took a victualling ship called variously the <em>Guift</em> or <em>Guest</em>. -The latter was a ship of 130 tons, but had cost only £300.</p> - -<p>In their holds these ships carried such English products as were -likely to be appreciated in the East. Such commodities were taken as -iron, lead, tin, cloth; while the presents to be given to the Indian -princes comprised a girdle, a case of pistols, plumes, looking-glasses, -platters, spoons, glass toys, spectacles, drinking-glasses and a plain -silver ewer. But the progress of this squadron was distinctly slow. -From the Thames they had dropped down to the mouth and anchored in the -Downs. Here they waited so long for a fair wind that already it was -Easter Day before they reached Dartmouth, where they “spent five or -sixe dayes in taking in their bread and certaine other provisions,” as -one of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span> letters received by the East India Company has it. Leaving -Dartmouth they “hoysed their anchors” and sped across the Bay of -Biscay, and continued to the south. Off the coast of Guinea they fell -in with a Portuguese vessel, which they captured, and from her they -took much wine, oil and meal for the good of the squadron.</p> - -<p>During the month of June they crossed the Equator, and in the following -month discharged the <em>Guest</em> victualler—that is to say, they took out -of her the masts, sails and yards and whatever else was worth keeping, -and then broke down her “higher buildings for firewood, and so left her -floting in the sea.” And now scurvy attacked many of the squadron’s -crew, so that there were hardly men enough to handle the sails. Even -the “merchants tooke their turnes at the Helme: and went into the top -to take in the top-sayles, as the common Mariners did.” However, on the -9th of September 1601 they arrived at Saldanha (Table Bay), where they -anchored and “hoysed out their boats.” (There were of course no such -things as boat davits in those days, the boats being lifted out from -the waist of the ship by blocks and ropes.) But so weak were the crews -of three of the ships that Lancaster’s crew had to go aboard the other -craft and do the work of getting these boats into the sea.</p> - -<p>How was it, then, that the flagship’s crew had kept so free from scurvy -and were in better health than the other men? The answer is that -Lancaster had learnt a lesson from the terrible death-roll which this -disease had caused in his previous voyage already noted. “The reason,” -runs the document, “why the Generals men stood better in health then -the men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span> of other Ships was this: he brought to sea with him certaine -Bottles of the Juice of Limons, which hee gave to each one, as long as -it would last, three spoonfuls every morning fasting: not suffering -them to eate any thing after it till noone. This Juice worketh much -better, if the partie keepe a short Dyet, and wholly refrains salt -meate, which salt meate, and long being at the sea is the only cause -of the breeding of this Disease. By this meanes the Generall cured -many of his men, and preserved the rest.” Considering this practical -proof of the value of lime juice as an anti-scorbutic, it is surprising -that it was not till many years later lime juice was, as it is to-day, -always carried in English ships and given out to the men, especially in -wind-jammers.</p> - -<p>After allowing the men shore leave and laying in very necessary -provisions, the squadron got under way and left again on 29th October, -doubling the Cape of Good Hope on the 1st of November, “having the wind -West North-west a great gale.” Madagascar was reached on 17th December, -and they remained there until 6th March. Actually they did not even -sight India, but held on across the Indian Ocean until they reached -those Nicobar Islands visited in the previous voyage. A short stay was -made and then they pushed on to the southward till they came to Acheen, -which is at the north-west extremity of Sumatra, arriving there on the -5th of June 1602. Here Lancaster was entertained hospitably by some -of the Dutch factors who had already established themselves, and also -obtained a concession from the King of Acheen granting freedom of trade -and immunity from paying customs. Thus a beginning was made, if not -actually with India,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span> at any rate with a part of the East Indies. Trade -between England and the Orient was established, only to be developed in -the years that were to follow.</p> - -<p>In order to proceed with their trade, Lancaster put ashore two of the -factors who had come out with him from England, these employing their -time now in getting together a cargo of pepper against the date of -Lancaster’s return. Meanwhile the squadron sailed from Acheen on 11th -September 1602, and then engaged in that favourite occupation of roving -about till some well-filled merchantman fell into his hands, relieving -her then of her valuable cargo. Strictly speaking, as the reader is -aware, this expedition to the East Indies had been fitted out for the -purpose of opening up trade. But no Elizabethan sailor could content -himself with such lawful limits. Privateering was in his blood: he was -always spoiling for a fight at sea, especially against any Spanish -or Portuguese ship. It was a much quicker way of winning wealth and, -incidentally, of paying back old scores to the people who had tried to -keep Englishmen out of the strange seas of the world. And Lancaster was -a sufficiently good strategist to know that if he selected some pivot -of a busy trade-route, such as some narrow straits, all that he had to -do was to hang about there long enough and it was only a question of -time as to whether a big haul would be made. He could rely implicitly -on his own men and their gunnery, even against superior strength. It -only wanted the opportunity, and that, again, demanded merely a little -patience.</p> - -<p>So whilst his factors were busy at Acheen buying a cargo, he betook -himself to the Straits of Malacca, the gateway for the shipping which -voyaged between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span> the Pacific and the Indian Ocean; and before long he -had descried a fine Portuguese craft of 900 tons called the <em>St Thomé</em>. -It was a little unfortunate that the day was nearly spent, as that -meant that the enemy might possibly escape under cover of darkness. -“And being toward night,” wrote one who was there at the time, “a -present direction was given that we should all spread our selves a -mile and a halfe one from another, that she might not passe us in the -night.” So the four English ships did as the admiral wished them. The -<em>Hector</em> shot two or three “peeces of ordnance,” and this warned the -other three ships, who now closed in and surrounded the Portuguese -carack on all sides. Then the <em>Red Dragon</em> began to fire at her from -the bow guns, with the satisfactory result that the carack’s main-yard -came tumbling down.</p> - -<p>That was deemed enough for the present: it would be better to wait till -the night had passed, thought Lancaster, for he feared “least some -unfortunate shot might light betweene wind and water, and so sinke -her,” which would mean that her valuable cargo would be for ever lost. -He therefore stayed his hand for a little while: but next morning at -daybreak he again attacked and this time took the prize. Only four -of Lancaster’s men were placed on board, “for feare of rifling and -pillaging the good things that were within her ... and their charge -was, if any thing should be missing, to answer the same out of their -wages and shares.” For he knew full well that when once a band of these -rough seamen were aboard they would stop at nothing, and no threats -could prevent them from helping themselves to the rare cargo in the -holds.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span></p> - -<p>So full was this <em>St Thomé</em> of Eastern goods that it took six days to -unload her of her 950 packs of calicoes, etc. And then, as a storm -came up, she had to be left behind, so Lancaster returned to Acheen, -and took in his cargo of pepper, cinnamon and spices, together with a -letter and presents from the King of Acheen to Elizabeth. He then set -sail for Bantam, in the Island of Java, on the 9th of November, and -soon after sent home to England the <em>Ascension</em> and the <em>Susan</em>, which -had completed their cargoes. In the meantime Lancaster continued his -cruise with the <em>Dragon</em> and <em>Hector</em>, and arrived at Bantam, “in the -island of Java major,” which he reached on the 16th of December. Here, -as was the routine of the venture, he put his merchants ashore with -their goods and began trade with the natives. And although the English -reckoned the Javanese “among the greatest pickers and theeves of the -world,” yet our merchants were able to do some very good business; and -so again the ships were laden with cargoes of pepper, and a regular -factory was here established for further trade between England and the -East. Lancaster had as fine an ability for trading enterprise as he -had for capturing a Portuguese ship, and he obtained a 40-ton pinnace -laden with merchandise, which was sent to the Moluccas to trade and -establish a factory there, in charge of Master William Starkey. When -the next English ships should come out they would thus find immediate -opportunity for getting rid of their lead, iron, tin, cloth, and -another cargo waiting to be taken on board.</p> - -<p>Such, then, was the completion of the business in the Orient. The first -voyage under the East India<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span> Company had done its work in the East -Indies. It had got there in safety, it had established factories, it -had disposed of its freights and obtained very valuable goods to take -home. It had certainly been fortunate, the only real calamity being -the sickness and death of Captain John Middleton of the <em>Hector</em>. It -was a long period since they had set out from the Thames, and the time -had now arrived when they must weigh their anchors and start back to -England: so early in the new year they took on board stores and made -their final preparations for the long voyage back over lonely seas.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">CAPTAIN LANCASTER DISTINGUISHES HIMSELF</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">On</span> the 20th of February the two ships were ready for sea. “We went -all aboord our ships, shot off our ordnance, and set sayle to the sea -toward England, with thankes to God, and glad hearts, for his blessings -towards us.” On the 13th of March they crossed the Tropic of Capricorn, -steering south-west “with a stiff gale of wind at south-east,” and this -was sending them over the Indian Ocean towards the African coast in -fine style. But “the eight and twentieth day we had a very great and -a furious storme, so that we were forced to take in all our sayles. -This storme continued a day and a night, with an exceeding great and -raging sea, so that in the reason of man no shippe was able to live in -them: but God (in his mercie) ceased the violence thereof, and gave us -time to breath: and to repaire all the distresses and harmes we had -received, but our ships were so shaken, that they were leakie all the -voyage after.”</p> - -<p>This was, in fact, to be a return full of excitement and those serious -incidents which bring out all the seamanship and resource of the real -sons of the sea. If it be true that a man’s real character is exhibited -only in big crises, then we see Lancaster standing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span> out magnificently -as a cool, resourceful, self-sacrificing leader of men, for whom we -cannot help having the highest admiration. These Elizabethans were very -far from perfect. They were guilty of some abominable and atrocious -acts of sacrilege on occasions: their hatred of the Portuguese and -Spaniards knew few bounds. They imagined that might on the sea was -right, and honesty was deemed not always the best policy. But among -their virtues they were the very opposite of cowards. They knew how -to bear all kinds of pain with a courage and resignation that are to -be extolled. And if things went against them they knew how to die as -bravely as they had fought and striven. There was no panic, no kicking -against the inevitable: they did their best, and according to their own -rough morality left the rest to God.</p> - -<p>Another “very sore storme” overcame them on the 3rd of May, “and the -seas did so beate upon the ships quarter, that it shooke all the iron -worke of her rother [<em>i.e.</em> rudder]: and the next day in the morning, -our rother brake cleane from the sterne of our shippe [<em>i.e.</em> the -<em>Red Dragon</em>], and presently sunke into the sea.” Here was a terrible -predicament, for of all the casualties which can befall a ship at -sea not one is more awkward than this. And to-day only the steamship -with more than one propeller can continue on her way without worrying -much about such an occurrence. If, however, the vessel is a sailing -ship, or has only one propeller, the only recourse is to tow a spar or -sea-anchor (cone foremost) with a rope from each quarter. Then, if an -equal strain is kept on both ropes, the spar will be thus in line with -the ship’s keel, but as soon as one rope is slacked up<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span> and another -tightened, the vessel’s quarter will be pulled to one side and her head -pay off to the opposite.</p> - -<p>Let us now see what they attempted in the <em>Dragon</em>. You will of course -understand that the rudder was attached to the stern-post by means of -irons on either side of the former, these working on their respective -pins attached to the stern-post. Consequently, if these irons carried -away, either through rust or the violence of the waves, there was -nothing to hold the rudder in place and the ship was not under command. -This is exactly what had happened in the present instance, and the -means of steering was vanished. Naturally, therefore, the <em>Dragon</em> -“drave up and downe in the sea like a wracke,” but all the while -the <em>Hector</em> stood by, though unable to do anything. At length the -commander of the <em>Dragon</em> decided to do exactly what the master of a -modern sailing vessel would set about. Her mizen-mast was unstepped, -and they then “put it forth at the sterne port to prove if wee could -steere our shippe into some place where we might make another rother to -hang it, to serve our turnes home.” The spar was placed over the side -and lashed to the stern, but it was found to put such a heavy strain on -the latter that the mast had to be brought on board again.</p> - -<p>Lancaster then ordered the ship’s carpenter to make the mast into a -rudder, for in those days the shape of the latter was very long and -narrow: but when they wanted to fix it in position it was noticed -that the rudder irons “wherewith to fasten the rother” had also -gone. However they were not to be dismayed by this very inconvenient -discovery,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span> and were determined to do what they could. One of the crew -accordingly went overboard to make an examination, and found that two -of the rudder irons were still remaining and that there was one other -broken. This was a slice of luck, so, when the weather eased down a -little later, the new rudder was able to be fixed into position and -once more the <em>Dragon</em> got on to her course. However, this good fortune -was but short-lived, and after three or four hours “the sea tooke it -off againe, and wee had much adoe to save it. Wee lost another of our -irons, so that now we had but two to hang it by.”</p> - -<p>Matters began to look pretty desperate by now, the men wanted to -abandon the ship and be picked up by the <em>Hector</em>, and the position -of Lancaster was no easy one. On the one hand, he knew that they -could not continue like this, making no headway and with provisions -running out and a dissatisfied crew against him. On the other hand, he -was responsible to the East India Company for the safety of the ship -and all that valuable cargo that was in her hold. It was sheer hard -luck that for the second time in his life he should be returning from -the Orient well laden with riches, only to be brought up short by an -unexpected event that boded ill. Still, he was not the type of man to -give way in such a critical time, and he for his part was going to -stand by his ship, whatever else might happen. He appreciated quite -fully the seriousness of the case, and yet for all that he was prepared -to go through with it. There must be no sort of flinching.</p> - -<p>He went below into the privacy of his cabin, and unknown to the crew -sat down and wrote the following letter, having resolved to give it -to the captain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span> of the <em>Hector</em>, sending her home at once, and on her -arriving back to have this letter handed over to the directors of the -Company. This epistle read thus:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Right Worshipfull</span>,—What hath passed in this voyage, and -what trades I have settled for this companie, and what other events -have befallen us, you shall understand by the bearers hereof, to whom -(as occasion hath fallen) I must referre you. I will strive with all -diligence to save my ship, and her goods, as you may perceive by the -course I take in venturing mine own life, and those that are with mee. -I cannot tell where you should looke for mee, if you send out any -pinnace to seeke mee: because I live at the devotion of the wind and -seas. And thus fare you well, desiring God to send us a merrie meeting -in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure.</p> - -<p>“The passage to the East India lieth in 62½ degrees, by the North -West on the America side. Your very loving friend,</p> -<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">James Lancaster</span>.”</p></div> - -<p>Such was the brief, matter-of-fact, intensely practical letter which -he indited—the very letter which we should have expected from a leader -of this type. He succeeded presently in getting it put aboard the -<em>Hector</em>, with the order to her captain to proceed. Night came on and -when the morning broke Lancaster little expected to find his “chummy -ship” still by his side. But he had forgotten that the <em>Hector’s</em> -commander was a man like himself, and being a real good fellow he -declined to leave a friend in distress, even though it was disobeying -the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span> orders of his admiral. So with excellent seamanship the <em>Hector</em> -was kept at a reasonable distance from the <em>Dragon</em>, determined to -stand by. Meanwhile the <em>Dragon’s</em> carpenter had got to work again and -the rudder had been repaired. As if to encourage them, the weather -after two or three days began to get better, and the sea to go down. -The admiral therefore made a signal ordering the <em>Hector</em> to come -nearer. This she did, and then her master, Sander Cole by name, was -able to come aboard the flagship, bringing with him the best swimmer -in the ship, and the best divers. These men were of the greatest -assistance, and did their work round the stern of the ship to such good -effect that the rudder was eventually hung again on the two remaining -hooks. It was a triumph of patience, persistence and pluck, that the -<em>Dragon</em> was able once again to go ahead and let her sheets draw.</p> - -<p>But all this time things on board had been very trying. The ship had -been buffeted about ceaselessly by many storms for week after week. Men -had fallen sick and the ship could not be worked as she ought. However, -the Cape of Good Hope was rounded, and then there had to be endured the -weary, agonising experience of being becalmed. Still they knew “by the -height wee were in to the Northward” that they had long since passed -the dreaded Cape of storms. Just one more casualty convinced them that -they were not yet out of danger, and this occurred when the main-yard -fell down and knocked a man into the sea, drowning him.</p> - -<p>But on the 5th of June they passed the Tropic of Capricorn, and on -the sixteenth of that month sighted St Helena, where they let go in -twelve<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span> fathoms. Here they took on board fresh water, shot some wild -goats and hogs, refitted the ships and inspected the <em>Dragon’s</em> rudder, -“which wee hoped would last us home.” During the sojourn here all the -sick recovered their health, and on the 5th of July they set out again -to the north-west. Five days more they were becalmed, but before that -they had succeeded in passing Ascension, on 11th July, and then fell in -with a favourable south-east wind. Thus they proceeded until the 7th -of September, when they imagined themselves near to home. “Wee tooke -sounding, judging the Lands end of England to be fortie leagues from -us. The eleventh day we came to the Downes, well and safe to an anchor: -for the which, thanked be almightie God, who hath delivered us from the -infinite perils and dangers, in this long and tedious Navigation.” Thus -the voyage which had been begun on 13th February 1601 was now brought -to a finish on 11th September 1603. It had been a most successful -voyage, and 1,030,000 lb. of pepper had been brought to England by -these four ships. But, important as that was to the merchants, still -more admirable was the achievement of Lancaster in getting his ship -home at all. However, he was not to go without his reward. He had had -the responsibility of bringing this first voyage of the English East -India Company to a conclusion that was as happy as financially it was -successful, and he was granted a knighthood by James I. Those who -had invested their money in this concern could scarcely regret their -decision, for they eventually received 95 per cent. on their capital, -and it was now established beyond doubt that henceforth the East Indian -trade was the thing for enterprising London<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span> merchants. For a hundred -years the Portuguese had kept the secret to themselves and succeeded -in preventing other countries from coming as interlopers. But that was -now all past and done with. The future rested not with the Portuguese, -whose Indian colonial system proved to be an utter failure, but with -the English or the Dutch, between whom the contest would soon become -keen. For already the latter had formed so many associations for trade -that by the year 1602 they were amalgamated by the States-General into -one corporation entitled the Dutch East India Company.</p> - -<p>As this first voyage had been so fortunate, it was not long before a -second was inaugurated by the English East India Company. During that -winter preparations went ahead, and on the following Lady Day 1604 -another expedition left Gravesend, this time under the leadership -of Henry Middleton, a kinsman of the Middleton who had died during -Lancaster’s voyage. This project consisted of the same ships as before, -and these duly arrived at Bantam on the 20th of December. From here -two of the ships were sent home—namely, the <em>Hector</em> and the <em>Susan</em>, -eight months ahead of the other couple, which proceeded first to the -Moluccas before leaving Bantam finally for England. Middleton found -that trading was not quite as easy as it might be, for the Dutch gave -him a great deal of opposition in the East. However, you will realise -that this second voyage was far from being a failure when it is stated -that the profits were just under 100 per cent. to those who had raised -the capital. And this in spite of the fact that the <em>Susan</em> was lost -on her way home. It is a singular coincidence that when this ship had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span> -been purchased, as already noted in the preceding chapter, from a -London alderman at the price of £1600, the condition was that he should -buy her back from the Company at the end of the voyage, for half the -purchase price. Middleton had reached the Downs on 6th May 1606, and -it was not long before preparations began to be made for next year’s -voyage. The second expedition had necessitated a capital of £60,000, -of which only £1142 had been spent in goods, so you will understand to -what extent privateering was responsible for swelling the profits.</p> - -<p>On 12th March 1607 an expedition was off again, for the third voyage. -This time the sum of £53,000 had been subscribed, £7280 being expended -in merchandise to take out. There were only three ships on the present -occasion, consisting of those two veterans, <em>Red Dragon</em> and <em>Hector</em>, -and a vessel named the <em>Consent</em>, of 105 tons. The “Generall” in this -case was Captain Keeling. The latter left England on 12th March, alone, -and reached the Moluccas. Although he was unable to obtain a cargo from -there, yet he purchased from a Java junk a cargo of cloves for £2948, -15s., which on their arrival in England fetched the considerable sum -of £36,287. The reason why spices of the East were so readily bought -up by the West is explained at once by the fact that a great demand -existed throughout civilised Europe at that time for their employment -in cookery and in certain expensive drinks.</p> - -<p>The <em>Dragon</em> and <em>Hector</em> had left the Downs on the 1st of April, -and, like those previous voyages which we have noted, they again went -round the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span> Cape of Good Hope and then as far north-east as Socotra, -where the two ships separated, the <em>Dragon</em> proceeding to Sumatra and -Bantam, while the <em>Hector</em> went on to Surat, just north of Bombay. -Thus, at last and for the first time, one of the Company’s ships had -brought up in a port of the Indian continent, as distinct from those -East Indian islands which had been previously visited. The captain of -the <em>Hector</em> was Hawkins, whilst the <em>Dragon</em> was under the command of -Captain Keeling. Some historians assert that Captain Keeling himself -went to Surat, where he landed a Mr Finch to form a factory, and then -sent Captain Hawkins to persuade the Great Mogul at Agra to order his -officers to deal justly with the English: but at any rate Hawkins -remained ashore, as there was a fine opportunity for inaugurating a big -business, and sent the <em>Hector</em> on to Bantam to join Captain Keeling. -Hawkins had come out from England with a letter from King James I. -to the Great Mogul, and the latter promised to grant the Company all -the privileges asked for. This Indian potentate further suggested -that Hawkins should remain at his Court as English representative at -a commencing salary of £3200 a year. This offer Hawkins accepted, but -not unnaturally the appointment aroused a good deal of jealousy both -among the Portuguese and the officials of the Court. In a little time -the Great Mogul had regretted his decisions both as to Hawkins and the -East India Company. The Englishman therefore was compelled to leave -Agra (minus his promised salary), and then went down to the coast again -at Surat. As to the privileges which had been promised to the Company, -these also vanished. Trouble was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span> obviously brewing. But this third -voyage, yielding a profit of 234 per cent., had not by any means been a -failure, but a great financial success. The <em>Dragon</em> had been sent home -with a good cargo, and then Captain Keeling (this time in the <em>Hector</em>) -had visited the Moluccas and Bantam, where the factory had been more -firmly established, subsequently reaching England on 9th May 1610.</p> - -<p>It will be remembered that the original charter granted to the Company -by Elizabeth was for a period of fifteen years. But in the year 1609 -the Company were compelled to petition James I. for a renewal, or -rather for much greater powers, notwithstanding that the original -charter had still six years to run. The reason for this application is -not hard to appreciate. The Portuguese now began to realise that the -Englishmen were very serious rivals, and they must be met by force. -The East India Company, on the other hand, were equally determined -that they would not give up such a valuable trade that had paid them -so handsomely during these few years. Therefore opposition must be -met by other force: in other words, a greater number of ships would -be required. King James also recognised this, so the application was -granted, the number of merchant-adventurers was increased from 218 to -276, the Crown to have the power of repealing the Company’s charter -after three years’ notice.</p> - -<p>So three new ships were fitted out for the sixth voyage. (There had -in the meanwhile been two “separate” voyages, about which we shall -speak presently.) The cost of these three new ships, together with -the merchandise which they carried out, was £82,000, this large sum -being rendered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span> possible only by the increased members of the Company. -The leader of this voyage was that same Henry Middleton whom we saw -taking out the second voyage: but since that time he had received a -knighthood. This time his flagship was to be the <em>Trade’s Increase</em>. -And as this was one of the most famous of all the seventeenth-century -ships, and certainly the largest East Indiaman built up till then, we -must say something about her.</p> - -<p>At the time of her launch she was the biggest merchantman of any kind -that had been built in England. She created, in fact, to the Jacobeans -something of the sensation which the launch of the <em>Mauretania</em> in our -own time created. James I. attended the ceremony, together with other -members of the royal family, and attended by his nobles. This was on -the 13th of December 1609, her first voyage being due to commence on -the following 1st of April. In consequence of the high position which -the East India Company had now begun to occupy, and not less owing -to the phenomenal size of this ship, the incident was made the most -of. After the ship was afloat in the water, the King and his retinue -were entertained on board with a magnificent dinner provided at the -Company’s expense and served on some of those dishes and plates of -China ware which had been brought home from the East by the Company’s -ships and were then looked upon as something rare and wonderful, -nothing of the kind having yet been seen in the country. But the -<em>Trade’s Increase</em>, with her 1100 tons, was a clumsy, unwieldy ship and -somewhat top-heavy. She was anything but a lucky craft, and we shall -see presently that her end was to be tragic. For English shipbuilding -was in a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span> transition stage, which lasted about another two hundred -years or more. It was trying hard to get away from the unscientific, -rule-of-thumb method which had come down from the Middle Ages and had -not yet come under the influence of science and the principles of true -naval architecture.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE BUILDING OF THE COMPANY’S SHIPS</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Now</span>, before we proceed with the further voyages and trading of these -Indiamen, we shall find it very interesting if we attempt to paint the -picture of the building of these ships. Happily the data handed down -are of such a nature that we can learn practically all that we should -like to know on the subject.</p> - -<p>The reader will remember that the ships which went on the first and -second voyages had been obtained by purchase. But, then, since it was -obvious that more ships would be required as the trade increased and -losses occurred by wrecks, the Company had to look out for additions -to their small fleet. It was then that they were confronted with a big -problem. First of all, England was still a comparatively new-comer into -the position of an ocean-going shipowner, as distinct from Portugal, -Spain, Venice and Genoa. Practically all her shipping consisted either -of fishing or coasting craft. Therefore she possessed only a very small -supply of what could be called in those days large vessels. This supply -had been still further depleted by the purchases which the Dutch East -India companies had made from English owners at the beginning of the -East Indian boom. The result was that those very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span> few big ships which -remained in England were at a premium. To voyage round the Cape of Good -Hope and across the Indian Ocean, able to fight stalwart Portuguese -craft and to carry well a heavy cargo, in addition to provisions for -many months, demanded a big-bellied ship of exceptional strength; and -that was why the <em>Mare Scourge</em> (which had been built for privateering) -was just the thing.</p> - -<p>But now the owners of the small amount of big shipping that still -survived, in consequence of the big financial success which the East -India Company had made from their first two voyages, were determined -not to let them have any more ships except at very high prices. The -rates which these sellers now asked were preposterous—as much as £45 -a ton being demanded. The East India Company, being therefore in -the position of needing ships and yet unable to purchase such at a -reasonable figure, were compelled to decide on building for themselves. -This dates from the year 1607, and a yard was leased at Deptford, the -first two craft thus built being the <em>Trade’s Increase</em>, mentioned in -the last chapter, and the <em>Peppercorn</em>, both of which went out under -Sir Henry Middleton in the spring of 1610. From the first this change -of policy was found to be justified, for the Company was able to build -their ships at £10 a ton instead of £45, which meant the very handsome -saving of £38,500 in the case of a ship the size of the <em>Trade’s -Increase</em>—or two ships equal to her tonnage.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_078fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_078fp.jpg" width="600" height="377" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE LAUNCH OF THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SHIP -“EDINBURGH”<br /> -(CAPTAIN HENRY BAX).<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_078fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>In this yard before very long the Company were employing no fewer than -five hundred ships’ carpenters, caulkers, joiners and other workmen. -The result was that by the year 1615 the Company had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span> built more ships -in those short eight years than any other trade had done. Altogether -they had owned during that period twenty-one able ships, and by the -year 1621 the Company owned not less than 10,000 tons of shipping, -employing as many as 2500 seamen. When we consider that even as late as -the year 1690 the whole population of England was less than 5,500,000, -and that of this number the seafaring people were a very small figure, -it is obvious what this great East India Company meant to the country, -with its wealth, enabling large sums of money to be spent in wages to -seamen, workmen and factors. After the Company had been trading only -twenty years there were about 120 of these factors alone. But, in -addition, the Company was paying out large sums of money for the relief -of seamen’s widows and their children. I will not burden the reader -with statistics, but I may be allowed to state that up to November -1621 the Company had exported woollen goods, lead, iron, tin and other -commodities from England to the value of £319,211. From the East these -ships had brought back cargoes which had been purchased in the East -for the sum of £375,288. But you will appreciate the profit when it is -stated further that these cargoes were sold in England for £2,044,600. -As against this there was always the possibility of losing the ships -and the cargoes in their holds either outward or homeward bound. There -was the cost of building and upkeep of ships and dockyard. There was -the heavy expense, too, of victualling the ships for many months, the -purchasing of English merchandise, the various stores, the wages of -captains, officers and crews, and factors, as well as the payment of -customs. And<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span> though it is perfectly true that the average profit made -by the first twelve voyages was not less than 138 per cent., yet we -must remember that the voyages were never made in less than twenty -months and often extended to three and four years.</p> - -<p>So also we must remember that after the arrival in this country of -the goods from India they were sold at long credits—even as much as -eighteen months and two years. Owing to the irregularity of the factors -in keeping and transmitting their accounts, the concerns of the voyage -could not be finally adjusted under six or eight years. “Taking the -duration of the concern at a medium of seven years,” says Macpherson -in his “History of European Commerce with India,” “the profit appears -to be somewhat under twenty per cent. per annum.” The current rate of -interest in those days was about 8 per cent., so that 20 per cent. -could not be deemed for that time a very abnormal rate of remuneration -when we consider the amount of enterprise required at the outset, and -the vast risks which necessarily had to be run. Included in these -profits were also the results of privateering and bartering. Between -the years 1601 and 1612 the profits ranged from 95 to 234 per cent., -with the exception of the year 1608, when both ships were wrecked.</p> - -<p>Nowhere was the Company’s system of thoroughness better shown than -in the completeness and organisation of her shipyard. The East India -Company took itself very seriously and arrogated to itself all the -dignity and self-importance which its unique prerogatives permitted. -The Court was presided over by the Governor and it had its own rules -of procedure. “Every man,” for instance, “speak<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>ing in the Court -shall stand up and be bareheaded, and shall addresse his speach to -the Gouernour or Deputy in his absence.” So runs one of the Company’s -rules. Now the connecting link, so to speak, between the Company and -its ships was the man who was known as the ship’s husband, one of -its salaried servants. When the Court were met to discuss the plans -for the yearly voyages to India, the husband had to attend in order -to learn what shipping would be required. He then had to draw out a -table of the proportion of victuals and other necessaries for each -ship and to see that such were provided. After being got together -these stores were then placed in the Company’s warehouses. In addition -to being the victualler of the ships he was responsible also for -providing the amount of iron likely to be required—“yron both English -and Spanish”—and had to deliver it to the smiths at Deptford yard -for the rudder irons and other purposes, and also to the coopers for -making the hoops of the casks. The husband was also responsible for -the supervision of the clerks and for keeping the account-books, the -stores in the London warehouses being under the care of a “Clerke of -the Stores.”</p> - -<p>In the Deptford yard large stocks of “timber, planckes, -sheathing-boards, and treenayles” had to be maintained by officials -called “purveyers,” or, as we should name them nowadays, “buyers.” -These men had to see to the purchasing of all kinds of wood used. It -was kept in the Company’s private timber-yards at Reading, whence it -was put into barges and so brought down the Thames to Deptford. The -trenails were the old-fashioned means of fastening a ship’s timbers and -planking and had existed from the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span> times even of the Romans and the -Vikings. They were small wooden pegs—“tree-nails”—driven in something -after the appearance of the modern rivet, but minus the head. The -sheathing-boards were a very necessary protection for the ship’s hull -in hot climates against the insidious attacks of the worm. (In another -chapter will be found an instance of this.) There was also employed -a “measurer of timber and plancke,” whose job was to go down to the -waterside and mark the timber.</p> - -<p>But it was the “Clarke of the Yard” who had the supervision of the -shipwrights, the “cawlkers,” carpenters and labourers, and one portion -of his duties was to see that the men “doe not loyter in the Taphouse.” -For the Company certainly allowed such a tap-house in their yard, -which was “lycensed by the Companie from yeare to yeare” to certain -persons on condition that they retailed the beer at not more than six -shillings the barrel and not less than “three full pynts of Ale measure -for a penny.” The tap-house also sold to the workmen of the yard such -victuals as bread, “pease,” milk, porridge, eggs, butter, cheese, but -they were not allowed to sell anything else, nor were they allowed to -sell to any person other than one of the Company’s workmen in the yard.</p> - -<p>The whole of the work at the yard was subdivided under so many -responsible heads of departments, just as it is to-day in any shipyard. -The Master Shipwright’s duties were to build and repair the Company’s -ships and to design the “plots and models compleat, of all the new -ships.” And he was forbidden to build ships for anyone else except this -Company. It is significant of our modern system<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span> of extreme division of -labour that the duties of ship-designer and ship-builder have become -quite separate and distinct.</p> - -<p>Then there was another important official attached to the Company, -known as the “Master-pilot.” “The Mr Pylot his office is to commaund -and order the workes which concerne the setting up and taking downe -of Masts, Yards, Rigging, unrigging and proportioning the quantities, -sorts and sizes of Cordage to the Companies ships ... and to use care -and diligence ... that the Company may not be ouercharged with idle, -unskilfull, or a needlesse number of workmen, or in the rate of their -wages.” This same master-pilot had to survey the Company’s ships at -Deptford and Blackwall and to see that, after being launched, they were -safely moored. He had also to see that the canvas given out was duly -made into sails, and was further responsible that the Company’s ships -set forth up to time from Deptford, Blackwall and Erith. In addition he -took charge of them whilst in the Thames to “pylot downe the Companies -ships to Eirth and Grauesend, attending them there untill they shall be -dispatched into the Downes.” So also when they came back from India he -would pilot them up from Gravesend “untill they be safely moored at an -Anchor, or indocked at Blackwall.” This official was assisted in the -supervision of cordage by a man called the “Boatswaine Generall.”</p> - -<p>The treasurers looked after the Company’s accounts, and once a week -they handed to the “Purcer-Generall” the sums of money for paying -the wages of the sailors and labourers: also the “harbour wages” to -“officers and Maryners, who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span> goe the Voyage.” Every ship of course -also carried its own “purcer,” who with their mates had to look after -the lading, the ship’s accounts and the conditions of the victuals on -board, etc.</p> - -<p>After the end of the day’s work the Clerk of the Works would go round -the yard to see that there was no risk of fire breaking out owing to -negligence in respect of the pitch cauldrons or other instances. The -yard boasted of a “porter of the lodge,” and as soon as the workmen had -done for the day watchmen came on duty in the yard, where they remained -until the bell rang next morning summoning the labourers back to their -work. The Company insisted on these watchmen doing their supervision -thoroughly, “often calling one to another to prevent sleepe, and euery -houre when the clocke strikes” they were bidden to “walke round” and -ring a bell in the yard.</p> - -<p>The “Clarke of the Cordage” looked after the ropes, marlin, “twyne,” -ordnance, “great shot,” pulleys, blocks and the like. The “Clarke of -the Iron Works” was similarly responsible for all the anchors, nails, -bolts, chain-plates, and so on, and had to look to these when the ships -came home from the East. He was further responsible for the lead and -copper. If an anchor or anything had to be made or repaired in this -metal it was done by the Company’s smith on the yard.</p> - -<p>The “Chirurgion Generall” and his deputy had their lodgings in the -yard, and one or the other was bound to be in attendance daily from -morning till night “to cure any person or persons who may be hurt in -the Service of this Company, and the like in all their ships riding -at an anchor at Deptford and Blackwall,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span> and at Erith, where hee -shall also keepe a Deputy with his Chest furnished, to remaine there -continually, until all the said ships be sayled downe from thence -to Grauesend.” And it is amusing to read that the duties of the -“chirurgion” included that of cutting the “hayre of the carpenters, -saylors, caulkers, labourers” and other workmen once every forty days -“in a seemely manner, performing their works at Breakfast and Dinner -times, or in raynie weather, and in an open place where no man may -loyter or lye hidden, under pretence to attend his turne of trimming.” -In addition this same surgeon had to report all persons who seemed to -be decrepit or unfit: and every carpenter, sailor, labourer or workman -in the yards or ships had to pay twopence every month out of his wages -to the said “Chirurgion Generall”; so you may take it as certain that -he was not the most popular of beings. He was also compelled to find -“skilfull and honest chirurgions and their Mates” for the ships. The -Company took special precautions to see that these vessels set out with -all the medical comforts and supplies of those days, having regard to -the changing climates and the heavy losses of life through scurvy and -dysentery (or flux). Thus these medicine-chests had to be brought into -the Company’s house fourteen days before the ships sailed, so that the -doctors and apothecaries and other people appointed by the Committee -dealing with this subject might make a full inspection.</p> - -<p>In addition to the officials on the Thames there was also a “Keeper -of Anchors and Stores in the Downes,” at Deal, who looked after the -cables, hawsers, anchors and ships’ boats sent to the Downs, so that -whenever any of the Company’s ships arrived<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span> there lacking any of these -articles they could always be supplied. At Deptford yard there was -every single trade represented that was employed in the construction -and fitting out of a seventeenth-century ship. There were coopers and -boatmakers and the carvers who deftly gave those fantastic decorations -to the ships’ hulls. There were smiths and painters and riggers, but -in addition to the large staff which were concerned with the ships -themselves, there was another staff who had to look after the providing -of the salt meat for the voyages. For the Company was determined to -keep the profit of victuals to itself. This department was under the -management of the “Clerk of the Slaughter-house,” his duties being to -look after the killing, salting, pickling and packing of the “beefes -and hogges.” This salt beef and pork comprised the main food of these -sailormen to the Far East and back. They had no vegetables except dried -peas and beans, no bread other than mouldy ship’s biscuit, and no fruit.</p> - -<p>The Company included a “Committee for Entertaining of Marriners,” -and they were on the look-out for “able men, unmarryed and approved -saylors.” Many of these fellows were of the reckless, dare-devil type, -coarse of morals and frequently drunk when ashore: yet heroic in a -crisis, imprudent, contemptuous of danger, brutal and unruly. Many a -young man—sailor and factor alike—was sent in these ships in order that -he might be got out of the way after disgracing his family: and numbers -of them never again set foot in England. If the seamen who were shipped -happened to be married, the “Clarke of the Imprest” paid the wages -allowed to their wives whilst the men were at sea. This official<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span> was -also bound to pay the wages to the “marriners which shall returne home -in the Companies ships, or to their Assignes.”</p> - -<p>After the masters and their mates of the respective ships had -been hired for a voyage, their names were entered under the list -of harbour-wages, and they took their oaths openly in the Court -of the Committees of the Company. After this they sought able and -good mariners “whom they shall preferre for entertainment unto the -Committees appointed to that businesse.” These masters were bound -to sleep on board the ships to which they had just been appointed, -every night, and there keep good order. They were also to appoint -quartermasters and boatswains, who were to see that the victuals, -provisions, stores and merchandise were properly stowed. The boatswain, -gunner, cook, steward, carpenter and other officers were each -responsible for their own special stores.</p> - -<p>Within ten days after the arrival of their ship in the Thames from -India the master was bound to deliver to the Governor of the Company -four copies of his journal and other “worthy observations” of his -voyage. When the ship was bound out the master was always to be on -board and to assist the master-pilot. When the ship returned home, a -Committee of the Company for the Discharge of the Ships was always -present on board in order to see the hold opened. This was to prevent -theft. The goods were then placed in lighters and one of the Company’s -“trusty servants” then went in the latter to watch that no embezzlement -occurred. The goods were then taken to Leadenhall, where they were -sold. “The custome hath been used heretofore [<em>i.e.</em> prior<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span> to 1621] -in selling the wares of this Company at a Generall Court, and the -Remnants of small value in the Warehouses by the light of a candle,” -and this custom was continued. Selling by the “light of a candle” was -as follows:—The article was put up for auction, a small piece of candle -burning the while. So long as that piece of candle was there the bids -could go on, but as soon as it burned out the last bid was completed -and no more could be made for that commodity.</p> - -<p>Before the crew put to sea, two months’ wages were allowed ahead, -and “gratifications” were also paid “unto worthy and well deserving -persons.” In these ships there went out also the merchants, factors -and supercargoes. Some, as we have already seen, founded factories -where they landed and circumstances permitted: but later on there were -factors resident in every port, just as each steamship company to-day -has its own agents wherever the ships touch.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_088fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_088fp.jpg" width="600" height="408" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">INDIA HOUSE—THE SALE ROOM.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_088fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>The Deptford yard, which the Company leased from the year 1607 and -used for the next twenty years, was of the greatest assistance to -the Company. The best merchant ships in the country there came into -being, were fitted out, repaired on their return, resheathed and then -sent to sea in excellent condition. It was true that the saving in -building for themselves was to the Company’s great benefit; but, on -the other hand, the yard with all this staff and detail was found in -the long run to be so costly that it swallowed up too much of the -capital, which could more profitably have been employed in hiring -ships. It was seen also that even with the carefulness expended in the -construction of the Company’s ships,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span> the latter became worn out after -four voyages: so at the end of twenty years it was decided to give up -this expensive yard and to revert to the original custom of hiring -vessels as required. Later on we shall see that this system developed -in a curious manner, but for the present we must go back to see the -progress which the voyages of these early East Indiamen brought about -in the Eastern trade. It took four months to fit out these ships for -sailing again to the East, and the refit was very thorough. A large -magazine of warlike stores to the value of £30,000 was kept always -ready, and this was really a very useful asset in the country, since in -the time of necessity the material could be used by the English navy. -Even in the year 1626, within a few months of the closing down of the -shipyard, the Company were so enterprising as to erect mills and houses -for the manufacture of their own gunpowder, obtaining the saltpetre -from the East, which of course came home in their own ships. If ever -monopoly was allowed to have its own way, surely it never had such good -opportunity as was vouchsafed to the East India Company, with its own -shipyards, victualling, and its own particular trade with full cargoes -each way and a high percentage almost assured. We are accustomed in -this twentieth century to bewail the existence of “corners” and trusts: -yet these are as nothing compared with the privileges which the East -India Company enjoyed and so jealously guarded through generation after -generation, through two centuries and well into a third. And that meant -more than was really apparent. The whole world had not been developed -and opened out as it is to-day. Rather this exclusive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span> privilege -meant the granting of about half the world to a select few, and the -democratic spirit of the twentieth century would instantly revolt -against any such condition of affairs. It must not be thought that -there were not those who protested even in the seventeenth century. -Some did certainly protest—in a very forcible manner—by cutting in -as interlopers. But it was a short-lived victory and had no lasting -effect.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">PERILS AND ADVENTURES</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">It</span> is only by examining the official correspondence which passed -between the Company’s servants and themselves that we are able to get -a correct insight into the lesser, though usually more human, details -connected with these ships. In the last chapter but one we saw that -the third voyage had been financially satisfactory. But there are a -few sidelights which show that these voyages were not mere pleasure -cruises. If this particular one earned 234 per cent. it was by sheer -hard work on the part of the men and of the ships. Captain Keeling -writes that he had, whilst in the East, to buy “of the Dutch a maine -top-sayle (whereof we had extreame want) and delivered them a note to -the Company, to receive twelve pounds twelve shillings for the same.” -So also it was with men as with sails. Anthony Marlowe writes home to -the Governor of the Company, under date of 22nd June 1608, from on -board the <em>Hector</em>, that during the voyage “there hath died in our ship -two foremast men—Wallis and Palline: and two lost overboard, Goodman -and Jones: also there hath died Dryhurst, steward’s mate, John Newcome, -John Asshenhurst, purser’s mate, Mr Quaytmore, purser, and Mr Clarke, -merchant.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span></p> - -<p>If there was ill-feeling ashore between the English and the Portuguese, -and the English and Dutch, so all was not ever as happy as wedding -bells in the English ships. One June day in 1608, during this third -voyage, a violent enmity had broken out between Anthony Hippon, master -of the <em>Dragon</em>, and his mate, William Tavernour. Someone endeavoured -to get them to make up their quarrel, but Hippon was obdurate, and “was -heartened forward in his malice against the said Tavernour by Matthew -Mullynex the master of the <em>Hector</em>.”</p> - -<p>And there is a further letter, dated 4th December 1608, which was sent -by another of the Company’s servants named James Hearne, which again -calls attention to the <em>Dragon’s</em> want of sails, the ship then being -at Bantam. There was no canvas procurable out there, “therefore,” he -suggests, “one hundred pound more or less, would not be lost in laying -it out in spare canvas in such a voyage as this.” And then he concludes -his letter with a postscript, which shows that the life of a factor -in the Company’s service ashore out in the East was not a lucrative -occupation. “That it may please your worships,” he petitions, “to -consider me somewhat in my wages, for I have served 2 years already at -£4 a month, and in this place I am in, my charge will be greater than -otherwise.”</p> - -<p>We have already alluded to the setting forth of the sixth expedition -under Sir Henry Middleton in 1607. Middleton was instructed to proceed -to the west coast of India with the intention of obtaining from Surat -Indian calicoes which would find a ready sale at Bantam and the -Moluccas. Having set forth from England in the year 1610, he arrived at -Aden,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span> where he left the <em>Peppercorn</em>, and then with his flag in the -<em>Trade’s Increase</em> sailed for Mocha, which is at the southern end of -the Red Sea. No English vessel had yet thrust her bows into this sea, -though the Portuguese had been there even during the previous century. -And here the <em>Trade’s Increase</em>, which had received such an ovation -when she was first launched at the Deptford yard, was to begin the -first of her serious mishaps. Like many another ship that came after -her, famous for unprecedented size, she was destined to be unlucky.</p> - -<p>She was making for Mocha with the assistance of native pilots when -she had the misfortune to get badly aground. She was a clumsy, -unhandy ship, and it was natural enough that the natives who had been -accustomed only to their smaller craft might get her into trouble. The -incident occurred in November 1610, and the following account sent home -by one who was on board her at the time may be taken as representative -of the facts. “About five a clocke,” runs the account, “in luffing in -beeing much wind, we split our maine toppe sayle, and putting abroad -our mizen, it split likewise: our Pilots brought our shippe a ground -upon a banke of sand, the wind blowing hard, and the Sea somewhat -high, which made us all doubt her coming off ... we did what we could -to lighten our ship, sending some goods a-land and some aboard the -<em>Darling</em> ... we land as well our Wheat-meale, Vinegar, Sea-coles, -Pitch and Tarre, with our unbuilt Pinnasse, and other provisions which -came next hand, or in the way, as well as Tinne, Lead, Iron, and other -merchandise to be sould, and staved neare all our water.” The reference -to the “unbuilt pinnasse” is ex<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>plained by the fact that it was the -custom of the Elizabethan and later voyagers to take out from home the -necessary timber and planks and to build the little craft on board as -they proceeded. This kept the men occupied and was a saving in wages, -besides not involving the risk of losing such a craft before the end of -the voyage was being approached. Such a top-heavy, cumbrous vessel as -the <em>Trade’s Increase</em> would need very careful “nursing” in a squall to -prevent her from capsizing, and it is perfectly clear that the sudden -luffing up into the wind to ease her was too much for the canvas that -had already been considerably worn and chafed during the voyage across -the Equator and round the Cape of Good Hope up to the Gulf of Aden.</p> - -<p>After some anxious hours the ship was eventually got afloat again, but -Middleton was taken prisoner by the Arabs. For a long while he was -compelled to endure his captivity, but was eventually released and -sailed for Surat, where he arrived with his ships on 26th September -1611, a great deal of valuable time having been lost. Here again he -was unlucky, for a Portuguese squadron of seven ships was waiting -outside. The Portuguese were now so indignant and jealous of the -English interlopers that they were resolved to resist them to the -utmost: otherwise it was obvious that the hard-won wealth of the East -would before long slip right away. All the inspiration and enthusiasm -of Prince Henry the Navigator, all the heroic voyages of the first -Portuguese navigators to the East, all the capital which had been -expended in building and fitting out their expensive caracks would -assuredly be thrown into the sea unless the aggressive Englishmen, -who had penetrated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span> their secrets, were to be thwarted now with -determination. The Portuguese were expecting Middleton’s arrival, for -they had already heard of his being in the Red Sea, and now they were -in sufficient and overwhelming strength to oppose him: for besides -the big ships outside, there were nearly twice as many smaller craft -waiting inside the bar. The Portuguese contention was that they alone -had the right to trade with Surat: the English were not wanted and had -no justification to be there at all.</p> - -<p>Middleton’s position was that he had come out from the King of England -bearing a letter and presents to the Great Mogul to put on a firm -footing that trade which Englishmen had already inaugurated, and that -India was open to all nations who wished to trade with her. But, of -course, Middleton did not know at the time the incident which has -already been mentioned in connection with Hawkins and the Great Mogul. -When, however, the news presently reached him, it was to modify his -plans entirely: there could be no good object attained in endeavouring -to establish trade against the opposition of the Mogul and the -Portuguese. The natives were clearly under the thumb of the Portuguese, -and, however willing they might have been, no trade with them was -possible.</p> - -<p>So, after taking Hawkins on board, together with the Englishmen who -had been left at Surat, a council was held and ultimately it was -decided to return to the Red Sea so that he could there trade with -the ships from India, since to deal with them in their own country -was not practicable. This decision was carried out, and whether the -traders liked it or not they were compelled to barter the goods -which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span> Middleton required to take farther eastwards to the Indian -Archipelago as previously indicated. But meanwhile there had set out -from England another expedition, consisting of the three ships <em>Clove</em>, -<em>Thomas</em> and <em>Hector</em>, under the command of Captain Saris, bound for -the Red Sea, having previously obtained a firman, or decree, from -Constantinople which would grant him and his merchants kindly treatment -in the neighbourhood of Mocha and Aden. But on arriving at Socotra, -Saris found a letter from Middleton giving warning of the treacherous -treatment to expect. In spite of this, however, Saris found that the -firman was respected, but eventually deemed it prudent to make for the -Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, where he met Middleton and agreed with him to -engage in privateering the ships of India. If you had questioned these -English seamen they would have replied unhesitatingly that they were -merely engaged in trade by barter, and that as they had been prevented -by circumstances from carrying on this direct with the Indian continent -they had no other opportunity than to do it at sea. They had been sent -out by the English Company to get the cloths and calicoes to exchange -farther east and they were merely fulfilling their instructions. But in -plain language there was little difference between this and robbery, -or, at the best, compulsory sale at the buyer’s own price.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_096fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_096fp.jpg" width="600" height="371" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SHIP “BRIDGEWATER” -ENTERING MADRAS ROADS UNDER JURY-RIG AFTER ENCOUNTERING GALES OF WIND.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_096fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>But when all this “trading” was finished and the <em>Trade’s Increase</em> -went to Malay Archipelago, she was to bring to a tragic end her short -and adventurous career. Middleton had gone ahead in the <em>Peppercorn</em>, -and the <em>Trade’s Increase</em> had been ordered to follow after. -Unfortunately she needed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span> some repairs to her hull. It was customary -before an East Indiaman left the East on her homeward voyage for the -sheathing outside to be attended to, in order that she might make as -fast a passage home as possible. But there were no dry docks out there, -and very few anywhere, even in England or Holland. The practice, which -lasted well into the nineteenth century, was to careen a ship if she -required any attention below the water-line—her seams caulked, or her -bottom tarred. This was done in the case of the <em>Trade’s Increase</em> -whilst she was at Bantam, where her sheathing was being seen to. But -she fell over on to her side and became a total loss. One contemporary -account states that whilst the repairs were being done “all her men -died in the careening of her,” and that then some Javanese were hired -to do the job, but five hundred of these “died in the worke before -they could sheath one side: so that they could hire no more men, and -therefore were inforced to leave her imperfect, where shee was sunke -in the Sea, and after set on fire by the Javans.” This was towards the -end of the year 1613. Another contemporary account states that she was -laid up in the ooze, and was set on fire from stem to stern, having -been previously fired twice, at the supposed instigation of a renegade -Spaniard, “which is turned Moor.” She blazed away during the whole of -one night, and her wreck was eventually sold for 1050 reales. When Sir -Henry Middleton heard the news of the loss of his famous flagship, the -pride of all the seas, he was so heart-broken that he died. Thus both -admiral and flagship had perished: it had been a calamitous voyage.</p> - -<p>As for Captain Saris, he had sailed to Japan in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span> order to establish -a factory. Notwithstanding the opposition of the Dutch, who were as -jealous of his arrival in the Far East as the Portuguese had been in -India, the Emperor received him favourably and the seeds were sown -for future trade with England which, to change the metaphor, were to -prepare the way for the adoption of Western ideas by the Japanese -during the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. Strictly speaking, -Japan and China have nothing to do with India. But historically, so -far as our present subject is concerned, they are to an extent bound -together. Not merely did these first captains of the English East -India Company sail thither, but, as the reader will see further on in -this volume, a great deal of trade was done with those parts by the -Company’s servants: and at least one interesting engagement took place -on sea near by, in which the Company’s merchant ships distinguished -themselves.</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding the sad loss of the costly <em>Trade’s Increase</em>, -Middleton’s voyage had yielded to the Company a profit of 121 per cent. -Captain Saris’s voyage had done even better still, earning 218 per -cent.; but, as we have shown, this was not all earned by legitimate -trade.</p> - -<p>The journal of Captain Nicholas Downton of the homeward voyage of the -<em>Peppercorn</em> (which you will remember had been built at the Deptford -yard and went out in company with the <em>Trade’s Increase</em>) shows the -kind of hardships which our sailors had to endure whilst earning such -handsome profits for their owners. With thankful hearts this craft -started back from Bantam, though it was to be no pleasant voyage. On -getting under way Downton saluted the admiral by way of farewell. “I -gave him 5<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span> shot,” he writes, “having no more pieces out nor ports -uncaulked”—that is to say, he had prepared his ship for sea, having -run inboard most of his guns and caulked up the ports. The ship had -previously had her sheathing attended to, and all the stores were -aboard. The meat was kept in casks, while the bread and corn were -kept in a “tight room” in order to avoid the ravages of the cacara—“a -most devouring worm,” as Downton quaintly calls it, “with which this -ship doth abound to our great disturbance.” The drinking-water to the -extent of twenty-six tons had also been brought aboard, where it was -kept in casks. But as these were decayed, weak, rotten and leaky the -crew were bound to suffer before they reached home. He did his best to -make her what he calls “a pridie ship”—that is, a trim ship—but though -this was her first homeward voyage she leaked like a basket through -the trenail holes in the stern, owing to the negligence of the wicked -Deptford carpenters, who had scamped their work. The result was that -there were soon twenty inches of water “on our lower orlop.” Certainly -the Company’s yard had not earned much real credit for the way they had -designed and built the <em>Peppercorn</em> and the <em>Trade’s Increase</em>.</p> - -<p>And so this leaky, crank, badly built ship came fighting her way -along over the trackless ocean, a continuous source of anxiety to her -commander. Troubles often enough come not singly, and the <em>Peppercorn</em> -was another unlucky ship. By sheer carelessness she and all hands -barely escaped ending all things by fire at sea. “At noon,” says -Downton, “our ship came afire by the cook his negligence, o’erguzzled -with drink, digged a hole through the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span> brick back of the furnace and -gave the fire passage to the ship’s side, which led to much trouble -besides spoil to our ship.” The punctuation of this sentence needs -no modification to show the short, sharp impressions jotted down by -a choleric captain. The name of this “o’erguzzled” cook was Richard -Hancock, and no doubt he had so undermined his health with drink, or -had been so severely punished by his commander that he could not long -survive, for he died shortly after one day at noon and was buried at -sea.</p> - -<p>But he was not the only careless member of the ship’s company. At least -one of the watch-keeping officers was just as bad in his own sphere. -“The 27th at 2 after noon we were suddenly taken short with a gust from -the SE, which by neglect of the principal of the watch not setting in -time, not only put us to much present trouble but also split us two -topsails at once, and blew a third clean away.” The following month -on the eleventh the <em>Peppercorn</em> was at midnight overwhelmed by heavy -squalls which “split our main bonnet and fore course, whereby we were -forced to lie a try with mainsail, the sea very violent, we mending our -sail.”</p> - -<p>The meaning of this may not be quite apparent to those unfamiliar with -the ships of those days. The “bonnet” was an additional piece of canvas -laced on to the foot of these square-sails. It had been long in use -by the ships of the Vikings and the English craft of the Middle Ages, -and continued to be used during the Tudor period and the seventeenth -century. Even in the twentieth century it is not quite obsolete, and -is still used on the Norfolk wherries and on some of the North Sea -fishing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span> vessels. It was such a canvas as certainly ought to have been -taken in quickly if the <em>Peppercorn</em> was likely to be struck by a heavy -squall, being essentially a fine-weather addition. And whenever it was -unlaced the equivalent was obtained of putting a reef in the sail. To -“lie a try” was a well-known expression used by the Elizabethan seamen -and their successors: it meant simply what we mean to-day when we -speak of heaving-to. The ship would just forge ahead very slowly under -her mainsail only, being under command but making good weather of the -violent sea of which Downton speaks, and allowing most of the hands to -get busy with the sails, which had to be sent down and repaired.</p> - -<p>They had barely begun to resume their voyage when, on the thirteenth of -the month, the <em>Peppercorn</em> broke her main truss—that is to say, the -rope which kept the yard of the mainsail at its centre to the mast. The -main halyards also carried away and again the main bonnet was split, -but this time the mainsail as well. The “main course,” says Downton, -“rent out of the bolt rope”—that is to say, blew right away from the -rope to which it is sewn—and so they were, owing to “want of fit sail -to carry, forced to lie a hull,” which means that they had to heave-to -again. Meanwhile the <em>Peppercorn</em> was still leaking away merrily. “This -day again,” reads an entry in the journal a little later on, “by the -labouring of the ship and beating of her bows in a head sea, whereby we -found in the powder room in the fore part on the lower orlop, 20 or 24 -inches water, which have so spoiled, wet and stained divers barrels, so -that of 20 barrels of powder I do not now expect to find serviceable -2 barrels, besides all our match and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span> divers other things.” It would -therefore have gone ill with the <em>Peppercorn</em> if she had fallen in with -a big, powerful Spanish ship on the high seas ready to blaze away at -her.</p> - -<p>It took thirty-six hours to get these sails repaired and new ropes -spliced. This mending became in fact the rule rather than the -exception. “Our daily employment either mending of our poor old sails -daily broken, or making new with such poor stuff as we have.” There can -be no doubt whatever that these ships were sent to sea with all too -few stores to allow of accident. We have already seen that additional -canvas could not be obtained in the East, except with the indulgence -of some Dutch captain, who would naturally charge the English the full -value of a new sail, and a bit more. One wonders, indeed, how often -those London merchants realised how dearly these big percentages had -been bought—how only the dogged determination of the captains and -masters, the sufferings of the crews in the leaky, ill-found ships -could provide fortunes and luxuries for those who stayed at home in -ease. However, little though they knew it at the time, it was these -ill-faring mariners who were really building up the foundations of -England’s Eastern wealth and her Eastern Empire. Human lives in those -harsh days were rated low enough, and a poor, common sailor was not -slobbered over. He was merely one of the meshes of the big net cast -into the sea to bring in large spoil to the financiers of that time. -But it has always been thus, and the more long-suffering the seaman -has shown himself, the more courageous and patient he has been, the -more he has been treated with contumely by those very persons who have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span> -obtained all that they possess through his achievements.</p> - -<p>It cannot be supposed that these seventeenth-century Indiamen were on -the whole happy ships. The captains feared mutiny all the time, and the -men were compelled to live and work under trying conditions which were -enough to break the spirit of any landsman. Downton’s journal shows -this all too well. Take the following entries, which are sufficiently -expressive:—</p> - -<p>“July 2. Mr Abraham Lawes conceives he is poisoned for that his stomach -falls away, and he hath often inclination to vomit, for he saith he was -so at Venice, when he was formerly poisoned.”</p> - -<p>Three days later Thomas Browning died, and on 27th July comes this -entry:</p> - -<p>“This day Mr Lawes died and is opened by the surgeon who took good -note of his inward parts which was set down by the surgeon and divers -witnesses to that note.” Similarly on 21st August: “Men daily fall -down into great weakness”; and, again, four days later: “Edw. Watts, -carpenter, died at midnight.” Under the twenty-ninth of the same month -we find the following entry:—“Stormy weather, dry, the night past -Thomas Dickorie died. Most of my people in a weak estate.” The last -day of the month we read that “John Ashbe died by an imposthume at 7 -o’clock after noon,” and other members of the ship’s company continued -to die almost daily. An “imposthume,” by the way, is an abscess.</p> - -<p>But the <em>Peppercorn</em>, though she had long since crossed the line, and -was even now beyond the Bay of Biscay, was destined to suffer ill -luck right to the end of her voyage. She ought, of course, to have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span> -rounded Ushant and then squared away up the English Channel. But as a -fact Downton got right out of his reckoning. He rather imagined that -his reckoning was wrong and suspected “all the instruments by which we -observed the variation by.” The result was that he got farther to the -north than he expected. He therefore ran right across the western mouth -of the English Channel without sighting anything, so that eventually -he found himself between Wales and Ireland—miles and miles out of his -course. All too late he realised the mistake, so determined to put in -to the nearest port. He thought of Milford, but as the <em>Peppercorn</em> -would not fetch thither, he decided to run for Waterford in Ireland. He -ran down to the coast, but when off the entrance a thick fog enshrouded -the land, so he had to put out to sea once more, being able eventually -to run into Waterford river when a more favourable opportunity -presented itself. He had got his ship safe back into the Narrow Seas, -but he had arrived a long way short of the River Thames and the port -of London, and it would mean the wasting of further delay before the -<em>Peppercorn’s</em> rich cargo could be sold in the metropolis. But with -what success this voyage concluded to the stock-holders we have already -seen.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_104fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_104fp.jpg" width="600" height="381" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “HALSEWELL,” EAST INDIAMAN.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_104fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>Apropos of this voyage there is still preserved a letter written by -Downton “aboard the <em>Peppercorn</em> to the Right Worshipful the Indian -Company in Philpot Lane, September 15, 1613,” in which this captain -asks for “3 cables and other cordage of divers sizes, a set of sails, -sail needles and twine, and some Hamburrough lines for sounding lines.” -With regard to the bad land-fall which Downton made coming home, there -can be no doubt that he had reason to suspect those crude, inaccurate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span> -navigation instruments to which we have already called attention. In -addition, of course, the early seventeenth-century charts bristled -with errors. As for Eastern waters, the English skippers were much -indebted to the charts which the Dutchmen had made for themselves, the -Dutch at this time being the best cartographers in the world. There is -at least one instance of a navigator of one of the English East India -Company’s ships “finding it to be truely laid down in Plat or Draught -made by Jan Janson Mole, a Hollander, which he gave to Master Hippon, -and he to the Companie.” To this knowledge received by the Company -were added the “plots” (<em>i.e.</em> charts) which their own masters of -ships brought home at the end of every voyage, amended and added to as -their experience dictated. We have already seen that it was compulsory -for the master of every East Indiaman to deliver to the Governor of -the English East India Company four copies of his journal and other -“worthy” observations of his voyage within ten days of his arrival -back in the Thames. The information thus derived was systematised, and -as time went on and the voyages became more numerous still there was -thus accumulated a number of invaluable sailing directions which were -to be condensed into “Rules for our East India Navigations” by the -famous John Davis of Limehouse, who had himself made no less than five -voyages. The East India Company thus not only built its own ships at -its own dockyard, victualled them from its own stores, but conducted -its own hydrography department. It was therefore positively unique -in its monopolies and self-dependence. England has never had any -corporation like it: and it is pretty certain it never will.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">SHIPS AND TRADE</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">We</span> alluded on an earlier page to what were known as “separate” voyages. -In the year 1612 the owners of the different stocks joined together -and made one common capital of £740,000. Until that year the custom -had been for a number of men to subscribe together for one particular -voyage out and home. This was found by no means satisfactory, for it -meant there was too much rivalry and no co-operation. Before one voyage -was completed another would be sent out, and it happened that out in -the East several agents in their zeal to obtain cargoes for their ships -would be found bidding against each other, to the great advantage of -the natives and the loss of the English stock-holders. Then, again, -it would also happen that the ship of one particular voyage might be -lying empty at some Indian port waiting till her factor had obtained -the spices and other goods destined for England. Meanwhile the factor -of a second voyage had <em>his</em> goods ready but no ship in which to send -them home. Each “voyage” was thus a separate and distinct concern, -declining to have anything to do with any other “voyage,” or group of -adventurers. When, therefore, this practice came to an end, the union<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span> -made for strength and did away with the ill feeling and waste of energy -till then so noticeable. The first joint stock began in the year 1613 -and ended in 1617.</p> - -<p>During this period twenty-nine ships of the Company were employed, and -by the end of the year 1617 eight had returned with cargoes, four had -been either lost or broken up, two had fallen into the hands of the -Dutch, and fifteen were still in the East Indies. When the new stock -was undertaken, most of these ships still in India were taken over at -valuation. The biggest East Indiaman craft at this time were the <em>Royal -James</em>, of 1000 tons; the <em>Anne Royal</em>, of 900 tons; and <em>The New -Year’s Gift</em>, of 800 tons.</p> - -<p>The Master Hippon, of whom we made mention in the last chapter, had -command of the <em>Globe</em>, which set forth from England alone and made -direct for the Coromandel coast (the south-east portion of India). -He called neither at the Red Sea, the Nicobars, nor the East Indian -Archipelago. His mission was to inaugurate a new sphere of trade, and -in so doing he was laying the foundations of those rich commercial -centres of Madras and Calcutta. His work was not easy, for the Dutch -would not allow him to operate in their neighbourhood, but he left -a little band of men near Masulipatam to found a factory, and then -went on to establish other factories in the Malay Peninsula and Siam. -In the year 1612 Captain Best had obtained from the Court of Delhi -considerable privileges, including that of establishing a factory at -Surat. This was to become the chief English station in India until -the acquisition of Bombay. In establishing these factories, the -English were but copying the example of the Portuguese<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span> and Dutch. -They were essential as depots for the goods brought from home and the -commodities which had been obtained from the natives, and were awaiting -the arrival of the Company’s ships. In charge of these factories were -the Company’s agents and their clerks. But it is well to bear in mind -that these factories and factors were destined to undergo development. -As a measure of precaution the former were in the course of time -strengthened, and at a still later stage they became even forts, so -that the agents and clerks developed into a garrison. And from a -strictly defensive policy a more aggressive influence occurred which -resulted in acquisition of territory as well as trading rights.</p> - -<p>Captain Best had sailed from Gravesend on 1st February 1612, with -the <em>Red Dragon</em> and the <em>Hoseander</em>, and arrived in the Swally, the -roadstead for Surat, on 5th September. Here also were the Portuguese -fleet a few weeks later ready to thwart the English, but Best was ready -for them, and eventually hostilities were inevitable. But Best had the -true English spirit in him, and besides being an excellent leader of a -trading expedition, he was also no mean tactician, taking advantage of -tide and the proximity of sandy shoals. The result was that the English -were victorious and the Portuguese admiral defeated. But this meant -something more than was immediately apparent. In a word it was to have -a considerable influence on the future Anglo-Indian trade, and so give -a still greater demand for the Indian merchant ships. In order properly -to realise the position, you have to think of a weak man over-awed by -a giant. Another giant comes along and asks the weak man for certain -favours. The latter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span> replies that he would be willing to make the -concessions if the second giant could conquer the first, for whom the -weak man has no real love. In the present instance the first giant is -represented by the Portuguese, the weak man is the Great Mogul, and the -second giant the English. The latter had been thwarted from trading -with Surat by the Portuguese. What the Mogul had said amounted to this: -“Defeat the Portuguese and I will give you and yours every opportunity -to trade in my dominions: your merchants shall not be molested, the -customs imposed shall be as light as possible, and if there is any -delinquency by which my people shall in any way injure your men, I will -see that the matter is soon set right and redress given. Your country -shall be allowed to send its ambassador and reside at my Court—but you -must first exhibit your strength by conquering the hated Portuguese.”</p> - -<p>So Best’s victory succeeded as only success can. The mighty power of -the Portuguese was now broken like a reed. They had been defeated on -sea who prided themselves on sea-power. They had lost their prestige -with the natives, who had had the first Europeans in awe. The whole of -the Portuguese Indian system, which had amounted to piracy, oppression -and native ruin, had been, in the words of India’s great modern -historian, Sir Wm. Wilson Hunter, “rotten to the core.” It was now -to receive its death-blow, and a new order of things was to follow. -Instead of the previous opposition, the English were now allowed to -open their trade and to start factories both at Surat and elsewhere, -and the English East India Company obtained a most firm footing—not as -interlopers doing the best they could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span> against Portuguese vigilance, -but recognised by the Great Mogul as an important and powerful trading -corporation. It was after these concessions had been made and various -factories set up that the latter needed obvious protection both from -the Portuguese and the pirates who were greatly harassing the trading -ships. Thus on land the nucleus was formed of an Indian army: thus -afloat the nucleus also was formed of the Bombay Marine, afterwards to -be known as the Indian navy.</p> - -<p>For the latter the Company’s Surat agent was compelled to do the -best with local material, collecting native craft called grabs and -gallivats and commanded by officers who volunteered from the Company’s -merchant ships. As these craft, like all other local craft, were the -most suitable for the conditions of the place, the Company was well -able to patrol the Gulf of Cambay and protect the vessels loaded -with merchandise. This Indian marine had come into being during the -year 1613, and two years later consisted of ten local craft. In the -same year arrived from England four of the Company’s ships, under -Captain Keeling, with Sir Thomas Roe, who had been sent by James I. -as ambassador to the Great Mogul, and the treaty with the latter was -ratified.</p> - -<p>So the voyages continued to be made between England and the East. There -was still opposition on the part of the Dutch, who would occasionally -seize the Company’s ships, and in the year 1623 this opposition reached -its crisis in the notorious Massacre of Amboyna, when the English -Company’s agent and nine more Englishmen were executed on a trivial -charge. Nor were the Portuguese ships<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span> swept from the Eastern seas. The -sea-power was broken, but it still existed in its weakly condition, and -nothing gave the English seamen greater pleasure than to meet any of -their big caracks in the Indian Ocean or elsewhere and attack them. But -the factors who had been installed at Surat were in no way deficient -in enterprise. They were doing an excellent trade, not merely between -England and India, but between India and Bantam. This was not enough: -they were determined to open up commerce with the Persian Gulf.</p> - -<p>Now this meant that trouble was inevitable. If the Portuguese had lost -their hold on India, they were certainly just as strong as formerly at -Ormuz and other parts of the Persian Gulf. To traffic, or to attempt -to traffic, with this part of the Orient was certain to mean further -conflict with the nation which had received so much injury from Captain -Best. For most of a hundred years the Portuguese had been enjoying -their monopoly up the Gulf. However, neither this nor the certainty -of conflict could turn aside the ambition of the English East India -Company. Their ships were sent from Surat with Indian goods, the -Portuguese vessels opposed them, the victory went to the English, and -thus once more, as it had been in the territory of the Great Mogul, -so the result was to be in regard to the Persian trade. The natives -realised that the English were worth listening to, and their prestige -was raised to the height from which the Portuguese simultaneously -dropped. Henceforth the English factors could bring from Surat their -calicoes and take back silks. A little later Ormuz was destroyed—Ormuz -which had been the seat of Portuguese supremacy in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span> Persian Gulf -and the centre of its wealthy trade in that region—and thus once more -the nation which had been the first of European countries to unlock the -secrets of the East was told to quit. By the year 1622—a short enough -period since the inauguration of the East India Company in London—the -Portuguese had thus been driven out from those very places in the East -which had been so dear to them and the means of so much wealth. By the -year 1654 they had been compelled to agree that the English should -have the right to reside and trade in all these Eastern possessions. -It was a terrible blow to Portuguese pride, a grievous disappointment -to a nation which had done so much for the discovery of the world, and -enough to make Prince Henry the Navigator turn in his grave. But it -was inevitable, for the reason that as the Portuguese had declined in -sea-power, so the English had been rising ever since the mid-sixteenth -century, though more especially during the latter half of Elizabeth’s -reign. The call of the sea to English ears was being listened to -more attentively than ever, and when that call summoned men to such -profitable trade it continued to be heard through the centuries. Each -success added zest and gave an increased enthusiasm. Men who wanted -to see the world, or to increase their meagre incomes, or to get away -from the narrow confines of their own town or village were eager to -take their oath to the Company and go East, where a more adventurous -life awaited them. But with the Portuguese it was not so. Most of their -Latin enthusiasm had run out: they had begun well, but they had been -unable to sustain. And the series of blows—the capture of their finest -caracks, the revelation of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span> East Indian secrets, the colossal -defeat of the Armada, the persistent and successful impertinence -of English interlopers in India, the glaring proof that English -seamanship, navigation, naval strategy, tactics and gunnery were as -good as their own—this succession of hard facts tended to break their -spirit, made them compelled to bow to the inevitable. <em>Sic transit -gloria mundi.</em></p> - -<p>Between the years 1617 and 1629 the English East India Company had sent -out no fewer than 57 ships, containing 26,690 tons of merchandise. In -addition they employed eighteen pinnaces which spent their time trading -from port to port in the East Indies. We have already alluded to the -inception of the Indian navy by the Surat factory. As time went on this -flotilla of local craft was strengthened by big ships sent out from -England. But as this volume is not a history of either the East India -Company or of the development of the Indian navy, we must confine our -attention to the story of the Company’s merchant ships during the many -years in which they existed with such marvellous and unprecedented -benefit to India and the English nation. Those who are interested -merely in the rise of the Indian navy will find the account in Captain -Low’s volumes.</p> - -<p>Now covetousness is a sin which is peculiar not merely to individuals, -but to corporations and even nations. You may be sure that all this -success on the part of the East India Company’s ships and of their -trading ashore led to no small amount of jealousy and longing at home. -It is true that the State had assisted and encouraged the Company in -every way: for it was obvious that it was for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span> nation’s welfare -generally, and in particular a fine support for the navy in respect -of ships, men and stores. But the time arrived when the Company began -to be pinched and squeezed by the power that hitherto had given only -assistance. Covetousness was at the bottom of it all, but the actual -opportunity had arisen over the capture of Ormuz, from which, it had -been reported, a large amount of spoil had been taken. It was easy -enough to invent some excuse, and this came in the year 1624 when the -Company, understanding that the Portuguese were preparing a fleet -against them in Indian waters, began to get ready a squadron of seven -ships to leave England. When these ships were ready to sail, the Lord -High Admiral of England, who happened to be the Duke of Buckingham, -obtained from Parliament an order to lay an embargo on these ships, -lying at Tilbury. A claim was made for a portion of the spoil supposed -to have been taken at Ormuz and elsewhere. And in spite of protests -the sum of £10,000 had to be paid before the ships were released. -About this time, also, the Company were attacked in Parliament on -three grounds: (1) For exporting the treasure of the kingdom, it -being alleged that £80,000 had been sent out yearly in money: (2) For -destroying the invaluable timber of the country by building exceedingly -great ships, the timber being wanted for the navy: (3) For causing -the supply of mariners to become injured by these voyages. The last -item was certainly unreasonable: for, as a fact, about one-third, or -sometimes one-half, of every ship’s complement consisted of landsmen, -who went on board “green” to sea life. But as happens over and over -again, even in our luxurious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span> times, many a green-horn discovers after -a while that the life of a seaman is just what really suits him: and -it was so with these landsmen to a large extent. The service opened up -a new career for them, and these fellows were to add to rather than -diminish the country’s supply of sailors.</p> - -<p>The ships were getting slightly more habitable and better built, though -no very great change was taking place. How unseaworthy were some of -the Company’s best vessels may be seen from a letter sent on 10th -June 1614 by Robert Larkin, who murmurs bitterly of his craft, the -<em>Darling</em>. “The <em>Darling</em>,” he writes, “complaineth sore, but I hope to -God she will carry us well to Puttam, and further tediousness I omit. -But I wish to God I were well rid of my captainship, or the <em>Darling</em> -a sounder vessel to carry me in.” So also that big East Indiaman, the -<em>Royal James</em>, during the year 1617 sprang a serious leak, and the way -in which this was stopped makes most interesting reading to all lovers -of ships. Her commander at that time, Captain Martin Pring, wrote to -the Company on the 12th of November of the year mentioned that about -a fortnight before the <em>Royal James</em> had reached Swally—the port of -Surat—“we had a great leak broke upon us in the <em>James</em>, which in four -hours increased six foot water in hold, and after we had freed it and -made the pumps suck, it would rise thirteen inches in half-an-hour. It -was a great blessing of God that it fell out in such weather, by which -means we had the help of all the fleet, otherwise all our company had -been tired in a very short time. The 9th, we made many trials with a -bonnet stitched with oakum under the bulge of the ship, but it did -no good. The 11th, we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span> basted our spritsail with oakum and let it -down before the stem of the ship and so brought it aft by degrees: in -which action it pleased God so to direct us that we brought the sail -right under the place where the oakum was presently sucked into the -leak: which stopped it in such sort that the ship made less water the -day following than she had done any day before from the time of our -departure out of England.”</p> - -<p>The device here employed was well known to the old-fashioned sailor, -and designated “fothering.” Briefly the idea was as follows. In order -to stop the leak a sail was fastened at the four corners and then let -down under the ship’s bottom, a quantity of chopped rope-yarns, oakum, -cotton, wool—anything in the least serviceable for the job—being also -put in. If you were lucky you would find that after the first few -attempts the leak would have sucked up some of the oakum or whatever -was put into the sail, and so the water would not pour in as badly. -This device certainly saved Captain Cook during one of his voyages -after his ship had struck a rock and the sea poured in so quickly -that the pumps were unable to cope with it. In the description given -above by Captain Pring you will notice that he used his spritsail for -this purpose. This was a quadrilateral sail set at the end of the -bowsprit, but was abolished from East Indiamen and other ships in the -early part of the nineteenth century. At first, you will observe, -the bonnet—doubtless the bonnet of the mainsail—the use of which we -described on an earlier page, was tried and lowered under the “bulge” -(or, as we now say, the “bilge”) of the ship. “Stitched with oakum” -means that the little<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span> tufts of oakum were lightly stitched to the -canvas just to keep them in position until the suction of the leak drew -them up the hole away from the canvas. When he says he “basted” the -spritsail with oakum he means again that the latter was sewn with light -stitches. This spritsail was lowered down at the bows till it got below -the ship’s forefoot and then brought gradually aft till the position of -the leak was reached, and then the oakum was sucked up with the happy -result noted. This all reads much simpler than it was in actuality: and -you can imagine that it was no easy matter getting this sail into its -exact position while the ship was plunging and rolling in a seaway.</p> - -<p>Eventually the <em>Royal James</em> got over the bar at Swally, and a -consultation was then held aboard her by Captain Pring and a number -of other captains as to what had now best be done. One opinion was to -careen her so as to get at the leak and caulk it. Another opinion was -to “bring her aground for the speedy stopping of her dangerous leak.” -But these captains had before their minds the recollection that the -<em>Trade’s Increase</em> had been lost whilst being careened, and another -ship named the <em>Hector</em> likewise: so they unanimously agreed that the -best thing would be to put the <em>Royal James</em> ashore, first taking out -of her the merchandise. They were more than a little nervous as to how -this big ship would take the ground, so “for a trial” they brought -ashore the <em>Francis</em>, an interloping vessel which they had captured. -When it was seen that the <em>Francis</em> seemed to take the ground all -right and that she lay there three tides without apparent injury “and -never complained in any part,” they put the <em>Royal James</em><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span> ashore -also. Unluckily this was not with the same amount of success, “for she -strained very much about the midship and made her bends to droop: which -caused us to haul her off again so soon that we had not time to find -the leak. Yet (God be praised) since we came afloat her bends are much -righted and she hath remained very tight: God grant she may so long -continue.”</p> - -<p>When Sir Thomas Roe went out from England in the year 1615 to Surat as -English Ambassador to the Great Mogul, he was accompanied by Edward -Terry, his chaplain. The latter has left behind an account of his -voyage to India, and though we cannot do much more than call attention -thereto, we may in passing note that this setting forth shows how -much valuable time was wasted in those days waiting for a fair wind. -For these seventeenth-century ships had neither the fine lines nor -the superiority of rig which was afterwards to make the East Indiamen -famous throughout the world. The Company’s seventeenth-century ships -were clumsy as to their proportions, they were built according to -rule-of-thumb, the stern was unnecessarily high, the bows unnecessarily -low. Triangular headsails had not yet been adopted, except by -comparatively small fore-and-aft-rigged craft, such as yachts and -coasters. The mizen was still of the lateen shape, but all the other -sails were quadrilateral, even to the spritsail, which was suspended -at the outer end of the bowsprit and below that spar. Above the latter -on a small mast was hoisted another small squaresail, and then at the -after end of the bowsprit (which was very long and practically a mast) -came the foremast, stepped as far forward as it could go.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span></p> - -<p>With this unhandy rig, the bluff-bowed hulls with their clumsy design -and heavy tophamper could make little or no progress in a head wind. -They were all right for running before the wind, or with the wind on -the quarter: but not only could they not point close to the wind, -but even when they tried they made a terrible lot of leeway. It was -therefore hopeless to try and beat down the English Channel. Most -seamen are aware that the prevailing winds over the British Isles are -from the south-west, but that often between about February and the -end of June, more especially in the earlier part of the year, one can -expect north-east or easterly spells. The old East Indiamen therefore -availed themselves of this. For a fair wind down Channel was a thing -much to be desired, and a long time would be spent in waiting for it. -As these awkward ships had to work their tides down the River Thames, -then drop anchor for a tide, and take the next ebb down, their progress -till they got round the North Foreland was anything but fast.</p> - -<p>Of all this Edward Terry’s account gives ample illustration. He was a -cleric and no seaman, but he had the sense of observation and recorded -what he observed. It was on the 3rd of February 1615 that the squadron, -including the flagship <em>Charles</em>—a “New-built goodly ship of a thousand -Tuns (in which I sayled) ... fell down from Graves-send into Tilbury -Hope.” Here they remained until 8th February, when they weighed anchor, -and not till 12th February had they weathered the North Foreland and -brought up in the Downs, where they remained for weeks waiting till -a fair wind should oblige them. On the 9th of March the longed-for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span> -north-easter came, when they immediately got under way and two days -later passed the meridian of the Lizard during the night. With the wind -in such a quarter these Indiamen would bowl along just as fast as their -ill-designed hulls could be forced through the water, making a lot of -fuss and beating the waves instead of cutting through them as in the -case of the last of the East Indiamen which ever sailed.</p> - -<p>By the 19th of May they had passed the Tropic of Capricorn and -Terry marvelled at the sight of whales, which were “of an exceeding -greatnesse” and “appear like unto great Rocks.” Sharks were seen, and -even in those days the inherent delight of the seaman for capturing and -killing his deadly enemy was very much in existence. As these cruel -fish swam about the <em>Charles</em> the sailors would cast overboard “an iron -hook ... fastened to a roap strong like it, bayted with a piece of -beefe of five pounds weight.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_120fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_120fp.jpg" width="600" height="396" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “SERINGAPATAM,” EAST INDIAMAN, 1,000 TONS.</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_120fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>The squadron duly arrived in Swally Roads on the 18th of September. Sir -Thomas Roe performed his mission to the Great Mogul, and eventually -reached England again. So also Edward Terry, after having been for -some time in the East India Company’s service, was made rector of -Great Greenford, Middlesex, and in the year 1649 we find him one day -in September preaching a “sermon of thanksgiving” in the Church of St -Andrew’s, Undershaft, before the Committee of these East India Company -merchants. The occasion was the return of seven of the Company’s ships -which had arrived from the Orient together—“a great and an unexpected -mercy” after a “long, and tedious, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span> hazardous voyage.” Terry’s -discourse is typical of the pompous, obsequious period. We can almost -see these worthy East India merchants strolling into the church and -taking their places by no means unconscious of their self-importance, -yet not ashamed to do their duty and give thanks for the safe arrival -of ships and their rich cargoes. Many of them, if not all, had never -been out of England. Terry had been to India and back: he was therefore -no ordinary rector, and he rose to the occasion. He hurls tags of Latin -quotations at his hearers and then, after referring to the great riches -which they were obtaining from the East, reminds these merchants that -there are richer places to be found than both the East Indies and the -West, better ports than Surat or even Bantam, and so went on to speak -of the land where “nor rust, nor moth, nor fire, nor time can consume,” -where the pavement is gold and the walls are of precious stones. And -then, after this simple, direct homily, the Committee came out from -their pews and went back to their daily pursuits.</p> - -<p>If these seventeenth-century men were crude and had lost some of the -religious zeal of the pre-Reformation sailors, they still retained as -a relic of the Puritan influence a narrow but sincere personal piety. -And this comes out in the following prayer which was wont to be used -aboard the East Indiaman ships of the late seventeenth century. It is -called “A prayer for the Honourable English Company trading to the East -Indies, to be used on board their ships,” and bears the imprimatur of -the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London, who append their -signatures to the statement that “we do conceive that this prayer may -be very proper<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span> to be used, for the purpose express’d in the tittle -of it.” It has none of the beautiful English of the Middle Ages, for -liturgical ability, like stained-glass window painting, was at this -time a lost art. But for its simple sincerity, its suggestive deep -realisation of the terrors of the sea, its true pathos and its plain -religious confidence, it is characteristic of the period and the minds -of the men who joined in this prayer:—</p> - -<p>“O Almighty and most Merciful Lord God, Thou art the Soveraign -Protector of all that Trust in Thee, and the Author of all Spiritual -and Temporal Blessings. Let Thy Grace, we most humbly beseech thee, be -always Present with thy Servants the English Company Trading to the -East Indies. Compass them with thy Favour as with a shield. Prosper -them in all their Publick Undertakings, and make them Successful in all -their Affairs both by Sea and Land. Grant that they may prove a common -Blessing, by the Increase of Honour, Wealth and Power ... by promoting -the Holy Religion of our Lord Jesus Christ. Be more especially at this -time favourable to us, who are separated from all the world, and have -our sole dependance upon thee here in the great waters. Thou shewest -they wonders in the Deep, by commanding the Winds and the Seas as thou -pleasest, and thou alone canst bring us into the Haven where we would -be. To they Power and Mercy therefore we humbly fly for Refuge and -Protection from all Dangers of this long and Perilous voyage. Guard -us continually with thy good Providence in every place. Preserve our -Relations and Friends whom we have left, and at length bring us home to -them again in safety and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span> with the desired Success. Grant that every -one of us, being always mindful of thy Fatherly Goodness, and Tender -Compassion towards us, may glorifie thy Name by a constant Profession -of the Christian Faith, and by a Sober, Just and Pious Conversation -through the remaining part of our Lives. All this we beg for the sake -of our Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom with thee and the Blessed Spirit -be ascrib’d all Honour, Praise and Dominion both now and for evermore. -Amen.”</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">FREIGHTING THE EAST INDIAMEN</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> joint stock arrangement, as distinct from the separate voyages, -which had been instituted in 1613 worked very well: and after the -Restoration the practice of buying and selling shares became common, -the system approximating to that of modern times. The Company’s -ships were continuing to bring back much wealth to the shareholders, -but again covetous desires had to be appeased. In the year 1649 the -Commissioners of the Navy constrained the East India Company to lend -them £4000. It was in the year 1654 that Cromwell, by means of his -treaty with the Portuguese, obtained the right of English ships to -trade with any Portuguese possessions in the East Indies. Now this -meant a very handsome additional benefit to the East India Company’s -ships. Cromwell was shrewd enough to know what he was about, and -accordingly in the following year got his <em>quid pro quo</em> when he -succeeded in borrowing £50,000 from the Company, seeing that the latter -had gained so much from national successes; and a little later on in -the same year obtained from the same source another £10,000 to pay -Blake’s seamen, whose wages were in arrears. And this was not the last -instance of the Company being fleeced by the State.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span></p> - -<p>In the year 1640 permission had been obtained from the native -authorities to build the first of the Company’s forts in India. This -became known as Fort St George (Madras), and in the year 1658 the -Madras settlement was raised to a presidency. In 1645 the Company had -begun to establish factories in Bengal, so the ports for the East -Indiamen were now becoming more numerous, and the area from which the -cargoes could be obtained was being widely extended. The Portuguese, -as we have seen, were now out of the running as regards the East. And -as for the repeated collisions which the English had with the Dutch, -the three Anglo-Dutch wars which had been long foreseen, as they were -destined long to last, had given quite a new complexion to affairs in -India, leaving the English East India Company in a position stronger -than ever. One of the stipulations had been that the Dutch should -indemnify the English merchants and factors in India with regard to the -massacre at Amboyna, and the guilty parties therein concerned were to -be punished. In 1664 the French East India Company had been formed, and -ten years later the foundation of their settlement at Pondicherry was -laid.</p> - -<p>In the year 1681 the Company had developed their fleet to such an -extent that they now owned about thirty-five ships, ranging in size -from 775 to 100 tons. In customs alone the Company were paying £60,000 -a year, and they were carrying out to India £60,000 or £70,000 worth of -lead, tin, cloth and stuffs every year, bringing back raw silk, pepper -and other goods of the East. By the year 1683 so profitable were the -annual results of the Company’s trading that a £100 share would sell -for £500.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span> Before long the size of the ships just mentioned was to -increase to 900 and even to 1300 tons, such was the demand for Indian -products; and between the years 1682 and 1689 no fewer than sixteen -East Indiamen varying in size from 900 to 1300 tons were constructed. -All the East Indiamen were well armed, for even in the year 1677, when -the Company owned from thirty to thirty-five ships of from 300 to 600 -tons apiece, these vessels each mounted from forty to seventy guns.</p> - -<p>It will be recollected that Bantam had been the first headquarters -or chief factory whither the Company’s ships went for their trade. -This continued until 1638, when Surat had developed so much, thanks -to the concessions by the Great Mogul, that it replaced Bantam in -pre-eminence. The last-mentioned factory, together with Fort St George -in Madras, Hooghly in Bengal, and those establishments in Persia were -all made subservient to Surat. A far-sighted person could have foreseen -that all these scattered strongholds of trade might not improbably -develop eventually into something very much more important politically. -But it was Sir Josiah Child, the principal manager of the Company’s -affairs at home, who was one of the first to project the forming of a -territorial Empire in India.</p> - -<p>We had reason to mention just now a ship which we described as being -an interloper. The reader is well aware that in the first instance the -charter granted to the English East India Company by Queen Elizabeth -conveyed to them the exclusive privilege of trading to the East. This -charter was renewed in the years 1609, 1657, 1661 and subsequently -in other years. But such was the jealousy, such the covetousness -which were aroused by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span> Company’s successful voyages that a number -of interlopers, quite contrary to the terms of the charter, fitted -out expeditions of their own. These were evidently successful, too, -especially during the latter part of the reign of Charles II., for -the number of these private adventurers increased considerably. The -result, of course, was that the Company became exceedingly indignant -and had to exert themselves to put an end to the trouble. But this, -again, opened up the whole of the question as to whether the Company -should continue to enjoy such a fine monopoly. There was a good deal of -resentment against India being restricted to a favoured few. However -the Government favoured the Company, for it had been found more than -useful to the country in times of crisis, so again in the year 1693 it -received its fresh charter.</p> - -<p>But between the years 1694 and 1698 this Eastern trade practically -was thrown open. And then the State happened to require a loan of -£2,000,000. This was found by a newly formed company of associated -merchants who had been very vigorous in opposing the East India -Company’s privilege. And since this new company wanted only eight -per cent. (not a high rate for those days) for their loan, they also -received a charter. The result was that there were two companies -trading to India and each with its own charter. The title of this -fresh association was the New East India Company, and presently a kind -of third company arose as an offshoot from this second one. All this -competition had a most disastrous effect and brought both the old and -new companies almost to ruin. Each company hated the other, while the -public detested both most heartily. There were only two possibilities -open.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span> Either both companies must be wrecked or they must amalgamate. -It was wisely decided to choose the latter. They therefore adjusted -their differences, and in the year 1708 were amalgamated into one -corporation, calling themselves “The United Company of Merchants of -England Trading to the East Indies.” The capital was increased to -£3,200,000. They were the means of aiding the Government by advancing -to the latter £1,200,000 without interest, and the Government in turn -agreed to extend the Company’s charter till the year 1726, with three -years’ notice of termination. And it was subsequently extended till -1766.</p> - -<p>During the last decade of the seventeenth century when hostilities -existed between England and France the East India Company laid before -the House of Lords an account of the great losses which the former -had incurred at sea, owing to the lack of English cruisers. Those -were no easy times for the ships bound either to or from the Orient, -for, besides possible attacks from French men-of-war, the English -Channel and approaches thereto were alive with privateers, to the great -detriment of the Anglo-Indian trade. Some idea of the size and strength -of the East India Company’s ships about this time may be gathered from -the following list of craft which the French captured from them during -the year 1694 alone:—</p> - -<div class="center"> -<table class="my90" border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="1" summary="craft captured by the french"> -<tr> -<th class="tdc normal small">Name of Ship</th> -<th class="tdc normal small">Tonnage</th> -<th class="tdc normal small">Men</th> -<th class="tdc normal small">Guns</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl padr1">Princess of Denmark</td> -<td class="tdc">670</td> -<td class="tdc">133</td> -<td class="tdc">40</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Seymour</td> -<td class="tdc">500</td> -<td class="tdc">—</td> -<td class="tdc">—</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Success</td> -<td class="tdc">400</td> -<td class="tdc"> 80</td> -<td class="tdc">32</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Defence</td> -<td class="tdc">750</td> -<td class="tdc">150</td> -<td class="tdc">50</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Resolution</td> -<td class="tdc">650</td> -<td class="tdc">130</td> -<td class="tdc">40</td> -</tr></table></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span></p> - -<p>In later years one of the most valuable commodities which India was -to produce and send to England in these ships was tea. The first -importation by us was in the year 1667. Only a small amount, consisting -of 100 lb., was sent, but it was not long before this was greatly -exceeded. However, the early years of the eighteenth century were -marked by a disappointment in the trade which the Company was doing. -Although the latter’s ships were now trading also with China, yet -the value of our exports to the East were less than £160,000 a year: -and this, let it be remembered, included also military stores for -the Company’s settlements in the East and at St Helena. The reason -for this slump is easily explained. Every authority will admit that -the finest tonic for trade is competition. Monopoly is death to -enterprise, while a spirit of rivalry encourages progress. The East -India Company was suffering from the decaying, deadening influence of -its exclusive privilege and this went on till about the middle of the -eighteenth century. The first half of that century is decadent, not -merely with regard to India, but most things English. Art was at its -lowest, manners were never less sincere, morals were corrupt, politics -were little better. It almost seems as if England had lost the fair -wind which had carried her through the Tudor times and then become -gradually becalmed in the Stuart era till she rolled about with no -progress, making only stern-way. And then, after a period of profitless -existence, she seems to have picked up another breeze which has sent -her along through the successful industrial age, the great wars, the -Victorian and Edwardian years of prosperity up till to-day. The end -of the eighteenth century is a period quite different from its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span> first -portion. And if it was so generally it could scarcely be different in -regard to a corporation directed and managed by men of this period.</p> - -<p>Just for a moment let us go back to that time when the East India -Company decided it were best to close the Deptford yard and obtain -their ships ready built. Now as time went on the hiring of ships to -the Company for this Eastern trade led to great abuses. Officially the -Company did no longer build their ships. But the Company’s directors -used to build them privately and then hire them out to the Company, to -the great personal gain of the directors. There were few other ships -big enough or strong enough. The directors would know how many to build -and to what extent prices could be demanded from the Company: and -altogether they feathered their nests very nicely. This went on till -the year 1708, when the old and new East India companies had become -amalgamated. After this year the directors were prohibited by Act of -Parliament from supplying ships to the Company.</p> - -<p>Instead of the former corrupt arrangement, ships for the East India -Company were to be hired in the future by open tender from the -commander and two owners. But here again was a difficulty. Inasmuch -as a special type of stalwart ship was required for this trade, the -supply was small and in the hands of a ring called the Marine Interest. -Therefore the Company was just about as badly off as before. And -throughout the eighteenth century there was one continued contest -between the East India Company and the shipbuilders, who did their -level best to fleece the former as it had been fleeced by the State at -different dates.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_130fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_130fp.jpg" width="600" height="460" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">A BARQUE FREE-TRADER IN THE LONDON DOCKS.</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_130fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span></p> - -<p>For the East India Company did not literally own their ships, even -though they were called East Indiamen, flew the Company’s flag and made -their regular voyages. A shipping company to-day buys and owns its -own ships, but the East India Company had quite a different method. -Up to the time when the old and new companies were amalgamated, in -the year 1708, the owners and the Company were unfettered by any -legislative provision. They could settle and adjust the points between -themselves, and since the directors were part owners you may be sure -there was little cause for dispute! But the by-law which came into -force after the union of the two companies, prohibiting directors from -being concerned in hiring ships to the Company, brought about a rather -curious order of things. They were hired for so many voyages at so -much a ton, the Company binding itself to freight a stipulated number -of tons. These, by the way, were generally less than the official -measurement. About the year 1700 the largest East Indiamen were under -500 tons, though their burthen was one-third greater.</p> - -<p>Under the new arrangement the ships were to be taken up by the Company -and their respective voyages agreed to in a Court of Directors by -ballot. No tenders were to be accepted except such as had been made by -the commander and two owners of each ship. Furthermore, the sale of -the post as captain or any other office was forbidden in the Company’s -ships. This latter was an important modification. The actual owner of -the ship from whom the vessel was hired was termed the ship’s husband, -and the practice had been for him to sell the command of the ship to -a captain whom he would select. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span> expression in this case was to -“sell the ship,” and a captain would sometimes pay as much as £8000 or -£10,000 for the privilege of the appointment, because this position -afforded him unique opportunities of making some handsome profits -by the goods he brought home from the East in his ship as his own -perquisites. To such an extent did this practice become established -that the sale of a command became transferable property of the captain -who had bought it. Whenever he died or resigned his heirs or he himself -had the undoubted right to dispose of the billet to the highest bidder.</p> - -<p>The reason for the abolition of this custom was that it was largely -responsible for the high rates of freight which the Company was forced -to pay. A compensation was paid to the captains in the service at the -time of the abolition, but henceforth money could not buy the command -of a ship for a man that was not adequately qualified for the post. -Previously commands of ships had been held in some cases by men who -possessed no right to such responsible tasks. Captain Eastwick, a -master mariner of the eighteenth century, who has happily left behind -his autobiography, relates among a number of interesting personal -reminiscences that he married the niece of a man who was sole owner of -one East Indiaman and part owner of two more of these ships. It was -therefore suggested that Eastwick should enter the Honourable Company’s -service, and a command was promised as soon as he was qualified. “This -was a very tempting offer,” writes the old sailor, “as there was no -service equal to it, or more difficult to get into, requiring great -interest.”</p> - -<p>“It was the practice of the Company in those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span> days to charter ships -from their owners; these vessels were especially built for the service, -and were generally run for about four voyages, when they were held to -be worn out, and their places taken by others built for the purpose. -About thirty ships were required for the Company every year,” he -states, and then goes on to say that “there was never any written -engagement on the part of either the owners or the Company as to the -continuance of these charters, but the custom of contract was so well -established that both parties mutually relied upon it, and considered -themselves bound by ties of honour to observe their implied customary -engagements. When, therefore, a ship’s turn arrived to be employed, -the owner, as a matter of form, submitted a tender in writing to be -engaged, and proposed a particular person as captain, and this tender -and proposal were always accepted. Thus the owners of these East -Indiamen had everything in their own hands, and the favour of one of -them was a fine thing to obtain, leading to appointments of great -emolument.”</p> - -<p>Some idea of the value of the East Indiaman captain’s appointment may -be gathered from what Eastwick remarks under this head. “The captain -of an East Indiaman, in addition to his pay and allowances, had the -right of free outward freight to the extent of fifty tons, being only -debarred from exporting certain articles, such as woollens, metals, -and warlike stores. On the homeward voyage he was allotted twenty tons -of free freight, each of thirty-two feet; but this tonnage was bound -to consist of certain scheduled goods, and duties were payable thereon -to the Company. As the rate of freight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span> in those days was about £25 a -ton, this privilege was a very valuable one. Of course much depended -upon the skill and good management of the individual commander, the -risk of the market, his knowledge of its requirements, and his own -connections and interest to procure him a good profit. In addition to -the free tonnage, he further enjoyed certain advantages in the carrying -of passengers, for although the allowance of passage money outward and -homeward was arbitrarily fixed by the Company, there being a certain -number of passengers assigned to each vessel, and their fares duly -determined, ranging from £95 for a subaltern and assistant-surgeon -to £235 for a general officer, with from one and a half to three and -a half tons of free baggage, exclusive of bedding and furniture for -their cabins, yet it was possible for captains, by giving up their -own apartments and accommodation, to make very considerable sums for -themselves. In short, the gains to a prudent commander averaged from -£4000 to £5000 a voyage, sometimes perhaps falling as low as £2000, -but at others rising to £10,000 and £12,000. The time occupied from -the period of a ship commencing receipt of her outward cargo to her -being finally cleared of her homeward one was generally from fourteen -to eighteen months, and three or four voyages assured any man a very -handsome fortune.”</p> - -<p>But though these commands were very expensive to purchase and highly -remunerative when obtained, yet like the professional man to-day this -high remuneration was preceded by years of bad pay. Before a man could -obtain the command of an East Indiaman he must necessarily have made a -voyage<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span> as fifth or sixth mate, then another voyage as third or fourth -mate, and finally a third voyage as first or second mate. Now these -junior officers in the Company’s service were quite unable to live on -their pay “and it required a private capital of at least five hundred -pounds to enable a man to arrive at the position of second mate, which -was the lowest station wherein the pay and allowances afforded a -maintenance.”</p> - -<p>Whenever an Indiaman became worn out, or condemned, another ship was -hired to replace her, and was said to be “built upon the bottom” of the -first. The member or members of the Marine Interest who had built the -first ship claimed the right of building the second, and so it went -on. The result was that there arose what were known as “hereditary -bottoms.” This went on till the year 1796, when some of the more -public-spirited of the directors and shareholders of the East India -Company put their heads together and determined to have this system -entirely altered. It is indeed most extraordinary that the principle of -monopoly seemed to pervade every feature of the Company’s transactions, -from the broad, important principle of exclusive trade with the East -down to the building of ships and the exclusive privileges of their -commanders. In any other line of commerce the rate of freight found its -own level, but in the East India Company there was but one bidder, and -that also a monopoly. As the voyage was long and difficult and full of -dangers, it was natural enough that good commanders should be desired. -If an owner had a good captain, the Company were only too pleased to -have him.</p> - -<p>The passing of a by-law in the year 1773 pre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span>vented a ship from being -engaged for the Company’s service for more than four voyages at a -certain freight, this being calculated on an estimate of the building -and the cost of fitting out a vessel with provisions and stores for -a certain number of months. In the years 1780 and 1781 differences -of opinion arose between the owners of the ships and the Court of -Directors of the East India Company as to the rate of freight demanded. -Owing to the hostilities with the Dutch, the rates of insurance and -fitting out were stated to have caused an additional charge of £10, -14s. a ton. The contest between these two opposing sets of monopolists -was always amusing to an outsider. The Company wanted the ships badly, -for their very existence depended on their ability to carry cargoes -between England and India. On the other hand the owners had built these -ships especially for the Company’s service. They represented a great -outlay of capital, and they were so big and efficient that there was -practically no other trade in which they could be profitably employed. -So, after a certain amount of mutual indignation had cooled off, and -the usual haggling had proceeded, both parties were wont to come to a -compromise and matters went on as before till the next dispute occurred.</p> - -<p>Thus, for instance, in the year 1783 the Court of the East India -Company’s directors fixed the rate of freight at £32 per ton for -a ship of 750 tons. To this the owners replied that it was quite -impossible to provide the ships under £35 a ton. The Court then showed -their independence. They were resolved not to suffer the intolerable -humiliation of being dictated to by these owners, so the Company<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span> -advertised for tenders. Eventually twenty-eight ships were offered the -Company by various private owners in respect of this advertisement. But -after the Company’s inspecting officer had carefully examined these -vessels he had to report that they were either foreign-built, or weak -of structure, or else almost worn out: in any case quite unfitted for -the long voyage to India and back. This placed the Company in rather -a dilemma, and gave something of a shock to their independent spirit. -Meanwhile the owners who had hitherto provided the Company with ships -had taken alarm at thus throwing open the tender for competition. They -were in serious danger of losing their own monopoly: so they began to -climb down and offered the Company the rate of £33 a ton. And inasmuch -as the latter required as much as 10,000 tons the two parties agreed -on this last-mentioned price, more especially as the ships were known -to be sound in every respect, having actually been built under the -direction of the Company’s officials.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">EAST INDIAMEN AND THE ROYAL NAVY</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> East India Company’s progress was anything but a straight, easy -path. We must never forget that if it made big profits—and when -examined these figures, taken on an average, are not so colossal as -they seem at first sight—the risks and responsibilities were very far -from insignificant. Quite apart from the difficulties out in India, and -the absence of the invention of telegraphy thus making it difficult to -keep a complete control over the factors and trade; quite apart, too, -from the pressure which was harassing the Company from all sides—public -opinion which grudged this monopoly: shipowners who wanted to raise -the cost of hire: and Parliament which kept controlling the Company by -legislation—there were two other sources of worry which existed.</p> - -<p>The first of these was the continued insults by the press-gangs, -and the consequent inconvenience to the East India Company and the -great danger to their ships and cargoes. The second worry was the -ever-present possibility during the long-drawn-out wars of losing -also ships and goods by attack from the enemy’s men-of-war. In both -respects the position was not easy of solution. On the one hand, it was -obvious that the Company’s trade was likely to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span> be crippled; but, on -the other, the Government must come first in both matters. The navy was -in dire need of men. All that it had were not enough. Men who had been -convicted and sentenced for smuggling—some of the finest sailors in -the country—were shipped on board to fight for the land that gave them -birth. All sorts of rough characters were rounded up ashore and sent -afloat by the press-gangs, but even then the warships needed more.</p> - -<p>Now the crews of these eighteenth-century East Indiamen were such -skilled seamen, so hardened to the work of a full-rigged ship, so -accustomed to fighting pirates, privateers and even the enemy’s -men-of-war, that it was no wonder the Admiralty in their dilemma -overstepped the bounds and shipped them whenever they could be got. -A favourite custom was to lie in wait for the homeward-bound East -Indiamen, and when these fine ships had dropped anchor off Portsmouth, -in the Downs, or even on their way up the Thames, they would be boarded -and relieved of some of their crew: to such an extent, sometimes, that -the ship could not be properly worked. I have carefully examined a -large number of original manuscripts which passed between the Admiralty -and the East India Company of the eighteenth century, and there runs -through the period a continuous vein of complaint from the latter to -the former, but there was very little remedy and the Company had to put -up with the nuisance.</p> - -<p>On the 21st of December 1710, for instance, the Company’s secretary, -Thomas Woolley, sends a letter from the directors complaining to -the Admiralty of the press-gang actually invading East India House, -Leadenhall Street, one day during the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span> same month, “on a pretence of -searching for seamen.” As a matter of fact the press-gang had come to -carry off the most capable of the Company’s crews, who happened to be -present at that time. Very strongly the Company wrote complaints to the -Admiralty that the press-gangs would board the East Indiamen lying off -Spithead (bound for London) and take out all the able-bodied seamen -they could lay their hands on. These men had to go whether they liked -it or not, and the Company’s officers were indignant but powerless. -But it added injury to insult that the press-gangs replaced the picked -men taken out by “such as have been either unskilful in their duty -or careless and refractory in the performance of it,” as one of the -letters remarks. The Company therefore begged that no man might be -taken out until the East Indiamen should arrive at their moorings, or -at least till they came into the London river: for, they pointed out, -the ships had very valuable cargoes on board, and this seizing of men -exposed them to very great danger, it being often impossible to replace -the men taken out.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_140fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_140fp.jpg" width="600" height="415" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE PRESS GANG AT WORK.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p></div> - -<p>When the Company’s ships at length reached the Thames, the directors -would often send down hoys to meet them and to bring the goods up to -London, where they could be placed on view in the warehouses to show -the buyers before the sale opened. But the naval authorities had given -the crews of these hoys such a fright that they refused to go even -down towards the mouth of the river, fearing that the press-warrants, -which were out, would be put into execution and they themselves would -be sent to serve in the warships. These hoys were fore-and-aft-rigged -vessels of about 40 or 50 tons, the crew con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span>sisting of a skipper and -two men. Such craft were sloops—that is to say, practically cutters, -the only difference being purely technical and legal—and were built for -the purpose of carrying passengers and goods from one place to another -along the coast or up estuaries, where ordinary lighters were not able -to be taken with convenience or safety. The Margate hoy, for instance, -was very well known to Londoners at this time.</p> - -<p>But the need for naval seamen was so urgent, consequent on the wars, -that the Admiralty had to go to even further extremities. They actually -sent to sea a press smack with a naval officer on board, and this -craft would cruise up and down the English Channel. On one occasion -Captain Mawson of the Company’s ship <em>Cardonell</em>, homeward bound, was -followed all the way from Portsmouth to the Downs by such a smack. And -when the bigger ship brought up off Deal, Lieutenant Hutchinson, R.N., -came aboard and used his best endeavours to take away every one of the -<em>Cardonell’s</em> crew, with the exception only of the ship’s officers. The -skipper of the merchantman naturally resented this very strongly, but -offered to let Mr Hutchinson have most of his men provided the naval -officer would supply him with others to take their place so that the -ship might be safely brought to her moorings in the Thames. But it -was no good. Hutchinson absolutely declined to make a compromise, and -according to Mawson’s account behaved very rudely and, not content with -the able seamen, carried off also the <em>Cardonell’s</em> second mate.</p> - -<p>The only way in which this annoyance and danger could be overcome -was for the Admiralty to issue<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span> what were known as “protections.” -The holder of a protection was thus made immune from arrest by a -press-gang. It was a document which gave the name of the man, his -age, stature, stated whether he wore a wig or his own hair, and other -particulars of identification. No man with this authorisation could -be forced into his Majesty’s service, but it was valid only for three -months or the period written thereon. There is preserved an original -protection certificate in the archives of the Public Record Office, and -it is a quaint document which must have been very keenly appreciated by -its eighteenth-century owner. On the other hand, when the East India -Company had lost some of their seamen by desertion, they would petition -the Admiralty to allow naval men to be lent.</p> - -<p>Every student of history is aware of the unfortunate friction which -existed at this time between the officers of the Royal Navy and the -officers of the Mercantile Marine. Happily in the present century this -slow-dying spirit is almost extinct. In my volume, “King’s Cutters -and Smugglers,” I showed what altercations used to arise, what petty -jealousies existed between the officers of the Revenue cutters and -those of his Majesty’s navy. The captains and officers of the East -India Company were often indebted to the protection and assistance of -naval officers, but the latter were often overbearing in the exercise -of their duties, and despised any seaman who was not in the King’s -navy. On the other hand, the East Indiamen’s officers most heartily -disliked these gentlemen, and the insults from the press-gangs were too -poignant to be forgotten easily.</p> - -<p>As an instance, let us refer to the 14th of August<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span> 1734, when the East -India Company complained to the Admiralty of what seems certainly a -very high-handed action. It appears that the Company’s ship, the <em>Duke -of Lorrain</em>, had arrived in the Downs on the previous Sunday, and her -master, Captain Christopher Wilson, sent in a very indignant report -to the Court of Directors to the effect that “the men of war at the -Nore treated him more like an enemy than a Merchant Ship coming into -Port in such weather as he had, it being very bad, they firing near -Twenty Shott at his Ship, some of which came among the Rigging, might -have been of dangerous consequence to the Ship, and to the Company -who had a Cargo on board to the Value of Two hundred thousand Pounds. -This action being what the Company did not expect from any of the Men -of War, as the Captain of the <em>Duke of Lorrain</em> has assured the Court -that he lowered his sails, and did what was safe to be done, they have -commanded me to signify the same to you,” continued the Company’s -letter to the Admiralty, “that so the Right Honourable the Lords of the -Admiralty may be inform’d thereof.”</p> - -<p>But if the East India Company thought it necessary sometimes to -complain of the treatment at the hands of the Admiralty the former -were none the less glad to have the assistance and protection of the -navy in the time of war. There is a voluminous correspondence still -preserved in which the Company write to the Admiralty asking for -convoys of the East Indiamen both outward and inward bound. The French -were very much on the <em>qui vive</em>, but unless the regular income of the -East India Company were for the present to be stopped, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span> entire -Anglo-Indian trade suspended, the Company’s ships must go on their way. -This could be done only with the assistance of his Majesty’s ships. In -order to deal with this matter there was a special department of the -Company designated the Secret Committee, which communicated with the -Admiralty as to where the East Indian merchant fleet were to rendezvous -and the convoy join them, the confidential signals to be employed, and -so on. The following letter sent by the Company to the Admiralty on -12th December 1740 is typical:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Secrett Committee of the United East India Company do humbly represent -to your Lordships That they do expect a considerable fleet of ships -richly laden will return from the East Indies the next summer and do -therefore earnestly beseech your Lordships That three or four of His -Majesty’s ships of good force may be appointed to look out for and -convoy them safe to England.”</p></div> - -<p>These convoys took the East Indiamen sometimes even from the Thames -down Channel as far as Spithead. Sometimes they picked the latter -up only at the Downs, escorting them for several hundred miles away -from the English coast out into the Atlantic. These merchantmen were -similarly met at St Helena and escorted home, the men-of-war being -victualled for a period of two months. Even if an East Indiaman were -able to arrive singly and run into the Hamoaze (Plymouth Sound) on -her way home, having successfully eluded hostile ships roving off the -mouth of the English Channel, it was deemed advisable for her to wait -at Plymouth until she could be escorted by the next man-of-war bound -eastward<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span> to the Thames. There were plenty of French privateersmen -lurking about the Channel, and, at any rate about the year 1716, there -were also Swedish privateers on the prowl in the same sea ready to fall -upon any East Indiaman going in or out of the Downs.</p> - -<p>One notorious Swede of this occupation was <em>La Providence</em>, of 26 guns. -She was commanded by Captain North Cross. The latter was an Englishman -who had been tried and sentenced to death for some crime, but he had -succeeded in making his escape from Newgate, and had fled the country. -He had crossed the North Sea and had obtained from Sweden letters of -marque to rove about as a privateer. His crew were a rough crowd of -desperate fellows of many nations, and this ship was very fond of lying -in Calais roads ready to get under way and slip across the English -Channel so soon as an outward-bound East Indiaman was known to be in -the Downs. Now, in the month of November 1717, the skipper of <em>La -Providence</em> was lying in his usual roadstead, and tidings came to him -concerning one of the Company’s ships then in the Downs.</p> - -<p>The privateer was kept fully informed by means of those fine seamen, -but doubtful characters, who lived at Deal. They were some of the -toughest and most determined men, who stopped at nothing. For -generations the men of Deal had been the most notorious smugglers of -the south-east corner of England: and that was saying a great deal. -They were a brave, fearless class of men, but brutal of nature and -always ready to get to windward of the law, if ever a chance presented -itself. They handled their open luggers with a wonderful dexterity, for -which their successors are even yet famous. But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span> they were lawless to -their finger-tips. So on the present occasion when the East Indiaman -was in the Downs, one of these Deal men sailed his little craft across -the strong tides of Dover Straits and brought the information to the -privateer. The messenger asserted that the East Indiaman had nearly -£60,000 on board in cash, so Cross got under way, averring that he -would get this amount or “Loose his Life in the Attempt.” Whether he -succeeded in his attempt I regret I am unable to say. As far as was -practicable these East Indiamen were wont, in those strenuous times, -to wait for a convoy, but there were times when they could not afford -to wait till one of his Majesty’s ships was at liberty. On those -occasions the ships would wait till they numbered a small squadron, -and then voyaging together would resolve to run all risks. There is -on record the case of a French squadron consisting of a “64” and two -frigates arriving off the island of St Helena, where the East Indiamen -were wont to call. The Frenchmen had come here in order to fall upon -the homeward-bound fleet who would soon be seen. But the longboat<a name="FNanchor_B_2" id="FNanchor_B_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_B_2" class="fnanchor">B</a> -of one of these merchantmen was fitted out, and under the command -of a midshipman succeeded in getting to windward of the Frenchmen -unperceived and was able to give the approaching English ships warning -of the danger that awaited them. Six of the Company’s fleet fell in -with the enemy and kept up a running fight for several days, until they -anchored in All Saints’ Bay. Here the French blockaded them, but it was -to no purpose, for these merchantmen succeeded in escaping and reaching -England in safety.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span></p> -<p>The Royal Navy assisted the Company’s ships in quite another manner as -well. Often enough after enduring heavy weather in the Bay of Biscay or -English Channel these East Indiamen would put into Plymouth and obtain -permission from the Admiralty to obtain from the latter’s stores a new -bowsprit, a new mast, or other spar, the Company of course paying for -the expense. The royal dockyard also on the Medway was similarly found -of great service, as, for instance, early in the eighteenth century, -when the Company’s ship <em>Hannover</em> had the misfortune to run on to -a sandbank whilst going down the Thames to the Downs. The ship thus -suffered damage and was not in a fit condition to proceed to the East. -Permission was asked and obtained for her to be taken into Sheerness, -where the naval authorities could admit her into dry dock, warehouse -her cargo, supply materials and repair the injuries that had been made.</p> - -<p>So also on another occasion, in September 1720, the East Indiaman -<em>Goodfellow</em> was lying at Gravesend outward bound. It was discovered at -the last moment that unfortunately all the beer on board was spoilt, -and since there was no time “to detain her till more can be brew’d,” -the Company’s directors had to request the Admiralty victualling office -to furnish the ship with 12 tons of beer at the Company’s expense. -But the naval officials were not always so obliging as this. Towards -the end of the year 1721 the East Indiaman <em>Cæsar</em>, outward bound for -Mocha, had the misfortune to damage by friction one of her cables<a name="FNanchor_C_3" id="FNanchor_C_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_C_3" class="fnanchor">C</a> -owing to the latter getting foul of the wreck of the <em>Carlisle</em>. Those were the days when -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span> -cables were still made of hemp, and were always liable, except when special steps were taken, to -injury when rubbing along foul ground. As she lay in the Downs, the -<em>Cæsar’s</em> master, Captain Mabbott, asked the naval storekeeper at Deal -if he would spare him a new cable in case another storm should spring -up. Mabbott was by no means pleased when the storekeeper replied very -properly that inasmuch as he had received no orders to oblige merchant -ships in that manner, he was not able to comply with the request. -However matters were eventually set right by the Company obtaining the -Admiralty’s permission.</p> - -<p>A voyage in an East Indiaman of those days was often full of adventure. -After proceeding from the Downs the ship cleared the western mouth of -the English Channel and then steered “W and to WSW.” It took three -months to reach the Cape of Good Hope, and even then it was not too -far south to fall in with French men-of-war. After calling at Spithead -outward bound they were wont to sail through the Needles passage. The -seamen were probably better situated in these East Indiamen than in -any other merchant ship, but they were not allowed a soft time. They -were kept at it with setting and stowing of canvas, spreading stuns’ls -in fair weather or taking in upper canvas in heavy gales. There were -plenty of guns on board to be served, so drill formed no small part -of their duties. A seaman went on board with his sea-chest and his -bedding, and in those rough, hard-swearing days, long before ever the -sailor had his trade union, he was treated with no light hand. There is -an instance of the way slackness was wont to be punished on board the -East<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span> Indiaman <em>Greenwich</em>. This particular occurrence belongs to the -year 1719 and happened when the watch had been called. As some of the -men did not turn out as smartly as they ought, the boatswain took out -his knife and cut down their hammocks, to their great discomfort and -indignation. So infuriated in fact were the crew that they declined to -go on the next voyage until the boatswain had been discharged.</p> - -<p>Some idea of the kind of vessels which the Company were hiring for -their service about the year 1730 may be gathered from the following -list, which has been taken direct from the original official documents:—</p> - -<div class="center"> -<table class="my90" border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="1" summary="vessels hired by the company circa 1730"> -<tr> -<th class="tdc normal small">Name of Ship</th> -<th class="tdc normal small">Commander</th> -<th class="tdc normal small">Tons</th> -<th class="tdc normal small">Men</th> -<th class="tdc normal small">Guns</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Devonshire</td> -<td class="tdl">Lawrence Prince</td> -<td class="tdc">470</td> -<td class="tdc">94</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Prince Augustus</td> -<td class="tdl">Francis Gostlin</td> -<td class="tdc">495</td> -<td class="tdc">99</td> -<td class="tdc">36</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Lyell</td> -<td class="tdl">Charles Small</td> -<td class="tdc">470</td> -<td class="tdc">94</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Princess of Wales</td> -<td class="tdl">Thomas Gilbert</td> -<td class="tdc">460</td> -<td class="tdc">92</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Middlesex</td> -<td class="tdl">John Pelly</td> -<td class="tdc">430</td> -<td class="tdc">86</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Mary</td> -<td class="tdl">Thomas Holden</td> -<td class="tdc">490</td> -<td class="tdc">98</td> -<td class="tdc">34</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Derby</td> -<td class="tdl">William Fitzhugh</td> -<td class="tdc">480</td> -<td class="tdc">96</td> -<td class="tdc">32</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">London</td> -<td class="tdl">Robert Bootle</td> -<td class="tdc">490</td> -<td class="tdc">98</td> -<td class="tdc">34</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Dawsonne</td> -<td class="tdl">Francis Steward</td> -<td class="tdc">480</td> -<td class="tdc">96</td> -<td class="tdc">32</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Craggs</td> -<td class="tdl">Caleb Grantham</td> -<td class="tdc">380</td> -<td class="tdc">76</td> -<td class="tdc">26</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Bridgwater</td> -<td class="tdl">Edward Williamson</td> -<td class="tdc">400</td> -<td class="tdc">80</td> -<td class="tdc">28</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Prince William</td> -<td class="tdl">William Beresford</td> -<td class="tdc">480</td> -<td class="tdc">96</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Lethieullier</td> -<td class="tdl">John Shepheard</td> -<td class="tdc">470</td> -<td class="tdc">94</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Hartford</td> -<td class="tdl">Francis Nelly</td> -<td class="tdc">460</td> -<td class="tdc">92</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Macclesfield</td> -<td class="tdl">Robert Hudson</td> -<td class="tdc">450</td> -<td class="tdc">90</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Cæsar</td> -<td class="tdl">William Mabbott</td> -<td class="tdc">440</td> -<td class="tdc">88</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Harrison</td> -<td class="tdl">Samuel Martin</td> -<td class="tdc">460</td> -<td class="tdc">92</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Walpole</td> -<td class="tdl">Charles Boddam</td> -<td class="tdc">495</td> -<td class="tdc">99</td> -<td class="tdc">32</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Frances</td> -<td class="tdl">John Lawson</td> -<td class="tdc">420</td> -<td class="tdc">84</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Duke of Cumberland</td> -<td class="tdl">Benjamin Braund</td> -<td class="tdc">480</td> -<td class="tdc">96</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">George</td> -<td class="tdl">George Pitt</td> -<td class="tdc">480</td> -<td class="tdc">96</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Aislabie</td> -<td class="tdl">William Birch</td> -<td class="tdc">400</td> -<td class="tdc">80</td> -<td class="tdc">26</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Stretham</td> -<td class="tdl">George Westcott</td> -<td class="tdc">470</td> -<td class="tdc">94</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl vertt">Ockham</td> -<td class="tdl">William Jobson</td> -<td class="tdc">480</td> -<td class="tdc">96</td> -<td class="tdc">30</td> -</tr></table></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span></p> - -<p>It will be noticed that not one of these is really a big ship and that -while the average is somewhere between 400 and 500 tons, yet not one -exceeds 495 tons. The directors settled the size of ship required and -the owners saw that it was supplied. The size of the crews will be seen -to be very large, but this is explained not only because wages were low -in those days and safety was a dominating factor—allowing plenty of men -in each watch for handling sail—but because each ship carried about -thirty guns, and though both broadsides would not be fired at once, yet -even half those guns would necessitate a good number of the crew. At -various dates during the eighteenth century, when the country needed -ships, the Admiralty commissioned a number of these East Indiamen and -also gave commissions in the Royal Navy to their commanders.</p> - -<p>Those were the days, too, when merchantmen frequently obtained letters -of marque for acting against the ships of a nation with which our -country was at war. During the year 1739 Britain declared war against -Spain, and so one comes across a document of that year in which the -directors of “The United Company of Merchants of England Trading to the -East Indies”—for this was the official style of the East India Company -at that time—petition for “Letters of Marque or General Reprizals -against Spain.” The request is made on behalf of their ship, <em>Royal -Guardian</em>, 490 tons, 98 men and 30 guns; and for other vessels of their -fleet. These were duly granted, and such stout, well-armed craft were -able to render an excellent account of themselves against the foe. -They were necessarily built of great strength, they carried so many -guns, their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span> crews were such seasoned men, and their commanders such -determined fellows, that they formed really a most valuable reserve -to the Royal Navy. They were not individually a match for the biggest -of the enemy’s battleships, but none the less they were equal to any -frigate and of far greater utility to the King’s service than any -merchant liner would proportionately be to-day in the time of war.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE WAY THEY HAD IN THE COMPANY’S SERVICE</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">In</span> order that the East Indiamen might be able to make themselves known -on the high seas to the British men-of-war, a special code of signals -was accustomed to be arranged by the Admiralty for the former. This was -for use during war-time, so that the Company’s vessels on meeting with -other craft might know at a distance whether these were the friends who -would convoy them or the enemy who would assail them. Some time during -the autumn, during these eighteenth-century wars when England always -seemed to be engaged in hostilities, the custom was for the Admiralty -to appoint a fresh code so that the naval and the Company’s ships might -know each other. This code was then sent sealed to the Secret Committee -of the East India Company, and handed over to the latter’s commanding -officers. Similarly special signals were arranged so that when calling -at St Helena the Governor of that island might be able to recognise the -homeward-bound East Indiamen.</p> - -<p>The following document, dated 5th November 1733, from the Admiralty -will give some idea of the nature of these signals:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Signals to be observed by the East India Company’s ships in their -next homeward-bound passage upon their meeting with any ships near the -Channell or else where which they may supose to be the King’s Ships, -the better to know.</p> - -<p>“The Company’s ships whether to Windward or to Leeward, shall make a -Signal by hailing up their Foresail, and lowering down the Main Top -Sail, and spreading an English Ensign, the Cross down-ward, from the -main Top Mast head down the Shrouds; and They shall be answered by -the King’s ships by lowering down their Fore top sail, and spreading -an Ensign, in the same manner, from their Fore topmast head downward, -hailing up their Main Sail, and hoysting their Mizen top sail, with the -Clue lines hail’d up.</p> - -<p>“In the case of Blowing weather that the Top Sails are in, the other -Signals will be sufficient.</p> - -<p> -“Signals by Night.<br /> -</p> - -<p>“The Company’s Ships shall make a Signal by hoysting three Lights one -over another on the Ensign Staff, and One at the Bolt sprit end.</p> - -<p>“The King’s ships will answer by shewing three Lights of equal height, -One of ‘em in the Fore, One in the Main, and One in the Mizen shrouds.”</p></div> - -<p>And in order to know any of his Majesty’s ships when encountered in -the East Indian waters the signal was to be as follows:—The ship to -windward was to hoist an English Jack at the fore t’gallant masthead, -and the ship to leeward was to answer by furling the mizen topsail and -hoisting a French Jack at the mizen topmasthead.</p> - -<p>The Company had their own agent at Deal, and considering the number of -days that were spent by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span> the East Indiamen in the Downs, both outward -and homeward bound, his presence was very necessary. The ships were -taken down the Thames by the Company’s own pilots, and this corporation -owned its own pilot-cutter, which was a 60-ton craft with a master and -six men, her cruising ground being between Gravesend and the Downs. -However, even then, the Company’s ships were by no means immune from -getting ashore, although it ought to be mentioned that by the middle -of the eighteenth century a really good chart of the Thames estuary -did not exist, and the exact nature of some of the numerous shoals was -unknown. It is not surprising, therefore, to find casualties occurring -as these big ships went up and down the London river. For instance, -in March 1734 the East Indiaman <em>Derby</em>, outward bound in charge of a -“Pylot,” ran aground “on the Mouse Sand below the Nore.” (This shoal is -a few miles to the east of Southend pier.) She sustained so much damage -that she had to put into Sheerness for dry-docking and repairs.</p> - -<p>So also, a few days before Christmas in the year 1736, the East -Indiaman <em>Lyell</em> “by the Unskilfulness of the Pilote has been Onshore -on the Spaniard Sand,<a name="FNanchor_D_4" id="FNanchor_D_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_D_4" class="fnanchor">D</a> in going down for the Downs.” So she also had -to use Sheerness dock for repairs. Captain John Acton, the commander -of the <em>Lyell</em>, in his report stated that the “Pylots” pretended not -to have seen the “Buoy of the Spill,” and “borrowing too near on the -Kentish Shore, he run us aground on the Spaniard at High Water, the -wind blowing fresh N.W.” The “Spill,” or, as it is now called, the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>“Spile” buoy, marks the western end -of the Spile Sand. The pilots had clearly got out of their course, for -these East Indiamen, drawing as they did 20 feet of water, would never -have taken the inner passage along the Kentish shore known as the Four -Fathoms Channel. They should have left the Spile buoy to starboard and -not to port, as clearly was the case in the present instance among the -shoals. The north-west was a fair wind from the Thames to the Downs all -the way, so that no one except by accident would have chosen to take -such a ship so far out of the main, deep-water channel.</p> - -<p>The ship was hard and fast on the Spaniard, and the conditions could -scarcely have been worse—a fresh onshore wind, and the accident -occurring at top of high water. All night the ship lay on the shoal -bumping and injuring herself so that there were soon seven feet of -water in the hold, and the pumps could not cope with it. But on the -morning of Christmas Eve by a great piece of luck the ship was got -off, for the wind veered to the north and sent in a bigger tide, as of -course it would, and a local fisherman—doubtless from Whitstable or the -East Swale—came and assisted with his local knowledge so that “thank -God the ship floated and we got her off here.” Making a fair wind of it -the <em>Lyell</em> then ran into the East Swale and anchored off Faversham. -And a very handsome sight she must have looked lying to her hempen -cable in that winding river.</p> - -<p>One bleak day in January 1737 the East Indiaman <em>Nassau</em> had the -misfortune to run on the south end of the Galloper in a “hard gale at -SW,” as her captain reported. The Galloper is a treacherous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span> bank in -the North Sea off Harwich, and many a ship used to get picked up here -in the olden days. The <em>Nassau</em> was now in a critical position, and -every moment those on board expected her to go to pieces: “but,” wrote -her skipper, “by the Providence of the Almighty in about an Hours time -we forc’d her off again with her head sails, but had the misfortune -at the same time of losing our Rudder, Main and Mizen Top Mast which -obliged us soon after to come to an anchor.” But here again, just as -had been the case with the <em>Lyell</em>, local assistance came to them. -For after a time the Harwich packet passed them bound for Holland, -and her captain, seeing the <em>Nassau</em>, hailed her skipper and advised -her to stand in for Orfordness, and even sent on board his mate, as -he knew every inch of that coast. However, the wind now veered to the -north-north-west, which made it fair for running down the North Sea, -so the <em>Nassau</em> sailed down towards the North Foreland and anchored in -Margate Roads, whence her captain was able to send information to the -East India Company, where also he would wait for orders.</p> - -<p>Another peril which these East Indiamen had to remember was the -presence of pirates. These consisted not merely of local Eastern -craft, but of such people as Captains Avery and Kidd, two of the most -notorious men in the whole history of piracy. In the early part of the -eighteenth century the latter were found in many parts of the Indian -Ocean. Madagascar was a favourite base for these rovers, but they -would be found off Mauritius, or at the mouth of the Red Sea awaiting -the East Indiamen returning from Mocha and Jeddah. Not content with -this, these European pirates would hang about off the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span> Malabar coast, -and the East India Company’s ships suffered considerably, and feared -a repetition of these attacks. And yet, when we consider the matter -dispassionately, were Avery, Kidd and his fellow-pirates very much -worse than some of those captains who first took the English ships out -to the Orient, who thought it no wrong but a mere matter of business -to stop a Portuguese ship and relieve her of her cargo just as these -eighteenth-century pirates would assail the ships of the present -monopolists of the Eastern trade? The only difference that seems -obvious is that Lancaster and those other early captains were acting on -behalf of a powerful corporation having a charter from the sovereign: -whereas Avery, Kidd and the like were acting on their own and were -outlaws. And even this cannot be pushed too far, seeing that at one -time of his career Kidd received a commission from William III. to go -forth and, as “a private man-of-war,” capture other notorious “pirates, -free-booters and sea-rovers,” on the old principle of setting a thief -to catch a thief.</p> - -<p>Sometimes these East Indiamen were taken for the enemy even by English -men-of-war. You will remember the famous voyage of Lord Anson round -the world in the years 1740-1744. One day whilst they were in the -South Atlantic they saw a sail to the north-west, and the squadron -began to exchange signals with each other and to give chase “and half -an hour after we let out our reefs and chased with the squadron ... -but at seven in the evening, finding we did not near the chace ... -we shortened sail, and made a signal for the cruisers to join the -squadron. The next day but one we again discovered a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span> sail, which on -nearer approach we judged to be the same vessel. We chased her the -whole day, and though we rather gained upon her, yet night came on -before we could overtake her, which obliged us to give over the chace, -to collect our scattered squadron. We were much chagrined at the escape -of this vessel, as we then apprehended her to be an advice-boat sent -from Old Spain to Buenos Ayres with notice of our expedition. But we -have since learnt that we were deceived in this conjecture, and that -it was our East India Company’s packet bound to St Helena.” This is -certainly a fair proof of the sailing qualities of the Company’s ships, -seeing that not even the English cruisers could overhaul the merchant -ship.</p> - -<p>At this time the chief cargoes which these East Indiamen took out to -the East still included those woollen goods which had been sent ever -since the foundation of the first Company, and they continued to bring -back saltpetre, but now tea was becoming a much more important cargo. -But in addition to that tea which came home in the Company’s ships and -paid custom duty, there was a vast amount brought in by smugglers. And -one argument used to be that this had to be, because the East Indiamen -brought back chiefly the better, higher priced kind, compelling the -dealers to send to Holland for the cheaper variety.</p> - -<p>The East Indiamen’s captains were not above engaging in the smuggling -industry, at any rate as aiders and abettors. One of the methods was -to wait until the ship arrived in the Downs. Men would come out from -the Deal beach in their luggers and then take ashore quantities of -tea secreted about their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span> person. This was the reason why the Revenue -cruisers were told to keep an especial watch on the Company’s ships -when homeward bound, because of “the illicit practices that are -continually attempted to be committed by them.” So notorious indeed and -so ingenious were the methods to land goods without previously paying -duty, that the Revenue cutters were ordered to follow these bigger -ships all the way up Channel, keeping as close to them as possible -as long as they were under sail, and when the East Indiaman came to -anchor, the cutter was to bring up as near as possible to her. This -was to prevent goods (such as silk and tea) being dropped through the -ship’s ports into a friendly boat that had come out from the beach, a -practice that was by no means unknown on board these merchant craft -home from the Orient.</p> - -<p>Just as there was serious friction sometimes between the Revenue -cutters and the ships of his Majesty’s navy concerning the wearing of -pendants, so these incidents were not unknown to happen to the ships -of the Honourable East India Company. As an instance, Captain Balchen, -R.N., during the year 1726 wrote to the latter complaining that one of -their ships had hoisted a broad red pendant at the main topmast head. -There was certainly no possible defence, and the Company were compelled -to reply that they were “entire strangers” to the complaint, and -would give directions to prevent this occurring again. But otherwise -these East Indiamen were treated with far more respect than any other -merchant ships. No finer ships other than men-of-war sailed the seas. -On arriving at their port in India they were always saluted, and their -captains ranked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span> as Members of Council, being saluted with thirteen -guns when they landed, and the guard turning out when they entered -or left the fort. No one, in fact, other than officers of the Royal -Navy received such respect. Under the captain were from four to eight -officers in the bigger ships, who all wore uniforms, the duties on -board being carried on with just the same discipline as in a man-of-war.</p> - -<p>Some of the Company’s servants were making handsome profits even when -the Company itself was doing badly. Eastwick mentions the name of a -purser who had such nice little perquisites out of his office that he -left the service and became owner of a ship which traded between London -and Calcutta. She was a ship of no mean size, for she carried thirty -cabin passengers and 300 lascars, together with a large mixed cargo -of the value of £13,000. And you may judge of the profits from the -passenger source alone when it is stated that one of these cabins cost -four hundred guineas for the voyage. The affairs of the Company had -for some years been in a rather bad way. Instead of being able to pay -to the Government the stipulated sum of £400,000 a year, the directors -were actually compelled to ask the Government for a loan of £1,000,000. -This was in the year 1772. The affairs of the Company were brought -before Parliament, and a Committee exposed a series of intrigues and -crime. It was to remedy this rotten condition of things that in June of -1773 two Bills were introduced, of which one authorised the loan just -mentioned, and the other, celebrated as the India Act, effected most -important changes in the Company’s constitution and its relations to -India. A Governor-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span>General was appointed to reside in Bengal, to which -the other presidencies were to be made subordinate. A supreme court -of judicature was inaugurated at Calcutta. The salary of the Governor -was to be £25,000 a year, and that of the Council members at £10,000 -each, the chief judge receiving £8000 a year. From this time forth the -Company’s affairs were brought under the control of the Crown, all the -departments were reorganised, and all the territorial correspondence -had to be laid before the British Ministry.</p> - -<p>It was certainly high time that the Company’s affairs were taken in -hand. Our present inquiry is concerned only with its merchant shipping, -so we may confine ourselves strictly thereto. Had it not been for the -wonderfully popular taste which the United Kingdom had now shown for -tea, the Company’s ships would have been compelled to cease trading -with the East. When, in 1773, the Company’s charter was once more -renewed, a grant was made of a monopoly also to China. From about the -middle of the eighteenth century, however, the Company had become more -of a military than a trading concern, yet the latter was anything but -insignificant. Enormous tracts of land had been obtained in India. The -governments of the native princes were corrupt, and the East India -Company was strong. The British Government was some thousands of miles -across the sea, so gradually but surely, without much interference, the -Company had obtained a strong grip on the natives. From that followed -extortion, and when the Company’s servants returned home they came with -fortunes, even though the Company itself was doing badly.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span></p> - -<p>In the year 1772 the East India Company were employing fifty-five ships -abroad, aggregating 39,836 tons. At home they owned, and there were -being built for its service thirty ships of an aggregate of 22,000 -tons. In 1784 the number of its ships at home and abroad was sixty-six. -The chief object of the inquiry into the Company’s trade with the East -by the Committee just alluded to was apparently to see if the ships -could be built and run more cheaply than under the present method of -chartering. It was seen from the evidence of Sir Richard Hotham that -the existing method of freighting the Company’s ships could be improved -upon to effect greater economy, for whereas the Company were paying in -the year 1772 as much as £32 a ton for the carriage of fine goods, this -expert witness expressed himself as willing to bring goods from any -part of the East at £21 a ton.</p> - -<p>The result of this inquiry was that important changes had to be made. -The Company began to put its shipping business into proper condition. -The Company decided to build for its own use a number of bigger ships -than they had been wont to use, and thus those wonderful East Indiamen, -for which the eighteenth century will ever be famous, came into being. -They were of 1200 to 1400 nominal tons, though their real measurement -was greater than this. Such ships began to be built about the year -1781, though in earlier days, as the reader is aware, the ships had -recently averaged between 400 and 500 tons, not exceeding the latter -figure. The new type, of course, did not entirely drive the smaller -ones straight off the sea, but the two classes existed side by side. -We alluded just now to the terrible national<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span> evil of smuggling. This -vice had reached amazing limits during the eighteenth century, and the -country was in such a state of alarm, and honest traders complained -so bitterly of the disastrous effects on their prosperity, that in -the year 1745 a beginning was made of an inquiry by a Parliamentary -Committee into the causes of smuggling and the most effectual methods -to stop it. We have seen that tea, because of its recent popularity, -was especially an article beloved by these smugglers. We need not enter -further into this inquiry, but evidence showed that one of the best -means of ending this illicit trade would be to reduce the duties, thus -not making it worth while for the illicit trader to carry on his work. -Now when Pitt did reduce the duties on various Indian productions, but -especially on tea, it was found that a complete change was made in the -demand for this commodity. Many thousand more pounds’ weight were now -required, the sales were trebled, and thus there was a much greater -shipping business. The export trade to China now began to be most -important also, and the Company was prospering.</p> - -<p>But before we proceed any further we must just see the conditions which -were in existence up to 1773 in regard to the method of chartering -ships by the Company from the owners. It was agreed that these hired -ships were to be surveyed by the Company whenever the latter desired, -and it is typical of the times that the proviso had to be inserted that -the Company’s surveyors “are to be civilly treated.” In order that the -ship might be efficiently armed, the commander and owners were liable -to a fine of £40 for each gun that was wanting. If any of the guns<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span> -were sold, the owners and commander were to be fined £100 for each gun, -and the commander to be dismissed the Company’s service. The commander -was also to obey the Company’s orders during the voyage, as well as -their agents and factors. In order to encourage the seamen, the Company -agreed to reward them when the ship returned to the Thames from the -East Indies at the end of the voyage—that is to say, if they had been -able to prevent any wilful damage to the Company’s property, or save -them from being lost, a reward suitable for the benefit was to be made. -If a seaman were to lose his life in defending the ship, his next of -kin was to receive £30. If he lost a limb, he himself was to have the -same sum. If he received minor wounds he was to be given some smaller -monetary reward and to be “cured of his wounds” at the Company’s -expense.</p> - -<p>The Company expressly forbade these hired ships from calling at places -other than those which it ordered, or to take any foreign coin or -bullion, goods or provisions at any place short of her consigned port. -The cargo was to be disposed in the best manner to prevent damage, and -so that the working of the ship and her efficient defence would not be -interfered with. Pepper was not to be shot loose between decks or the -freight would not be paid for. If the ship should touch at St Helena -or the island of Ascension she was not to sail without the permission -of the Governor and Council. Nor was she to touch at Barbadoes, or any -American port, or any of the western islands, or even Plymouth, without -orders or some unavoidable danger of the sea, under a penalty of £500. -The commander, chief and second mates were to keep journals of the -ship<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span>’s daily proceedings, from the time when she first took in cargo -in the River Thames to the time of her return and discharge of her -cargo in England. Wind, weather, and all the remarkable transactions, -accidents and occurrences during the voyage were to be noted in these -journals, as also of everything received into the ship. These journals -were to be delivered up to the Company afterwards, on oath, if required.</p> - -<p>No unlicensed goods were to be carried in the ship nor any passengers -to be taken without permission. The ship was to have her full -complement of men during the voyage, and none of these crews was -to be furnished by the master or officers with money, liquor, or -provisions beyond the value of one-third of what the wages of such -seamen should amount to at that particular time. The paymaster (who was -appointed by the Company and owners jointly) was to pay the seamen’s -wives one month’s wages in six. The commander was to have the use of -the ship’s great cabin, unless it were required for the Company’s -servants voyaging out or home. It was the duty of the part-owners -or the master to send in the ship always the sum of £500 in foreign -coins or bullion for use in the case of extraordinary expenses during -the voyage. The commander was also to be supplied with £200 a month -for paying wages and provisions while in India or China. And whenever -lascars were hired, the Company were to pay for their hire. We shall -refer to the subject of these lascars again presently, but we may now -go on to witness the development of the Company’s shipping after the -inauguration of those reforms at which we hinted just now.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE EAST INDIAMEN’S ENEMIES</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> East India Company had recovered from their period of desolation. -They had set their house in order, had been granted a further extension -of their monopoly, were opening up a good trade with China, and had -received fresh capital for their operations in wider spheres. The trade -of the East was practically now in the hands of England, the Dutch -East India Company having suffered very heavily, and the French East -India Company after languishing had come to an end in 1790. Although -there had been formed the first Danish East India Company as far back -as 1612, and a Spanish Royal Company for trading with the Philippines -incorporated in 1733 and an Ostend East India Company incorporated -by the Emperor of Austria in 1723; yet the last-mentioned had become -bankrupt in 1784, and now the English East India Company, after many -vicissitudes, was left practically the sole surviving trading power in -the Orient.</p> - -<p>Under Pitt’s Act the directors of the English Company were allowed to -superintend their shipping and matters of commerce as before, yet the -Board of Control exercised its influence both in England and India. -Each year the Company settled the number<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span> of ships to be built and -their sizes. For instance, in 1784, as they saw that at least four more -ships would be required, they ordered six to be built. The keels were -to be laid down within six months, and the ships were to be launched -within twelve months of the laying of the keel. The following year they -decided to have three sets of shipping with about thirty ships in each -class, so leave was given for eight ships to be built. Tenders were -therefore advertised for in January 1786, much to the indignation of -the owners, who complained that this advertisement was directed against -their interests. They denied that hitherto their rates for freight -had been exorbitant, and protested that they had embarked on immense -shipbuilding programmes expressly for the Company’s benefit. The -Company therefore replied, inviting them to send in tenders, which was -done, the same rate being offered as in the preceding season—viz. £26 a -ton to China direct, £27 for coast and China, Bombay £28, coast and bay -£29. On 9th June of that year a tender was offered the Company to build -a 1000-ton ship at £22 a ton for the first two voyages, and £20 for the -third and fourth voyages.</p> - -<p>Up till the year 1789 the size of the Company’s recent big ships had -been from 750 to 800 tons. But in this year it was decided to build -five ships of from 1100 to 1200 tons. The following May the Court -resolved that from past experience ships could quite well make three -voyages without stripping off their sheathing. And, further, those -ships which had been accustomed to make the fourth trip their repairing -voyage might with perfect safety perform even six voyages. A by-law of -1773 had restricted the employment of ships for more than four voyages, -but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span> this was now modified, and instead of four voyages agreements were -entered into with the owners for the ships to run six.</p> - -<p>It was decided also by the Company in the year 1789 to allow the -commanders and officers of their ships to fill, freight free, all such -outward tonnage as might be unoccupied by the Company, and to allow -the Company’s servants and merchants residing under the Company’s -protection in India to fill up such homeward tonnage as might be -unoccupied by the Company, at a reasonable freight. When we come to -the year 1793 we have to deal with an important Act of the reign of -George III., which had far-reaching effects. The Company’s charter -was extended until 1814, but provision was made for opening up the -Indian trade to private individuals, and thus the long-lived monopoly -of the Company was doomed. At length the agitations of the Liverpool -and Bristol shipowners to be allowed to participate in the East India -trade were to have some sort of effect, though it was far from what was -desired. However, one of the conditions of the renewal of the Company’s -exclusive privilege under this Act was that any of the Company’s civil -servants in India, and the free merchants living in India under the -Company’s protection, might be permitted to send to Europe on their own -account and risk in the Company’s ships all kinds of Indian goods with -the exception of calicoes, dimities, muslins and other piece-goods. -And “for insuring to private merchants and manufacturers the certain -and ample means of exporting their merchandize to the East Indies, and -importing the returns for the same, and the other goods, wares and -merchandize, allowed by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span> this Act, at reasonable rates of freight,” the -Company was ordered to set apart at least 3000 tons of shipping every -year. The charge was to be £5 a ton on the outward voyage in times of -peace, and. £15 homeward. But in the time of war the rates should be -increased if the Board of Control approved. It was further stipulated -that his Majesty’s subjects might be allowed to export from England -to India any produce or manufactured goods except military stores, -ammunition, masts, spars, cordage, pitch, tar and copper. But in all -cases of exports and imports in this Anglo-Indian trade the goods must -travel in the Company’s ships. These vessels, provided under the Act, -thus became known as “extra East Indiamen,” and sometimes in reading -books of voyages and travel of this period you will find the narrator -informing the reader that he travelled to the East on board the “extra” -East Indiaman so-and-so. It may be stated at once that though the Act -was obeyed, it produced little result, for considering that the Company -still had such a powerful monopoly of trade in the East, it was quite -impossible for home merchants to compete with such a corporation. -Most manufacturers and merchants declined to avail themselves of -this privilege, full well realising beforehand how useless it would -be. However, the Company fulfilled their obligation to provide this -additional tonnage, though it entailed a heavy expenditure without much -benefit to the public. The people who benefited most were the servants -of the Company, who, being homeward bound, were able to bring back to -England Indian produce that would find a ready market here.</p> - -<p>In the year 1793 the Company had only thirty-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>six vessels of 1200 -tons each and forty of 800 tons each. This of course represented the -whole of the British shipping trading to the East. Some idea of the -shipbuilding programmes of the next few years may be gathered from -the following facts, bearing in mind that the Company were trading to -China as well as to India, and that both big and moderate-sized ships -were deemed necessary. Thus in October of 1793 the Court decided that -sixteen ships of from 700 to 800 tons were necessary, and one of 1200 -tons for the annual imports from India in their regular commerce; and -that fifteen large ships of 1200 tons would be required for imports -from China. When a ship became worn out by age, accident or inability, -an advertisement was published, describing the size of the ship -required, inviting tenders and specifying the rate of freight to be -paid for six voyages, the ship to be commanded by the captain of the -ship whose bottom was worn out. In December of the following year it -was resolved that ships of 1400 tons were the most suitable for the -Company’s trade to China, but that these ships should be tendered at -1200 tons only. So also the regular ships (as distinct from the extra -East Indiamen) which brought home their rich cargoes from Bengal and -Madras were not to exceed 820 tons and to be chartered at 799 tons. It -was further settled that ships of from 480 to 520 tons were the most -suitable craft for bringing home what were known as “gruff” goods—that -is, cargoes of Indian goods consisting of such raw materials as -cotton, rice, sugar, pepper, hemp and saltpetre. The silks, muslins, -tea and fine goods were carried in the Company’s larger ships, which -carried also the passengers. From the latter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span> quite a large revenue -was obtained, as soon as the Company’s rule in India became fully -established.</p> - -<p>The public were still very jealous of the Company’s private monopoly, -and the country was deluged by pamphleteers and tractarians giving -vent to this indignation. However, some benefit had been obtained by a -reduction in the freights, and it was brought about in the following -manner. The suggestion was made that great advantages would result if -India-built ships were employed by the Company for the spare freight -which was lying ready for shipment to Europe. English oak was getting -scarcer, and therefore dearer, and could ill be spared so long as the -Royal Navy continued to be wooden walls: whereas out in India the -Company owned inexhaustible forests. So from the year 1795 India-built -ships were for the first time allowed to take exports and imports. They -were commonly known as “country-built” ships, and in the year mentioned -twenty-seven of these craft were despatched from India with cargoes -of rice. The cost of engaging these ships was at £16 a ton for rice -and other deadweight goods and £20 a ton for light goods, the ships to -arrive and discharge in the Thames. As a result a saving in one season -alone was made of £183,316 in respect of freights. But there occurred -some keen disappointment to the owners of these India-built ships. -The arrangement had been that, having delivered the goods mentioned -in the Thames, they should be allowed to take back to India whatever -merchandise they cared to put aboard. Many of these ships had been -built as a speculation, their owners believing that they would be taken -into the Company’s regular service and so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span> be employed permanently. -Notwithstanding that they had been warned against any such supposition, -it came as a bitter grief to them when they realised that after the -Company’s immediate requirements were completed the services of these -ships were no longer required; but for all that the day was now not far -distant when trade to India was to be thrown open altogether. It is the -last straw which breaks the camel’s back, and the load which had been -accumulating ever since the year 1600 was soon to reach the point when -something would have to give way.</p> - -<p>It should be explained that this was one of the most critical periods -in the whole of England’s naval chronicle and therefore of her very -existence. The Battle of the Glorious First of June had been fought -in 1794, and in this same year Martinique had been captured from the -French. The year 1795 was to be even still more replete with naval -doings. Ships and men were required as they had never been wanted -before, and it was just in this respect that the existence of the East -India Company was of the greatest direct benefit to the country and -the navy. It must always be to its honour that the Company which had -for so long enjoyed the privilege of the Indian monopoly was on this -especial occasion to have the privilege of assisting the nation in -a most valuable manner. At the opening of the year France possessed -advantages which she had never previously enjoyed. She had made peace -with Prussia, she had reduced Holland to submission and made a treaty -with the latter, the result of which was that the Dutch fleet of about -120 ships was placed at France’s disposal. These were well-built -craft,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span> manned by excellent crews who were seamen to their finger-tips. -As against this, England was in a condition of isolation and there was -a tremendous amount of work to be done and too few ships at hand. For -Brest had to be watched, and the Mediterranean fleet had to look after -the French based on Toulon. Admiral Duncan had to be sent across the -North Sea to prevent any Dutch ships from emerging out of the Texel, -but in the southern part of the world something much more historic -was destined to occur, for the Cape of Good Hope was captured from -the Dutch, and just at the time when our success hung in the balance -a strong squadron of East Indiamen arrived with a reinforcement of -British troops. The result was that against this force the Dutch -could no longer stand. The Dutch settlement (and incidentally a brig -belonging to the Dutch East India Company) now became British.</p> - -<p>Never had the East India Company been more useful to the navy than -in this year. Ships and seamen cannot be got by the mere signing of -documents unless they already exist, and it was lucky for the nation -that such fine, stout craft, accustomed to long voyages and fighting, -manned with such able crews, should already be at hand under the East -India Company. At the time of which we speak no fewer than six of their -finest vessels were taken into the nation’s service straight away. -Eight others which had not quite finished building were also assigned -to the Government. In addition to these fourteen handsome craft, the -Court of Directors also decided on the 13th of March to raise 3000 men -at their own cost for the Royal Navy. This meant a loss of £57,000, -but the nation needed it and the Company<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span> did their duty. During the -ensuing July the Company further decided that fourteen East Indiamen -should be placed at the disposal of the Government in September ready -to carry troops across the ocean—a work for which they were extremely -well fitted—and we have just seen to what advantage this was done. -England at this time was distressed by the scarcity of corn, but in -order to relieve this distress in some measure large quantities of rice -were brought home by twenty-seven ships which the Company purposely -added to their fleet for the emergency, and these were the India-built -ships of which we spoke just now. Thus in more ways than one, but -certainly to the utmost of their ability, the East India Company had -come to Britain’s aid when she was passing through a time of great -crisis.</p> - -<p>During this year the seas which wash the Indian coast were really -unsafe to merchantmen by reason of the presence of both French and -Dutch cruisers and privateers. The British naval strength in those -waters was very inadequate, and we had suffered some naval disasters -which were neither a credit to our seamanship nor likely to maintain -our prestige as gallant sea-fighters. The whole of the Bay of Bengal -was being scoured by French men-of-war ready to fall upon any merchant -craft that dared show herself. The privateers were both numerous, -well manned, well armed, well commanded and very fast sailers. The -consequence was that the East Indiamen never completed their voyages -without having some excitement. Nor were pirates exterminated; -especially along the Malabar coast, where they had many fastnesses, -their strongholds being protected by forts. These men feared nothing, -and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span> had actually come out and defeated English, French and Dutch -men-of-war that had been especially sent out to punish them, in some -cases even capturing their enemy’s ships. A French 40-gun frigate had -been compelled to haul down her colours to these robbers of the sea: -one of the East India Company’s ships, armed with twenty guns, had also -been taken after a fair fight, and three Dutch men-of-war. For some -years they were crushed by the wholesome effect of a regular expedition -which the English had sent against them, but after a few years they -broke out again in their piracy and by the year 1798 they were freely -capturing European ships.</p> - -<p>On at least one occasion, however, they made a serious mistake, which -might have been even still more grievous for them but for a piece -of luck. It happened that H.M.S. <em>Centurion</em>, a 50-gun frigate, was -cruising in the neighbourhood, and her the pirates mistook for a -merchantman, for the East Indiamen were very similar in appearance to -the frigates of the Royal Navy. One of the favourite devices of these -rovers was to creep up under cover of darkness and wedge the rudder -of the ship they intended to attack, their victim being thus rendered -unable to manœuvre. In the present instance they had succeeded in -carrying out this tactic to the <em>Centurion</em>, and then surrounded the -ship and began their attack. The frigate was certainly surprised, but -she soon had her guns loaded and brought them to bear on the pirates, -and so punished them with a hot fire, which had not been expected, that -they were glad to take to flight. It was only the fact of the wedged -rudder which prevented the <em>Centurion</em> from being steered in pursuit -and capturing their craft.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span> However, it was a lesson to them in the -future, and they attacked only when they were certain of their victim.</p> - -<p>Of the privateers which hung about in Indian waters, one of the most -notorious was the <em>Malartic</em>, which had captured two of the East -Indiamen, <em>Raymond</em> and <em>Woodcot</em>, of 793 and 802 tons respectively. -Whenever it was known that this ship was in the offing, no merchantman -dared put to sea. She eventually captured the <em>Princess Royal</em>, an -805 tonner, and other East Indiamen, but was herself finally taken by -the Company’s ship <em>Phœnix</em>. So great was the relief occasioned by -this deliverance that Captain Moffat, the <em>Phœnix’s</em> commander, was -afterwards publicly presented with a sword of honour. But an even more -dangerous privateer was the <em>Confiance</em>. This was a very beautiful -ship, and the envy of every captain who set eyes on her. Captain -Eastwick, who knew her well, and to whose account I am indebted, -described her as follows:—“She sat very low upon the water, and had -black sides with yellow moulding posts, and a French stern all black. -She carried a red vane at her maintopgallant masthead, very square -yards and jaunt masts, upright and without the smallest rake either -forward or aft. Her sails were all cut French fashion, and remarkable, -having a great roach and steering sail, very square. There was not a -ship in those seas that she could not overtake or sail away from. It -was the custom of her commander, Captain Sourcouff, to ply his crew -with liquor, and they always fought with the madness of drink in them.”</p> - -<p>It was this ship which attacked the East Indiaman <em>Kent</em>, and after -a heavy engagement killed or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span> wounded no fewer than sixty of the -merchantman’s crew, with the result that the latter was forced to haul -down her flag. When the news of this occurrence reached Calcutta, two -of the Company’s frigates were sent in pursuit of the privateer, and -both coming up with her began to attack with such determination that -it was certain the <em>Confiance</em> would have to yield. This, however, she -refused to do, and though she had only twenty-two guns, her captain -fought his ship with great gallantry, and even though his losses were -necessarily great, he was able at the end to escape by the speed -of his ship. The <em>Kent</em>, however, was retaken from the clutches of -the <em>Confiance</em> and brought into Calcutta, and a few years later -the <em>Confiance</em> herself was also captured. And you may imagine with -what joy the news of her capture was received when it was reckoned -that within one single twelvemonth not less than £2,000,000 worth of -British shipping had been captured or sunk by the French privateers or -men-of-war.</p> - -<p>And there was the curious incident of the <em>Lord Eldon</em> being nearly -captured right on the doorstep, so to speak, of her home. This ship -was an East Indiaman outward bound to India. At the moment of which we -are speaking she had backed her sails and was lying off the Needles -hove-to, as she awaited some passengers who had been delayed in joining -her. But whilst she was thus hove-to a sea fog suddenly came down. Not -far off was a French privateer hovering about, and this was the chance -of a century. Under cover of this fog he approached the East Indiaman -unobserved, so that he came right alongside. When the men on board the -<em>Lord Eldon</em><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span> discovered this big ship close up to them in the haze -they were alarmed, but not for the reason that you might suppose. It -did not occur to them that she was a privateer, but they assumed she -was one of the King’s ships and was now about to impress the East -Indiaman’s crew into the navy in the manner that we saw in an earlier -chapter. As the crew had no desire to come under impressment, they at -once hid, with the result that the privateer’s men had no difficulty in -coming on board the <em>Lord Eldon</em>. The captain was below at the time, -and hearing a noise and clamour came on deck to see what it was all -about: and then to his amazement found that his ship was in the hands -of the enemy. However, he was not one easily to be daunted, even by -such a surprise as this. His life was made up of things unexpected, -and knowing that his men were well drilled he called to them to repel -boarders. They at once responded to the command and came out from their -hiding-places, and after a sharp fight drove the invaders overboard. -One Frenchman had even got possession of the <em>Lord Eldon’s</em> wheel, -but the East Indiaman’s captain killed him with his own hand, cutting -off his head with one stroke of the sword. In a very short time the -privateer, who was now more surprised than the crew of the merchant -ship, hurriedly made sail and disappeared into the fog. The incident -well shows the fighting efficiency of the commanders and men of the -Company’s vessels at this period.</p> - -<p>During the early part of the eighteenth century about a dozen or -fifteen of the Company’s ships would sail to the East Indies from -London, but this average gradually rose till, about the year 1779, -there were about twenty vessels going out each year. But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span> thereafter -the numbers increased to such an extent that in some years there were -as many as thirty or forty: and in the year 1795 as many as seventy-six -did the voyage. After that date the numbers became again normal, so -that up to about the end of 1810 the average was more like forty or -fifty. But even this meant a great deal of trade from which the country -and Company were to benefit largely.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">SHIPS AND MEN</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Bombay</span> had been first so called by the Dutch, meaning Good Bay. Owing -to its spaciousness, excellent depth of water and other facilities it -was well designated. By the end of the eighteenth century it had its -dry and wet docks and every facility for careening and repairing ships, -being of great utility to the Company’s merchant ships and its navy as -well. Its dockyard was furnished with all kinds of necessary stores. -Here there was always on hand plenty of timber and planking, here -anchors could be forged, here new cables and ropes were made of all -kinds. The cables were of hemp, but for the smaller ropes the external -fibres of the cocoanut, so abundant in India, were made up into that -inferior type of rope known as kyah or coir.</p> - -<p>We called attention on another page to the introduction of India-built -vessels into the Company’s service. India of course is famous for its -teak, and every shipman knows what excellent material this wood is -for building craft, owing to its hardness and durability. The vessels -which Bombay built were fine, stout ships and excellently finished, -and Indian shipbuilders even constructed some battleships and frigates -for the British navy which were in every way<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span> splendid vessels. One -vessel named the <em>Swallow</em>, which was built out here and launched in -April 1777, was actually in use till she was lost on a shoal in the -Hooghly in June 1823. But during this lengthy period of usefulness -she had served in many seas and in various capacities. She was first -employed as one of the Company’s packets between India and England. -After that she was in the Bombay Marine, or the East India Company’s -navy. After that she again resumed service as one of the Company’s -merchantmen, where she remained for many years. About the beginning of -the nineteenth century she was sold to the Danes, and from Copenhagen -proceeded to the West Indies, where she was arrested as a prize by a -British man-of-war. She was then employed in the King’s service and -became a sloop-of-war, and afterwards sold out of the service to some -merchants. In this capacity she again made several voyages between -London and Bombay, and eventually brought her fine career to an end as -stated.</p> - -<p>Before the close of the eighteenth century the Battle of the Nile had -been fought and won. The importance of this to India was tremendous. -For had the result been otherwise Napoleon would have possessed -himself of all that the English East India Company had done there. Our -Anglo-Indian trade would have come to an end, and the ships which are -the subject of our present study would have been no longer required, -or else compelled to sail under the French flag. Nelson, in fact, had -despatched a messenger overland to the Governor of Bombay, informing -the latter of the arrival of the French in Egypt, for he knew well -that Bombay was the objective of the enemy if they could get there. -However,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span> Nelson’s victory at the Nile quite altered all this, and when -the East India Company afterwards voted the gallant admiral the sum of -£10,000, it was to show how deeply indebted was this corporation for -the welcome relief from catastrophe.</p> - -<p>Before we leave the eighteenth century we have to consider some of the -more important changes and developments which were taking place. We -have seen that the size of these East Indiamen had gradually increased -during the century. About the year 1700 the biggest vessels were under -500 tons. Some were even much smaller, as, for instance, the <em>Juno</em>, of -180 tons, and the <em>Success</em> and the <em>Borneo</em> of similar size, but there -was also the <em>Arabella</em>, of only 140 tons, and the <em>Benjamin</em>, of 160 -tons. Between the years 1748 and 1772 all the Company’s merchant ships -are of one size—499 tons. There are very few exceptions indeed to this, -and in those few instances you get an occasional ship of 180, 300, -350, 370 or 380 tons. Otherwise there is nothing but this stereotyped -499-ton ship year after year, season after season. This curious fact -has puzzled many people, including those who in later days served in -the Company’s service. Why was it?</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_182fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_182fp.jpg" width="600" height="365" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE EAST INDIAMAN “SWALLOW.”<br /> - -<br />This vessel was of about 700 tons, and armed with eighteen guns. She is -here seen in the year 1788 in different ways—hove-to for a pilot, under -plain sail, and before the wind under all sail.<br /> - -<br />(By kind permission of the P. & O. Steam Navigation Company)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_182fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>The answer is quite simple, and I give it on the authority of an old -skipper contemporary with these ships, named Hutchinson, who at one -time of his life had been a privateer. The reader will remember that -in an earlier chapter I drew attention to the slackness of morals and -general spirit of irreligion which were notorious of the mid-eighteenth -century, at any rate so far as English people were concerned. Naturally -enough this spirit spread to the ships of the East India Company, so -that the corruption<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span> ashore had its counterpart afloat. Now these -craft, when they were of 500 tons and over, were compelled to carry -a chaplain. And it was just in order to be able to dispense with the -latter, and so save expense, that the owners used to cause these ships -to be rated at 499 tons, and so keep within the letter of the law. -These 499-ton ships carried a captain, four mates, a surgeon and a -purser. They would sail from the Downs about January or March of one -year, proceed to India or China, and then be back again in the London -river by June or July of the following year, though sometimes they were -away for much longer periods. When homeward bound they had called at -Portsmouth—where the more wealthy passengers went ashore and proceeded -home by road—and the Downs, they eventually made fast to moorings at -one of three places—Blackwall, Deptford and North-fleet.</p> - -<p>We spoke, also, some time back of what were known as “hereditary -bottoms,” by which it was meant that an owner who had been accustomed -to charter one of his ships to the Company had a proprietary right to -supply other ships when this one had been worn out. Thus one finds, -for instance, a ship called the <em>Brunswick</em> built on the bottom of the -<em>Atlas</em>, the <em>Hindostan</em> built on the bottom of the <em>Grosvenor</em>, and so -on. This went on for year after year, so that you could make out a kind -of genealogical tree of East India ships. It was a very clear instance -of eighteenth-century monopoly which would be hard to beat. But this -principle of perpetuity came to an end on 6th February 1796, when -open competition was introduced. There can be no question that this -decision, together with that of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span> abolishing the sale of commands, was -all for the good of the service. The Company themselves recognised that -it was the only way in which they could have an efficient fleet, always -ready and consisting of vessels built on the best principles, inspected -during construction by the Company’s own surveyors, and commanded by -officers “of acknowledged character, talents and experience,” and -various by-laws were passed to this effect. The following list will -afford the reader some idea of the size and dimensions of these East -Indiamen ships at the close of the eighteenth century. The difference -between the burthen tonnage and the chartered tonnage is noticeable:—</p> - -<div class="center"> -<table class="my90" border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="1" summary="difference -between burthen and chartered tonnages"> -<tr> -<th class="tdc normal small">Name of Ship</th> -<th class="tdc normal small" colspan="2">Length</th> -<th class="tdc normal small" colspan="2">Beam</th> -<th class="tdc normal small">Burthen<br />Tonnage</th> -<th class="tdc normal small">Chartered<br />Tonnage</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<th> </th> -<th class="tdc normal smaller">ft.</th> -<th class="tdc normal smaller">in.</th> -<th class="tdc normal smaller">ft.</th> -<th class="tdc normal smaller">in.</th> -<th> </th> -<th> </th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Ganges</td> -<td class="tdc">149</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1502</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Hope</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1471</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Neptune</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1468</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Hindostan</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1463</td> -<td class="tdc">1248</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Walmer Castle</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1460</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Warley</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1460</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Earl of Abergavenny</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1460</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Royal Charlotte</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1460</td> -<td class="tdc"> 758</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Coutts</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1451</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Cirencester</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1439</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Arniston</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1433</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Glatton</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1432</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Thames</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1432</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Ceres</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1430</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Cuffnells</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1429</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Earl Talbot</td> -<td class="tdc">144</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">43</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1428</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Nottingham</td> -<td class="tdc">130</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">40</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1152</td> -<td class="tdc">1152</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Dorsetshire</td> -<td class="tdc">134</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">42</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Alfred</td> -<td class="tdc">134</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">41</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1221</td> -<td class="tdc">1189</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">David Scott</td> -<td class="tdc">134</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">42</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1257</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Alnwick Castle</td> -<td class="tdc">133</td> -<td class="tdc"> 11½</td> -<td class="tdc">42</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1257</td> -<td class="tdc">1200</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Exeter</td> -<td class="tdl">132</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">41</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">1265</td> -<td class="tdc">1200<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Carnatic</td> -<td class="tdc">132</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">40</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1169</td> -<td class="tdc">1169</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Boddam</td> -<td class="tdc">128</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">38</td> -<td class="tdc">6</td> -<td class="tdc">1021</td> -<td class="tdc">1021</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Albion</td> -<td class="tdc">125</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">38</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc"> 961</td> -<td class="tdc"> 961</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Royal Admiral</td> -<td class="tdc">120</td> -<td class="tdc">2</td> -<td class="tdc">37</td> -<td class="tdc">10</td> -<td class="tdc"> 914</td> -<td class="tdc"> 914</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Belvidere</td> -<td class="tdc">123</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">38</td> -<td class="tdc">8</td> -<td class="tdc"> 986</td> -<td class="tdc"> 987</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Earl Howe</td> -<td class="tdc">117</td> -<td class="tdc">10 </td> -<td class="tdc">37</td> -<td class="tdc"> 4¾</td> -<td class="tdc"> 876</td> -<td class="tdc"> 876</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Sulivan</td> -<td class="tdc">116</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">35</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc"> 876</td> -<td class="tdc"> 876</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Middlesex</td> -<td class="tdc">116</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">35</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc"> 852</td> -<td class="tdc"> 852</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Princess Charlotte</td> -<td class="tdc">102</td> -<td class="tdc">0</td> -<td class="tdc">33</td> -<td class="tdc"> 6¾</td> -<td class="tdc"> 610</td> -<td class="tdc"> 610</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Earl of Wycombe</td> -<td class="tdc">101</td> -<td class="tdc"> 10¾</td> -<td class="tdc">34</td> -<td class="tdc"> 5¾</td> -<td class="tdc"> 643</td> -<td class="tdc"> 655</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Princess Mary</td> -<td class="tdc"> 93</td> -<td class="tdc">11 </td> -<td class="tdc">34</td> -<td class="tdc"> 5¾</td> -<td class="tdc"> 643</td> -<td class="tdc"> 462</td> -</tr></table></div> - -<p>The science and art of shipbuilding in England during the eighteenth -century were very defective compared with France. But during the -last decade of this, and the early part of the nineteenth century, -improvements were taking place. Papers were being read before the -Royal Society, treatises were being published, a number of valuable -experiments were being made and the best lessons of the French were -being studied. To all this must be attributed the better type of East -Indiaman which was to follow. The continued demand for tea made it -necessary to have fine, big ships which could get the cargoes of this -perishable commodity to London as soon as possible. It was always -reckoned that an 800-ton ship would be able to bring home about 750,000 -lb. of tea, and a 1200-ton ship nearly 1,500,000 lb. Some idea of the -increased popularity of this commodity in England will be ascertained -when it is stated that during the year 1765 five million lbs. were -brought home and sold by the Company. By 1784 the average was about six -million lb., the following<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span> year this figure was more than doubled, and -by the end of the century it was nearly twenty-four million lb. There -was, therefore, every need for fine, big ships of good lines. And by an -Act of 1799 the Company were restricted from employing in their service -any ships but those contracted for six voyages to India or China and -back. Whenever they wished to have more ships built, they were to give -public notice of this by advertisement four weeks ahead, inviting -tenders for building and freighting.</p> - -<p>But in the year 1803 the Company were empowered to engage ships for two -additional voyages, making eight in all. Two reasons were given for -this innovation. First, if was found that the ships now being built -were of such a character that they could be repaired and refitted -to perform these two additional voyages with great advantage. And -secondly, it was contended that if fewer ships were built, this would -“be the means of lessening the consumption of ship-timber.” It will be -recollected that in the year 1803 Napoleon had openly and intentionally -insulted the British Ambassador, and that in the month of May war was -again declared, and both nations made elaborate preparations for the -resumption of hostilities, the British taking time by the forelock and -sending squadrons to watch Brest and Toulon. All this warlike activity -on sea made it not any easier for the East Indiamen to go about their -lawful business. In effect it meant that they must be fitted out with -even greater care and that they must be armed as strongly as ever they -could be. And this, in turn, meant that the cost to the owners of the -ships was much increased. “War extraordinaries,” as they were called, -were always a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span> source of keen dispute during those anxious years, -between the Company and the shipowners, and in this present case the -Company were authorised to pay higher rates owing to the increased -expense to the owners.</p> - -<p>But such was the improvement in the class of vessel now built that in -the year 1810 they were allowed by Act of Parliament to engage ships -even beyond the allotted eight voyages, provided that after being -repaired they were found fit for service. The Company were also allowed -to take up by private contract certain other ships in order to bring -home the cargoes from China and India. Under this class were chartered -vessels which had taken out to New South Wales convicts and stores. The -East India Company had already come to the country’s aid again during -that year, 1803. Ten thousand tons of shipping did they lend to the -State for six months free of charge, though this meant a loss to the -Company of £67,000. These ships were employed in guarding the British -coast against the threatened invasion by the French; and in other ways -they were found very useful to the Admiralty.</p> - -<p>In peace time they would go out to India with troops and stores, -calling at St Helena on the way, and then return home with cargoes from -China and India. In the last-mentioned territorial waters they were -almost as likely to be annoyed by the attentions of the press-gangs as -they were in English waters, for his Majesty’s ships out there were -sadly in need of men. Repeated complaints were made by the Company in -regard to this, even as they had previously complained of what used -to take place at home. But repeated and indignant representations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span> -proved ineffectual. Captains of the Royal Navy must have men for their -ships, and the distance between England and India was too great for -much interference under this category, so things went on pretty much as -before.</p> - -<p>It will have been noticed from the list of the East India Company’s -ships given on an earlier page in this chapter that the size had -immensely increased. Big ships always necessitate big accommodation -when they reach port. These particular craft were far and away the -biggest merchant ships in the world, for no other trade either required -or could afford such vessels. This being so, the East Indiamen when -they now arrived in the Thames were compelled to lie many miles down -the river, since there was no accommodation for them higher up. But -this was to subject them to a grave risk. They came home with most -valuable cargoes which meant not only very much to the Company, but -were actually of some national importance. As they lay out in the river -a good deal of pilfering went on, and the loss was very serious, not -merely to the Company and the shipowners, but to the State, which lost -a good deal of customs duty thereby, since the goods thus pilfered were -then smuggled ashore. It was therefore realised that the only remedy -was to have a sufficient area of wet docks in which the ships could be -loaded and unloaded. A number of gentlemen therefore decided to form a -joint-stock company with a capital of £200,000 in order to provide wet -docks to be enclosed by proper walls and ditches, and communicating -with the Thames. These docks were to be appropriated solely for the -ships in the India trade, who should pay a duty of 14s. a ton in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span> -case of a registered English ship, and 12s. a ton for every India-built -ship navigated by lascars. It was ordered that the hatches of every -ship arriving from India or China should be locked down before the ship -reached Gravesend, and the captain, and one of the two officers next -to him in command, must remain on board until such time as the ship -was moored in the docks, and the keys of the hatches handed over to an -officer of the East India Company. Of the thirteen directors of these -docks, four must be directors of the East India Company.</p> - -<p>The result of this was that the East India Docks, so well known to all -who take any interest in the port of London, were brought into being. -During the early part of the year 1914, whilst alterations were being -made in connection with the elaborate scheme for the improvement of -London’s shipping facilities, the original foundation-stone of the -undertaking was discovered. This had been laid as far back as 4th March -1804. It had been submerged in the import dock, but was revealed at the -base of one of the old quay walls, from which it slightly projected. On -its top were found recorded the names of Mr Joseph Cotton, who was then -Chairman of the East India Dock Company, and of Mr John Woolmore, the -deputy chairman. The inscription stated that the stone had been laid -by Mr Joseph Huddart, F.R.S., and the names of the engineers, Mr John -Rennie and Mr Ralph Walker, were added. After the dock was opened there -were for many years seen therein the pick of the world’s shipping. But -now, with the overwhelming conquest of the steamship the whole aspect -has been quite changed. Gone are those fine old wind-jammers, gone -is the romance of these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span> ships from the Orient, gone is the stately, -naval system under which these vessels were run, gone are the handsome -opportunities for making fortunes which were then open to the captains -and officers of the mercantile marine.</p> - -<p>In some years these ships were very unfortunate. The years 1808 -and 1809 were particularly unhappy for the Company’s craft. Ten -homeward-bound East Indiamen were lost, and with them vanished over -a million sterling. The months of November 1808 and March 1809 were -notoriously stormy. Even such big craft as the <em>Britannia</em> (1200 tons) -and the <em>True Briton</em> (1198 tons) were lost during this period. The -former went down off the South Foreland on 25th January 1809. The -latter had parted company from the Bombay ships on 13th October in that -year, whilst sailing in the China seas, and was never heard of again. -The <em>Admiral Gardner</em> had set forth from the Downs on 24th January -1809, and also foundered off the South Foreland on the same day as the -<em>Britannia</em>. The <em>Calcutta</em> parted company with the other East Indiamen -off Mauritius on 14th March 1809, and was never seen again. Other ships -were captured by the enemy, some were blown up, others ended their days -by fire, some ran ashore, but as a rule these old East Indiamen managed -to get their freights into the London river with safety.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_190fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_190fp.jpg" width="499" height="600" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">COMMODORE SIR NATHANIEL DANCE.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p></div> - -<p>About the year 1809 the rates of insurance between Bengal and England -were £7, 7s. for the regular East Indiaman, and £7 on her cargo. In -the case of “extra” ships the premium was £9, 9s. on the ship and £9 -on the cargo. India-built ships were not insured at all, but the cargo -was insured at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span> £15, 15s. If the Company’s ships were convoyed home, -then the “extra” craft were charged only £1 from Bengal to St Helena, -and another £1 from St Helena to England. If there were more than one -ship then only 19s. was charged in both cases, but India-built ships in -these instances were charged £2, 10s.</p> - -<p>The number of ships employed for the India and China trade during -the years 1803 to 1808 will be found indicative of the Company’s -activities. These varied from forty-four to fifty-three, and their -burden from 36,671 to 45,342 tons. They ran great risks sometimes, but -in spite of occasional casualties they were often more than able to -look after themselves, when no naval force could be spared to convoy -them. One of the most famous instances on record is that in which the -exploits of a certain Captain Nathaniel Dance figured prominently. This -gallant commander was in charge of the Company’s ship <em>Earl Camden</em>. -This vessel was of 1200 tons charter, and had sailed from England in -the season of 1802-1803. She had put into Torbay, and left there on -4th January 1803, and proceeded to Bombay and China. On the last day -of January in the following year she had filled up her holds and began -her return voyage from China. With her sailed also fifteen other East -Indiamen, named respectively the <em>Warley</em>, <em>Alfred</em>, <em>Royal George</em>, -<em>Coutts</em>, <em>Wexford</em>, <em>Ganges</em>, <em>Exeter</em>, <em>Earl of Abergavenny</em>, <em>Henry -Addington</em>, <em>Bombay Castle</em>, <em>Cumberland</em>, <em>Hope</em>, <em>Dorsetshire</em>, -<em>Warren Hastings</em> and <em>Ocean</em>. And inasmuch as Captain Dance was -the senior commander he acted as commodore for this China fleet. In -addition to these sixteen vessels a number of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span> other vessels were put -under his charge to convoy them as far as their courses were the same. -These vessels included a dozen “country” ships.</p> - -<p>The “country” trade, by the way, was the trade between India and the -East as far as China and Manila. It was largely carried on by civil -servants of the East India Company and the free merchants living under -the Company’s protection. In effect the Company resigned this trade -to these people, the scope of this commerce to the westward extending -as far as the Red Sea, the principal commodities being indigo, pepper -and cotton. Of the East India Company’s ships the <em>Ganges</em> was a -fast-sailing brig, which was to be employed by Dance in any way that -might tend to the safety and convenience of the fleet until it had -passed through the Straits of Malacca, when he was to send her on to -Bengal.</p> - -<p>On the 14th of February at daybreak the <em>Royal George</em> made a signal to -the commodore that she had sighted four strange sail to the south-west. -Thereupon Dance signalled that the <em>Alfred</em>, <em>Royal George</em>, <em>Bombay -Castle</em> and the <em>Hope</em> should run down and examine them. It happened -that among the passengers aboard Dance’s ship was Lieutenant Fowler, -R.N., and the latter, who had recently been commander of the -<em>Porpoise</em>, offered to go in the <em>Ganges</em> brig and, getting quite close -up to the strange craft, examine them carefully. To this the commodore -assented, and away she went too. After a while Dance learned by signal -that the four strange vessels were none other than a squadron of the -enemy, consisting of a line-of-battle ship, two frigates and a brig. At -one <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span> Dance signalled to his scouts to return, and formed -the line of battle<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span> in close order. Now this merchant captain was a -decidedly able tactician, and it is most interesting to note the way he -disposed his forces for battle.</p> - -<p>When the enemy saw that they could “fetch” in the wake of the East -Indiamen, they went about, but the commodore held on his course, -keeping under easy sail. About sunset the enemy were close up to the -rear of the English fleet, and as Dance momentarily expected his rear -ships would be attacked, he stood by to succour them. But as the day -ended no attack came, and the enemy hauled off to windward. Meanwhile -the commodore sent Lieutenant Fowler in the <em>Ganges</em> to station the -twelve country ships to leeward of the line of East Indiamen, so that -the latter were between the enemy and the country ships. This was duly -carried out and Mr Fowler returned, bringing with him some volunteers -from the latter to help work the East Indiamen in the fight. All night -long the ships lay in their line of battle, and at daybreak the enemy -were descried about three miles to windward hove-to. The English ships -now hoisted their colours and offered battle. The enemy’s four ships -hoisted French colours. These ships consisted of the <em>Marengo</em>, an -84-gun ship with 1200 men; the <em>Belle Poule</em>, 44 guns and 490 men; the -<em>Semilante</em>, 36 guns and 400 men; and the <em>Berceau</em>, 32 guns and 350 -men. The <em>Marengo</em> was seen to be flying the flag of a rear-admiral. In -addition there was an 18-gun brig under Dutch colours.</p> - -<p>At nine <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span>, as the enemy showed no signs of engaging, -the commodore formed the order of sailing and resumed his course, -still under easy sail. But the enemy now filled his sails and edged -towards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span> the China fleet. At 1 <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span> it was obvious that the -rear-admiral’s intention was to cut off the English rear, so Dance made -the signal to tack and bear down on him and engage him in succession, -the <em>Royal George</em> being the leading ship, the <em>Ganges</em> second, and the -<em>Earl Camden</em> (flagship) next. This was done and then under a press -of sail the British ships ran towards the enemy—a very magnificent -sight for those privileged to behold it. The enemy then formed in a -very close line, and opened fire on the first ships, but this was not -returned until the distance was much reduced. The <em>Royal George</em> had to -bear the brunt of the engagement, being in the van, and in consequence -suffered, but she got as close as she could to the enemy. As soon as -their guns could have effect, the <em>Ganges</em> and <em>Earl Camden</em> opened -fire, and the rest of the ships were ready to go into action as soon -as their guns could bear. But before this was possible the French -rear-admiral had taken alarm, the enemy hauled their wind and made away -to the eastward, with every stitch of sail they could set. They had -been beaten—and by merchantmen.</p> - -<p>Dance then made the signal for a general chase. This was at 2 -<span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span>, and the retreating enemy were pursued for two hours, but -as the commodore feared that further pursuit would take his fleet too -far from the Straits, and that his first duty was to preserve his ships -rather than give the enemy any further beating, he made the signal to -tack, and at 8 <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span> anchored for the night, so as to be able -to make for the entrance of the Straits in the morning. The casualties -were confined to the <em>Royal George</em>, which had lost one man killed and -one more wounded.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span> Her sails and hull had received many shot, but both -the <em>Ganges</em> and the <em>Earl Camden</em> were practically untouched. The -enemy’s gunnery was distinctly bad, the shot falling either short or -over.</p> - -<p>Every man who took part in this extraordinary engagement had done his -duty handsomely. Captain Timins of the <em>Royal George</em> had taken his -ship into action most gallantly, but every ship in the English line had -been cleared and prepared for action, anxious to have the opportunity -of showing their worth. As the enemy had now long since disappeared -there was nothing for Dance to do but continue on his homeward voyage. -From Malacca he despatched Fowler in the <em>Ganges</em> brig to Pulo Penang, -asking the captain of any of his Majesty’s ships to convoy this -exceedingly valuable fleet—the value of the sixteen ships together with -their cargoes and private property amounting to nearly eight million -pounds sterling. It was learned at Malacca that the squadron which -had just been encountered was that of Admiral Linois, comprising a -battleship, two heavy frigates, a corvette and the brig.</p> - -<p>On the 28th of February, whilst in the Straits of Malacca, Dance’s -fleet fell in with two of his Majesty’s ships, <em>Albion</em> and <em>Sceptre</em>, -and the <em>Albion’s</em> captain was prevailed upon to take charge now of -the fleet, considering its national importance, and on the 9th of -June these treasure ships reached St Helena, still under the convoy -of the two British men-of-war. There the latter parted company from -the merchantmen, and instead H.M.S. <em>Plantagenet</em> convoyed them to -England, where they arrived early in the month of August. The news of -this successful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span> engagement, the circumstance that an enemy’s fleet had -been put to flight and chased by a fleet of East Indiamen caused the -greatest acclamation in London. The Patriotic Fund Committee presented -Commodore Dance with a sword of the value of £100, and a silver vase of -the same worth; to Captain Timins a sword of the value of £50, and each -of the other captains, as well as to Lieutenant Fowler.</p> - -<p>As for the directors of the East India Company, they showed their -appreciation of the gallantry and the preservation of their property -in the most handsome manner. Setting aside about £50,000 they rewarded -Commodore Dance with the sum of 2000 guineas, and a piece of plate -valued at 200 guineas. To Captain Timins 1000 guineas and a piece -of plate valued at 100 guineas. To Captain Moffat 500 guineas and a -piece of plate valued at 100 guineas. The other thirteen captains were -each awarded 500 guineas and a piece of plate valued at 50 guineas. -The chief officers received each 150 guineas, the second officers 125 -guineas, and so on down to the boatswains, who got 50 guineas, and -the seamen and servants 6 guineas each. The Company also presented -Lieutenant Fowler with 300 guineas and a piece of plate, as well as 500 -guineas to the captain of the <em>Plantagenet</em>, who had convoyed them home -from St Helena.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_196fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_196fp.jpg" width="600" height="380" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">REPULSE OF ADMIRAL LINOIS BY THE CHINA FLEET UNDER -COMMODORE SIR NATHANIEL DANCE.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_196fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>Commodore Sir Nathaniel Dance was offered a baronetcy, which he -refused, but accepted a knighthood: and thus ended the last chapter in -an incident that was the pride and subject of yarning among the men -of the East India Company’s service for many a long day. It certainly -shows the British merchant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span> sailor at his best—ready for a fight, -going into the engagement gallantly, and yet all the while remembering -that his first duty is to his owners and to get ships and cargoes -safely to port without unnecessarily wasting valuable time.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">AT SEA IN THE EAST INDIAMEN</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> first decade of the nineteenth century had been very unfortunate -for the East India Company. There had been the losses of those ships -already mentioned, owing to disasters at sea. This meant not only the -loss to the Company of the rich cargoes, but of the advances to the -owners amounting to thousands of pounds. The French war had also not -merely interfered with the coming and going of the merchant ships, but -it had thrown the whole of Europe into such a state of bewilderment -that commerce generally was paralysed, and therefore the trade in -Indian goods to the different parts of the Continent was exceedingly -curtailed. Notwithstanding all that had been done by the Act of 1796, -and the superintendence which was exercised over the Company, the -latter was anything but prosperous. It had been engaged in hostilities -with the Mahrattas and other Eastern powers. The result had been the -acquisition of vast territory which was shortly to be for the good of -the British Empire. But the immediate result of all this was that the -Company’s finances were in a crippled condition. Later on we shall -see what a wholesale effect the abolition of the monopoly had on the -Eastern trade, dating from the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span> year 1813: but before we come to that -I desire to give the reader a fair account of the conditions of life -in the East Indiamen of the first part of the nineteenth century. We -shall presently proceed to examine these in greater detail, but it will -greatly assist the imagination if we look into contemporary accounts -left behind by officers who put to sea in these craft.</p> - -<p>And first of all let us take the account of that Captain Eastwick -whom we introduced to the reader on an earlier page. This time he was -proceeding to India, not in his capacity of mercantile officer, but -as a passenger. Nevertheless his ripe knowledge and experience were -of the greatest value to these East Indiamen, as will be seen. It was -a tedious business in those days to get down to Portsmouth, where the -wealthier passengers used to join the East Indiamen. Eastwick was -taking out to India his sister-in-law on a visit to her brother-in-law, -Colonel Gordon. The journey was made to Portsmouth by road, of course, -and those who have motored along this Portsmouth road scarcely realise -how tedious and risky the journey was in those days. In the month of -January 1809 Eastwick and his sister-in-law set out on their journey -with a good deal of luggage and jewellery, as well as a hundred pounds -in money. They had to cross Hounslow Heath, which was then infested -with robbers, and there was every probability of the post-boys -being held up, the horses shot and the passengers relieved of their -possessions. However, in the present case the journey to Portsmouth was -made without adventure, where it was learnt that the <em>Neptune</em> East -Indiaman would not sail for another ten days.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span></p> - -<p>This was a vessel of 1200 charter tons, and one of the largest of the -East India Company’s fleet, being employed for the voyage to Bombay and -China, this being her sixth trip thereto. She was owned by Sir William -Fraser, Bart., and commanded by Captain William Donaldson, under whom -were a chief officer and three mates, a surgeon and a purser. After -the <em>Neptune</em> and her fellow-ships of the Company’s fleet had at last -got under way a storm came up—the reader will remember that this year, -1809, was notorious for its virulent weather—and as a result the <em>Henry -Addington</em>, another East Indiaman of about the same size, got driven -to the eastward round Selsey Bill and struck the Bognor Rocks to the -north-eastward of the Bill, and it was only with difficulty that she -got off and reached Portsmouth again. This storm had dispersed the -whole of the Company’s fleet outward-bound, and the <em>Neptune</em> had -found herself in the vicinity of the Channel Islands, where she was in -extreme danger. Captain Donaldson ordered the second mate to go aloft -and help to take in the foretopsail, but this the officer refused to -do, and he was instantly “broke.”</p> - -<p>Eastwick thereupon volunteered to fill his place, and this offer was -gladly accepted temporarily, the <em>Neptune</em> eventually sailing across -the English Channel once more and let go anchor on the Mother Bank -(to the west of Ryde, Isle of Wight). Here the ship was refitted for -a second attempt, and the second mate had his place now taken by a Mr -Richard Alsager, who had lately been M.P. for Surrey. At length the -<em>Neptune</em> was ready for sea once more, the heavy weather had given way -to beautiful summer, and the wind was fair for making<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span> a quick passage -down the English Channel: so on 21st June the East India fleet weighed -anchor and proceeded, consisting of the <em>Neptune</em>, <em>Henry Addington</em>, -<em>Scaleby Castle</em> and the <em>True Briton</em>. These ships were all pretty -much of the same size, though the <em>True Briton</em> was of 1198 charter -tons. So fine did the weather continue that when the fleet was two days -out from England the captain of the <em>Neptune</em> gave a dance on board to -the passengers of <em>all</em> the ships, and the following evening another -dance was given by the captain of the <em>Henry Addington</em>. Fortunately -the passengers were safely rowed across the ocean to the entertaining -vessel, and back. But most people will agree with Eastwick’s criticism -of this foolish proceeding. “I did not consider it prudent at such a -season of the year to do these things at sea.”</p> - -<p>So the voyage continued as far as Table Bay with everything in their -favour. After rounding the Cape, the <em>Neptune</em>, the <em>Scaleby Castle</em> -and the <em>True Briton</em> shaped a course for Bombay, but the <em>Henry -Addington</em> was compelled to stay behind in order to repair a bad leak -that had broken out afresh. This was doubtless a relic of the incident -on Bognor Rocks. Whilst approaching Madagascar Captain Donaldson -invited the other two captains to come on board and dine with him, and -during the conversation the subject came up of the disagreeable weather -met with during the south-west monsoon on going into Bombay. Eastwick -offered that if no pilot were available he would take the squadron in, -and this the three captains accepted. The next day they encountered -just that experience which the reader will remember occurred to some -of the first English sailors when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span> bound to India. For a heavy clap of -thunder—“so loud it sounded as though a hundred great guns were going -off”—broke over the <em>Neptune</em> and an extraordinary flash of lightning -took place, and so close that Eastwick declares he saw many electric -balls darting into the water. The chief officer was on watch at the -time, and came running aft. He announced that the ship had been struck -in the foremast and that the lightning had knocked down four of the -men. It took the crew afterwards sixteen hours to repair the damage, -get up the new foretopmast, foretopgallant mast and yard, for the -original ones had been rendered useless.</p> - -<p>As the squadron approached Bombay they got into the south-west monsoon, -with very thick, dirty weather and a tremendous sea running. It was -when they were just a day’s sail off Bombay that the captain of the -<em>True Briton</em>, who was acting as commodore of the squadron, made the -signal: “Will Eastwick stand by his promise?” This was immediately -answered by the affirmative signal, and then the commodore ran up -another: “<em>Neptune</em>, go ahead, and lead the way.” So, although a -passenger, Eastwick had the honour of taking the squadron into Bombay -harbour and never picked up a pilot until ready to let go anchor.</p> - -<p>But even more illuminating than Eastwick is a man named Thomas Addison, -who was born on 18th December 1785, and made a dozen voyages in the old -East Indiamen, entering the service as a midshipman of the <em>Marquis -Wellesley</em> in February 1802, and eventually rising to fifth mate, and -so to first mate by May 1817. There are of course plenty of log-books -and journals still existing, but one has to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span> wade through many pages -before one finds anything of real interest. In the case of Addison, -however, there is so much in his journals that reveals to us the life -and the incidents on board these old ships of the Company’s service -that we cannot feel other than grateful that the MS. still exists. -After his death these journals eventually passed into the hands of a -Norfolk rector, who was good enough to place them in the hands of the -Navy Records Society, and a few years ago they were edited by Sir John -Laughton and published under the auspices of that Society. It is to -this source that I am indebted for the information which is afforded by -Addison, though space will not allow of more than a brief outline of -his experiences.</p> - -<p>He was able to obtain a berth in the Honourable Company’s “Maritime -Service” (as it was called, in contradistinction to the Company’s -Marine) owing to the influence of a Mr Edmund Antrobus, a teaman and -banker in the Strand. The latter took the sixteen-year-old youth and -introduced him to a Mr Matthew White, who was the managing owner of the -ship <em>Marquis of Wellesley</em>, by whom the midshipman’s appointment had -been granted. She was a vessel of 818 charter tons and was now about to -start on her second voyage to India, her commander being Captain Bruce -Mitchell. Mr White gave Addison a letter of introduction to the chief -officer, named Le Blanc, and after the boy had completed his sea-going -kit he was taken down to the ship at Gravesend by Mr Antrobus. Addison -was now handed over to his future messmates, and then began his -initiation. As so many of these old-time ceremonies have long since -passed away, it may not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span> be out of place to say Addison was sent up -into the mizen top, outside the futtocks, where according to custom he -should have been seized up to the rigging by a couple of seamen, had he -not received the tip to promise them beforehand a gallon of beer. “In -lieu of which, by the by, five gallons was afterwards demanded of me by -my messmates, stating that the mizen top was their sole prerogative. -This is a very old usage practised on board all ships, considered a -fair claim from all strangers on first going aloft.”</p> - -<p>In addition to the captain, there were the chief officer, three mates -and a large crew. In all there were thirty officers and petty officers, -the whole complement amounting to 151, which nowadays would be thought -enormous for a ship of her size. The men received two months’ wages -in advance before sailing, and in February 1802 made sail down the -Thames from Gravesend under the charge of one of the Company’s pilots, -who brought her safely into the Downs, where the wind was blowing -hard from the south-west, sending in a high sea. Addison was destined -at once to have excitement, for about sundown, whilst his Majesty’s -frigate <em>Egyptienne</em> was coming to anchor in the Downs, she had -shortened sail and left herself too little way to shoot ahead of the -Indiaman, with the result that she fell broadside on to the <em>Marquis -Wellesley’s</em> bows, tearing away the latter’s cutwater and bowsprit, -bringing down the foretopmast also, making in fact a clean sweep of -the ship forward. The merchantman was lying to a single anchor at the -time, but although it blew most of a gale during the night the ship -rode it out all right, and next morning, the weather having moderated, -the frigate’s commander sent some hands<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span> on board to give the ship -a temporary refit. After this the Indiaman proceeded to Portsmouth, -where she was fully repaired alongside a man-of-war hulk. On the 4th -of March she went out of harbour and anchored at Spithead, where she -took on board a number of his Majesty’s dragoons, as well as forty-nine -of the East India Company’s troops and their wives for India. The next -day, having received the Company’s packet from the India House and the -despatches for Bengal and Madras, she weighed anchor in the afternoon -and proceeded down Channel.</p> - -<p>The last of old England was sighted the following day, and then anchors -were unbent and all harbour gear stowed away for the long voyage. -Madeira was sighted on the 14th of that month—not a bad passage for a -sailing ship—and on the 4th of April the Equator was passed, where the -usual ceremonies of crossing the line were undergone. “It being my own -and Newton’s [a young messmate’s] first trip into Neptune’s dominions, -we underwent the accustomed and awful ordeal of shaving by the hands -of his Majesty’s barber, thereby rendering us free mariners of the -ocean.” On 24th April they were off the Cape of Good Hope, and on 21st -June sighted Ceylon, and three days later arriving at Madras, “Found -Admiral Rainier’s squadron riding here, consisting of eight sail. -Shortly afterwards a sham fight took place with the fleet and shore, -followed by a grand illumination displayed from ships as well as the -shore, likewise fireworks and rockets, in commemoration of the Peace of -Amiens.”</p> - -<p>The <em>Marquis Wellesley</em> left Madras again in February 1803, after -visiting ports on the coast, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span> in July fell in with an American -bound from Gibraltar to Boston, and learned from her that war had -been declared between England and France, so cartridges were filled -and every preparation made on board the East Indiaman for defending -herself. On the nineteenth of that month a strange sail appeared. The -Indiaman made her private signal, but the stranger did not answer -and sailed away. But at midnight she returned and was coming up -fast, so the Indiaman at once prepared for action, Addison acting -as powder-monkey. But presently she was found to be H.M. frigate -<em>Endymion</em>, and sent a boat to the Indiaman in charge of a lieutenant -and pressed eight of the merchant ship’s men, for the frigate had -captured so many prizes that he had more prisoners on board than -all his ship’s company. But before the mouth of the English Channel -was reached the <em>Marquis Wellesley</em> was to have further exciting -experiences. A few days after the previously mentioned incident, two -ships were descried one morning while the people were at breakfast. At -first Captain Mitchell bore up to assist one which was flying English -colours, but one of the passengers (apparently of the sea-lawyer type -which still survives) protested “against the legal propriety of such -proceeding on the part of an Indiaman volunteering her services in -such an affair,” so Mitchell put his ship again on her course, much to -the indignation of a choleric colonel, for the ship with the English -colours was subsequently captured.</p> - -<p>Later on a large ship hove in sight on the weather bow and stood down -towards the <em>Marquis Wellesley</em>. It was now night and the latter at -once cleared for action and showed two tiers of lights. The stranger<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span> -was hailed seven times before it could be ascertained that she was -H.M.S. <em>Plantagenet</em> with a sloop-of-war as tender in company. Her -captain came on board and complimented Captain Mitchell on the good -arrangements made for the defence of the ship, and as he walked round -the decks the men remained at quarters. He was good enough also to -compliment Mitchell on the clever manner in which he had manœuvred his -ship to prevent a raking broadside, but before leaving he “impressed a -few hands from us.”</p> - -<p>On the 1st of August the Indiaman anchored in the Downs, and one of the -Company’s pilots came aboard and took charge of her, bringing with him -a number of “ticket-men” to work the ship up the Thames. These were men -who were sent from a man-of-war in place of such as had been impressed. -On the third of the month the ship had reached her moorings off the Gun -Wharf, Deptford, and four days later discharged the ship’s company and -hired gangs to deliver the cargo. And then came the final, dramatic -touch to this voyage: “Shortly afterwards found that Mr White, managing -owner of the <em>Marquis Wellesley</em>, had become bankrupt and was unable to -pay the ship’s company.”</p> - -<p>Addison’s first voyage had thus begun and ended with adventures. He -had got back in the summer of 1803 and soon began to prepare for a -second voyage. Through the good offices of his friend Mr Antrobus he -once more obtained a berth as midshipman, this time in the <em>Brunswick</em>. -The latter was a ship of 1200 charter tons, and was about to make her -sixth voyage out to Ceylon and China. On being introduced to Captain -James Ludovic Grant,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span> the latter made him senior midshipman and his -coxswain, as none of the other youngsters had yet been to sea. The -midshipmen were allowed a cabin, servant and every comfort, and though -Captain Grant was regarded as a martinet and disciplinarian, yet he was -by no means unpopular among Addison’s messmates, “supporting his mids -as officers and gentlemen.” “There were five of us; two were stationed -as signal midshipmen, as he was commodore; the other three in three -watches, one in each. I was in the latter; never allowed to quit the -lee side of the quarter-deck, except on duty or on general occasions -of reefing or furling. Two of us dined with him every day, and nothing -could exceed his politeness and kindness at table.”</p> - -<p>Captain Grant had served as midshipman in the Royal Navy in the <em>Prince -George</em> with the Duke of Clarence, who at the time we are speaking -of was now <a href="#tn">George III</a>. Grant had reached the rank of -lieutenant in the navy, and was serving aboard a frigate in the West -Indies in the year 1786. The captain died and then it was decided to -continue the cruise, Grant as first lieutenant, and a brother officer -named Hugh Lindsay as captain. However, when at length they reached -England their conduct was so badly criticised that they had to resign -their commissions. Both officers therefore did the next best thing and -joined the East India Company’s service, Grant being now commander of -the <em>Brunswick</em>, whilst Lindsay had the <em>Lady Jane Dundas</em>, a vessel of -820 tons.</p> - -<p>During the month of February, then, the <em>Brunswick</em>, having taken -on board her cargo and stores, dropped down the Thames to the Lower -Hope,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span> where she received on board passengers and the remainder of -her crew, who received their usual advance. Colonel Hatton and staff -of the King’s 66th Regiment came on board, together with about 350 -privates: and a little later the ship sailed to Portsmouth. Here she -remained till the 20th of March, when she came out of harbour and ran -across to the Motherbank, where she anchored. Here the whole fleet -of East Indiamen, together with their naval convoy, were assembled. -This consisted of nine ships—his Majesty’s frigate <em>Lapwing</em>, and the -Company’s ships <em>Brunswick</em>, <em>Marquis of Ely</em>, Addison’s former ship -the <em>Marquis of Wellesley</em>, the <em>Lady Jane Dundas</em> (Captain Hon. Hugh -Lindsay, Grant’s old shipmate), the <em>Marchioness of Exeter</em>, the <em>Lord -Nelson</em>, the <em>Princess Charlotte</em> and the <em>Canton</em>. The captain of the -<em>Marquis Wellesley</em> was now Charles Le Blanc, who had been “chief” when -Addison first went to sea.</p> - -<p>It must have been a magnificent sight to have witnessed this fine fleet -getting under way and setting their canvas that afternoon at a signal -from the frigate. Under close-reefed topsails they ran down the Solent -and past the Needles with a fresh breeze from north by east. Four and a -half hours after leaving the Motherbank they had dropped their pilot in -the English Channel, and by eleven that night they were nine miles off -the Portland lights, with a gale working up and thick, hazy weather. -This caused the fleet to be scattered and topsails were taken in, but -towards morning the weather moderated. Getting into the north-east -trade-wind the <em>Brunswick</em> soon reeled off the miles, though the units -of the fleet were still much dispersed, thus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span> making it much easier for -the enemy to inflict injury if met with.</p> - -<p>On the 7th of April Addison has this entry in his journal:—</p> - -<p>“Trimmed ship by the head with 200 pigs of lead. The missing ships -rejoined the convoy with two whalers. On a Saturday (weather -permitting) constantly exercised great guns, and small arms frequently, -with powder blank cartridges. My station at quarters was aide-de-camp -to the captain.”</p> - -<p>And then there are several instances of the way discipline was -maintained on board in those days of flogging:—</p> - -<p>“9th. John McDonald, seaman, was punished with a dozen for insolence to -the boatswain....</p> - -<p>“12th. Punished T. Botler, seaman, with a dozen for neglect, etc.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_210fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_210fp.jpg" width="600" height="393" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">A VIEW OF THE EAST INDIA DOCKS AS THEY APPEARED IN THE -EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_210fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>On the following day the frigate parted company with the fleet -to return to England, so the <em>Brunswick</em> became commodore ship. -On the 23rd of June the squadron was in the Mozambique Passage, -and at daylight espied a strange brig to the south-east. Sail was -therefore made, the <em>Lord Nelson</em> having been signalled to chase -with the <em>Brunswick</em>, and the <em>Dundas</em> to lead the fleet on a -north-east-by-north course. At 7 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> the brig tacked, and -half-an-hour later the <em>Brunswick</em> also tacked. At eight o’clock -Grant ordered his squadron to heave-to, and at noon was coming up -fast with the brig. Half-an-hour later he had reached her and found -her to be the French <em>La Charlotte</em> of four guns and twenty-nine men. -She had left the Isle de France twenty-eight days previously and -was bound for the Mozambique. She was now a prisoner, and Commodore -Grant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span> accordingly sent on board the <em>Brunswick’s</em> second officer, Mr -Benjamin Bunn, Addison, five seamen and twenty soldiers in the cutter -to take possession of her. Her captain, a lieutenant, a midshipman and -ten seamen were brought off to the <em>Brunswick</em>, and at three in the -afternoon the brig was taken in tow, but two hours later she was cast -off. Eventually, after the captains of the other English ships had come -aboard and joined in a consultation, Grant decided that the prize was -not worth keeping. So all her cargo of muskets were thrown into the -sea, and afterwards she was handed over again to her French captain, -who went aboard her with his men, very thankful to be allowed to take -possession once more.</p> - -<p>About the middle of June the East Indiamen reached Trincomalee and -saluted H.M.S. <em>Centurion</em> with eleven guns, which respect was -returned. But it is typical of the time that the following day a -lieutenant came off from the <em>Centurion</em> and pressed ten of the -Indiamen’s men, and a little later three more seamen deserted and -joined H.M.S. <em>Sheerness</em>. Having disembarked the troops and baggage, -assisted by the boats of his Majesty’s ships, the <em>Brunswick</em> once -more put to sea, and two days later brought up in Madras Roads, where -she saluted the fort with nine guns, and received a similar salute in -return. Here also a lieutenant from H.M.S. <em>Wilhelmina</em> came aboard -and pressed four more men. Here the <em>Brunswick</em> remained some weeks, -landing the Company’s cargo, taking on board cotton and other goods for -Captain Grant’s own account—on a later page the reader will learn how -much cargo a captain was allowed to ship for himself—and after<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span> the -vessel’s rigging had been refitted, and her hull painted, she prepared -for sea.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile the Company’s ships which had come out with her bound for -Bengal had sailed to the north, but on the 13th of August H.M. frigate -<em>Caroline</em>, which was now to convoy the East Indiamen bound for China, -made the signal for the fleet to unmoor, and then proceeded on the -voyage. The fleet went through the Singapore Straits, the convoy being -kept in close order of sailing as Admiral Linois was known to be -cruising in the China Sea. It was now September, and the reader will -recollect that in February of that year his squadron had been put to -flight by Commodore Dance. The East India squadron now consisted of the -Company’s ships <em>Brunswick</em>, <em>Glatton</em>, <em>Cirencester</em>, <em>Walmer Castle</em>, -<em>Marquis of Ely</em>, <em>Thames</em>, <em>Canton</em>, <em>Winchelsea</em>, ten country ships, -and convoyed by five of his Majesty’s ships—the <em>Caroline</em>, <em>Grampus</em>, -<em>La Dédaigneuse</em>, <em>Russell</em> and <em>Dasher</em>, the first-mentioned being the -commodore’s ship.</p> - -<p>Arrived at the mouth of the Tiger, permission was obtained from two -mandarins to pass, as was the custom in those days when China was -still so little open to the European. And the way the fleet was able -to navigate the river by night at the last quarter of the flood is -most interesting. Two Chinese pilots had been taken on board the -<em>Brunswick</em>, and in order to denote the channel across the bar by -night a row of fifty boats with lights was placed on one side, and -another fifty on the other, the ship of course to sail between. When -the <em>Brunswick</em> was about in mid-channel one of the pilots sang out -“port littee,” while the other contradicted him by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span> shouting “starboard -littee.” Captain Grant was not the man to be humbugged in this manner, -so he kicked one of these men overboard, and the other immediately -jumped after. The lights were at once put out and the <em>Brunswick</em> -grounded on the bar. The tide soon began to fall, and in spite of -carrying out a kedge she refused to budge. So the top-gallant yards -and masts were sent down, the guns were put into the launches which -were sent by the other ships of the fleet, and eventually next day the -<em>Brunswick</em> was floated at high water, but at once swung round and took -the ground again, and the tide ebbed out.</p> - -<p>In order to lighten her forward, the bower anchors were made fast -between boats, and the stream anchor was taken out in the launch -ready for the next flood, and with the last quarter of that tide she -came off; the hawsers were slipped, and while the anchors were being -recovered Captain Grant backed and filled across the channel and -finally came to anchor again.</p> - -<p>Addison tells us of an interesting custom in the Company’s service at -that time. For each season the senior captain was allowed £500 “table -money,” as we should call it, for public dinners and various expenses, -the second captain in seniority being allowed £300 for the same -purposes. The ships took their turn to act as guardship, naval fashion, -and whichever ship’s turn it was so to act on a Sunday, the captain -was to attend on board together with his surgeon. And during the whole -day, up till eight o’clock in the evening, one of his sworn officers -was to row guard up and down the fleet, after which he was to make his -report to the senior ship. But when the viceroy and the leading Chinese -authorities<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span> made their visits to these English ships in state they -were received with great ceremony, which is curiously absent from the -modern merchant ship.</p> - -<p>Many hundred local craft would put off to the East Indiamen. The -English captains were on board to receive them, the yards were manned -and every possible display was made. An officer was first sent in full -uniform to compliment the great man—John Tuck, as the English sailor -nicknamed him, owing to the fact that in the fore end of his boat he -kept gallows to tuck up any unfortunate who displeased him. Having come -alongside the East Indiaman, the great man always refused to trust his -valuable life to the ropes and accommodations supplied for entering the -ship, but used his own long ladders. Business was duly contracted, and -then he would make a present to the ship’s company of bullocks, flour, -fruit and a vile, maddening spirit of a most intoxicating nature, which -the men were made to exchange for something better. After this the -captains all dined together on board a large chop boat.</p> - -<p>The fleet remained here from October till the first day of 1805, and -then got under way with fine cargoes of teas for England. But the -<em>Brunswick</em> never reached England. Doubtless owing to the damage -sustained when she got aground on the bar she developed a serious leak, -and made for Ceylon and Bombay, where she was docked and repaired, her -tea being sent to England in another ship. The <em>Brunswick</em> was now sent -back to China again with a cargo of cotton, which would have been a -very lucrative affair. But there was a good deal of trouble with the -crew, many of the men deserting to the warships,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span> until at last Captain -Grant sent every man he had in the launch on board a British frigate. -The latter’s captain selected from these all that were worth having and -then sent the rest back to the <em>Brunswick</em>.</p> - -<p>When the latter set sail from Bombay for China on 1st July 1805 she was -very ill-manned, consequent on nearly the whole of the ship’s company -having been pressed by the navy. There were not twenty European seamen -on board to work this big ship. The guns had to be manned by Chinamen, -with only one European seaman at each. For the rest lascars had to be -relied upon. In such a weak condition she put to sea, together with -a couple of country ships, keeping as near each other as possible. -But a few days later at break of day two strange sail were discovered -to the eastward. The <em>Sarah</em> made a signal that the strangers looked -suspicious. Later on the <em>Brunswick</em> perceived that one was a -line-of-battle ship and the other a frigate. But the <em>Sarah</em> signalled -that she thought they were friends. However, the <em>Brunswick</em> was much -less credulous and had already cleared for action, hoisting her private -signal (which was not answered) and hoisting her British colours. -The stranger presently answered by showing St George’s colours. The -line-of-battle ship then tacked in order to get into such a position -as to rake the <em>Brunswick</em> from aft. The frigate passed to leeward -and exchanged St George’s colours for the French national colours, -giving the <em>Brunswick</em> a broadside as she passed. This was immediately -returned, but as the ship was heeling over at a great angle, the lee -guns could not be elevated sufficiently to do any damage to the enemy.</p> - -<p>But the <em>Brunswick</em> was clearly to be out<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>-manœuvred. The frigate went -about just astern of the Indiaman, and as she was then observed to -be coming on fast, Captain Grant kept his ship as full as possible, -hoping to be able to run her ashore. The frigate, however, approached -at such a pace, and the line-of-battle ship was also so close that -the <em>Brunswick</em> would assuredly have been sunk by the line-of-battle -ship’s broadside before taking the ground. After consultation with his -officers Grant was reluctantly compelled to strike his colours and -surrender to the enemy off the coast of Ceylon. A boat came off—and -then, well the line-of-battle ship was none other than Admiral Linois’ -<em>Marengo</em>, and the big frigate was the <em>Belle Poule</em>, which had fought -and run away the previous year from Commodore Dance. Linois was -stationed in those Eastern waters for the express purpose of harassing -and cutting up our trade, avoiding the British ships-of-war. Any modern -strategist would tell you that whilst this kind of hostility is very -annoying to the power attacked, it cannot afford any lasting good. The -same kind of folly was attempted, you will remember, by the Russians -interfering with Japanese merchantmen in the East during the late war, -and the practical value of this measure was nil.</p> - -<p>However, Linois may have remembered that he who fights and runs away -will live to fight another day. He had been compelled to fly before -Dance, but this time he got his revenge. You may ask what England was -doing to leave those seas unpoliced. The answer is that as a matter -of fact Indiamen had to rely on naval convoys when they could be got, -and Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Troubridge, who had been one of Nelson’s -captains at the Battle of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span> Nile, was actually escorting, in H.M.S. -<em>Blenheim</em>, eleven more Indiamen. The two courses were converging and -presently we shall see them meet.</p> - -<p>Needless to say, it was with great grief that Captain Grant, all his -officers and midshipmen (excepting the chief officer and surgeon) were -put on board the <em>Marengo</em>, whilst the frigate went in pursuit of the -<em>Sarah</em>. The latter, however, ran herself ashore with all sail set, -but the crew were saved. Admiral Linois received Captain Grant with -every courtesy, and the <em>Brunswick</em> was ordered to a rendezvous nearer -the Cape of Good Hope. Before the month was out, when a fog which had -settled down lifted for a while, the <em>Marengo</em> suddenly found herself -close to a large convoy of Indiamen. The former instantly cleared for -action and firing began. It was Troubridge with his convoy! But nothing -much came of this, and the contending forces separated during the -night. To cut the story short, Addison and his shipmates were landed -in South Africa, whence they were taken to St Helena by an American -brig. From there they reached England in a British frigate, landing -at Spithead, and so making their way to London. As for the poor old -<em>Brunswick</em>, she drove ashore on the South African coast, and so ended -her days.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_218fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_218fp.jpg" width="600" height="455" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “THAMES,” EAST INDIAMAN, 1,424 TONS.<br /> - -<br />This was one of the finest vessels employed in the East Indian trade.</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_218fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>If Addison had been unfortunate in the ending of his first voyage, so -in this he was again unlucky. “According to the Company’s law,” he -writes in his journal, “having been captured by an enemy, or the ship -in any way wrecked or destroyed, the captain, officers and crew forfeit -their pay and wages, consequently we have no claim upon the owners of -the late <em>Brunswick</em> for at least twenty months’ hard duty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span> on board of -her.” However, he was now wedded to the sea, and the next time he went -in his first ship, the <em>Marquis Wellesley</em>, as fifth mate, with Charles -Le Blanc as captain, and in her he served during the following years -till he went as second mate in another of the Company’s ships. I make -no apology to the reader for giving so much detail in this connection, -for Addison’s and Eastwick’s accounts tell us just those intimate -details which show the risks of many sorts which had to be encountered -in the old days when the sailing ship was still far from perfect, and -those handsome, fast China tea-clippers had not yet come into being -to startle the world with their record runs. No doubt the captains of -these East Indiamen of which we are speaking were often hated by their -men for their severity: but those were no kid-glove days, and a voyage -was not a thing of certainty as with the modern liner, which maintains -a punctuality almost equal to that of a passenger train. If a captain -retired after a few voyages with a nice little fortune, he certainly -deserved it. For he was a long time before he reached a command, and -there was scarcely a day during the whole of those long voyages when he -was not plunged into some sort of anxiety. Anything might happen; from -having his sails blown out of his ship and carrying away his best spars -to losing the ship herself, her cargo, her men. Every force seemed to -be up against him—gales of wind, uncharted seas, coasts and rivers, -privateers, warships of the enemy: even the warships of his own country -snatched out of his vessel his best men. And then, to add insult to -injury, he came home to find either his managing owners gone bankrupt -or a by-law<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span> which prevented him from receiving his hard-earned pay.</p> - -<p>Yes, taking it by and large, he deserved his good luck when it came -his way; but when it was absent, he did his best and more for the -British capitalist and merchant princes than the latter ever cared to -acknowledge. In the history of Eastern development and civilisation -the shipmaster of these old Indiamen ought to occupy a high place of -respect and admiration. He has left behind a magnificent example for -his successors to follow.</p> - -<p>When a passenger in the olden days joined an East Indiaman as she -lay in the Downs he had to be rowed off by one of the Deal boatmen. -These “sharks” often made a fine thing out of such passengers, for the -latter were completely at the mercy of the former. In calm weather -the boatman was willing to row the passenger aboard for the sum of -five shillings (or more if he could get it). But in the case of dirty -weather and the nasty lop which gets up here with onshore winds the -passenger had to pay as much as three guineas and sometimes even five: -it was all a question of bargaining between himself and the boatman. -Inasmuch as the passenger had to get aboard the big ship at all costs, -and since the only method possible was to employ one of these Deal -boatmen, the competition was solely between the boatmen themselves. -But these fellows were so closely bound together, owing to the ties of -relationship and their co-operation in extensive smuggling, that the -passenger could scarcely help being fleeced.</p> - -<p>Having at last arrived on board, weary of his coach drive from -London, drenched with the sea<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span>-spray scooped up by the Deal galley, -the passenger bound for India in those days set forth with not the -light heart and eagerness with which the modern traveller embarks on -an East-bound liner. If contemporary accounts are to be trusted, the -mere anticipation was a kind of terrible nightmare. The passenger -often enough would retire at once to his cot, and remain there for -days prostrate with sea-sickness. The cuddy would not see him at meals -until the Bay of Biscay had been passed and finer, warmer weather -encountered. Some of the Company’s cadets bound out to enter this -corporation’s Indian army were utter scamps, and the only way to get -them out of their cots was to cut the lanyards which kept the latter -up. Before they had reached the Equator they had begun to find their -sea-legs, and they were compelled to take part in the usual ceremonies -of crossing the line. In the accompanying illustration will be found -one of these young gentlemen undergoing this initiation in one of the -East Indiamen ships.</p> - -<p>These ships, because of their bad lines and clumsy proportions, could -scarcely rely on keeping up an average of more than three or four -knots an hour, and their performances when compared with the voyages -of the celebrated clippers in the mid-nineteenth century show the -essential difference in the capabilities of the old and the new types -respectively. Let the following table show how slow the old-time craft -were. The reference is to an East Indiaman which left the Thames in -1746, and after voyaging to the East arrived off Scotland in 1748:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line">Left England, September 20, 1746.</div> -<div class="i1">Arrived at St Helena, December 25, 1746.</div> -<div class="line">Left St Helena, January 14, 1747.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span></div> -<div class="i1">Arrived at Batavia, April 19, 1747.</div> -<div class="line">Left Batavia, June 9, 1747.</div> -<div class="i1">Arrived in China, July 8, 1747.</div> -<div class="line">Left China, January 12, 1748.</div> -<div class="i1">Arrived at St Helena, April 4, 1748.</div> -<div class="line">Left St Helena, April 25, 1748.</div> -<div class="i1">Arrived off Scotland, July 9, 1748.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>Even one of the Company’s own ships—the <em>Thames</em>—which was not as -fast as the China clippers presently to be started by private firms, -performed the voyage between Canton and England in 115 days a little -time before the East India Company lost their China monopoly. This -vessel left Canton on 18th November 1831, arrived at St Helena on 28th -January 1832, and was in the English Channel on the following 13th -March.</p> - -<p>An anonymous writer who flourished about the middle of the eighteenth -century, on whose authority the details of the length of voyages have -been given above, has left us a detailed account of a voyage to the -East Indies about this time. I need not try the patience of the reader -by following the entire journey, but it will suffice if we, so to -speak, voyage with this traveller from England as far as St Helena. The -account, which is written with great restraint, leaves the reader every -opportunity to imagine the discomforts and trepidations which were the -essential conditions of the long journey to the Orient in those days.</p> - -<p>“On Thursday the 30th of July 1746, I set out from London for -Gravesend, where I was agreeably entertained to see a great number of -people on board the vessel, in which I was appointed to go to the East -Indies, and the vast preparations, and quan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>tities of provisions, on -board, to supply the necessities of so long a voyage.</p> - -<p>“Next day several young people came on board, inlisted to go in the -service of the East India Company, where they were to remain for the -space of five years at least....</p> - -<p>“On the 2d of August we weighed anchor, passed the Nore, saluted the -<em>Royal Sovereign</em> with nine guns, and came to an anchor in the Downs -on the 3d. As the wind was variable, we were obliged to come to an -anchor every now and then. On the 5th, at night, we passed Dungeness -lighthouse, and, on the 8th, anchored in St Helen’s road [Isle of -Wight].</p> - -<p>“On the 10th we received on board our treasure from Portsmouth, and, -among the rest, a fine large stone-horse, designed as a present from -the Company to the Sultan of Benjar, an Indian Prince on the island of -Borneo. After taking in more fresh provisions, we weighed anchor, and -made the best of our way towards Plymouth. On the 29th we came to an -anchor in Cawson [Cawsand] Bay, where, not caring to break upon our -store, we sent our long-boat ashore for fresh water. Here we were to -wait for a convoy. We were supplied at this place with plenty of bread, -fish, etc., in small boats, rowed by a parcel of the stoutest and most -masculine women I ever saw.</p> - -<p>“On the 5th of September we had very thick weather, with hard gales -of wind from S.W. so that we were obliged to lower our fore and main -yards, and give great scope of cable, and even to strike our topmasts.</p> - -<p>“On the 6th in the morning the weather abated;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span> but, in the evening of -that day, it blowed very hard. We heard the <em>Norfolk</em> fire several guns -as signals of distress. She had parted her cable, and had run adrift -before it was discovered: and she was obliged to anchor within the -beacon, on the east side of the Sound, in foul and rocky ground. But, -by the assistance of some of the men of war, she was again brought to -an anchor in Cawson Bay.</p> - -<p>“From the 7th to the 16th we were employed in putting everything in -order aboard, and, on the 17th, the <em>Mermaid</em> man of war was appointed -our convoy, and gave a signal for unmooring the same night.</p> - -<p>“On Sunday the 20th of September we got under sail, the wind at NNE. -When at sea, we cleared our ship fore and aft, and exercised our great -guns and small arms....</p> - -<p>“On the 27th we parted with our convoy, and made the best of our way -for the island of St Helena, for which we had several stores on board.”</p> - -<p>And so they proceeded on their journey to the south. On 9th October, -when in lat. 37° 32´ N., and long. 22° 16´, “we were now beginning to -feel the hot climate, so that the allowance of water, with the greatest -economy, was little enough to quench thirst. We put an awning on the -quarter-deck, to keep off the scorching heat of the sun.”</p> - -<p>As to the kind of shipmates this traveller had, the following statement -is sufficiently illustrative:—</p> - -<p>“We could hardly put a stop to the frequent thefts that were committed -by the soldiers, though every day one or two of them were tied to the -shrouds, and severely whipt. It is indeed the less to be wondered at, -as these wretches, who go as soldiers in the company’s service, are -for the most part the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span> scum of the three kingdoms, and generally go to -India to screen themselves from justice at home. By their laziness and -inactivity, they were over-run with vermine, and began to complain of -swellings in their legs, soreness in their bones, and other symptoms -of the scurvy. To prevent their infecting the ship’s company, they -were brought up on deck, put into a large vessel of hot water, brushed -with scrubbing brushes, and all their clothes and bedding thrown -over-board....</p> - -<p>“On the 2d of December, we had a large swelling sea, with easterly -winds. At five in the morning we were surprised with a large -waterspout, within three ships-length of our starboard-side. It had -no sooner passed our ship, than a sudden puff of wind laid us gunwale -to, which was over before we could lower our sails. We had frequent -dewfalls in the night, which are very dangerous, and often mortal, if -they happen to rest on the naked breast or body of a man, while asleep -on the deck. A great deal of our salted pork was so rotten, that we -threw several casks of it over-board.</p> - -<p>“On the 17th, had cloudy weather, employed our cooper to set up all the -water-casks, which we had knocked down as soon as they were empty, for -the sake of room.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_224fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_224fp.jpg" width="600" height="365" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “WINDHAM,” EAST INDIAMAN, WITH THE FLEET SAILING -FROM ST. HELENA UNDER CONVOY OF HIS MAJESTY’S SHIP “MONMOUTH.”<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_224fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>“The 22d, we kept a good look-out for St Helena, and found ourselves to -be in Lat. 16° 6´, and, on the 23d, we observed several pigeons flying -about the ship, a sure indication that we were near land.” This island -they eventually sighted the following morning, and arriving off the -fort saluted the Governor with nine guns, everyone in the ship being -heartily relieved to see land once more. It should be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span> recollected -of course that St Helena had long been in the possession of the East -India Company, and its geographical position was of great convenience -to the ships bound to or from the Orient, giving opportunities for -obtaining fresh supplies and drinking water. The illustration which is -here reproduced shows the appearance of St Helena at the time of which -we are speaking, together with a contemporary East Indiaman lying at -anchor.</p> - -<p>Such, then, is the kind of life which had to be endured on board -these vessels, depicted as we have shown by men of entirely different -interests and tastes—the captain, the midshipman and the passenger. -But if these voyages were unpleasant and even risky, it is to them and -the determination of those on board that the wealth of the East India -Company was due, and the fortunes of so many private individuals as -well. Ocean travel in those days was not pleasure, but a long-drawn-out -martyrdom, except for a very few and in exceptional weather. To-day, -even the worst-appointed liner would seem luxurious to the voyager -of the eighteenth century, although more comfortable deep-sea ships -were not to be found than those which flew the naval pennant of the -Honourable East India Company.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">CONDITIONS OF SERVICE</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">We</span> have seen something of the lives of the officers and men in the -Company’s ships at sea: we desire now to learn more of their conditions -of employment—what was their uniform, what were their rates of pay, -privileges, pensions according to their different ranks, the kind of -accommodation for the passengers, the nature of their cargoes, and so -on. In other words, we are to endeavour to fill in those details of the -picture already roughly sketched.</p> - -<p>Dating back from the time of the first East India Company, the -commanders were always sworn into the service. So likewise were the -first four officers. Before being allowed to proceed to his duty on -board, an officer had to sign a contract for performing the voyage, -and a petition for his “private trade” outwards. As the latter was so -very lucrative to him, it may be well to give details. Particulars had -to be sent in this petition to the Committee of Shipping of the East -India Company, giving the dead-weight of the articles they proposed to -take out to the East. These consisted of almost anything, from wines to -carriages. This “private” trade allowed to the commanders and officers -of the East India ships, allowing them to participate in the Company’s -exclusive monopoly, did not permit woollen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span> goods and warlike stores, -but otherwise the ship’s officers could reap a fine income by taking -out English goods and bringing back Eastern products which would be -sure of a market at home.</p> - -<p>There was a proper schedule, and the following were the -officers and petty officers enabled to avail themselves of this -privilege:—Commander, chief mate, second mate, third mate, purser, -surgeon, surgeon’s mate, fourth mate, fifth mate, sixth mate, -boatswain, gunner, carpenter, four midshipmen, one midshipman (who -was also the commander’s coxswain), six quartermasters, commander’s -steward, ship’s steward, commander’s cook, carpenter’s first mate, -caulker, cooper, armourer and sailmaker. Reckoned for a ship let for -755 tons and upwards, the commander was allowed as much as 56 tons, or -20 feet of space, for all articles (excepting liquors) which weighed -more than they measured were reckoned according to their weight. The -chief mate was allowed eight tons, the second mate six tons, and so on -down the list, even a midshipman being allowed a ton, the purser three -tons, the surgeon six, and each quartermaster as much as a midshipman. -In the case of the China ships only, if it was not practicable to -invest in goods to the following amounts respectively, the Company -allowed them to carry out bullion to make up the amount:—Commander, -£3000, chief mate, £300, and so on down to carpenter, £50.</p> - -<p>Homeward-bound East Indiamen were similarly allowed privileges to their -officers. Ships lading from India might not bring back tea, china-ware, -raw silk, or nankeen cloth: and ships lading from China might not bring -back China raw silk, musk, camphor,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span> arrack, arsenic or other poisonous -drugs. But otherwise the commanders of China ships were allowed -homeward 38 tons, the chief mate 8 tons, the second mate 6 tons, -and so on down to the carpenter 1 ton. But the other homeward ships -allowed the commander 30 tons or thirty-two feet, the chief mate 6 -tons or sixteen feet, and so on down to the carpenter, who was allowed -thirty-two feet. These importers, of course, had to pay the customs and -also three per cent. to the Company for warehouse room on the gross -amount at the sale of the goods in the case of Indian products, and a -bigger percentage in the case of goods from China. But the wily old -commanders were not always content with these privileges. The reader -is doubtless familiar with the word dunnage. This consists of faggots, -boughs, canes or other similar articles, which are laid on the bottom -of a ship’s hold and used for stowing the cargo effectively. Now -when it was found that there was a good demand in London for Eastern -bamboos, ratans, and canes a commander would see that his dunnage -consisted of a very ample amount of these realisable articles, and far -beyond what was necessary for the protection of the cargo. The result -was that the Company had to step in and make very strict regulations -to stop this abuse, so that if the dunnage did not seem absolutely -necessary and <em>bona fide</em> it was charged against the amount of tonnage -allowed to the commander and officers.</p> - -<p>Tea was allowed to be brought home from China and Bencoolen according -to a schedule, the captain being allowed as much as 9336 lb., down -to the carpenter, 246 lb., but a big percentage was charged on its -sale value. Piece-goods were allowed to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span> brought home on paying -the customs and £3 per cent. for warehouse room. These articles were -disposed of at the Company’s sales, which took place in March and -September. Although the importation of china-ware was reserved to the -Company, yet “as the Company do not at present import any China-ware on -their own account” they allowed their officers to do so, “during the -Court’s pleasure,” provided it was brought as a flooring to the teas -and did not exceed thirteen inches in height. This made, therefore, -another source of revenue to the officers, for as much as 40 tons of -this ware could be permitted in the 1400-ton ships and 30 tons in a -1200-tonner. The commander could also bring home two pipes of Madeira -wine in addition to the above allowances.</p> - -<p>When outward bound the chief, second, third, fourth and fifth mates, -the surgeon and his mate, the pursers, boatswains, gunners and -carpenters were allowed as indulgence a liberal amount of stores, -consisting of wine, butter, cheese, groceries, pickles, beer and -also spirits for the respective messes. In the case of “extra” ships -the commanders and officers were usually allowed 5 per cent. of the -chartered tonnage, but the chief mate was always allowed three tons, -the second mate two, the third mate one ton, and the surgeon two. The -fourth officers and pursers in these ships were not acknowledged in -this respect. As regards indulgence in stores, the chief mate, second -mate and surgeon were allowed the same amounts as in the regular ships -just mentioned, but the third mate was allowed not quite so much.</p> - -<p>On the whole, it will be seen that every officer and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span> petty officer -of an East Indiaman, whether trading to India or China, had the -opportunity of putting by very handsome perquisites, and so you can -now easily believe Eastwick’s statement that a purser friend of his -had retired and bought a ship for himself. But, of course, in addition -to all these “privileges,” everyone received his salary or wages. The -following is a list of the monthly pay to the commander, officers, -petty officers, “tradesmen” (<em>i.e.</em> coopers and the like), and the -able-bodied seamen, called foremast men. It will be found that this -makes up a complement of 102 men, such as were employed in one of the -big regular East Indiamen. The pay in the case of “extra” ships will be -given after this list:—</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Monthly Pay on Board a Regular East Indiaman</span></p> - -<div class="center"> -<table class="my90" border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="1" summary="pay on board"> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Commander</td> -<td class="tdr">£10</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Chief Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Second Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">4</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Third Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">3</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Fourth Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Fifth Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Sixth Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Surgeon</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Purser</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Boatswain</td> -<td class="tdr">3</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Gunner</td> -<td class="tdr">3</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Master-at-Arms</td> -<td class="tdr">3</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Carpenter</td> -<td class="tdr">4</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Midshipman and Coxswain</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">4 Midshipmen, each</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Surgeon’s Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">3</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Caulker</td> -<td class="tdr">3</td> -<td class="tdr">15</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Cooper</td> -<td class="tdr">3</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Captain’s Cook</td> -<td class="tdr">3</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Ship’s Cook</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Carpenter’s 1st Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">3</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Carpenter’s 2nd Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Caulker’s Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">15</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Cooper’s Mate</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">6 Quartermasters, each</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Sailmaker</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Armourer</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Butcher</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Baker</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Poulterer</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">2 Commander’s Servants, each</td> -<td class="tdr">1</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">1 Chief Mate’s Servant</td> -<td class="tdr">1</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">1 Second Mate’s Servant</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -<td class="tdr">18</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">1 Surgeon’s Servant</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -<td class="tdr">15</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">1 Boatswain’s Servant</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -<td class="tdr">15</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">1 Gunner’s Servant</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -<td class="tdr">15</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Captain’s Steward</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">0 -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Ship’s Steward</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">2 Boatswain’s Mates, each</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">2 Gunner’s Mates, each</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">1 Carpenter’s Servant</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -<td class="tdr">15</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">50 Foremast Men, each</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdr">5</td> -</tr></table></div> - -<p>In the case of an “extra” ship the commander received £10 a month, -the chief mate £5, the second mate £4, the third mate £3, 10s., the -surgeon £5, the boatswain £3, 10s., the gunner £3, 10s., the carpenter -£4, 10s., the two midshipmen were paid £2, 5s. each, the cooper and -steward got £3, the captain’s cook £3, 5s., the ship’s cook £2, 10s., -the boatswain’s mate and the gunner’s mate were each paid £2, 10s., -the carpenter’s mate and caulker £3, 15s., the two quartermasters -received each £2, 10s., the two commander’s servants £1, 5s. each, -and the thirty foremast men £2, 5s. each. As to the last-mentioned, -a vessel of from 400 to 500 tons carried twenty foremast hands. A -ship of 500 to 550 had thirty hands, and the next size, from 550 to -600 tons, carried thirty-five. A 600 to 650 tonner had forty men, and -a 650 to 700 tonner forty-five men. But a 700 to 800 ton ship had -fifty-five men, and an 800 to 900 tonner sixty-five of these hands. -The Company’s rule was that regular vessels of 750 to 800 tons were to -carry a total complement of 101 officers and men. A 900-ton ship was to -carry 110 men, a 1000-ton ship 120 men, a 1100-ton ship 125 men, and a -1200-tonner 130 men.</p> - -<p>Five supernumeraries were allowed to be carried, of whom two were to be -allowed to walk the quarterdeck. No commander was allowed to increase -the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span> number of midshipmen under pain of being suspended for three -years. This was to prevent him from taking a raw young officer out of -consideration for a monetary reward. In order to act as a safeguard, -if any person borne on the ship’s books as part of her complement were -discharged in India, China or St Helena without permission of the -Company, or if the commander were to act in collusion and allow him -to quit his vessel, the commander was liable to a fine of £300. Nor -could he bring home or carry out any passenger or person without the -directors’ leave.</p> - -<p>Owing to the fact that the men out of these East Indiamen were so -frequently pressed into the British men-of-war whilst in the East, it -was often enough necessary to ship a lot of lascars in order to get -the vessel home at all. But these feeble-bodied men were accustomed -only to voyages of short duration, and that in the fine weather season. -They could not bear the cold, neither were they dependable when the -East Indiaman had to defend herself against a privateer, pirate or -enemy’s warship. Ignorant of the English language, they were not easy -to handle. It was always reckoned that eighty or ninety of them were -not quite the equal of fifty British seamen, and for every hundred of -them employed four British seamen must be also. It was the India-built -ships which were manned almost exclusively by these lascars, and a new -problem arose, for these fellows used to remain behind in England, -where their condition became piteous. There was an obligation that -these lascars were always to be sent back to India, but in practice -many of them “are turned off in London, where they beg and perish.” -So wrote<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span> Macpherson in 1812. “The appearance of these miserable -creatures,” he remarked, “in the streets of London frequently excites -the indignation of passengers against the Company, who, they suppose, -bring them to this country and leave them destitute,” whereas, in -reality, these Easterns actually preferred to sink into degradation -in our land rather than return to their own. Many of them never -reached England, or, if they did, died on the return voyage: for the -bad weather off the Cape of Good Hope and the rigours of the English -climate caused considerable sickness and death.</p> - -<p>English gentlemen who had been for some years under the Company in -India, either in a civil or military capacity, were often wont to -bring black servants home with them, and after these servants had been -some time in England they were discharged. The result was that, under -the terms of their obligation, the Company were put to great expense -in sending them back to their native country. It was with a view to -protecting themselves from this possibility that the Company used to -cause the master of such a servant to take a bond in India as security -for the cost of returning these coloured people, these bonds being -sent to the commander of the ship in which the master and his servant -was travelling to England. Otherwise, the commander was ordered by the -Company to refuse to have the black man on board.</p> - -<p>Before an officer could become commander of one of the Company’s ships -it was necessary that he should be twenty-five years old and have -performed a voyage to and from India or China in the Company’s regular -service as chief or second mate, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span> else have commanded a ship in the -extra service. A chief mate had to be twenty-three years old, have -voyaged to India or China in the Company’s service as second or third -mate. A second mate had to be twenty-two years old and have made a -similar voyage as third mate. To become a third mate he had to be aged -twenty-one and been two voyages in the Company’s service to and from -India or China. A fourth mate had to be twenty years old and been one -voyage of not less than twenty months to India or China and back in the -Company’s service, and one year in actual service in any other employ, -and of the latter he had to produce satisfactory certificates.</p> - -<p>In the case of the extra ships the commander had to be twenty-three -years old at least, have made three voyages to India or China and -back in the Company’s service, one of which must have been as chief -or second mate in a regular ship, or as chief mate in an extra ship. -The chief mate must be at least twenty-two, and have made two of these -voyages as officer in the Company’s regular service. The second mate -had to be at least twenty-one and have performed two voyages as officer -in the Company’s service to India or China and back. The third mate -must be twenty years and been one voyage in the Company’s service, or -two voyages as midshipman in the extra service.</p> - -<p>It would not be untrue to say that officers of the early part -of the nineteenth century in this service were excellent seamen -and fair navigators, but many of them would not be sufficiently -expert in navigation nowadays to have entrusted to them the work -and responsibilities commensurate with those with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span> which they were -charged. It was in the year 1804 that the Company issued the following -regulation:—</p> - -<p>“That such of the officers as have not been already instructed in -the method of finding the longitude of a ship at sea, by lunar -observations, do immediately perfect themselves under Mr Lawrence -Gwynne, at Christ’s Hospital, previous to their attending the Committee -to be examined for their respective stations; and that they do produce -to the Committee a certificate from that gentleman of their being -qualified in the method.”</p> - -<p>And within six weeks after each ship had arrived home, the commander -and officers had to attend a Committee of the Company which dealt with -the reasons for any deviation which the ship might have made during the -voyage.</p> - -<p>As touching the accommodation in these ships, the officers had -canvas berths only, laced down to battens on the deck, with upright -stanchions, a cross-piece, and a small door, with canvas panels, the -canvas being capable of being rolled up. On the gun-deck the chief -mate’s berth was on the starboard side from the fore part of the -aftermost port, to the fore part of the second port from aft, the space -being eight feet broad. The second mate was located on the opposite -side to correspond, but his space was six inches narrower. Between the -second and third ports two similar berths, each six feet long and seven -feet broad, were fitted up for the third and fourth mates: and two more -for the purser and surgeon between the third and fourth ports. Two -others, slightly smaller still, were located between the ports on this -deck for the boatswain and carpenter. And no alteration from this was -allowed to be made during the voyage.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span> The captain’s “great cabin” was -in the steerage, and he was forbidden to partition it off in any way -without special orders from the Company. When a ship went into action, -those canvas berths or cabins of the officers just alluded to were -taken down. The reader will recollect the capture some pages back of -the <em>Brunswick</em> by the <em>Marengo</em>. Addison in his journal mentions that -when he and his fellow-officers were taken on board the latter they -were marched below to the ward-room. He then adds that, “being cleared -for action, the cabins were all down, and the whole deck clear fore and -aft, open to the seamen.”</p> - -<p>The full uniform for the commander of one of the Company’s ships was -as follows:—Fine blue coat, black Genoa velvet round the cuffs, four -holes by two’s, three outside, one inside. Black velvet lapels, with -ten holes by two’s. Black velvet panteen cape, with one hole on each -side, straight flaps, with four holes by two’s. The fore parts were -lined with buff silk serge, black slit and turns faced with the same. -One button on each hip, and one at the bottom. The buttonholes were -gold embroidered throughout and gilt buttons with the Company’s crest. -The chief mate wore a blue coat with black velvet lapels, cuffs and -collar, with one small button to each cuff. The buttons gilt, with the -Company’s crest. The second, third and fourth mates’ uniforms were -similar to that of the chief mate, except that the second had two small -buttons on each cuff, the third had three, and the fourth had four.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_236fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_236fp.jpg" width="600" height="393" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “JESSIE” AND “ELIZA JANE” IN TABLE BAY, CAPE OF GOOD -HOPE, 1829.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_236fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>In the extra ships the commander wore a blue coat with black velvet -lapels, cuffs and collar, with only one embroidered buttonhole on each -cuff, and on each side of the collar. His buttons were gilt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span> with -the Company’s crest. The chief mate’s uniform in these extra ships -consisted of a blue coat, single-breasted, with a black velvet collar -and cuffs, and one small buttonhole on each cuff, with gilt buttons as -before. The second and third mates’ were like this with the difference -of two or three small buttons on each cuff as mentioned. And it was -strictly ordered that officers were always to appear in this uniform -whenever they attended on the Court of Directors, their Committees, any -of the Presidents and Councils in India, or at St Helena, or the Select -Committee of Supra-Cargoes in China.</p> - -<p>Some of the officers when they came up to be sworn in before the Court -of Directors did not always appear in the prescribed uniform, and the -Company sent out a warning against coming into their presence in boots, -black breeches and stockings, except in the case of deep mourning. When -appearing before the Court of Directors the officers were compelled to -wear full uniform, but when attending the Committee they were to wear -undress.</p> - -<p>Whenever the ship dropped down from Deptford or Blackwall to Gravesend -the captain was to be on board. There were two sets of pilots. One took -the ship from Deptford or Blackwall to Gravesend, and another took her -from Gravesend to the Isle of Wight. Whilst the ship lay at Gravesend -the commander was ordered to go aboard her once a week in order to -report her condition to the Committee. Before sailing, the ship took on -board a sufficient amount of lime-juice to last the crew through the -whole voyage. And the commander had strict instructions to see that his -new hands—“recruits” the Company called them—wore the clothes which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span> -the Company provided, and that the men did not sell them for liquor; -also that these men did not desert. For this reason no boats were -allowed to remain alongside the ship without having been made fast by -a chain and lock—thus preventing any possibility of the men escaping -to the shore. No boat was allowed to put off from the ship until every -person in her had been examined, lest one of the crew might be in her. -And a quarter watch was to be kept night and day to prevent the loss -of recruits. If any did desert, then the commander would most probably -have to pay the cost which this involved.</p> - -<p>During the course of every watch the ship was to be pumped out, and -entries made in the log. And as regards divine worship, the slackness -of the previous period mentioned in an earlier chapter was no longer -tolerated. “You are strictly required to keep up the worship of -Almighty God on board your ship every Sunday, when circumstances will -admit, and that the log-book contain the reasons for the omission when -it so happens; that you promote good order and sobriety, by being -yourself the example, and enforcing it in others; and that you be -humane and attentive to the welfare of those under your command, the -Court have resolved to mulct you in the sum of two guineas for every -omission of mentioning the performance of divine service, or assigning -satisfactory reasons for the non-performance thereof every Sunday, in -the Company’s log-book.”</p> - -<p>From the Company’s India House in Leadenhall Street the commander -was supplied with charts. These had to be returned at the end of the -voyage, together with the commander’s journals and track charts. What -were known as free mariners must have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span> performed two voyages to India -or China and back in the Company’s ships, or else have used the sea -and been in actual service for at least three years. The reader is -aware that many a time the Company’s ships were endangered by the naval -authorities impressing so many men from them. At last, after many -protests, the Admiralty instituted a new regulation, so that, although -it was still not possible to abolish this impressment, yet the evil so -far as the East Indiamen were concerned was mitigated and controlled. -A letter was sent to the Rear-Admiral of the Red on the East Indies -station instructing him to order his captains and commanders to conform -to this new regulation. A proper scheme was drawn up, showing what -officers and men in East Indiamen ships of varying tonnages were to be -exempt from impress, though this protection applied only until the ship -should reach Europe. However, even if the whole exemption could not be -obtained, a portion thereof was better than nothing at all, especially -as the Company attributed so many of the losses of their ships to -having been deprived of their best men.</p> - -<p>In addition to their wages, the men became entitled to a pension from -what was known as the Poplar Fund. Any commander, officer or seaman, or -anyone else who had served aboard any of these East Indiamen for eight -years and regularly contributed to this fund was entitled to a pension. -But if a man had been wounded or maimed so as to be rendered incapable -of further service at sea, he could still be admitted to a pension even -under eight years. The size of the pension was based on the amount of -capital which the officer possessed.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span> Thus, if a commander stated that -he was not worth £2500, or £125 a year, he received a pension of £100. -Similarly, if a chief mate had not been able to amass £1300, or had £65 -coming in every year, he was granted a pension of £60. And so the scale -descended down to the rank of midshipman, who was granted a £12 pension -if he was not worth £400, or £20 a year. Allowances were also made for -the widows and orphans of those who had served the Company for seven -years.</p> - -<p>Before a candidate could be appointed as ship’s surgeon, those who -had already made one voyage in the Company’s service, or acted twelve -months in that capacity in his Majesty’s service in a hot climate were -given priority. After a qualified surgeon had served in one of the -extra ships for one voyage to India and back he was eligible for the -regular service. Both surgeon and a surgeon’s mate had to produce a -certificate from the examiners of the Royal College of Surgeons and -also from the Company’s own physician. The surgeons were allowed, -in addition to their salary and their privilege of private trade, -fifteen shillings per man on the voyage for medicine and attendance -on the military and invalids. But they were no longer required, as -part of their duties, to cut the hair of the Company’s servants! The -assistant-surgeon had to be at least twenty years old, and possess a -diploma from the College of Surgeons of London, Edinburgh or Dublin, -and a certificate from the Company’s own physician.</p> - -<p>The gunner and his mate were examined as to their efficiency by the -Company’s master-attendant, who after approval gave them a certificate. -Volun<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span>teers for the Company’s Indian Navy, otherwise known as the -Bombay Marine, had to be between the ages of fourteen and eighteen; for -their cavalry and infantry, between sixteen and twenty-two.</p> - -<p>To many passengers this voyage to the East was one of terror. Eastwick -tells a yarn about an assistant-surgeon in one of these ships. For five -days on the way out a great storm had been raging. This had evidently -so impressed this surgeon that the night after the storm abated he -dreamt that there was a great hole in the ship’s side. Jumping out of -his cot with alacrity, he knocked over the water-jug, and feeling the -cold water about his toes he ran headlong up on deck, clamouring that -the ship was sinking. For some time he was believed. The carpenter and -some of the officers hurried to his cabin, and meanwhile the passengers -had become alarmed and left their cabins, congregating by the boats. -The story, however, does not give the remarks of the carpenter and -officers when they found the assistant-surgeon had been romancing.</p> - -<p>The passengers in these ships were made as comfortable as possible, -though they had to pay fairly heavily for the same. We have seen that -they were entertained with dances whenever possible. They brought with -them on board their servants, their furniture and their wines. But -the conduct of some of these passengers became so highly improper at -times that the Company found it necessary to frame regulations for -the preservation of good order on board, and these had to be enforced -strictly by the commander. In the words of the Court of Directors, -they bewailed the fact that “the good order and wholesome practices, -formerly observed in the Com<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span>pany’s ships, have been laid aside, and -late hours and the consequent mischiefs introduced, by which the ship -has been endangered and the decorum and propriety, which should be -maintained, destroyed.”</p> - -<p>One of the great terrors on board these vessels was the possibility of -fire at sea. We shall have the account presently of the loss of the -<em>Kent</em> East Indiaman in the Bay of Biscay, through that species of -disaster, in the year 1825, and there were other instances. It was in -order to guard against this possibility that no fire was allowed to -be kept in after eight at night except for the use of the sick, and -then only in a stove. Candles had to be extinguished between decks by -nine o’clock, and in the cabins by ten at the latest. This was before -the days when ships were compelled by Act of Parliament to carry -sidelights. In fact, just as in mediæval days not even the boatswain -was allowed to use his whistle, nor a bell to be sounded, nor any -unnecessary noise made after dark, lest the ship’s presence should be -betrayed to any pirate in the vicinity, so in the case of these East -Indiamen, not only were there no sidelights, but the commander was -enjoined that the utmost precautions be used to prevent any lights -‘tween decks or from the cabins being visible “to any vessel passing in -the night.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_242fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_242fp.jpg" width="600" height="393" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “ALFRED,” EAST INDIAMAN, 1,400 TONS.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_242fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>The passengers used to dine not later than 2 <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span> And such was -the authority of the captain that when he retired from the table after -either dinner or supper, the passengers and officers must also retire. -The captain was to pay due attention to the comfortable accommodation -and liberal treatment of the passengers, “at the same time setting -them an example of sobriety and decorum, as he values the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span> pleasure -of the Court.” Any improper conduct of the ship’s officers towards the -passengers or to each other was to be reported quietly to the captain, -and the decision left with the latter. But if anyone thought himself -aggrieved thereby, he could appeal to the Governor and Council of the -first of the Company’s settlements at which the ship should arrive, or, -if homeward bound, to the Court of Directors.</p> - -<p>And the following brief, common-sense paragraph summed up the whole -situation:—</p> - -<p>“The diversity of characters and dispositions which must meet on -ship-board makes some restraint upon all necessary; and any one -offending against good manners, or known usages and customs, will, on -representation to the Court, be severely noticed.”</p> - -<p>We can well believe that those military officers or civil servants of -the Company who came on board homeward bound, after spending years -in India without benefit to their livers and tempers, if to their -pecuniary advantage, and were as ill-accustomed to the conditions of -ship life as they were bereft of an adaptable spirit, needed all the -tact and patience of the commander and ship’s officers to prevent -matters being even more uncomfortable than they were. Those who had -spent their lives wielding authority in India, and both honestly and -otherwise making fortunes, were not the kind of mortals most easy to -live with in the confined area of a ship not much over 1200 tons. -However, every passenger who came on board was given a printed copy of -the regulations, which had been formed for the good of all, and they -were told very pertinently to observe them strictly, and the captains -had to see that they did as they were told.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span></p> - -<p>Certainly up to the second decade of the nineteenth century, the -ships themselves also were in great need of supervision, as to their -construction, though there were not many capable critics then in -existence. All the Company’s ships were of course built of wood, but -iron was already being extensively used for the knees. The idea was -excellent, but in practice inferior material was actually employed and -not the best British iron. And the same defect was noticeable with -regard to anchors and mooring chains. Of those various losses which -occurred to the East Indiaman ships about the year 1809, it was thought -by some that the cause was traceable to these weak iron knees which had -been put into the vessels. A certain Mr J. Braithwaite wrote a letter -to the East India Company in December of 1809, in which he stated that -he had been employed to recover the property of the <em>Abergavenny</em>, -which had been lost off Weymouth; and he found, on breaking up the -wreck, that many of the iron knees were broken, owing to having been -made of such poor, inferior material. This, he noticed, snapped quite -easily, and he was convinced that ships fitted with such knees would, -on encountering gales of wind, be lost owing to the knees giving way. -The East Indiaman <em>Asia</em> was thought to have perished owing to that -reason.</p> - -<p>But there was also another reason why the ships of this period were -unsatisfactory. They were built not under cover but outside, exposed -to all the weather. But, in addition, there was a bad practice at -that time which unquestionably caused a great deal of serious injury -to the ship. When the ship was approaching completion, and before the -sheath<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span>ing had been put on, the sides and floor were deluged with -water, the intention being to see if there were any shake in the -plank, or butt or trenail holes, or if any of the seams had been left -uncaulked. If the water poured through anywhere this would indicate -that there was need for caulking before the ship was set afloat.</p> - -<p>This was all very well in theory, but in practice it was very bad -indeed, for the water thus admitted settled down into the innermost -recesses, and the result was that the cargoes were always more or -less affected injuriously by the damp. Similarly, it injured the ship -herself, and dry-rot eventually shortened the vessel’s life. Damp, -badly ventilated, these old East Indiamen were frequently the source -of much anxiety to their managing owners or “ships’ husbands,” as they -were usually called. Then there was another defect. The influence of -the Middle Ages was not yet departed from shipbuilding: consequently -trenails were still used. This meant that the ship was riddled with -holes for the insertion of these wooden pegs. Speaking of an East -Indiaman of this time, a contemporary says that thus “she appears like -a cullender,” and “there is hardly a space of six inches in small ships -that is not bored through” by a trenail of one and a half inches in -diameter, being only six inches apart from the next trenail. Thus, of -course, the timbers were weakened, and at a later date when the ship -needed to be re-bored with holes for more trenails on the renewal of -decayed planking, there were so many holes in the timbers that the ship -was very considerably weakened thereby.</p> - -<p>The method of the French in building ships had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span> formerly been to -use iron fastenings, but the plank grew nail sick, and the iron -having corroded became very weak. Indian-built ships, however, were -constructed in such a way that there were no numerous series of holes -bored, and thus the hulls remained strong and stout. The planking was -secured to the timbers by spikes and bolts of iron, yet—owing to the -oleaginous sap of the teak from which they were built—the iron did -not corrode as it did in the case of oak-built ships. So about the -year 1810 the introduction of metal nails and bolts was advocated in -connection with the building of ships.</p> - -<p>After the Company had lost their China monopoly the class of ship that -was built by the Greens, for instance, was composed of oak, greenheart -and teak, and excellently constructed. Mr F. T. Bullen has written of -such a ship, the <em>Lion</em>, which was launched in 1842 from the famous -Blackwall yard. He tells us that this was the finest of all the great -fleet that had been brought into being at that yard up to this date: -how, decked with flags from stem to stern, with the sun glinting -brightly on the rampant crimson lion that towered proudly on high from -her stem, she glided down the way amid the thunder of cannon and the -cheers of the spectators. She was afterwards given ten 18-pounders, -with many muskets and boarding-pikes stowed away in a small armoury in -the waist. This famous vessel, so characteristic of the best type of -East Indiaman which succeeded the Company’s ships, was, in spite of -her great size—as she was then regarded—far handier than any of those -“billy-boys” which used to be such a feature of the Thames. “There was -as much intriguing,” says Mr Bullen, “to secure a berth in the <em>Lion</em> -for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span> the outward or homeward passage as there was in those days for -positions in the golden land she traded to. Men whose work in India -was done spoke of her in their peaceful retirement on leafy English -country-sides, and recalled with cronies ‘our first passage out in the -grand old <em>Lion</em>.’ A new type of ship, a new method of propulsion, was -springing up all round her. But whenever any of the most modern fliers -forgathered with her upon the ocean highway, their crews felt their -spirits rise in passionate admiration for the stately and beautiful old -craft whose graceful curves and perfect ease seemed to be of the sea -<em>sui generis</em>, moulded and caressed by the noble element into something -of its own mobility and tenacious power.”</p> - -<p>Like many other of the later-day East Indiamen, she was eventually -taken off the route to India and ran to Australia with emigrants. With -her quarter-galleries, her far-reaching head, her great, many-windowed -stern, she would seem a curious kind of ship among twentieth-century -craft. But she held her own even with the new steel clippers, and made -the round voyage from Melbourne to London and back in five months and -twenty days, including the time taken up in handling the two cargoes, -finally being sold into the hands of the Norwegians, like many another -fine British ship both before and since her time. The last act of her -eventful life came when she crashed into a mountainous iceberg and -smashed herself to pieces. It was a sad end to a ship that had begun so -gloriously.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">WAYS AND MEANS</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">There</span> was a fixed rate of passage-money, and it was thought necessary -to forbid the captains to charge passengers any sum above that -specified for their rank. These were the respective rates, including -the passage and accommodation at the captain’s table.</p> - -<p>General officers in the Company’s service were charged for the passage -from England £250, colonels or Gentlemen of Council £200, while -lieutenant-colonels, majors, senior merchants, junior merchants and -factors had to pay £150. Captains were charged £125. Writers in the -Company’s service paid £110, subalterns the same, assistant-surgeons -and cadets £95. If any of the two last mentioned proceeded to India -in the third mate’s mess, the latter was not to demand more than £55 -for the passenger’s accommodation. The money was paid direct to the -paymaster of seamen’s wages at his pay office in London, who handed -these respective sums over to the commander or third mate. In the case -of military officers who were in his Majesty’s service and not in the -East India Company’s army, the charges were slightly different. Thus -general officers were charged £235, colonels £185, lieutenant-colonels -and majors £135, captains and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span> surgeons £110, subalterns and -assistant-surgeons £95, for the voyage out.</p> - -<p>For the homeward voyage the commanders of these East Indiamen were -allowed to charge 2500 rupees from Bombay for lieutenant-colonels -or majors, 2000 rupees for captains, and 1500 rupees for subalterns -when returning to Europe, either on sick certificate or military -duty, whether in his Majesty’s or the Company’s service. Regular East -Indiamen were bound, if asked, to receive on board at least two of -the above officers, and in this case the larboard third part of the -captain’s great cabin, with the passage to the quarter-gallery, was to -be apportioned off for their accommodation. In the case of an extra -ship one such officer was bound to be carried if the commander were -requested, and he was to be accommodated with a cabin on the starboard -side, abaft the chief mate’s cabin, and abreast of the spirit-room. His -cabin was to be not less than seven feet long and six feet wide. If the -whole of one of his Majesty’s regiments were returning to England, the -entire accommodation in the ship might be allotted as the Government -in India deemed advisable, the sums for the officers being paid to the -commander as just mentioned. Factors and writers homeward bound from -Bombay were charged 2000 and 1500 rupees respectively.</p> - -<p>Under no circumstance was a commander allowed to receive any gratuity -above these sums, and to give effect to this he had to enter into a -bond for £1000 before being sworn in. Similarly the third mate was -equally forbidden to exact more than the sums mentioned under his -category.</p> - -<p>Some idea of the victuals which were carried on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span> board a 1200-ton -East Indiaman may be gathered from the following. Recollect that, of -course, there was no such thing as preserved foods or refrigerating -machinery in those days, but during these long voyages the passengers -and crew were not pampered with the luxuries of a modern liner. -The accommodation was lighted with candles and oil-lamps, the food -was plain, the cooking very English. Beside the amounts which an -Atlantic liner takes on board for her short voyage these figures -seem insignificant: and there were none of those manifold articles -for serving up the food in an appetising manner. For the strong, the -healthy and vigorous, this plain, substantial living was all right: but -for invalids, for delicate women, and for children naturally terrified -of the sea and unable to settle down to life on board, the voyage was -certainly not one long, delightful experience.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_250fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_250fp.jpg" width="600" height="394" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">THE EAST INDIAMAN CRUISER “PANTHER,” KNOWN AS A -“SNOW,” LYING IN SUEZ HARBOUR ON AUGUST 15th, 1794.</span><br /> - -<br />(From a sketch in the Journal of William Henry, a Midshipman serving in -her at the time)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_250fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>For the use of the commander’s table 11 tons of ale, beer, wine or -other liquors were carried in casks or bottles, allowing 252 gallons -or 36 dozen quart bottles to the ton. There were also 40 tons of -beef, pork, bacon, suet and tongues, 28 tons of beer (additional to -the above), 350 cwt. of bread, 30 firkins of butter, 500 gallons of -spirit for the commander’s table, 1040 gallons of spirit for the ship’s -company, 20 cauldrons of coals, 50 dozen candles, 50 cwt. of cheese, -£65 worth of “chirugery and drugs,” 6 cases of confectionery, 134 -cwt. of flour, 21 cwt. of fish, 80 cwt. of groceries, 130 gallons of -lime-juice, 50 bushels of oatmeal, 300 gallons of sweet and lamp oil, -500 bushels of oats, 15 tons of potatoes, 5 barrels of herrings and -salmon, 2 chests of “slops” for the seamen to obtain new clothes, 11 -hogsheads<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span> of vinegar, 6 chests of oranges and lemons and 70 tons of -drinking water. In addition, 63 barrels of gunpowder, 6 tons of iron -shot, 6 tons of iron for the store, 5 cwt. of lead shot, 20 barrels of -pitch, 6 cwt. of rosin, 7 tons of spare cordage, 2½ tons of sheet -lead, 30 cwt. of tobacco, 20 barrels of tar, 3 barrels of turpentine -and quantities of wood were also carried for the boatswain’s, gunner’s -and carpenter’s stores.</p> - -<p>As to the passengers’ baggage, Gentlemen in Council were allowed -to bring three tons or twenty feet of baggage, two chests of wine -being included as part of this baggage if returning to India. Their -ladies were allowed to take one ton of baggage if proceeding with -their husbands: but if proceeding to their husbands two tons. General -officers were allowed the same as Gentlemen in Council, colonels were -allowed three tons, but only one chest of wine, and so on down the -scale. When a first-class passenger to-day goes aboard a liner he finds -that his state-room contains everything that is required in the way of -furniture: but had he lived in the days of the East Indiamen he would -have to have taken on board a table, a sofa (or two chairs), and a -wash-hand stand. This much he would have to acquire, and this much he -was allowed. But in addition to bedding, sofa, table and two chairs, -members of the Select Committee could take three tons of baggage, -supra-cargoes two and a half tons and writers proceeding to China one -and a half tons.</p> - -<p>If there was no duty payable on the baggage it could be shipped at -Gravesend: but if otherwise it went aboard at Portsmouth. No other -articles than wearing apparel and such things as were really<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span> intended -for the use of the respective passengers on the voyage, including -“musical instruments for ladies” and books, were allowed to be taken as -baggage.</p> - -<p>The East India Dock Company, which we have seen was a subsidiary -company of the East India Company, was governed by twelve directors, -and the three dock-masters lived at the docks. Before the vessels -were allowed to enter the dock they had to be dismantled to their -lower masts, take out their guns, ammunition, anchors and stores while -they lay at moorings. Before being permitted to enter, a report had -to be made by the captain to the dock-master of the amount of water -the ship was leaking every twelve hours for the previous three days. -Whatever stores remained in her after coming into the basin had to be -discharged before she was allowed to go into the inner dock. But all -ships from the East Indies or China unloaded their cargoes within the -docks, except in the case of the biggest ships, which had to unload -some of their goods in Long Reach, so as to lessen the draught of -water. Outward-bound East Indiamen used to load either in the dock -or in the river below Limehouse Creek. Gunpowder was always unloaded -before entering dock, and the Company’s servants would superintend the -unloading of the cargoes when finally moored alongside the wharf. The -goods were then taken away by the Company’s “caravans,” the tea being -conveyed to the Company’s warehouses without being weighed at the docks.</p> - -<p>Tea, of course, was not the only, though the principal cargo which -these ships were bringing home. To give a complete list of the -commodities would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span> take up too much space, but we may be allowed to -mention the following as being among those commonly found in the hold -of a homeward-bound East Indiaman:—Aloes, drugs, buffalo hides, bark, -coffee, camphor, cotton, cowries, silk, cochineal, coral, elephants’ -teeth, ebony, green ginger, gum arabic, hemp, Japan copper, china-ware, -shells, myrrh, nutmegs, nux vomica, opium, pepper, rice, redwood, -spikenard, shellac, sugar, saltpetre, sago, sandalwood, as well as both -black and green tea.</p> - -<p>The Company had their warehouses in Fenchurch Street, Haydon Square, -Cooper’s Row, Jewry Street, Crutched Friars, New Street, Leadenhall -Street, and elsewhere in London. As to the private trade allowed to -the commanders and officers by the Company, we have already shown -what spaces were granted in these ships, but it may not be out of -place to mention that the goods under this category used to include -such articles as the following, which were much in demand in the -East:—Carriages, ale and beer, earthenware, hosiery, anchors, books, -charts, bar iron, looking-glasses, ironmongery, Manchester goods, -cutlery, millinery, hats, clocks, chronometers and watches, boots and -shoes, jewellery, saddlery, lead, port wine, stationery, window glass, -wines, and so on.</p> - -<p>Smuggling still went on even well into the nineteenth century from -these homeward-bound ships, and commanders, officers and men were -just as bad as each other. The Company and the Board of Customs did -their best to stop it by regulations and threats, but there was a -certain amount of satisfaction in cheating the State, and good prices -were always offered and received for these goods from the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span> East. The -officers were always reminded when being sworn in that if they took any -part in this illicit trade they would be dismissed the service, but -it was most difficult to put an end to the offence, the chief goods -illegally thus imported being tea, muslins, china-ware and diamonds: -and the professional smuggler was always glad to give what help he -could in running his small craft alongside the East Indiaman as she -came up the English Channel and anchored in the Downs. It was for this -reason that the Company took every care that their ships did not loiter -off the British coasts when returning. But very often it happened that, -after the officers of these ships had been detected smuggling by the -Board of Customs officials, the Company never learned anything of the -matter, for although suits were brought against the offending parties -the latter used to compound and the matter ended, though not without -loss to the Company itself.</p> - -<p>The biggest East Indiaman in existence about the year 1813 was the -<em>Royal Charlotte</em> of 1518 registered tons. She measured 194 feet long, -43 feet 6 inches wide, and had been built as far back as the year 1785. -About the same size were the <em>Arniston</em> (1498 tons), <em>Hope</em> (1498 -tons), <em>Cirencester</em> (1504 tons), <em>Coutts</em> (1504 tons), <em>Glatton</em> (1507 -tons), <em>Cuffnells</em> (1497 tons), <em>Neptune</em> (1478 tons), <em>Thames</em> (1487 -tons) and <em>Walmer Castle</em> (1518 tons). There were about 116 ships in -the Company’s service at the time we are speaking, and these had been -built either on the bottoms of other ships, or by open competition -(in pursuance of the late eighteenth-century Act which had made this -compulsory), or they were those much smaller “extra” ships. Some -again had been built<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span> as a speculation, and had been taken up by the -Company, whilst at least one—the <em>Thomas Grenville</em>—had been built at -Bombay for the Company in the year 1809. And there were in process of -construction in this year four vessels in India, and one in England for -the season 1813-1814. The India-built ships were being constructed in -Bombay, Bengal and Calcutta, and all these ships were of 1200 tons. The -following, which is an example of a tender made under the new system -of free and open competition, and accepted by the Company, indicates -the prices per ton which were paid for engaging these East Indiamen in -September 1796:—</p> - -<div class="center"> -<table class="my90" border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="1" summary="example tender"> -<tr> -<td class="tdr" colspan="3">“To China, and the several parts of India.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">“<em>Ganges</em>, 1200 tons, William Moffat, Esq., for six voyages</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb">£17</td> -<td class="tdr vertb">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Surplus tonnage, peace and war.</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb">£8</td> -<td class="tdr vertb">15</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">For difference of outfit, difference of Insurance -beyond eight guineas per cent., -maintaining seamen, returning lascars, -and every other contingency and expence</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb">£18</td> -<td class="tdr vertb">10.”</td> -</tr></table></div> - -<p>The Company had its own hydrographer, who inspected the journals of -the commanders and officers on the arrival home of the ships. Happily -some of these are still in existence, and from them we are able to -gather a good many details of the work which went on in the ships. -Let us take, for example, the journal of Griffin Hawkins, who was a -midshipman in the <em>Triton</em> during the years 1792-1794. This was one of -the more moderate-sized East Indiamen of 800 tons. We have not space -to go through the whole of this journal, which occupied<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span> a good many -large and closely written pages, but it is merely to illustrate the -Company’s standing orders which we have already chronicled, and to show -the preparations which were made in getting these East Indiamen ready -for sea, that the following brief extracts are made. You must think -of her as lying off Deptford, and in order that you may be able to -picture her the more easily, the accompanying sketch of her at anchor -by young Hawkins himself is here reproduced. The time of which we are -now to speak is the autumn of 1792, when the ship was in hand for the -1792-1793 season.</p> - -<p>“Tuesday Oct. 30th ... at 11 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> came on board Mr Upham, -Inspector, with Mr Bale, Surveyor, overhauld the limbers &c. Left Mr -Bale on board. Employed taking in empty butts, and stowing them, also -the ship’s coals. Chief and fourth officers on board....</p> - -<p>“Wednesday 31st.... Received on board the best and smallest bower -cables, and sundry stores, filled 43 butts with water. Do. officers.</p> - -<p>“Thursday Nov. 1st.... Employed taking in tin and iron, on account of -Honble. Company, also the ship’s shott and sundry old stores, filling -water etc. Do. officers.</p> - -<p>“Friday 2nd.... Clapt a mooring service on the small bower cable, set -up the rigging for and aft, filling water etc. Do. and 6th officers on -board.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_256fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_256fp.jpg" width="600" height="428" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">AN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY EAST INDIAMAN.<br /> - -<br />This rough sketch of the East Indiaman “Triton’s” stern is from her -Quarter Bill, as will be noticed, the date being 1792.</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_256fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>“Saturday 3rd.... Employed taking in shot on account of the Honble. -Compy. and 45 tons of kentledge for the ship, and also some small -stores, filling water etc. Clapt a mooring service on the best bower. -2nd, 4th and 6th officers on board.”</p> - -<p>On the following Monday the ship took in a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span> quantity of copper as -well as sundry stores. On the Tuesday she shipped three new cables, -her pitch, tar and chandlery stores. On the Wednesday she saw to her -anchors and bent on her cables. On the Thursday her pilot came aboard -and took her down the river as far as Gravesend. And finally—to skip -over the ensuing weeks—after leaving the Thames and the Isle of Wight, -she had to put in to Torbay, quitting the latter not till 13th January -1793. The setting forth of ships was thus a very leisurely, slow -business as compared with the dispatch that attends the modern liner.</p> - -<p>The tea which came in these ships was disposed of at the quarterly -sales, the duty being paid thirty days later. Some idea of the length -of time these vessels were away from home may be gathered from one -or two voyages at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Thus, -the 1200-ton <em>Glatton</em> left the Downs for China on 29th March 1802, -proceeded to China, disposed of her cargo, took on board a fresh -one, and was back at her moorings in the Thames by 24th April of the -following year. Another ship, the <em>Marquis of Ely</em> (whose managing -owner was Mr Robert Wigram, a name that became famous during the -clipper period), also of 1200 tons, left Portsmouth on 20th March 1804, -proceeded to Ceylon and China, transacted her business, and was back -at her moorings in the Thames on 12th September of the following year. -Some of the smaller vessels made good voyages too, when we consider -that these ships were not well designed nor built with the kind of hull -that makes for speed. Their first object was to carry safely a large -amount of cargo, rather than to get a small cargo home in the quickest -time. Thus,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span> the 600-ton ship <em>Devaynes</em> left Portsmouth on 17th -September 1808 for Bombay, loaded and unloaded and was back at moorings -on 6th July 1810. The <em>General Stuart</em>, of the same tonnage, left -Portsmouth on the same day and was back in the Thames on 16th April -1810. These passages may be conveniently compared with the hustling -days of sixty or seventy years later, when the famous China clipper -<em>Ariel</em> made her record passage out to China. Leaving Gravesend on 14th -October 1866, she arrived in Hong Kong the following 6th of January and -was back again in the Thames on 23rd September.</p> - -<p>The East India Company had their agents in different ports, both -at home and abroad, and it is worth mentioning in passing that the -Company’s agent at Halifax a few years later on in the century—that is -to say, about the year 1830—was that Samuel Cunard who was afterwards -to found the great line of Atlantic steamships which still bear his -name.</p> - -<p>It was in the year 1814 that a most momentous development occurred. -Ever since the time of Elizabeth the East India Company had possessed -this wonderful monopoly of trading to the East. In spite of the -march of time, in spite of all the improvements in commerce and the -development of the world, in spite of the spread of industrialism -and the growing demands of democracy, in spite of all the vast sums -of money which had been on the aggregate extracted from the East, in -spite, finally, of the many abuses of which the East India Company -or its servants had been guilty, this exclusive privilege of trade -had been withheld for over two centuries from the other persons or -corporations of the kingdom.</p> - -<p>But now all this was banished. For a long time<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span> merchant enterprise had -realised that Eastern trade would be extended, and that considerably, -if it were thrown open and competition were allowed to have its way. -So in the year mentioned the monopoly was done away with as regards -India. The British public were henceforth allowed to trade with that -country unconditionally, except that it must be done in vessels of not -less than 350 tons. But China was reserved as the exclusive trading -preserve of the East India Company, and the Company still retained the -control of the supply of tea, which had become now a common article of -consumption, and therefore the importing of this commodity was of great -value to this ancient corporation.</p> - -<p>It was not without a great effort that the Indian monopoly was done -away with. This was a time when the interests of private individuals -in high power were considered even more than they would be to-day. -The character of social life has changed a great deal since then, -so that it is not immediately easy to appreciate the revolutionary -nature of this change from a close preserve, strictly guarded for -many a generation, to become an open area common to all and sundry of -the British nation. The merchants of Manchester, Bristol and Glasgow -had been agitating for years: now at last the desired object had been -attained. All sorts of arguments were spoken and printed concerning -the reasons on behalf of the monopoly. Some of these were utterly -ridiculous, and obviously not sufficiently disinterested to appear -sincere. The argument of the monopolists was largely of the kind which -says practically: “You may not like it, but allow us to tell you that -it is really all for your good that we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span> want the monopoly ourselves.” -Merchants outside the Company were too wide-awake to see it in that -light. And when this monopoly was removed in 1814, what was the result?</p> - -<p>The result was this. As soon as the barrier was thrown down, private -shipowners entered, and a number of excellent ships were built for -the voyages to India and back. Commerce received a great impetus, and -eventually (as had been foreseen) the private traders gained ascendancy -over the East India Company, and the trade with India became trebled. -The effect of this new element of competition was to cause a reduction -in the average rate of freights per ton. The East India Company had -been paying £40 a ton for their ships, while better ships could be -built and equipped for £25 a ton. By the year 1830 the cost of freights -from India to England had dropped to £10 a ton. There can be no doubt -that the Company had been managing their affairs with too little regard -to economy. Their ships were fitted up with too much expense for the -passengers. They were paying £40 a ton as against £25 paid by other -traders. The East India Company’s ships carried much larger crews than -other ships. The former used to have one man to every ten or twelve -tons, though the ships engaged in the West Indian trade carried one -man to every twenty-five tons. And whilst we are making comparisons -let us show how much beamier these East Indiamen were. Four beams to -the length was their rule, as compared with five or six beams to the -length in the case of the famous Clyde and American clippers which were -to come after. To-day in the twentieth century the biggest Atlantic -liners have between nine<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span> and ten beams to their length. It should be -mentioned at the same time that these East Indiamen had necessarily -to carry large numbers of men because they must needs be well armed -to fight their enemies on an equal footing. But the long years of -warfare were now giving way to peace, and instead there was to come a -century of industrial progress, invention and commercial development. -Privateers, hostile ships, pirates—these were to be withdrawn, and -simultaneously the need for arming merchantmen disappeared. It is only -quite recently, with the Anglo-German tension, that our merchant ships -have begun to be armed again on any extensive scale.</p> - -<p>The abolition of the monopoly gave a new impetus to British -shipbuilding, and the firm of Scotts, of Greenock, turned out some -fine vessels for the East, such as the <em>Christian</em>, launched in 1818, -the <em>Bellfield</em> of 478 register tons—the latter being built in 1820. -Both these ships were for the London-Calcutta trade. The Company were -of course still trading to India and China, and among the ships which -they owned or hired about the last-mentioned date may be mentioned -the following. Their biggest ship, then, was the <em>Lowther Castle</em>, of -1507 tons. She was built in the year 1811, carried 26 guns and 130 -men. Another fine ship was the <em>Earl of Balcarres</em>, built at Bombay in -1815. She had the same number of men and guns as the <em>Lowther Castle</em>, -though of 1417 tons register. Such a vessel was ship-rigged with three -masts, triangular headsails and stuns’ls. Still unable to get away from -the mediæval influence, the jibboom was “steeved” very high. With her -rows of square ports, her figurehead, her enormous anchors, which were -stowed over the side by the fore<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span> rigging, she was very similar to a -British man-of-war of that period. Boat-davits had now come into use, -and a boat was thus hung on each quarter.</p> - -<p>Contemporary manuscript records of the late eighteenth-century -Company’s ships show them wearing a long pennant at one mast and a -square flag at another. Each of the East Indiamen ships in a convoy -would have its own distinguishing pennant. Sometimes this was flown at -the main with a square flag at the fore, at other times you find a ship -with the square flag at the mizen and the pennant at the fore. And a -most elaborate code of signals both for day and night was provided for -use between the flagship and the respective units.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_262fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_262fp.jpg" width="600" height="363" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE EAST INDIAMAN “EARL BALCARRES.”<br /> - -<br />This fine ship was built at Bombay in 1815, and was sold out of the -Honourable East India Company’s service in 1834. Her tonnage was 1,417, -she carried 130 men, and was armed with twenty-six 18-pounder guns.</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_262fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>Promotion in the Company’s own ships was by seniority, though in the -case of the ships which the Company hired from private owners for a -certain number of voyages, promotion depended rather on ability and -influence. The East India Company were wont to appoint commanders to -their ships before the latter were completed, in order that they might -be fitted out under the captain’s personal supervision. Midshipmen -had to be between thirteen and eighteen years of age. Pursers were -appointed by the commander, subject to the approval of the Committee of -Shipping. We have shown that if the pay in these ships was not great, -yet the privileges were so lucrative that a commander could afford to -retire after four or five voyages with a fortune that would render him -independent for the rest of his life. What with being allowed to engage -extensively in the Eastern trade, plus the amount of free space allowed -them for this purpose on board, and the receipt of passage-money -from the various<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span> officials who voyaged between England and India, -a commander was remarkably unlucky if he had not made about £20,000 -in his five voyages in that rank. In some cases his revenue amounted -to about £6000 a voyage and even more. This is the figure for what he -obtained by honest means. To this must be added in many cases that -which he obtained by illicit trade, better known as smuggling. Lindsay -mentions the instance of one commander within his own knowledge who in -one voyage from London to India, thence to China and so back to London, -realised no less than £30,000, this captain having a large interest in -the freight of cotton and other produce conveyed from India to China. -And, having examined the records of the custom-house, I can assure the -reader that whatever a captain made legally he also made additional -sums by stealth, to the loss of the nation’s customs.</p> - -<p>These ships would go out of their voyage to call at foreign, English, -Irish and Scottish ports, or to meet with smuggling craft at sea in -order to unload some of their goods stealthily, and that was why the -Company were so particular in inquiring into the deviations made -during the passage. It speaks very little for the honour of some of -these captains that, in spite of such handsome remuneration from one -source and another, they were always ready to go out of their way to -earn a little more by dishonest methods that would bring themselves, -their ship and the Company into disgrace. But it is never fair to -judge men except when taking into consideration the moral standard of -the time: and the less said about the eighteenth and early nineteenth -century in this respect perhaps the better. Might was right, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span> -honesty in commerce was a rare virtue. Of course, the mere existence -of this trade monopoly was in itself an unhealthy influence, breeding -jealousy, corruption, greed and avarice. And this seems to have -permeated the Company’s service generally, not merely afloat, but -ashore. But a better type of man of good family and high character -entered the Company’s service in the nineteenth century. This, and the -rigorous determination of the Company and of the Board of Customs, made -smuggling practically non-existent in these East Indiamen.</p> - -<p>Let us pass now to a more pleasant subject and see how these ships were -worked at sea.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">LIFE ON BOARD</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">At</span> 6.30 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> in these East Indiamen the crew began to wash -down decks, and an hour later the hammocks were piped up and stowed in -the nettings round the waist by the quartermasters. At eight o’clock -was breakfast, and then began the duties of the day.<a name="FNanchor_E_5" id="FNanchor_E_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_E_5" class="fnanchor">E</a> The midshipmen -slept in hammocks also, but the chief mate and the commander were the -only officers in the ship to have a cabin of their own.</p> - -<p>In no other ships outside the navy, excepting perhaps some privateers, -was discipline so strict. The seamen were divided into two watches, the -officers into three. The crew had four hours on duty and four hours -off. There was always plenty of work to be done. After saying good-bye -to the English coast cables had to be put away and anchors stowed for -bad weather. Sails were being set, men were sent aloft to take in sail, -and sheets and braces required trimming. The East Indiamen from the -latter part of the eighteenth century had all been steered by wheels, -and the accompanying illustration shows the wheel on board the East -Indiaman <em>Triton</em>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span></p> - -<p>The rigging also had to be set up occasionally, and among the -confidential signals to be used by these ships when proceeding in a -convoy, you will find one which asks permission of the commodore to be -allowed to heave-to and set up rigging. In addition, ballast sometimes -required shifting, sails had to be repaired, leaks stopped, masts -greased, new splices made and so on. This was in normal voyages: but in -the case of bad weather there was much more besides.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_266fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_266fp.jpg" width="600" height="457" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">DECK SCENE OF THE EAST INDIAMAN “TRITON.”<br /> -<br /> -This contemporary sketch shows the wheel and mizzen mast and two gun -carriages of an East Indiaman of 1792, and is used as a decorative -heading to the ship’s list of signals employed when convoying.</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_266fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>On Wednesdays and Saturdays the ‘tween decks were cleaned and -holystoned. The origin of the word “holystoned” has been variously -derived. To “holystone” is to rub the decks with sandstone or -“prayer-books.” When ships, both of the East India Company, his -Majesty’s navy and other craft, used to anchor in St Helen’s Roads -(off Bembridge, Isle of Wight, facing Portsmouth) the place was found -convenient for two reasons. There was a convenient dip-well close to -the shore, which still exists to-day: and this water kept in wooden -butts used to keep so well, and unlike much other water did not turn -putrid when the ships had been at sea some time, that East Indiamen -were actually known to have brought back some of it home quite -fresh after being out to the East and remaining in the ship about a -twelvemonth. But besides the excellent water, the men used to be sent -ashore here to obtain sand for scrubbing the decks. One day it was -discovered that there was nothing so good as a piece of the stone of -the old St Helen’s Church, which had recently been abandoned, the relic -of which survives to-day only as a sea-mark. In those sacrilegious days -there was little respect for hallowed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span> things, such as churches or -graves, and before long every ship that came to these roads would send -men ashore as a matter of course to fetch bits of the church and even -gravestones in small blocks. The suggestion is that thus when the decks -were rubbed with them the work was known as “holystoning,” and the -blocks themselves called “Bibles” or “Prayer-books.”<a name="FNanchor_F_6" id="FNanchor_F_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_F_6" class="fnanchor">F</a></p> - -<p>The men in these East Indiamen were divided into messes, of eight men, -their allotted space being between the guns, where the mess-traps were -arranged. The ‘tween decks had to be kept scrupulously clean, and -were inspected by the commander and surgeon. No work was allowed to -be performed on Sunday except what was necessary, though manuscript -journals rather show that this regulation was not much respected. -The crew were mustered in their best clothes, and then everyone that -could be spared was present at prayers. Dinner was served at noon, -and the passengers were given three courses and dessert, but without -fish. There was plenty of wine and beer, and there was also grog at 11 -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> and 9 <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span> Champagne was drunk twice a week. -There was a cow carried, and later on the calf, which was always -brought on board with its mother, became veal when the ship had crossed -the line and was nearer India. In addition there were also ducks and -fowls, sheep and pigs, so that the ship’s boats and decks were often -mildly suggestive of a farmyard. The crew had grog served out to them -at dinner-time and on Saturday nights, when the time-honoured custom of -“sweethearts and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span> wives” had not begun to die out. As we have seen from -Addison’s journals the ceremonies of crossing the line were kept up, -and Eastwick has instanced dances: and in addition theatricals were -also given on board to relieve the monotony of the long voyage.</p> - -<p>The men often employed their dog-watches to “make and mend,” or going -through their sea-chests, games or amusements. On Saturday nights there -would be songs and dancing. When they reached their Eastern port, the -men would unload the ship themselves without the assistance of natives. -And a ship in those days was far more independent of the shore than -even a sailing ship is to-day. There were no better riggers in the -world, and steel rope had not taken the place of hemp. We have seen -from Addison that in China the crews of the Company’s ships rowed guard -on Sundays among the ships in the harbour. The number of guns which -these ships carried has been mentioned at various dates throughout -these pages, and the men were drilled with about as much persistency -as in the Royal Navy of that time. The mediæval boarding-pike was -still in use, and they were drilled also in musket, cutlass and other -small-arms. Also quite naval fashion was the custom of holding courts -martial on board, the members being composed of the captain and -the four senior officers, the latter having always been sworn when -the captain took his oath prior to the ship’s sailing from London. -Discipline was strict even to harshness and cruelty, and punishments -were sometimes inflicted for the merest trivialities. At the same time -these crews were not as mild as a porcelain shepherdess, and they were -a tough, virile, desperate class as a whole. The reader will recollect<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span> -Addison’s entry in his journal that such and such a seaman was punished -“with a dozen” for insolence or neglect. This punishment was inflicted -over the bare back and shoulders by the brawny boatswain’s mate armed -with a cat-o’-nine-tails, the victim being triced up by the thumbs. And -when it was all over a bucket of salt water washed the blood away. Yes, -these men were reckless, they were a coarse lot of dare-devils, they -were ever ready to break all the laws and regulations which concerned -them. They would desert or cheat his Majesty’s customs, knock a man -down, drink far more than was good for them, yet for all that they were -true seamen to their finger-tips, who could be relied upon to go aloft -in all weathers, and the very fellows on whom you could rely when it -was a question of nerve and pluck. In battle, stripped to the waist, -they would fight with the utmost courage: and when punishment was -whacked out to them they bore it like true sons of Britain.</p> - -<p>They were kept fairly busy on board, yet as there were so many hands -no one could justly complain of being overworked as in the case of the -modern man-of-war. They had always plenty of food and grog, and they -knew that if they were killed in the Company’s service their wives and -dependents would be looked after.</p> - -<p>As for the ships themselves, they were of course all built of wood. -From roughly 1775 to well on into the nineteenth century they were -not only rigged, fitted out, manned and handled like the contemporary -frigates of the Royal Navy, but they were, in the first place, built -after their model, with one exception. The East Indiamen were a -fuller-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span>bodied type, but the naval frigates, inasmuch as they were -built for speed and not for cargo, could afford to have finer lines. A -great deal of valuable room had to be wasted in the excessive amount -of pig-iron ballast which these ships had to carry. To call them fast -would not be truthful, but then there was no competition before the -year 1814, and so there was little need to hurry, and they certainly -were not driven. At the approach of night they snugged down, for there -was no premium awaiting them, however fast they made the voyage. If, -however, they endangered the ship or damaged the cargo they would not -only incur the East India Company’s displeasure, but detract from their -own privileges.</p> - -<p>Therefore before darkness overtook them these ships would always take -in their royals and fine-weather sails, and the royal yards would be -sent down on deck. If bad weather threatened them t’gallantsails and -mainsail would also be stowed, and a precautionary reef tucked in the -topsails. Thus these vessels never made record-breaking runs, and were -never given the opportunity of showing their fullest speed. Caution -was the dominating factor, and not speed. In other words, the policy -was the exact opposite of the clipper ships which were to follow: but -then the clippers were built for speed, and not for fighting. There was -in essentials very little difference between the hulls of the time of -James I. and of the early nineteenth century, if we omit the somewhat -elaborate external decoration which was peculiar to the Stuart times, -and give the ships their later triangular headsails, staysails and a -spanker instead of the old lateen mizen. The cumbrous hull was really -but little modified. Built<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span> of English oak, elm, and Indian teak, -copper-fastened throughout, the later ships of the Company were strong -and well-found, with good spars, stout rigging and canvas. Sometimes -they were built by the very men and on the very yard that had witnessed -the building of the King’s ships.</p> - -<p>One of the finest ships ever built for the Company was the famous -East Indiaman <em>Thames</em>. Happily that great marine artist of the early -nineteenth century, E. W. Cooke, sketched her in all her beauty, and -the accompanying illustration shows how she appeared in the year 1829. -This was a vessel of 1424 tons, with her general, massive appearance, -the strength of her gear, the gun-ports, the decorative stern with -its windows—the East Indiaman with all her striking characteristics -of picturesque power. A boat hangs in davits on either quarter, the -topsails are still single and very deep, with plenty of reef-points, -but the hull is certainly unnecessarily cumbrous and clumsy—impressive -rather than beautiful, strong rather than fine. But in any case she -would have been a pretty tough proposition for a contemporary hostile -ship to tackle, especially with such crews as she carried. Compared -with her contemporary, the West Indiaman <em>Thetis</em> (which is here shown -in the act of getting under way off the Needles), the <em>Thames</em> is a -more powerful fighting ship. But the West Indiamen were essentially -more suited for trade, and their capacity for cargo was very great. -They were mercantile craft pure and simple.</p> - -<p>One of the greatest disasters which ever befell any of these East -Indiamen was the loss of the <em>Kent</em>. This was a fine new ship which had -left the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span> Downs on the 19th of February 1825. She was of 1350 tons, -so very similar to the <em>Thames</em>. She was bound out to China, calling -first at Bengal, and in her were travelling officers, troops, women and -children of the 31st Regiment, as well as twenty private passengers and -a crew of 148 officers and men.</p> - -<p>Favoured with a fine north-east wind the <em>Kent</em> made, for her class of -vessel, a quick passage down the English Channel, and on the 23rd was -out in the Atlantic pitching to the swell. Interrupted occasionally -with bad weather the stately ship pursued her way across the Bay of -Biscay for another five days, when a heavy gale from the south-west -sprang up, and the following morning the weather got worse: the fair -wind which had brought them down Channel now headed them and tormented. -The bigger sails were taken in, and others were close reefed. -Topgallant-yards had to be struck, and so violent was the gale that -by the morning of the 1st of March the vessel had to be hove-to under -a triple-reefed main-topsail only. In other words, there was only the -merest patch of canvas allowed on her.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_272fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_272fp.jpg" width="600" height="498" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE WEST INDIAMAN “THETIS” (CAPTAIN BURTON).<br /> - -<br />This shows an Early Nineteenth Century first-class ship employed in the -West Indian trade.</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_272fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>She was rolling very badly, and life-lines were run along the deck -for the whole watch of soldiers to hang on by. For the women and -children below, matters were alarming and unpleasant in those cooped-up -quarters. So heavily did the <em>Kent</em> roll that at every lurch her main -chains were well below the water. Things were bad enough on deck, but -below the furniture and other articles had broken away from their -cleats and were being violently dashed about both in the cabins and -the cuddy. In order to see whether everything was all right below in -the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span> hold, one of the ship’s officers went down with a couple of -seamen, in case anything might have broken adrift and be endangering -the hull. He took with him a patent safety lantern, but as the lamp -was burning dimly he handed it up to the orlop deck to be trimmed. He -then discovered that one of the spirit casks had got adrift, and sent -the two men to get some wood to wedge it up. Soon afterwards the ship -gave a heavy lurch, so that the officer most unfortunately dropped the -lantern. In his eagerness to recover it he let go his hold of the cask, -and there was a smash. Instantly the spirits reached the lamp and the -whole of the afterhold was in a blaze.</p> - -<p>Here was a terrible position: a raging storm outside and a raging fire -within. Clouds of smoke came up the hatchway and were blown violently -to leeward as the wind fanned the flames. The captain of the ship -gave his orders, and both the seamen and the troops worked their very -hardest with buckets, pumps, wet sails, hammocks—anything in fact that -could be employed to put the fire out. But far from decreasing the -conflagration was spreading, and smoke came up in volumes from all four -hatchways. The captain now ordered the lower decks to be scuttled, the -combings of the hatches to be cut, and the ports to be opened, so that -all the sea possible might have a free entry. Meanwhile some of the -sick soldiers, a woman and several children, unable to gain the upper -deck, had perished.</p> - -<p>As some of the passengers went below they met one of the mates -staggering up the hatchway, exhausted and almost senseless. He reported -that he had just stumbled over some dead bodies, who must have -perished in the suffocating smoke. With diffi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>culty the lower ports -could be opened owing to the atmosphere, but when the passengers at -last succeeded the sea came pouring in, carrying chests and bulkheads -before it. Happily the tons of water which made their way into the -hold checked the fury of the flames and decreased the possibility of -explosion, which had been the greatest fear. But now the ship was -fairly water-logged, and death from explosion was apparently to give -way to death by drowning. Efforts were therefore made to close the -ports again, and batten down the hatches and stifle the fire. The -occasion was terrifying in the extreme, for it was merely a question as -to how long the grave position could be tolerated. Six or seven hundred -human beings in the agony of suspense—often more trying than physical -pain itself—were on the upper deck. Some had been suffering the pangs -of seasickness for days, many had rushed up from below with no time -to slip on warm clothes, others were seeking out husbands, wives or -children. Some were standing resigned to their fate, while others, as -is always the case on such occasions, were indulging in despair and -frenzy. Some were saying their prayers, while some of the toughest of -the soldiers and seamen took up their positions immediately over the -magazine in the hope that when the explosion came at any moment they -might be blown into eternity without delay. Every man, woman and child -was, to use a fitting expression, “bump up against the inevitable,” and -everyone acted according to his or her character in this time of crisis.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile the seas were making game of the ship, and suddenly the -<em>Kent’s</em> binnacle broke away and was dashed to pieces on the deck. This -was taken as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span> a particularly bad omen by some, and the end was being -awaited as certain. But just then the fourth mate decided to send a man -up to the foretop in case—and it was not even a slender hope—that a -distant ship might be descried. With dramatic suddenness the man, after -scanning the horizon, began waving his hat and shouting.</p> - -<p>“A sail on the lee bow!” he exclaimed, and the announcement was -received with three cheers. Flags of distress were at once hoisted, -minute guns began to be fired, and setting the three topsails and -foresail the <em>Kent</em> ran down to the direction of the stranger. This was -found to be the brig <em>Cambria</em>, of 200 tons burthen, on her way from -Falmouth to Vera Cruz with a number of Cornish miners on board. After -the <em>Kent’s</em> signals had been hoisted there followed a further period -of suspense. Had the brig seen the signals? Had the sound of the guns -reached her in the violence of the gale? But presently the stranger was -seen to hoist British colours and to crowd on all sail, in spite of the -gale. Her captain was evidently determined to assist if he could.</p> - -<p>There are those who say that the age of miracles has ended, but the -good fortune of falling in with the <em>Cambria</em> was really far more -extraordinary than may seem to the modern reader. To-day the continuous -stream of traffic across the Bay of Biscay—liners, men-of-war, tramp -steamers and a few sailing ships—is something very considerably -greater than at the time of which we are speaking. To-day, if such an -occurrence took place in a ship bound for India, there would always -be shipping in the vicinity and wireless would summon assistance -before very long. But at this time there were no lines of steam<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span>ships -ploughing their regular furrow across the Bay. There were few -ocean-going vessels of any sort, and you might cross the ocean time -after time without sighting another craft. It was therefore one of -those rare instances that the <em>Cambria</em> should have chanced to be -anywhere in the neighbourhood.</p> - -<p>As the ships were lessening the intervening distance, the <em>Kent’s</em> -boats were being got ready. The ship’s commander consulted with the -colonel and major of the regiment, and provision was made to prevent -that dreaded incident in such a case as this, which has sometimes -marred the whole picture of self-sacrifice and resignation. Some of the -soldiers and seamen in the <em>Kent</em> seemed to give evidence of being the -ones to rush the boats at the first opportunity. To thwart this, some -of the military officers stood over them with drawn swords, and this -had a wholesome effect.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_276fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_276fp.jpg" width="600" height="390" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “KENT,” EAST INDIAMAN, ON FIRE IN THE BAY OF BISCAY.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_276fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>The starboard boat was filled with women and children so far as its -capacity allowed, these people getting into her through the cuddy-port -on that side. The boat was then lowered away into a sea that was so -awful that it seemed impossible for the little craft to live many -minutes. Even as it touched the water the usual difficulty occurred—and -it must have been much worse in those days when there were no patent -davits or disengaging gear. The tackle was unhooked only with -difficulty, and the boat narrowly escaped being dashed to fragments -against the great, heavy hull of the <em>Kent</em>. Over the sea the people -in the <em>Kent</em> watched the load of human lives, now on the summit of -a wave crest, now disappearing in the trough. But at length, after -this further suspense, strong British arms pulled her alongside the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span><em>Cambria</em>, and the first human being to be lifted into the <em>Cambria</em> -was an infant of only a few weeks old.</p> - -<p>The passage had taken twenty minutes between the sinking and rescuing -ships, and after this load had been received on board, the other boat -came off. One of the passengers in the <em>Cambria</em> who watched the -incident afterwards stated that the seas were so big that when the two -ships happened to be in a trough of sea at the same time, the <em>Kent</em>, -great as she was, could not be seen for the intervening mountain wave. -The <em>Cambria</em> had wisely taken up her position some distance from the -<em>Kent</em>, fearing that if there were an explosion she might be badly -injured. But evidently the <em>Kent’s</em> boats on their return journey -had to row to windward, and this was not easy. Owing to the seas now -running these boats could not come alongside the <em>Kent</em> again: so the -women and children had to be tied together in twos and then lowered -from the stern, the boat doing its best to be immediately underneath at -the right time. Everyone who has had experience of the sea knows how -difficult this must have been, and it happened that many of these poor -women were unwillingly ducked several times in the sea before being -received half-drowned and half-dead with terror into the boats. Still, -not one of this sex was lost thereby, though some of the children -perished with exhaustion and shock.</p> - -<p>Some of the soldiers behaved with great gallantry, and worked hard to -save the women and children, to their own danger. The <em>Kent</em> had six -boats, but three had been swamped or stove in during the trips between -the two vessels. All this time the flames were spreading worse than -ever, and as the daylight was drawing to a close it became a race -against time,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span> for there were still many passengers on board, although -many had been taken off to the <em>Cambria</em>. The <em>Kent’s</em> captain had a -rope made fast to the outer end of the spanker-boom, and after walking -out to the end of this spar the men had to slip down by the rope into -the remaining boats below. Many landsmen, however, dreaded this means -of escape so much that they preferred to throw themselves out of the -stern windows. Rafts were constructed out of spars, hen-coops and other -materials, and acted as a means of reaching the boats. But now night -had fallen over the wreck. Some of the baser passengers who remained -still on board had drunk themselves speechless: others were prowling -about for spoil, whilst the ship’s poultry and pigs were turning the -ship into a mad farmyard.</p> - -<p>As the darkness came down the work of rescue was the more difficult. -The <em>Kent</em> was now sunk ten feet below her marks, and squalls of wind -and rain together with the big seas made her hours of existence fewer. -The guns had burst their tackle owing to the action of the flames, and -as they fell into the hold exploded. There were still a few people left -in the ship, including the captain, but the latter, having in vain -tried to persuade the others to leave, left them too terror-stricken -and dumbfounded to move. Crawling out along the spanker-boom and -steadying himself by the topping lift, he dived into the sea and was -picked up by one of the boats. As the last boat left the side of the -<em>Kent</em>, flames burst through the cabin windows. Some of those who had -feared to leave the ship had also a miraculous escape. Driven by the -flames, they sheltered as best they could on the chains (where the -rigging joins the ship’s hull) and stood there till the masts went by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span> -the board. They then clung to one of these masts until a ship named -the <em>Caroline</em>, bound from Egypt to Liverpool, saw the explosion when -three miles away and made all sail in its direction, and so picked -up fourteen survivors. The captain of the <em>Caroline</em> stood by till -daylight, but was unable to find any more people.</p> - -<p>The magazine (which in East Indiamen ships was placed under the -forecastle) had exploded about 1.30 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span>, and portions of -the old East Indiaman that had set forth so well with a fair wind now -rose into the air like rockets. As for the survivors in the <em>Cambria</em>, -they had been hauled on board with difficulty by the Cornish miners -standing in the chains as the heave of the sea lifted the boats up -to that level. The women, surviving children and men were made as -comfortable as possible, in spite of the fact that 600 people in a brig -of only 200 tons put a somewhat heavy strain on the accommodation at -their disposal, with a heavy Atlantic gale blowing too. In a few days -all the food and water on board would give out, so, at the risk of -carrying away his masts, the captain of the brig drove her for all she -was worth before the gale, so that by the afternoon of 3rd March the -Scillies were sighted, and soon after midnight the ship had cast anchor -in Falmouth harbour. It was another miracle that the <em>Cambria</em> arrived -in Falmouth when she did, for an hour after she had dropped anchor the -wind flew right round to north-east and remained there for several -days. This would have meant a head-wind for the brig, and meanwhile -in this delay—for those bluff old craft were very slow beating and -could not sail very close—many of her passengers must have died of -starvation.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span></p> - -<p>At Falmouth the survivors disembarked, being met on the beach by huge -crowds, and were hospitably received in the houses of the inhabitants, -who also got up a subscription for the relief of the sufferers. A -service of thanksgiving was held, and a few days later the passengers -and sailors were sent to their homes, the troops embarking for Chatham, -while the sick and injured remained in hospital. Notwithstanding that -about six hundred had been saved, yet eighty-two had perished in this -disaster. Some of the seamen belonging to the <em>Kent</em> had certainly -behaved in a cowardly manner by refusing to go back and fetch the -remainder of their shipmates until they were compelled by the captain -of the <em>Cambria</em>. It is such instances as these which make one wonder -whether those rough characters were always as brave as we have -preferred to hope they were.</p> - -<p>The captain of the <em>Cambria</em> for his fine seamanship and the excellent -manner in which he directed the rescue was awarded the sum of £150 -from the War Office, with smaller sums to the mate, crew and miners. -The East India Company, in compensation for the losses and expenses -caused by this rescue, sent the sum of £287, 11s. to the captain of the -<em>Cambria</em> for payment of the bill of provisions, £287, 10s. on account -of the owners for the food of the passengers, and £300 for demurrage. -In addition, they presented the <em>Cambria’s</em> captain with the sum of -£600, the first mate £100, and varying sums to the crew and miners. -Other presents were also made by Lloyd’s, the Royal Humane Society, the -Royal Exchange Assurance, and the Liverpool underwriters.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XIX">CHAPTER XIX<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE COMPANY’S NAVAL SERVICE</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Primarily</span>, of course, the East Indiamen were built fitted out and -manned for the purpose of trade: but owing to circumstances they were -compelled to engage in hostilities both offensive and defensive. The -result was that these ships figured in more fights than any essentially -mercantile ships (as distinct from pirates, privateers and other -sea-rovers) that have ever been built.</p> - -<p>It is necessary at the outset to distinguish carefully between what -became known subsequently as the Indian Navy and the Company’s merchant -ships. The former existed to protect the latter, by suppressing both -local and nomadic pirates of all kinds, by convoying East Indiamen and -even carrying troops when necessary, and by performing other duties, -such as surveying, in addition to existing as a defence against any -aggressive projects of rival nations. The Indian Navy evolved from -the Bombay Marine. It is not necessary to recapitulate the history -of the East India Company and the rise of its mercantile fleet: it -is sufficient to state that with the establishment of factories on -shore and the passing and repassing of valuable freights over seas -frequented by hostile ships some sort of local force<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span> was essential. -The Portuguese had their Indian Navy, consisting of large, ocean-going -vessels and small-draught craft for operating in shallow local waters, -the crews being composed of Portuguese, slaves and Hindoos. It was -therefore natural enough that the English should soon find it necessary -to fit out ships capable of meeting the enemy on a fairly even basis. -Furthermore, the Bombay trade had been so much interfered with by the -attacks from Malabar pirates that it became essential to build small -armed vessels to protect merchant craft. The result was that Warwick -Pett, of that famous shipbuilding family which had been building -vessels in England from the early Tudor times, was sent out in the -seventeenth century to Bombay to construct suitable ships. Local craft -were also employed, and very useful they were found in negotiating -shallow waters.<a name="FNanchor_G_7" id="FNanchor_G_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_G_7" class="fnanchor">G</a></p> - -<p>Throughout most of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the East -India Company’s cruisers were kept actively employed in suppressing -the native pirates who roamed the Indian Ocean and attacked with great -daring and ingenuity. They hung about off the entrance to the Red Sea, -found a snug base near the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, strengthened -it with fortifications for the protection of themselves and their -shipping, and eventually moved to Madagascar, which was to be a famous -base for those notorious eighteenth-century pirates of European and -North American origin, whose names are familiar to most schoolboys.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_282fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_282fp.jpg" width="600" height="373" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “CAMBRIA” BRIG, RECEIVING ON BOARD THE LAST -BOAT-LOAD FROM THE “KENT,” EAST INDIAMAN, WHEN THE LATTER WAS BEING -BURNT.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_282fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>The year 1697 was marked by attacks on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span> Company’s -ships, not merely by pirates, but by the French. Three of these East -Indiamen were attacked, plundered and burned by pirate craft flying -English colours. Two more of the Company’s ships were captured by the -French, so things were serious enough. The matter was reported to -England, and a squadron of four well-armed ships was accordingly sent -out to extirpate these robbers of the sea. In fact, the pirate problem -became so great that by a mutual agreement the English, French and -Dutch eventually agreed to an arrangement for policing the Eastern seas -for the purpose of destroying their common foe. Thus the English looked -after the southern Indian Ocean, the Dutch were responsible for the Red -Sea, and the French for the Persian Gulf.</p> - -<p>The English Indian Marine had sometimes to be strengthened by seamen -from the Company’s merchant ships, and very gallant fighters they -proved themselves to be. Arabian pirates roamed about over the whole -of the Indian seas, and having become emboldened with success actually -built more ships and formed what was in fact a navy of their own. Their -ships were well armed and their men were excellent both as seamen and -fighters, and as soon as ever the English men-of-war moved off, these -pirates, swooping down on coast or ship, would act as they liked.</p> - -<p>After the occupation by the English of Bombay and that island becoming -a presidency, the naval force there developed under the name of the -Bombay Marine, under the command of an admiral, drafts of officers and -men being obtained from ships arriving from Europe. For years this -service had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span> indeed fought against privateers, pirates, Portuguese, -Dutch and French, to defend both ships and factories of the Company. -In a smaller, but still an important, degree they had been called upon -also to keep out those interloping English ships which had no lawful -right to trade with India. Looking back through the first century -of the Company’s existence, its ships had captured the Island of St -Helena in 1601. Eight years later the <em>Solomon</em> had defeated several -Portuguese ships. In 1612 the Company’s fleet had again defeated the -Portuguese fleet in India, and the year after this incident had been -repeated. In 1616 a valuable Portuguese frigate had been taken and the -Dutch severely defeated at Batavia. Four of the Company’s ships in 1619 -and 1620 defeated yet another Portuguese fleet. The capture of Ormuz -in 1622 had been made by the Company’s fleet acting with the King of -Persia’s forces. In 1635 Bombay had been recaptured by the Company’s -fleet, but it was not till 1662 that England sent out men-of-war to -India for the protection of the Company’s interests. Therefore, during -its first sixty years the Company had to act both as merchants and a -naval power without any external aid, such as trade had a right to -demand.</p> - -<p>If the Bombay Marine was distinctly a small service as regards numbers, -it was certainly very gallant, and many a fine incident bright with -bravery and daring belongs to its history. During the war with France -a number of ships belonging to the Bombay Marine were attached to the -Royal Navy on service in the waters that wash the coasts of India, and -rendered good service in this capacity. For although the real theatre -of war between England<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span> and France was not in the Orient, yet some -severe, if indecisive, engagements were here fought, and the Company’s -ships, if smaller in size, were a valuable form of assistance. About -the middle of the eighteenth century the Marine consisted of about -twenty ships, and these were essential for protecting the progress -of the mercantile East Indiamen, for without such convoys it was -impossible for those rich freights ever to have traversed the Indian -Ocean. It was the Bombay Marine, also, who made surveys of part of the -Arabian, Persian, the west coast of Media and other coasts, and all -this was to be for the benefit of navigation and trade generally.</p> - -<p>By the beginning of the nineteenth century the Bombay Marine consisted -of a couple of frigates, three sloops-of-war, fourteen brigs, in -addition to prizes and vessels specially purchased for the service, and -a few years before that, when Napoleon was contemplating his big scheme -in connection with Egypt, which was to be the stepping-stone to India, -a naval force was sent from England to cruise in the Red Sea. But, as -everyone now knows, the Battle of the Nile prevented these vessels from -having any serious work to perform. And when eventually hostilities -were resumed, the Bombay Marine had to protect the trade in the Bay -of Bengal. This they did with such thoroughness that British merchant -ships were singularly free from capture. In spite of the opposition in -some quarters, and the prejudice against India-built ships, some of the -biggest vessels of the Bombay Marine were built in India, and excellent -craft they proved themselves to be.</p> - -<p>One of the most interesting incidents connected with the Bombay Marine -during the early part of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span> the nineteenth century was that in which the -<em>Mornington</em> sloop-of-war figures conspicuously. The French privateers, -especially <em>La Confiance</em> (of which we spoke on an earlier page) and -<em>L’Eugénie</em>, were most harassing to any craft navigating the vicinity -of the East Indian coast. The commander of the <em>Mornington</em> was Captain -Frost, and he was determined to bring <em>L’Eugénie</em> to book. For a time -the latter evaded him, and he then hit upon a smart idea. He succeeded -in altering the <em>Mornington’s</em> appearance so that even her own builder -would scarcely have recognised her. In order to prevent any suspicion -of her seeming a warship, Captain Frost added to his ship a false -poop, so that she looked just like a country ship. He changed also -the painting of the hull and added patches of dirty old canvas to -the sails, and after a while she seemed to be anything but the smart -sloop-of-war which she really was.</p> - -<p>When this transformation had been completed, the <em>Mornington</em> took -up her position to cruise about the track where the French ship was -likely to be hovering, and before long the look-out aloft espied -the privateer. The <em>Mornington</em> then continued her game of bluff -and altered her course as if she was anxious to get away from the -Frenchman. The latter, unsuspecting, began to work up towards the -English ship, and by sunset was getting quite near. After darkness -had fallen the <em>Mornington</em> ran under easy sail, and presently the -Frenchman hailed, asking the ship’s name, ordering them to heave-to. -Too late the privateer discovered that he had been ensnared and fired -into the <em>Mornington</em>, mortally wounding a seaman and injuring the -running gear.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span> Captain Frost now determined to injure the enemy’s -rigging and sails aloft, and thus cripple him to such an extent that -<em>L’Eugénie</em> would not be able to get the windward berth. So chasing -him he blazed away at the Frenchman. It was an exciting chase and -lasted for three hours. So anxious was the privateer to escape that -she threw overboard guns and boats and spars as she went: but at -the end of this time the <em>Mornington</em> had come up alongside and the -Frenchman’s captain hailed and begged the Englishman to cease firing -as they had surrendered. Very shortly the privateer became an English -prize, though she was found to be so crippled that she could not beat -to windward. But it was a great relief when the news reached India that -this mosquito craft had been taken away from any further possibility -of preying on the peaceful merchant ships; and by the irony of events -she who had formerly spent her time in attacking these trading craft -was now to become their protector, for the Government added her to -the service and the command was given to the senior lieutenant of the -<em>Mornington</em>.</p> - -<p>The Bombay dockyard by the end of the second decade of the nineteenth -century was building such big warships as a ‘74 and ‘84 gun -line-of-battle ship, the latter being of 2289 tons. Other big warships -were also being constructed, and even those most conservative of -sailormen who had always believed exclusively in oak were able after -trial to concede that better ships than these Indian teak craft could -not be desired. And the men and officers were like their ships. -Continuously they seemed to be subject to service, and always they came -through it well. French and Dutch, pirates of the Indian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span> Ocean or the -Persian Gulf, privateers of France, England or America, it was much -the same; the Bombay Marine had to do its work, being hurried here and -there to fight and conquer. And when the short intervals of respite -occurred these hard-worked people took up again their surveying duties -between those distant regions of the Cape of Good Hope and the Sea of -Japan and northwards to the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. At the close -of the Burmese War the officers and men of the Bombay Marine received -the thanks of both Houses of Parliament, for no fewer than five of the -Company’s cruisers had served throughout the campaign.</p> - -<p>But the time was at hand for a series of changes in the Bombay Marine. -First of all we must call attention to the law passed in the year -1826 by which it was decreed that henceforth any naval force that -was sent out from England by his Majesty to the East Indies on the -representation of the East India Company’s Court of Directors, for the -purpose of hostilities against native powers, was to be paid for by the -Company. The Marine Board which controlled this Company’s naval force -consisted of the Superintendent, the Master-Attendant, the Commodore of -the Harbour and the senior captain. To be Commodore at Surat or in the -Persian Gulf, or Master-Attendant at Calcutta was also to enjoy one of -the plums of the service reserved for those who had served long years. -But after twenty-two years’ service an officer could retire with the -following pay:—</p> - -<div class="center"> -<table class="my90" border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="1" summary="retirement pay"> -<tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Master-Attendant and Commodore</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb">£450</td> -<td class="tdc vertb">a year</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Captain of the First Class</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb">360</td> -<td class="tdc vertb">“</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Captain of the Second Class</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb">270</td> -<td class="tdc vertb">“</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">First Lieutenant</p></td> -<td class="tdr vertb">180</td> -<td class="tdc vertb">“</td> -</tr></table></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span></p> - -<p>If an officer were to retire after ten years’ service, owing to -ill-health, he was granted one-half of the above allowance. But except -from the cause of ill-health no officer was allowed to come home on -furlough under ten years.</p> - -<p>During the year 1827 the whole condition of the Bombay Marine was -inquired into, and as a result the service was changed from a Marine -established purely for war purposes into something of a curious -character. The officers were embodied into a regiment called the -Marine Corps, and a regular packet service was established. The larger -warships of the service were made more efficient, new ships were -added, and a uniform approximating more to that of the Royal Navy was -sanctioned. Finally, from the 1st of May 1830 the Bombay Marine was -changed to the Indian Navy, and this in turn came to an end in the year -1863. Beginning as an adjunct of the East India Company it rendered -a varied and important series of services during a period extending -over two and a half centuries. It had combated the hostility of the -Portuguese and Dutch in those early days when the English Company was -struggling to get a secure foothold in India. It had made history -along the Persian Gulf, it had inflicted punishment on privateers and -pirates, it had protected the mercantile East Indiamen, it had assisted -the British navy wrestling with the French foe in the Orient. The -Company’s cruisers were, in fact, excellent fighting ships for their -size, commanded by gallant officers and well manned by able crews. -And when at last this service was abolished, many were the indignant -outcries against such a step. However, it had long survived the -existence of the Com<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span>pany’s maritime service, both as regards India -and China, and a new order of things in India had already begun to be -inaugurated. The story of the East India Company’s navy, as distinct -from its maritime or mercantile service, is that of a comparatively -small force doing wonders for two and a half centuries, showing great -gallantry, enterprise, and enduring much hardship. Its last years were -conspicuously marked by red tape, yet the time had clearly come for -a change, and the last link was snapped that had connected the old -East Indiamen of historic memory with the period of steamships and the -modern men-of-war. Sentiment is an excellent thing in its way, and one -of the undoubted forces of the world, yet when it comes into collision -with efficiency it is not the latter which must give way. To-day the -Royal Indian Marine contains just as gallant and able a personnel as -in the past, and the name of Lieutenant Bowers of this service, who -died in Captain Scott’s expedition to the South Pole, will at once be -remembered.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XX">CHAPTER XX<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">OFFENCE AND DEFENCE</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">We</span> have made reference during the course of our story to the grave -risks which were run by the mercantile East Indiamen in regard to -pirates and privateers. It will now be our duty to give some instances -of these and to show that if the captains and officers of the Company’s -ships received big rewards for their few voyages, they were certainly -entitled to a high rate of remuneration considering the dangers which -had to be encountered as regards ships, cargoes and human lives. The -very essential basis of overseas trade is that trade-carriers shall be -able to go about their lawful business with some certainty of not being -attacked on the way. To-day, if a war broke out between our own and -some other country possessing a navy, the merchant ships would be so -endangered that they would either have to remain in port or else wait -till our cruisers could convoy them.</p> - -<p>To a certain extent this happened in the time when the East Indiamen -flourished. But some say that to-day privateering could not be revived, -and in any case piracy, if not quite dead in the East (and for that -matter off the north coast of Africa), has been so heavily crushed, -thanks to the good work of the Royal Navy, that it would not avail -much<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span> against our big modern liners and freight-carriers. But in the -days with which this present volume is concerned, piracy was a very -real, flourishing concern: and quite apart from all the long-drawn-out -hostilities between our country and other powers this remained an -eternal source of anxiety to an East Indiaman captain. If he could not -meet the pirate on an equal footing the end would come quickly and -decisively, for the pirate captains were often enough of British origin -and just as fine seamen and fighters as any in the employ of the East -India Company.</p> - -<p>Take the case of Captain John Bowen, who about the year 1700 used to -cruise over the Indian Ocean between the Malabar coast and Madagascar, -making piracy his serious trade. One day he fell in with an English -East Indiaman homeward bound from Bengal under the command of a Captain -Conway. In a very short space of time she had been overcome, made a -prize of, taken into port, and both her hull and her cargo put up -for sale to the highest bidders, which consisted of three merchants -glad to obtain the spoil at their own price. A little later on the -East Indiaman <em>Pembroke</em>, having put into Mayotta for water, and -being promptly boarded by the boats of the pirates, whose men killed -the chief mate and one seaman, the ship was taken. Some idea of the -experiences which beset the East Indiamen may be gathered from a letter -dated from Bombay on 16th November 1720 by a certain Captain Mackra, -who was in command of one of the Company’s ships.</p> - -<p>“We arrived on the 25th of July last,” he writes, “in company with the -<em>Greenwich</em>, at Juanna, an island not far from Madagascar. Putting in -there to refresh our men we found fourteen pirates who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span> came in their -canoes from the Mayotta, where the pirate ship to which they belonged, -viz, the <em>Indian Queen</em>, two hundred and fifty tons, twenty-eight guns, -and ninety men, commanded by Captain Oliver de la Bouche bound from -the Guinea Coast to the East Indies had been bulged [<em>i.e.</em> “bilged”], -had been lost. They said they left the captain and forty of their men -building a new vessel to proceed on their wicked designs. Captain Kirby -and I concluding that it might be of great service to the East Indian -Company to destroy such a nest of rogues, were ready to sail for that -purpose on the 17th of August, about eight o’clock in the morning, -when we discovered two pirates standing into the bay of Juanna, one of -thirty-four, and the other of thirty-six guns. I immediately went on -board the <em>Greenwich</em>, where they seemed very diligent in preparation -for an engagement, and I left Captain Kirby with mutual promises of -standing by each other. I then unmoored, got under sail, and brought -two boats ahead to row me close to the <em>Greenwich</em>: but he being open -to a valley and a breeze, made the best of his way from me: which an -Ostender<a name="FNanchor_H_8" id="FNanchor_H_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_H_8" class="fnanchor">H</a> in our company, of twenty-two guns, seeing, did the same, -though the captain had promised heartily to engage with us, and I -believe would have been as good as his word, if Captain Kirby had kept -his. About half-an-hour after twelve, I called several times to the -<em>Greenwich</em> to bear down to our assistance, and fired a shot at him, -but to no purpose: for though we did not doubt but he would join us -because, when he got about a league from us he brought his ship -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span>to and looked on, yet both he and the Ostender basely -deserted us, and left us engaged with barbarous and inhuman enemies, -with their black and bloody flags hanging over us, without the least -appearance of ever escaping, but to be cut to pieces. But God, in -his good providence, determined otherwise: for notwithstanding their -superiority, we engaged them both about three hours: during which time -the biggest of them received some shot betwixt wind and water, which -made her keep off a little to stop her leaks. The other endeavoured -all she could to board us, by rowing with her oars, being within half -a ship’s length of us above an hour: but by good fortune we shot all -her oars to pieces, which prevented them, and by consequence saved our -lives.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_294fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_294fp.jpg" width="600" height="396" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “VERNON,” EAST INDIAMAN, 1,000 TONS.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_294fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>“About four o’clock most of the officers and men posted on the -quarter-deck being killed and wounded, the largest ship making up to -us with diligence, being still within a cable’s length of us, often -giving us a broadside, there being now no hopes of Capt. Kirby coming -to our assistance, we endeavoured to run ashore: and though we drew -four feet more of water than the pirate, it pleased God that he struck -on a higher ground than happily we fell in with: so was disappointed -a second time from boarding us. Here we had a more violent engagement -than before: all my officers and most of my men behaved with unexpected -courage: and, as we had a considerable advantage by having a broadside -to his bow, we did him great damage: so, that had Captain Kirby come -in then, I believe we should have taken both the vessels, for we had -one of them sure: but the other pirate (who was still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span> firing at us) -seeing the <em>Greenwich</em> did not offer to assist us, supplied his consort -with three boats full of fresh men. About five in the evening the -<em>Greenwich</em> stood clear away to sea, leaving us struggling hard for -life, in the very jaws of death: which the other pirate that was afloat -seeing, got a warp out, and was hauling under our stern.</p> - -<p>“By this time many of my men being killed and wounded, and no hopes -left us of escaping being all murdered by enraged barbarous conquerors, -I ordered all that could to get into the long-boat, under the cover of -the smoke of our guns: so that, with what some did in boats, and others -by swimming, most of us that were able got ashore by seven o’clock. -When the pirates came aboard, they cut three of our wounded men to -pieces. I with some of my people made what haste I could to King’s -town, twenty-five miles from us, where I arrived next day, almost dead -with the fatigue and loss of blood, having been sorely wounded in the -head by a musket-ball.</p> - -<p>“At this town I heard that the pirates had offered ten thousand dollars -to the country people to bring me in, which many of them would have -accepted, only they knew the king and all his chief people were in my -interest. Meantime I caused a report to be circulated that I was dead -of my wounds, which much abated their fury. About ten days after, being -pretty well recovered, and hoping the malice of our enemy was near -over, I began to consider the dismal condition we were reduced to: -being in a place where we had no hopes of getting a passage home, all -of us in a manner naked, not having had time to bring with us either a -shirt or a pair of shoes, except what we had on. Having obtained leave -to go on board<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span> the pirates with a promise of safety, several of the -chief of them knew me, and some of them had sailed with me, which I -found to be of great advantage; because, notwithstanding their promise, -some of them would have cut me to pieces, and all that would not enter -with them, had it not been for their chief captain, Edward England, and -some others whom I knew. They talked of burning one of their ships, -which we had so entirely disabled as to be no farther useful to them, -and to fit the <em>Cassandra</em> in her room. But in the end I managed the -affair so well, that they made me a present of the said shattered ship, -which was Dutch built, and called the <em>Fancy</em>: her burden was about -three hundred tons. I procured also a hundred and twenty-nine bales -of the Company’s cloth, though they would not give me a rag of my own -clothes.</p> - -<p>“They sailed on the 3rd of September: and I, with the jury masts, and -such old sails as they left me, made a shift to do the like on the 8th, -together with forty-three of my ship’s crew, including two passengers -and twelve soldiers: having no more than five tuns of water aboard. -After a passage of forty-eight days, I arrived here on the 26th of -October, almost naked and starved, having been reduced to a pint of -water a day, and almost in despair of ever seeing land, by reason of -the calms we met with between the coast of Arabia and Malabar.</p> - -<p>“We had in all thirteen men killed and twenty-four wounded: and we were -told that we destroyed about ninety or a hundred of the pirates. When -they left us, there were about three hundred whites and eight blacks -in both ships. I am persuaded had our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span> consort of the <em>Greenwich</em> done -his duty, we had destroyed both of them, and got two hundred thousand -pounds for our owners and selves: whereas the loss of the <em>Cassandra</em> -may justly be imputed to his deserting us. I have delivered all the -bales that were given me into the company’s warehouse, for which the -governor and council have ordered me a reward. Our governor, Mr Boon, -who is extremely kind and civil to me, had ordered me home with the -packet: but Captain Harvey who had a prior promise, being come in with -the fleet, goes in my room. The governor had promised me a country -voyage to help to make up my losses, and would have me stay and -accompany him to England next year.”</p> - -<p>This Captain England was a notorious sea-pirate and had made many a -capture of an innocent merchant ship, and now commanded the <em>Victory</em>, -which as the <em>Peterborough</em> he had previously captured. He used -Madagascar as his base for attacking East Indiamen, though he had -sailed into most of the seas of the world on the look-out for his -victims. It was only after remaining a short time at Madagascar that -they had proceed to Juanna and fallen in with the two English East -Indiamen and one Ostender. Captain Mackra was certainly lucky to have -got off with his life and also with even a crippled ship to reach -India. But England, villain that he was, respected Mackra as a brave -seaman, and with difficulty succeeded in restraining the pirate crew -from exhausting their fury upon the East Indiaman captain. In fact this -generosity towards Mackra was eventually the undoing of England, for -the crew considered the treatment had not been in accordance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span> with the -severe traditions of pirates, and England was deprived of his command.</p> - -<p>Captains of the East Indiamen had to be masters of resource no less -than able tacticians and shipmasters. In the month of January 1797 the -French Rear-Admiral Sercey was splendidly outwitted by the captain of -one of the East India Company’s merchant ships. It happened on this -wise. Admiral Sercey was commanding a squadron of six frigates and was -returning to the Isle of France. When he was off the east end of Java -he descried what appeared to be a considerable force, and before the -day had ended counted himself very fortunate to have escaped them. -That, indeed, was how it appeared to him. But looked at from the -opposite point of view we have to consider half-a-dozen homeward-bound -East Indiamen all richly laden, and not one of them a warship. The -commodore of this merchant squadron was Captain Charles Lennox, whose -ship was the <em>Woodford</em>. On the morning of the day mentioned he was -alarmed to see Admiral Sercey’s frigate squadron and feared for the -safety of the Indiamen under his own charge. Here was a dilemma indeed. -These six merchantmen were not the equal of the six frigates in a -fight: therefore an engagement must be avoided. But, on the other hand, -if the merchantmen attempted to crowd on all sail and run away this -would be an admission of inferior strength and the Frenchman would be -bound to attack at once.</p> - -<p>So with much ingenuity Lennox devised a piece of bluff. In order to -deceive Sercey, the English commodore hoisted the blue flag of the -French Rear-Admiral Rainier at the mizen, and made all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span> other five -ships to hoist pennants and ensigns to correspond, for it must be -remembered that in appearance a French frigate and one of the Company’s -East Indiamen were very similar at a distance. In addition he had the -audacity to detach two of his ships and send them on to reconnoitre -the French squadron. These approached the French reconnoitring frigate -<em>Cybèle</em>, and the latter’s captain, having had a good look at the -enemy, made the signal at her mast-head, “The enemy is superior in -force to the French,” and crowding on sail rejoined Sercey’s squadron. -The French admiral therefore caused his ships to make sail and escape, -though when one of his vessels—the <em>Forte</em>—had the misfortune to carry -away her maintopmast he was more than surprised to notice that the -English did not continue their chase. But inasmuch as the captain of -the <em>Cybèle</em> had assured him that the enemy’s force consisted of two -line-of-battle ships and four frigates he felt that he was justified -in retreating and declining fight. So it came about that the six East -Indiamen were able to congratulate themselves on escaping, and the -French rear-admiral was no less pleased to have avoided an engagement. -But you may judge of the latter’s anger and chagrin four weeks later -when, on arriving at the Isle of France, he learned that Admiral -Rainier had not been near the straits (where the East Indiamen were -sighted), and that therefore six rich merchant ships which ought to -have been captured had been allowed literally to slip through his -fingers.</p> - -<p>From time immemorial the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Persia had been -the happy hunting-ground of pirates, and the mouth of the Red Sea, -from its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span> strategical position, was another favourite resort. There -is on record an incident belonging to the year 1696, when the pirates -attacked a Bombay ship commanded by an Englishman named Sawbridge, -whose cargo consisted of Arab horses for Surat. The pirates were able -to seize the ship, whereupon Sawbridge began to expostulate with them -as to their manner of life. On this they ordered him to be silent, but -as he continued to speak they took a sail-needle and twine and sewed -his lips together, keeping him like this for several hours with his -hands tied behind him. They then at length unloosed both his hands and -his lips and took him on board their own ship, and having successfully -plundered Sawbridge’s vessel they set it on fire, burning both her and -the horses. Sawbridge was set ashore at Aden, together with his people, -but it is not surprising to learn that he soon died.</p> - -<p>Now the pirate in this case was not an Oriental, but that notorious -blackguard Captain Avery, who certainly knew better. The pirates, -however, of whom we are now to speak as enemies of the East Indiamen -ships were those Easterns who dwelt on the Arabian side of the Persian -Gulf and were known by the name of Joassamees. They were seamen by -nature and occupation, trading with their vessels to Bussorah, Bushire, -Muscat and India. Finding that to plunder the big merchant ships which -now came to the Persian Gulf was a profitable concern, they applied -themselves with great assiduity to that task, and became even more -ambitious. About the year 1797 one of the East India Company’s warships -was lying at anchor in the inner roads of Bushire (on the Persian side -of the Gulf). Her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span> name was the <em>Viper</em> and she carried ten guns. -Anchored in the harbour were some Joassamee dhows, but as they had -always respected or feared the British flag no hostile measures had -been taken against them by British ships. The commanders of these -dhows had applied to the Persian agent of the East India Company for a -supply of gunpowder and cannon shot, and as the agent had no suspicion -of their intentions he furnished them with an order to the commanding -officer on board for the quantity required.</p> - -<p>The captain of the <em>Viper</em> was ashore at the time in the agent’s house, -but as the order was produced to the officer on board the powder and -shot were delivered and the dhows subsequently made sail. At this -moment the crew of the <em>Viper</em> were below at breakfast, when suddenly -they were alarmed by a cannonade from two of the dhows directed at the -<em>Viper</em>. The Joassamees attempted to board, but the English officers -leaping on deck sent the crew to quarters, cut the <em>Viper’s</em> cable and -got sail upon her so that she might have the advantage of manœuvring. A -regular engagement now followed between the <em>Viper</em> and four dhows, all -being armed with guns and full of men. The commanding officer of the -<em>Viper</em> was wounded, but after tying round a handkerchief still kept -the deck, till he fell with a ball entering his forehead. The command -then devolved on a midshipman, who continued the fight with great -bravery, and the result was that the dhows were beaten off and chased -out to sea.</p> - -<p>Reverting now to the Company’s purely mercantile ships it is well to -see how they were armed to withstand the attacks of their enemies. On -another<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span> page the reader will find the lines of one of the finest East -Indiamen of the early nineteenth century. This was one of the Company’s -ships which carried freight and passengers between England and India -and was not one of their cruisers belonging to the Bombay Marine. We -may take this vessel as typical of the biggest and most formidable type -of their ships at the time of which we are speaking. She measured 165 -feet 6½ inches long. Her length of keel (measured for tonnage) was -134 feet. Her extreme breadth was 42 feet, and the depth of her hold 17 -feet, her burthen working out at 1257 tons. Such a ship was armed with -twenty-six 18-pounders on her middle deck and ten 18-pounders on her -upper deck, with two more guns in the after ports as stern-chasers. One -of the greatest authorities on shipbuilding and naval architecture of -that time, who himself was a Fellow of the Royal Society, went so far -as to state that the biggest East Indiamen were not safe owing to their -bad design below water, adding that whenever these vessels got ashore -in bad weather they usually broke their floors and then filled with -water—so weakly constructed were they below.</p> - -<p>With respect to the armament of these ships, James, the famous naval -historian, in commenting on that incident in which Commodore Dance beat -off the French Admiral Linois (already related in another chapter), -says that each of the Indiamen under Dance carried from thirty to -thirty-six guns apiece, but the strongest of them was not a match for -the smallest 36-gun French frigate, and some of these East Indiamen -would have found it difficult to avoid yielding to the 22-gun corvette. -Speaking<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span> of these East Indiamen, he says: “Some of the ships carried -upon the main deck 26 medium 18-pounders, or ‘carronades,’ weighing -about 28 cwt. and of very little use: guns of this description, indeed, -have long since been exploded. Ten 18-pounder carronades on the -quarter-deck made up the 36 guns. Others of the ships, and those among -the largest, mounted long 12 and 6 pounders. No one of the crews, we -believe, exceeded 140 men, and that number included Chinese, Lascars, -etc. Moreover in fitting the ships, so much more attention had been -paid to stowage than to the means of attack and defence, that one and -sometimes two butts of water were lashed between the guns, and the -decks in general greatly lumbered.”</p> - -<p>The fact was that the old East Indiamen had to go about their work -under very trying conditions. They could not be built of more than a -certain tonnage for the reason that shipbuilders were not equal to the -task. Within their limited size of about 140 feet on the keel a very -great deal had to be got in. First and most important of all, the ship -must be able to carry a large amount of cargo. Without this she would -not be of service to the East India Company. Secondly, she carried -passengers and a large crew. This meant that the designer’s ingenuity -was further taxed to find accommodation for all. Then, although she -had to be strong enough to carry all her armament, yet she had to make -as fast a passage as she could with safety and caution. In short, like -all other ships she was a compromise, but the real difficulty was to -combine space, speed and fighting strength without one item ousting -the other. To-day the designer of our merchant ships has a difficult<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span> -problem; but he has not to consider so much how his ship would fare -in an engagement, but how he can get out of her the greatest speed -combined with the maximum amount of room for passengers and cargo. -He has to work on all sorts of data obtained from actual experience -of years and experiments made in tanks with wax models. But the -designers and builders of the old East Indiamen were tied down to the -frigate type and bound by convention. There was very little science in -shipbuilding, and practically all that they could do was to modify very -slightly the models which had been in vogue for so many generations. If -they had been in possession of greater theoretical knowledge, if they -could have been allowed to eliminate all thought of the ship being a -fighting unit, we should have seen, no doubt, the clipper era appearing -some years before it actually did. It is easy enough to find fault with -the old East Indiamen for their clumsiness, but it is much more just -to remember the conditions which were handicapping the designers and -builders of those times.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XXI">CHAPTER XXI<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE “WARREN HASTINGS” AND THE “PIÉMONTAISE”</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">One</span> of the most gallant duels which was ever fought between a merchant -ship and a man-of-war is that which occurred in the year 1805: and -though eventually the former was at last captured, yet the engagement -none the less remains to her credit, since the fight lasted for four -hours and the enemy was compelled to haul off several times during the -action. The incident, in fact, affords an excellent example of the -readiness for hostilities which was so marked a feature of the old East -Indiamen. James has happily preserved to posterity a full account of -this, although in some instances he has not always done full credit to -the gallantry and determination of these merchant ships. And I shall -make no apology for availing myself of his detailed story.</p> - -<p>The <em>Warren Hastings</em> was a vessel of 1200 tons, was armed with 44 -guns, and her crew consisted of 196 men and boys. She was therefore in -size, in armament and crew a distinctly formidable ship, her commander -being Captain Thomas Larkins. On the 17th of February 1805 she left -Portsmouth bound for China. This was one of the most historic years -in the whole history of the sea, and a few months later the Battle -of Trafalgar brought matters<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span> to a crisis. It was obvious that in -consequence of the eventful times no ship, not even an East Indiaman, -could dare to begin a voyage unless special precautions had been taken -to render her as fully equipped against a French frigate as both money -and the ship’s own limitations would permit.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_306fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_306fp.jpg" width="600" height="395" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “SIBELLA,” EAST INDIAMAN, 721 TONS.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_306fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>In the case of so valuable a ship as the <em>Warren Hastings</em> -extraordinary precautions had been taken to make her as powerful as -possible. Her forty-four guns were composed as follows. She carried -on her main or lower deck twenty-six medium 18-pounders, fourteen -carronades (18-pounders) on her upper deck, and four carronades -(12-pounders) on her poop. The medium gun was six feet in length, and -weighed about 26¾ cwt. It will be seen that this was a smaller -weapon than that used in the Royal Navy, for the common 18-pounder -of the latter measured nine feet long, and weighed 42 cwt. The East -Indiaman’s medium 18-pounder when run out did not reach out more than -a foot from the ship’s side. The 18-pounder carronade was five feet -long, and weighed about 15½ cwt. The 12-pounder was 3¼ feet long -and weighed about 8½ cwt. The <em>Warren Hastings’</em> carronades were -mounted, says James, “upon a carriage resembling Gover’s in every -particular but the only essential one, the having of rollers adapted -to a groove in the slide. The consequence of this silly evasion of an -ingenious man’s patent was, that the whole of the ship’s quarter-deck -and poop guns became utterly useless, after only a few rounds had been -fired from them. The first discovery of any imperfection in the new -carriage occurred at exercise: but a plentiful supply of blacklead -upon the upper surface of the slide lessened the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span> friction, and, -with the aid of an additional hand, enabled the gun to be run out. On -account, however, of the rain, and the salt water in washing the deck, -the application of blacklead was obliged to be repeated every time of -exercise.”</p> - -<p>The <em>Warren Hastings</em>, after leaving Portsmouth on the day mentioned, -made a safe and uneventful passage to China and duly began her return -journey. But this time she was armed not quite so strongly. Four of her -main-deck ports had been caulked up so as to afford additional space -for a storeroom, and the four guns had been put away in the hold. Nor -had she so good a crew, for forty Chinamen had decided to remain at -Canton, and there was the usual impressment from the British navy, a -warship relieving the <em>Warren Hastings</em> of eighteen English seamen: and -you can be sure they were some of the best men in the ship. In addition -to the four guns already mentioned, four of the 18-pounder carronades -were also transferred to the hold. The net result was that when she put -to sea for her homeward voyage she mounted 36 guns only and carried a -crew of 138 men and boys.</p> - -<p>It was on the 21st of June at 7.30 in the morning that, while this -ship was foaming along under a smart press of canvas before a strong -breeze, she descried a strange ship under treble-reefed topsails and -courses. This turned out to be the French frigate <em>Piémontaise</em> of 40 -guns, commanded by Captain Jacques Epron. This ship was armed rather -differently from the rest of French frigates which were so famous -at this period, and as we are about to watch the contest between -her and the Indiaman it will be well to notice these details. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span> -<em>Piémontaise</em> had the usual twenty-eight long 18-pounders on her -main-deck. On her quarter-deck and forecastle she mounted ten iron and -two brass 36-pounder carronades, two long French 8-pounders, and four -long English 9-pounders, these having belonged to the British frigate -<em>Jason</em>, which had been compelled to throw them overboard when she -grounded off Pointe de la Trenche at the capture of the Seine in 1798.</p> - -<p>In addition to her forty-six carriage guns, the Frenchmen also carried -swivel guns and musketoons in her tops and along her gunwales. On each -fore and main yard-arm there was fixed a tripod to contain a shell -weighing a quarter of a ton, the idea being that when in combat she -got alongside another ship, the shell was to have its fuse lighted by -a man lying out on the yard. It would then be thrown from the tripod, -fall on the enemy’s deck, pass through to the deck below, and then -exploding would cause wholesale destruction. Meanwhile, the French crew -would rush on board, profiting by this confusion, and the capture of -the Frenchman’s enemy would be an easier matter. The French crew would -also be armed each with a dagger in the buttonholes of his jacket in -addition to the boarding-pike which he would hold in his hand. These -tactics were, even at the beginning of the nineteenth century, a -curious survival of the mediæval methods of fighting. Gunnery was not -the chief reliance, but was looked upon merely as a means for quelling -the enemy so that she might be boarded and a hand-to-hand fight begun. -It seems strange in this twentieth century, when a battleship would -open fire at six miles and be pretty sure to keep a good distance from -its opponent,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span> that the older fashion should have survived so long. -If the French frigates of yesterday were the German light cruisers of -to-day, and the old East Indiamen were the crack ships of the Cunard -Line of the P. & O., the latter could, if desired, be attacked and sunk -without the vessels ever getting within several miles of each other, -let alone any thought of boarding, unless the German was determined -to spare human life, keep within the limits of international law and -take the merchant ship captive. Thus have the conditions changed in the -course of time.</p> - -<p>But to return to the incident before us. An hour and a half after -sighting the Frenchman, the <em>Warren Hastings</em> noticed that the frigate -was shaking out her reefs from her topsails and was approaching the -English ship, the latter still keeping on her course. At half-past -nine that morning the frigate was fast gaining on the Indiaman, -and nevertheless set her topgallant-sails as well as her fore and -maintopmast stuns’ls. Her next act was to hoist an English blue ensign -and pennant. However, the skipper of the <em>Warren Hastings</em> was far too -experienced in the ways of the sea to be taken in by this piece of -bluff, and still kept his ship on her way. He replied to the signals by -hoisting his English colours and making the private signal, of which we -have spoken elsewhere in this volume. The Frenchman, however, made no -reply to this private signal, so it was pretty certain that there was -treachery.</p> - -<p>On came the frigate, tearing through the water with the smart breeze, -doing good work all the time. Meanwhile, the East Indiaman’s commander -was seeing that everything was in readiness for obvious impending -trouble. At eleven o’clock he shortened<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span> sail, hauled up a point and -cleared his ship for action. One hour later the frigate also took -in her “fancy” canvas—her stuns’ls and her staysails, but also her -mainsail too. And having approached to within one mile hauled down her -English colours and sent up her French flag. She had intentionally -chosen the leeward position, because of the high wind, and opened fire -at the Indiaman’s port quarter within musket-shot distance—that is to -say, about four hundred yards away; and so soon as the Indiaman could -bring her guns to bear this fire was returned. This firing went on for -about a quarter of an hour, when the frigate bore away, let her sails -fill, and went on ahead. The only damage that had been done to the -Indiaman was to carry away part of the rigging.</p> - -<p>After the frigate had got about a mile and a half ahead the latter -tacked, passed close to leeward of the <em>Warren Hastings</em> again, -and once more a smart fire was exchanged. This time several of the -<em>Warren Hastings’</em> crew were killed and wounded, and in addition -the whole of the port fore shrouds, the foretopsail tie, her chief -running gear, her stays and her ensign were cut away and her foremast -seriously injured. The ensign, however, was quickly rehoisted at the -maintopgallant-masthead. Quickly the Indiaman repaired her damage, but -then the frigate having put about astern of the Indiaman began the -action a third time, though this did little more damage than crippling -the merchant ship’s foremast altogether. Owing to this fact and the -heavy sea and high wind the <em>Warren Hastings</em> could carry sail only on -her main and mizen masts. The result was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span> that the Frenchman could run -round her even more easily than before.</p> - -<p>This time she went ahead again, tacked, and was about to make a further -onslaught when the <em>Warren Hastings</em> opened a hot fire. The Frenchman -replied, but it was seen that the Englishman was being injured still -more and more. She was now injured not merely at her foremast, but -at her main too. Her standing and running rigging had also been -considerably damaged, two quarter-deck guns were disabled, five men -had been killed and others were wounded. However, in this crippled -state she had to sustain a fifth attack. For the frigate, coming on the -Indiaman’s port quarter, poured in a heavy and destructive fire which -smashed the driver-boom to splinters, and soon the mizen-mast went. And -as it fell it succeeded in disabling every effective gun on the upper -deck. Troubles seldom come singly, and in addition to these misfortunes -the lower deck was on fire from the shot which had entered the counter, -and as the nail of the tiller rope on the barrel of the steering wheel -had drawn, the rudder became useless.</p> - -<p>The surgeon was in the act of amputating and dressing the wounded when -a shot entered and destroyed the whole of his instruments. Altogether -it was a bad business, and the poor, crippled Indiaman, after having -done her best to fight against a superior foe, was reluctantly -compelled to lower her colours just before five o’clock that evening. -She had been rendered almost a mere hulk, she had lost her purser and -six men all killed. Thirteen more, including her chief, third and -sixth officers and her surgeon’s mate had been wounded, whereas the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span> -Frenchman out of her enormous crew of 385 men and boys had lost only -seven men killed and five badly wounded. Her hull was practically -undamaged and her rigging and sails were only partially injured. But -this, of course, was natural enough, for the frigate’s weight of -broadside was 533 lb. as against the Indiaman’s 312 lb. The Indiaman -carried only 138 men and boys, as against the Frenchman’s 385.</p> - -<p>But it is necessary also to bear in mind that a warship exists solely -for the purpose of being an efficient fighting unit. This frigate had -to think of nothing else. Whenever she cruised about, her intention -was to find some opportunity of inflicting injury on an English ship. -The Indiaman, on the other hand, had to consider primarily how best -she could carry the greatest amount of cargo, how she could get this -to port in the quickest manner: and then only in a secondary sense -had she to contemplate being an able fighter. Necessarily, therefore, -the frigate was always better armed and more ready for war. It so -happened that the <em>Warren Hastings</em> was still further handicapped by -the fact that she could make very little use of her upper deck and poop -batteries after the second or third round of shot. Owing to lack of -men she could man only eight out of her eleven guns on her lower deck, -while the frigate was in no way impeded.</p> - -<p>“Under these circumstances,” says James, “the defence made by the -<em>Warren Hastings</em>, protracted as it was to four hours and a half, -displayed a highly commendable zeal and perseverance on the part -of Captain Larkins, his officers, and ship’s company, but with all -their gallant efforts, the latter could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span> never have succeeded in -capturing—although, had the ship’s guns been in an effective state, -they might, in beating off—an antagonist so well armed, manned, and -appointed as the <em>Piémontaise</em>.”</p> - -<p>But we have not yet concluded. The <em>Warren Hastings</em> being dismasted, -and a heavy sea running, the ship was allowed to fall off. And as the -French frigate was lying close to leeward, under three topsails, with -the mizen one aback and the main one on the shake, this warship had to -bear up to avoid collision with the Indiaman. The former filled her -maintopsail, but as there was none left at the helm she luffed up into -the wind and fouled the <em>Warren Hastings</em> on the latter’s port bow. -You can readily imagine that with such a sea running there followed a -series of sickening thuds as these two heavy ships banged against each -other’s sides. But the situation was now suitable for boarding tactics, -and the Frenchmen, led by the first lieutenant, poured aboard the -merchant ship. But they came not as conquerors, but as assassins, with -uplifted daggers and threatening the lives of all.</p> - -<p>One of these villains dragged the English captain about the ship, -accusing him of an attempt to run the frigate down in order to cripple -her masts. The first lieutenant also stabbed the captain on the right -side. It was a brutal affray, which cannot be said to redound to -the credit of any naval officer. Captain Larkins, brave man though -he was, soon fainted through loss of blood, and was then ordered on -board the frigate. It should be added that the first lieutenant and -many of his men were highly intoxicated at the time and so cannot be -held fully responsible for their base treatment of their victims.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span> -The second officer, the surgeon and the boatswain’s mate were also -stabbed, and a midshipman was pierced in seven different places by the -first lieutenant. The ship was afterwards pillaged by this drunken -gang, but after such excesses had been allowed to have their way the -French captain did his best to make the survivors comfortable. The -<em>Piémontaise</em> then steered for the Isle of France, taking her fine -prize in tow, one of the handsomest vessels which the Honourable -East India Company ever possessed. Captor and captive arrived at the -Isle of France on the 4th of July, and a strange sight these two -must have made as they proceeded. The reader may have marvelled that -the <em>Piémontaise</em> had been able to overhaul the <em>Warren Hastings</em> so -quickly and to manœuvre so easily when she kept returning to make one -attack after another. But these French frigates were splendid craft and -wonderfully fast, for although the East Indiamen were built on frigate -lines more or less, yet they were modified to allow of a large cargo -being carried, and this of course could be done only by sacrificing -speed possibility. Some idea of the pace which these French frigates -could reach may be gathered from the statement that the <em>Piémontaise</em>, -in a moderate breeze, carrying three single-reefed topsails, foresail -and mizen staysail, was able to tow her prize, a deeply laden ship of -bigger tonnage than herself, having very small jury-sail set, at the -rate of seven and a half knots an hour.</p> - -<p>This fight and capture show the kind of adventure that was always -imminent during a great portion of the East Indiaman period. It is -almost difficult for us who travel with safety and punctuality in -modern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span> steamship liners to realise the uncertainty, the danger and -anxieties with which the old merchant ships to the East proceeded on -their way. There was not a species of disaster peculiar to maritime -travel that was not ready to bring the career of such fine ships to -a speedy end. Every conceivable kind of enemy seemed to be lying in -wait for these craft: and the wonder really is, not that they were so -often lost, but that they got to port. Knowing, as we do, something of -the characters of the commanders who took these East Indiamen over the -ocean, we need not be altogether surprised that their sagacity, their -determination, leadership, seamanship and ability as navigators and -tacticians when tested did so much for the honour of their service and -for the safety of the ships and cargoes which the Company entrusted to -their care. They were men of whom the Company and the country had every -right to be proud.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XXII">CHAPTER XXII<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">PIRATES AND FRENCH FRIGATES</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Another</span> pirate who was a thorn in the flesh to the East Indiamen was -a man named Jean Lafitte, who was born at St Malo. This man was no -stranger to the Eastern seas. He had been appointed mate of a French -East Indiaman which was bound from Europe to Madras. But on the way out -the ship encountered bad weather off the Cape of Good Hope, by which -she was so damaged that the captain determined to call at Mauritius: -and a quarrel having sprung up between Lafitte and the captain, the -former decided to quit the ship at the island. Now there were several -privateers or pirates fitting out at this island, and before long -Lafitte became captain of one of these vessels.</p> - -<p>For a time he cruised about the seas robbing whatsoever ships he could, -but was eventually chased by an English frigate as far north as the -Equator: and from there he later on came south and proceeded to the -Bay of Bengal to obtain provisions. His ship was of 200 tons, with -only two guns and twenty-six men. This should be noted, because it -shows how much inferior as a fighting unit she was to any Indiaman. -Nevertheless whilst off the Bengal coast he fell in with the East -Indiaman <em>Pagoda</em>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span> which was armed with twenty-six 12-pounders and -had a crew of a hundred and fifty men. With this disparity in strength -it was obvious that Lafitte could only hope for victory by employing -artifice. So he manœuvred as if he were a pilot for the Ganges ready -at his station cruising about. The <em>Pagoda</em> came along and was quite -taken in by this trickery, and, to cut the story short, when it was -all too late to get out of the trap, the East Indiaman found Lafitte’s -ship alongside, and the pirate, together with his men, suddenly leapt -on board the merchant ship, overcame every opposition and very speedily -captured the ship. And it was this same pirate who at a later date -became skipper of that notorious <em>Confiance</em> of which we have had need -to speak in this volume.</p> - -<p>We pass over the intervening period until we come to the year 1807, -when we find Lafitte during the month of October still on the prowl. -Off the Sand Heads he fell in with the East Indiaman <em>Queen</em>, a vessel -of about 800 tons, a crew of nearly four hundred, and carrying forty -guns. She was such a fine ship that this Frenchman determined to become -her owner. Compared with the pirate the <em>Queen</em>, with her tall masts -and high freeboard, her guns and crew, seemed absurdly superior to -the smaller vessel. But Lafitte was as plucky as he was adventurous, -and this apparent inequality only added zest to his plans. As the two -ships were getting nearer and nearer, he exhorted his men with that -wild, almost fanatical enthusiasm which was usually an electrifying -force to a band of desperadoes, and then having manœuvred his ship -with no little cleverness, brought her alongside the Indiaman. Just as -he did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span> this the English vessel greeted him with a broadside, but the -Frenchman was expecting this, and ordered his men to lie flat on the -deck. And when the first fire had been made, the pirates all got up -again, and from the yards and tops hurled down bombs and grenades into -the Indiaman’s forecastle.</p> - -<p>These tactics entirely surprised the <em>Queen’s</em> captain, and great -havoc was wrought. Lafitte realising the amount of consternation which -had now been caused sent aboard the <em>Queen</em> forty of his men with -pistols in their hands and daggers between their teeth, and as soon -as their feet touched the Indiaman’s deck they drove the terrified -and astonished crowd into the steerage, where the latter endeavoured -to defend themselves as best they could. Lafitte now reinforced his -forty men with another division, and himself went as their leader, -and the result was that the <em>Queen’s</em> captain was killed and the rest -of the survivors were swept into one terror-stricken crowd. He then -caused a gun to be loaded with grape and pointed to the place where the -crowd were gathered, and threatened to blow them into eternity. Upon -this the English determined that further opposition was useless, and -surrendered. Lafitte therefore ceased his bloody slaughter, and became -possessor of the ship. The incident, when the news reached India, -caused a deep sensation, and the name of this scoundrel was spoken of -with horror. But as East Indiamen now began to traverse the Indian -Ocean only under powerful convoys, Lafitte found his opportunities very -few and rare, so he betook himself to other waters, to end his days -with a violent death.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_318fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_318fp.jpg" width="600" height="407" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “QUEEN,” EAST INDIAMAN.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_318fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>We come now to the year 1810. About this time<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span> the French frigates -were very actively on the <em>qui vive</em> for our East Indiamen and other -merchant ships, and the neighbourhood of Madagascar and Mauritius was -popular for setting forth to lie in wait for the victims. When any -prisoners were brought in here from the Company’s ships they were made -to form part of the crews of these French frigates. And if any British -soldiers were also found on board they were likewise destined to become -part of the frigates’ complement. Some were made so to do only by -vehement threats if they declined: while some others were base enough -to desert the English flag.</p> - -<p>On the 3rd of July of the year just mentioned, just as the day was -dawning, the French frigates, <em>Bellone</em> and <em>Minerve</em>, and the corvette -<em>Victor</em>, having stood leisurely up the Mozambique Channel, were about -thirty-six miles off the island of Mayotta, when they were sighted -by three outward-bound East Indiamen, who were steering to the north -before a fresh breeze from the south-south-east. The frigates were -about nine miles off to the north-north-east, close-hauled on the port -tack. A signal was made by the senior officer or commodore of the -British ships half-an-hour later, and the three Indiamen hauled their -wind on the port tack under double-reefed topsails, courses, jib and -spanker. The names of these vessels were the <em>Ceylon</em> (commodore’s -flagship), <em>Windham</em> and <em>Astell</em>, the commodore being Captain Henry -Meriton. At half-past seven the <em>Ceylon</em> made the private signal, as -was customary. This was in accordance with the secret code provided by -the Admiralty: and if the strange ships had been British naval frigates -or fellow East Indiamen they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span> would have answered in accordance with -the code. Failure to reply would have indicated that they were hostile.</p> - -<p>Inasmuch as there was no reply in this case the East Indiamen’s -commodore ordered his ships to clear for action. There could be no -sort of doubt now, and every minute was valuable, for the enemy was -passing on the opposite tack. At half-past nine the <em>Astell</em> was -carrying rather more sail than she could do with and made a signal to -that effect: the <em>Ceylon</em> and <em>Windham</em> therefore shortened sail to -keep her company. Captain Meriton now telegraphed to his two consorts -the following message: “As we cannot get away, I think we had better -go under easy sail and bring them to action before dark.” It was the -only thing to be done: otherwise the <em>Astell</em> might have been lost. -The <em>Windham</em>, however, replied thus: “If we make all sail and get -into smooth water under the land we can engage to more advantage.” But -half-an-hour later, as the force of the wind had increased, it became -necessary for the East Indiamen to heave-to and take in a third reef -in their topsails. But even under this shortened canvas the ships -were making heavy weather of it. As a fact, they heeled over so much -that the high sea that was running made it quite impossible for the -lower-deck ports on the lee side to be kept open.</p> - -<p>James, with his characteristic love of detail, has given full -particulars of this incident, and we can well watch with him what -followed. At 11.30 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> the <em>Minerve</em> tacked in the wake of -the Indiamen and at about six miles away. Soon afterwards the <em>Bellone</em> -and the <em>Victor</em> also went about. When Captain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span> Meriton had watched -these tactics and observed the <em>Minerve</em> coming up at a great rate -astern he made the following signal: “Form line abreast, to bear on -ships together, <em>Ceylon</em> in the centre.” So the <em>Windham</em>, <em>Ceylon</em> -and <em>Astell</em> formed a close line in the order named and awaited the -oncoming of the enemy, and the <em>Victor</em> and <em>Minerve</em> were approaching -rapidly on the starboard quarter, which was also the weather side.</p> - -<p>Presently the <em>Minerve</em> arrived abreast of the British centre, the -<em>Victor</em> being ahead. Up went French colours, a shot was fired at the -<em>Windham</em> and then a whole broadside was fired into the <em>Ceylon</em>, -which was so close astern of her consort as almost to touch her. -The <em>Astell</em>, however, was a long way to leeward and astern of the -<em>Ceylon</em>. When the corvette opened fire the action became general -between the <em>Minerve</em> and <em>Victor</em> of the one side and the <em>Windham</em>, -<em>Ceylon</em> and <em>Astell</em> on the other. But inasmuch as the <em>Ceylon</em>, by -reason of her situation, was just abeam of the frigate, this Indiaman -received a pretty hot time. After a little while the corvette found the -fire of the British too warm, so bore up and passed to leeward of the -<em>Astell</em>, and the captain of the latter becoming wounded severely, the -chief mate had to take command. It is quite certain that an officer -of a modern steamship liner is a much abler navigator than those who -served in the old East Indiamen. But it is unquestionable that even if -he were a Royal Naval Reserve officer, and had served for a year in -his Majesty’s fleet, he would not be such a master of tactics as his -forefathers who served in the “John” Company. I have not the slightest -doubt in asserting that if a European<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span> war broke out to-morrow every -officer in the British mercantile marine would render an excellent -account of himself for resource and bravery. Recent disasters and -rescues in mid-ocean have shown that the fine old British stuff still -goes to the making of our sailors. But if their ships were attacked -by cruisers the merchantman would have no opportunity for displaying -fighting tactics, since there is to-day a far greater difference -between the fighting qualities of a liner and a navy’s cruiser than -there existed between an armed East Indiaman and a French frigate. And -this even if we include the recently built <em>Aquitania</em> of the Cunard -line, which happens to be the most heavily armed British liner which -ever put to sea.</p> - -<p>In these sea-fights, then, between the Indiamen and their foreign -enemies we have a condition that is not comparable with anything -to-day. It belongs to the past absolutely, and therefore the difference -between the captains of yesterday and to-day is also different, and -that not merely owing to the fact that one commanded a ship propelled -by sails, whereas his successor handles a steamship. We cannot help -admiring the many-sided ability of the East Indiamen captains. Taking -them by and large, with all their defects in respect of smuggling -and other delinquencies which need not be enlarged upon, they were -extraordinarily successful in most complicated circumstances. It -is characteristic of any kind of seaman, in whatever service he is -enrolled, that he is adaptable, but could you find a greater strain -imposed on any man than that which had to be borne by the commanders -of the vessels whose history we are considering? As exponents of -the art of pure seamanship they were never beaten, unless by their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span> -immediate successors, who made such wonderful passages during the -clipper-ship era. And certainly as tacticians and fighting men they -had few superiors even in the Royal Navy of that time. I feel that -it is only just to emphasise these points, for with the transition -from one period of the ship to another the ability of our mercantile -officers has changed not in degree but in kind: and very shortly the -last link—in the person of a steamship captain who formerly commanded -a sailing ship—connecting the ships of yesterday with to-day will -have been broken for ever. No one can fail to admire the consummate -cleverness with which a modern mercantile captain brings a gigantic -liner through a narrow, twisting channel in a strong tideway and berths -his ship so quietly as not to break the proverbial eggshell. No one can -help being struck with the scientific and practical ability by which -perfect land-falls are made and punctual voyages are carried through -even in thick weather. The captains of the Indiamen of yesterday were -never called upon to bear the kind of responsibility which attaches to -a man who has a 40,000-ton ship and 5000 lives under his care. But at -the same time our modern commanders in the merchant service have never -yet been called upon to think out battle tactics and manœuvre so as to -fight a superior enemy without losing one’s ship or cargo.</p> - -<p>This was always the anxiety which an East Indiaman’s skipper had to -think of. Was he justified in remaining to fight: or was his chief duty -to run away? His command was not primarily a fighting ship, but a means -of trade. And even if he got his ship safe in port would he incur the -displeasure of the Honourable East India Company’s directors?<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span> His job -was too valuable to be thrown away by an error of judgment. It would be -a fine feather in his cap if he could follow the example of Commodore -Dance, and he was sure to be well rewarded by his Company. To deal a -smashing blow at the nation’s enemy would ensure fame for this captain -to the end of his days and after. But—<em>if</em> he should forget that his -first duty was to get the valuable cargo home he might find himself a -broken man and not a hero.</p> - -<p>Such, then, was the position of Captain Meriton in the incident we are -discussing. He had to take in the situation at a glance and form a -quick but not hasty judgment, and then act accordingly, flinging out -his signals and disposing his squadron. At four o’clock the <em>Minerve</em> -went ahead and then bore down as if intending to get alongside the -<em>Windham</em>. Now this was a mode of attack which the Indiamen in the -present instance had reason to fear least of all, for they chanced to -have plenty of soldiery on board. The <em>Windham</em> therefore made sail so -as to strike the French frigate on the port side at the quarter, whilst -the <em>Ceylon</em> and <em>Astell</em> closed on their consort so as to assist in -this manœuvre. However, the <em>Windham</em> had been greatly damaged in -regard to her sails and rigging, so did not possess enough way to act -as she had hoped. The result was that the <em>Minerve</em> was able to cross -her bows only a few yards away. All this time the three Indiamen had -kept up an incessant and well-aimed musketry fire from their troops on -board.</p> - -<p>Just as the <em>Minerve</em> got out of gun-shot—that is to say, about a -mile away—the <em>Astell</em> passed astern of the <em>Windham</em> and became the -headmost and weathermost ship. The <em>Windham</em> was now the stern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span>most -and leewardmost vessel of the three, and the <em>Minerve</em>, true to the -best tradition of tactics employed by Nelson and other great admirals, -endeavoured to cut the <em>Windham</em> off from the other two: but the best -laid schemes of clever tacticians sometimes do not fructify: for the -<em>Minerve</em> now lost her main and mizen topmasts, and there came a lull -in the contest, though not for long. It was now six in the evening, and -the <em>Bellone</em>, followed by the <em>Victor</em>, began a most destructive fire -on the <em>Windham</em>. Taking up her position presently a little farther -on, the <em>Bellone</em> began to attack the commodore’s ship, whilst with -her foremost guns she attacked the <em>Astell</em>. The <em>Victor</em> was some -distance away, and so her fire at the <em>Windham</em> was not so effective. -Captain Meriton now endeavoured to close with the French frigate in -order that he might be able to give full opportunity to the troops’ -musketry, but had the misfortune to receive a severe wound in the neck -from grape-shot. The command therefore fell to the chief mate, Mr T. W. -Oldham. But the latter, being himself wounded not many seconds later, -was obliged to yield the command to the second mate, Mr T. Fenning. By -seven o’clock the poor <em>Ceylon</em>, which had endured much, was in a sorry -plight. Her two principal officers had been wounded, her masts, rigging -and sails were all damaged badly, all the guns on her upper deck had -been disabled and five on the lower deck. Her hull, too, had been so -badly holed that she was leaking to such an extent that she made three -feet an hour. In addition, many of her people had been killed and -wounded.</p> - -<p>She therefore came out of the firing-line and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span> passed astern of the -<em>Bellone</em>, which was engaging the <em>Windham</em> all the time. And then -there appears to have been some misunderstanding. The <em>Windham</em> hailed -the <em>Astell</em> time after time, asking her to join in making an attempt -to board the <em>Bellone</em>: but the <em>Astell</em> put out her lights, crowded on -sail, and went off, receiving a heavy parting fire from the frigate. -As for the <em>Ceylon</em>, there was nothing left for her to do but to haul -down her colours, and she then had the humiliation of being taken -possession of by a prize crew sent off in a boat from the <em>Minerve</em>. As -the <em>Ceylon</em> passed the <em>Windham</em>, the former hailed the latter that -she had struck. The <em>Windham</em> was therefore now left alone: and since -she, too, was considerably damaged as to her masts and rigging, so that -it was impossible to set sail, she doggedly continued the action, so -that the <em>Astell</em> might be able to make good her escape. Nine of the -<em>Windham’s</em> guns had been put out of action, many of her crew had been -killed or wounded, so finally she too had to haul down her colours, and -was taken possession of by the <em>Bellone</em>. Meanwhile the <em>Victor</em> had -gone in pursuit of the <em>Astell</em>, but the latter was able to get right -away owing to the extreme darkness of the night and the length of time -which had been taken in securing the two prizes.</p> - -<p>The result of this fight, which had lasted almost from dawn till after -dark, was melancholy: but the Indiamen had fought very gallantly, and -it is not always that success comes to those who seem assuredly most -to deserve it. Each of these merchant ships was of 800 tons, and their -armament was quite unequal to that of the French frigates, which had -no cargo to carry and could mount more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span> numerous guns. There were -about two hundred and fifty troops on board each of these Indiamen, -in addition to a hundred lascars, but there were only about twelve -or a score of British seamen. So in respect of numbers the merchant -ships were quite inferior to the trained men-of-war’s-men of the -French. The <em>Ceylon</em> lost four seamen, one lascar and two soldiers -killed. Her captain, chief mate, seven of her seamen, one lascar, one -lieutenant-colonel and ten soldiers had been wounded—a pretty heavy -toll to pay. The <em>Windham</em> had a seaman, three soldiers and two lascars -killed: and seven soldiers, two lascars and three of her officers and -half-a-dozen others wounded. The <em>Astell</em> had four seamen and the same -number of soldiers killed: whilst her captain, her fifth mate, nine -seamen, a lascar, five cadets and twenty soldiers were all wounded.</p> - -<p>Everyone in these Indiamen had fought splendidly against heavy odds. -The commodore had fulfilled his part as well as the difficulty of -the situation allowed him. Soldier and sailor alike had done their -level best. How did the East India Company eventually consider this -forlorn fight? It may be said at once that, in spite of the result, the -directors showed their appreciation of their servants by presenting -each of these three captains with the sum of £500, whilst the rest of -the officers and men were also handsomely rewarded. The captain of the -<em>Astell</em> received a pension of £460 a year from the East India Company, -whilst the officers and crew were presented with the sum of £2000 -between them. It is said that one of the <em>Astell’s</em> seamen, a man named -Andrew Peters, nailed the pennant to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span> the maintopmast-head and was -killed as he was on his way down: and the <em>Astell’s</em> colours were shot -away no fewer than three times.</p> - -<p>To show their appreciation of the <em>Astell’s</em> fine defence the Admiralty -granted the ship’s company protection from impressment for three years. -But even all this exhibition of approbation must have been unable to -wipe out from officers and men the miserable recollection of having -been compelled to yield to the nation’s deadly enemy.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span></p> - -<h2 class="chapter" id="CHAPTER_XXIII">CHAPTER XXIII<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE LAST OF THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN</span></h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">It</span> must not be thought that even after that momentous change of 1834, -when the “free traders,” as they were called, began to send their ships -to India, the Company were freer of anxiety. It has already been shown -that they were being badly defeated in the new competition. But this -was not all. In the year 1816 the owners of thirty-four ships which had -been engaged by the Company under the Act of 1799 for six voyages on a -settled peace freight now complained that these rates were inadequate -to meet the increased charge of outfit and repairs. For since the -Treaty of Paris the cost and equipment of ships had gone up, and to an -extent that could not have been expected. The long duration of the war, -and the extraordinary price of articles of a ship’s inventory continued -long after the cessation of hostilities: and therefore it was but -natural that an improved rate should be granted for the remainder of -the voyages.</p> - -<p>And with the much larger number of men required for the bigger ships -it was frequently found when lying in an Indian port that with “dead, -run, or discharged” men a vessel had not the required number of crew in -her that she ought to have. So now these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span> East Indiamen were allowed -to sail with less than their full complement. Great Britain had won -her fights chiefly on the sea, yet for all that she was not abundantly -blessed with seamen.</p> - -<p>And then came the final change, which had really been foreshadowed by -that event of 1814. True the East India Company had been bereft of -their Indian monopoly, but China had been reserved to them. However, -in 1832 the subject had to be faced again in Parliament. The mind of -the public was distinctly adverse to the Company and its monopoly: too -long it had been permitted to enjoy these privileges and keep back the -stream of trade. Discontent increased both in vehemence and volume, -and so at length the Company were powerless to hold on to their China -monopoly. Private shipowners desired to trade with all parts of the -Orient, and this desire had to be met. From the year 1833, then, the -East India Company lost their exclusive trading privilege. And inasmuch -as the free traders had done so much, and were determined to do more, -it were useless for the Company to continue in commerce at all. Instead -they became entirely a political body and permitted British subjects to -settle in India. Actually the Company’s commercial charter came to an -end in April 1834, and thereafter it proceeded to close its business as -soon as possible.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_330fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_330fp.jpg" width="600" height="372" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE EAST INDIAMAN “MALABAR.”<br /> - -<br />Built of wood in 1860 at Sunderland for Mr. Richard Green. Her tonnage -was 1,350, her length 207.2 feet, beam 36.6 feet, depth 22.5 feet. She -was copper fastened and her bottom sheathed.</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_330fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>For a Company that had always relied for its success on protection from -competition, paying high prices for its ships, and being squeezed very -tightly by many of its servants, it could not be expected that when the -free traders introduced their voyages to China and a strong, sensible -spirit of competition that this ancient but decaying Company could -hold<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span> its own. The new blood would be too vigorous, the enterprise -would be irresistible, and in any case the Company would be doomed -to further humility. No other course, therefore, was possible than -to submit to what had come as the result of the advance of time. In -a word, that East India Company which had ruled the Eastern seas for -so long now resolved to get rid of the whole of their fleet. Some of -these were condemned and some were bought up by those new aspirants -to Eastern wealth. Some of these old “tea-waggons,” as they were -nicknamed, were broken up for their valuable copper fastenings, and the -rest were sold, not at once, but after they had completed their voyages -to India and China.</p> - -<p>One of the very last of the Company’s ships to make the voyage to -China in the employ of this ancient corporation was the <em>Elizabeth</em>, -which sailed from the Thames in the spring of 1833, arrived in China -in January 1834 and left there in March. From there she proceeded to -St Helena, where she arrived in June, and then crossed the Atlantic, -arriving in Halifax the following August. Probably this was the very -last of the Company’s ships to leave China. I have examined her -log-book and have been able to verify the dates, but what happened -after she reached Halifax I cannot find out. Probably she was sold -there. But, at any rate, there is a sentimental interest attached to -her voyage, and the following few abstracts from her log may form a -connecting link with the last voyages of a fleet whose inception dates -back to the time when Elizabeth was on the throne.</p> - -<p>The log opens on 23rd May 1833 with the usual details of getting the -ship ready for sea and taking<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span> aboard cargo in the Thames. It ends -on 3rd September 1834, when the last of the cargo had been landed at -Halifax. Her master was John Craigie, and, as was the custom at this -time, the manuscript log-book is prefaced with a page of black-faced -print which read as follows:—</p> - -<p>“The Honourable Court of Directors of the United Company of Merchants -of England trading to the East Indies have ordered me to send you this -log book, in which pursuant to your Charter-party, you are to take care -that a full, true, and exact account of the ship’s run and course, with -the winds, weather and her draught of water at the time of leaving -every port, and all occurrences, accidents and observations, that -shall happen or be made during the voyage, from the time of the ship’s -first taking in goods, until the time of her return, be duly entered -every day at noon, in a fair and legible manner. And that the officer -commanding the watch from eight o’clock till noon, do, before he dines, -sign his name at length to every day’s log so entered....”</p> - -<p>This vessel drew 17 feet 6 inches forward and 17 feet 4 inches aft when -she left Gravesend, and after bringing up in nine fathoms off Margate -rode to forty-eight fathoms of cable until she received the Company’s -dispatches which she was taking out to the East. As she proceeded down -Channel she was handicapped by light easterly breezes and calms, so -that although she passed Beachy Head on 28th July, it was not till 2 -<span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span> of the following day that she was off Brighton, where she -dropped her pilot. Six hours later she had passed the Owers Lightship -(off Selsey Bill), and so after leaving the Wight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span> made her way past -Portland Bill and out into the Bay of Biscay. We need not follow her -throughout her passage, but on Sunday, 6th October 1833, she was caught -in very bad weather, as the following extracts show:—</p> - -<p>“3 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> Hard squalls attended with most tremendous gales. In -fore and mizen topsails. Reef’d fore sail and close reefed main topsail.</p> - -<p>“5 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> Heavy sea running, ship labouring much. Hove to under -close reefed ... topsail, reefed foresail ... staysail and fore-topmast -staysail. Housed fore and mizzen topgallantmasts.</p> - -<p>“Noon. Hard gales and a tremendous sea running. Ship labouring much.”</p> - -<p>Two days later there is this entry:</p> - -<p>“During the late severe gale I find from the heavy labouring of the -ship many seams in the upper and lower decks much opened and the -caulking worked out, and from the great quantity of water ship’d over -all and the ship requiring constant pumping during the above period, I -apprehend considerable damage is done to the cargo.”</p> - -<p>However, she got safely across the ocean to China, and brought up -on 28th January 1834 at her port with small bower anchor in seven -fathoms, giving her thirty-five fathoms of cable to ride to. As the -ship approaches her port we see interesting little details entered in -the log, such as these: “Bent larboard bower cable and unstowed the -anchor”; then a little later on, “bent starboard chain”; and again, -“bent the sheet cable.” On the 13th of March she weighed anchor, -proceeded south, crossed the Indian Ocean, as so many of the Company’s -ships had done for over two centuries, rounded the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span> Cape of Good Hope -and dropped anchor off St Helena on 19th June 1834, eventually arriving -in Halifax harbour on 18th August 1834, where she proceeded to Mr -Cunard’s wharf—Mr Cunard was the East India Company’s agent, as we have -mentioned—and thus brought her voyage to an end. By 3rd September the -whole of her cargo was taken out of her.</p> - -<p>But already, long before the East India Company had decided to sell -their fleet, the death-knell of the steamship had been sounded in the -Orient, though actually the decease was to be preceded by a wonderful -rally in the famous China clippers. In the year 1822 a public meeting -had been called together in London to discuss the practicability of -running steamships to the East, and as a result a steam navigation -company was formed. Lieutenant (afterwards Captain) J. Johnson was -sent out to Calcutta to see what could be done in this respect, and -the outcome was that a steamship called the <em>Enterprize</em> was built -at Deptford and proceeded to India under the command of this Captain -Johnson. She was of only 470 tons and 120 nominal horse-power. She -started on 16th August 1825, and after a voyage of 113 days reached -Calcutta, though ten of these days were spent in taking on board fuel. -Her average speed was only a little under nine knots: but here was a -precedent. She had come all the way under steam, and some day soon this -speed would be improved upon. Already in that same year the <em>Falcon</em>, -of 176 tons, had also voyaged round the Cape to Calcutta. But this -vessel was an auxiliary steamship, using partly steam and partly sails; -so the <em>Enterprize</em> was really the first Anglo-Indian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span> steamship. It -was not till the year 1842 that the P. & O. Company started sending -their steamers to India via the Cape of Good Hope. This was another -nail in the coffin of the sailing ships which had been trading to -the East for so long a time. The name of the first ship was the -<em>Hindostan</em>. She was a three-master with a long bowsprit, setting yards -on her foremast for foresail, topsail and top-gallant sails, while her -main and mizen were fore-and-aft-rigged: and before long other steamers -followed her.</p> - -<p>But before the Government built its transports specially for trooping -the modern sailing Indiamen—that is to say, the successors of the East -India Company’s ships—carried all the military to the East. Even when, -in the days before the opening of the Suez Canal, the P. & O. were -the only steamships voyaging to India, most of the passengers still -travelled to the Orient in the East Indiamen, with the exception of -the wealthy and the principal officials. Therefore, though the East -India Company was dead as a commercial concern, those private firms who -had bought up the Company’s ships or built new ones were doing a good -business both in freights and passengers.</p> - -<p>Before the Suez Canal was opened there were three ways of reaching -India. You could go by a sailing East Indiaman round the Cape of Good -Hope or in a P. & O. steamship by the same route, or you could go by P. -& O. steamship to Alexandria, then overland by camels, and then by boat -on the Mahmoudieh Canal to the Nile, whence passengers proceeded to -Cairo by steamer. From there they went across the desert to Suez. Three -thousand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span> camels had to be employed for transporting a single steamer’s -loading, and every package had to be subjected to no fewer than three -separate transfers. The opening of the Suez Canal, therefore, in the -year 1870, made all the difference in the world, and by the end of the -next year scarcely any passengers went round the Cape in sailing ships, -but journeyed to the East in steamships via the canal. Troops were also -taken through the latter, and so the old and the new East Indiaman -sailing ships passed out of existence.</p> - -<p>After April 1834 the directors of the East India Company were not -traders, but rather a council advising and assisting in the control of -the political India. In 1857 occurred the Indian Mutiny. The martial -races began suddenly to move, the native army of Bengal revolted, and -the northern predatory races rebelled. As everyone knows, the Mutiny -was eventually quelled, but for our present consideration the most -important result was that it was to bring to an end the great career of -the East India Company. It was deemed best that Queen Victoria should -assume the direct government and rule through a Viceroy, the first of -whom was Canning. On 1st November 1858 proclamation was made throughout -India that the government had been transferred from the East India -Company to the British Sovereign. The Board of Control was abolished -and a Council of State for India instituted. Thus, having ceased -to be either traders or a political power, this unique corporation -came to an end. It had lost its prestige, lost its privileges and -strength in India and China, sold its fleet, and at length, on 15th -May 1873, came the resolution<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span> to dissolve the Company altogether, -as from 1st June 1874. East India House, which had been built in the -year 1726, enlarged in 1799, was sold with its furniture in the year -1861 and pulled down in the following year. Of course there had been -a much earlier East India House in Leadenhall Street also, and the -accompanying reproduction of an old print shows the house which stood -from 1648 to 1726. The reader will notice on the building a picture of -a seventeenth-century ship.</p> - -<p>By many of the Indian natives the East India Company had been known as -the “Honourable John Company.” The origin of this designation is not -quite clear, but it was in effect a personification of the corporation -taken quite seriously by the natives. John he knew as a man’s name, for -was not his English master called John? Naturally enough, therefore, -the Company might also be called the “John” or “Honourable John.” The -idea imprinted in the native’s mind was that the Company was one mighty -prince, who had to be respected.</p> - -<p>But before we close this chapter we want to know what became of the -ships and men. If the Company had come to an end the East Indiamen -and those who used to work her across the ocean were not <em>ipso -facto</em> wiped out of existence. Some of the ships fetched quite good -prices, considering that the sale was virtually compulsory. The <em>Earl -of Balcarres</em>, for instance, that big ship of which we spoke on a -previous page, fetched the sum of £10,700, and she sailed the seas for -fifty-two years before being turned into a hulk. The <em>Lady Melville</em> -also was sold for £10,000; that fine, handsome ship, the <em>Thames</em>, of -which we have given an illustration,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span> obtaining £10,700 as her price. -The <em>Buckinghamshire</em> fetched £10,550; the <em>General Kyd</em>, £9100; -the <em>Asia</em>, £6500, whilst other ships fetched sums from about £4500 -upwards. Of those sold for breaking up were the <em>Waterloo</em>, which -fetched about £7200; the <em>Atlas</em>, £4100; the <em>Canning</em>, £5750; the -<em>Princess Charlotte</em>, £3000; the <em>London</em>, £5900; <em>General Harris</em>, -£6600; <em>Farquharson</em>, £6000. Of course, not all these were sold at the -same time. In some cases, the Company having foreseen the inevitable, -began to sell as far back as 1830, and they went on selling until the -end of 1834. Those shipowners who were out looking for bargains knew -that these vessels would not fetch the highest prices, yet they were -known to be soundly put together of first-class material. The best -prices were obtained by the Company, not in auction, but privately. -Among the buyers one finds such well-known shipping names as Joseph -Somes, Wigram & Green. The former was one of the founders of Lloyd’s -Register. Robert Wigram and Richard Green built and owned some of the -finest sailing ships which ever floated in the Thames, and these men, -together with the Smiths of Newcastle and other shipowners, began to -construct more modern frigate type of ships for the China and India -trade now that all privileges had been thrown on one side. These ships -used to snug down at night like their predecessors when crossing the -sea. But they were run commercially on more sensible lines, and the -extravagant privileges to the captains were largely curtailed.</p> - -<p>And inasmuch as many of the captains, officers and crew who had served -in the East India Com<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span>pany’s craft were now employed in the ships -of the new firms there was not such a vast change in the conditions -as might have been imagined. Gone was the stately dignity, gone the -semi-naval character of the East Indiamen, but in most other respects -matters were much the same. Gradually as the newer types of ships began -to be built, improved models were effected with finer lines, and the -old kettle-bottom type of the Company’s ships gave place to that which -was to become historic as the China tea-clippers of 1850 to 1870. -With these, however, our present story has no concern. But it was a -long time before the main traditions of the East India Company died -entirely. Frigate-fashion had been the motto of the shipbuilder for -too long for this to be thrown over at once. The <em>Blenheim</em> and the -<em>Marlborough</em>, for instance, which came out in 1848, were constructed -exactly like the contemporary naval frigates: in design and scantlings -they were identical with a 40-gun ship of that class, the Government -surveying them and reporting them as fit to carry armaments. These two -ships had been built by Messrs T. & W. Smith of Newcastle-on-Tyne. They -carried enormous jibbooms “steeved” very high. With their overhanging -stern, figurehead, row of square ports, stuns’ls, and dolphin-striker -they were very picturesque craft. As regards speed these were an -improvement on the ships possessed by the East India Company, and -represent the intermediate stage between the latter and the famous -China clippers which were to come in a few years’ time. The new type -of East Indiaman, frigate-built and copper fastened, cost about £40 a -ton to build, so that a 1000-ton ship cost about<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span> £40,000. The ships -of Messrs Wigram & Green were not pierced for guns, the square windows -in these vessels at the poop being used for lighting the passengers’ -cabins. These were ships of finer lines than the old East Indiamen or -even the vessels which Smith built. Duncan Dunbar also owned a number -of fine East Indiamen; in fact, he became at one time the largest -shipowner in Great Britain, and many of his vessels were constructed in -India, as, for instance, the <em>Marion</em>, of 684 tons, which was launched -at Calcutta in 1834, and from that date sailed the seas until she was -wrecked off Newfoundland nearly fifty years later. But even before the -East India Company lost their China monopoly they possessed a very few -ships whose speed was just about as good as any of the more modern -successors until the coming of the first tea-clippers of about 1840 -onwards. The East Indiaman <em>Thames</em>, of which we give an illustration, -was certainly one of the fastest.</p> - -<div class="figcenter padt2" id="i_b_340fp"> -<img src="images/i_b_340fp.jpg" width="600" height="393" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE “BLENHEIM,” EAST INDIAMAN, 1,400 TONS.<br /> - -<br />(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)</p> -<p class="largeimg"><a href="images/i_b_340fp_large.jpg">Larger image</a></p></div> - -<p>At the time when the East India Company lost their China charter and -sold off their fleet, the commanders and officers considered themselves -very much aggrieved. It is quite true, as we have stated, that a good -many of them afterwards shipped on board the modern East Indiamen, who, -of course, did not fly the naval pennant which the Company’s ships had -been allowed to wear. But these officers, in July 1834, banded together -and sent a letter to the directors of the East India Company, in which -it was pointed out that the Company’s ships and seamen—otherwise known -as the Maritime Service in contrast with the Bombay Marine or East -India Company’s navy—had been employed for over two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span> hundred years. -These ships and men had been instrumental to a great degree in securing -the vast territory of British India. These commanders and officers of -the present day had entered the Company’s service in the confident -expectation that it was a provision for life. But now they found -themselves deprived of their profession owing to the sudden ceasing -of the Company’s trade. Although the commanders and officers were in -the first instance recommended by the shipowners to the Company, yet -the latter examined and approved them, and into the latter’s service -they were sworn. They were paid, fined, suspended or dismissed by the -Company—and not by the owners. They wore the Company’s uniform, enjoyed -rank and command under the latter, and became eligible to offices of -high honour and emolument. And the extraordinary fact was that they -even took precedence of the Company’s Bombay Marine. These maritime -commanders ranked with the field officers in India, were saluted with -guns, and were eligible for important offices of profit in India.</p> - -<p>The position now was therefore not one which seemed to have a bright -outlook. They had served in capacities of great trust, and many of -them had devoted the whole of their lives to service in the Company’s -ships. But when the “free traders” now came on to the scene the latter -did not care to employ captains and officers who had been accustomed to -navigate only vessels of the size and expensive equipment of those of -the East India Company. Only one-fifth of these men were therefore at -once taken over by the shipowners, who were now buying up the Company’s -ships or building new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span> ones. As for the rest of these officers they had -enjoyed the dignity and privileges of the Company for so long a period -that they did not care to be employed in “free trade,” considering it -derogatory. In any case they could not obtain, from the new owners, -the same amount of remuneration as they had been accustomed to receive -from the Company. For the latter’s extravagant methods were to give -place to a more business-like method. In plain language, the rest -of the merchant service rather fought shy of employing these former -East Indiamen skippers, and the latter were not anxious to degrade -themselves by signing on in these interlopers.</p> - -<p>So the captains and officers appealed to the East India Company for -compensation in the shape of pensions. The petition was received with -little enthusiasm, but the directors could not deny that there was a -good deal of truth in what was set forth by these men, and ultimately -decided to grant compensation to all commanders and officers who had -been actually employed in the Maritime Service for five years on 22nd -April 1834. Thus a commander received a monetary payment of £1500, -with lesser sums for the other officers. In addition to this, each -commander received £4000 for three unexpired voyages, £3000 for two -voyages and £2000 for one voyage which they would have made had they -continued in the service. Besides these sums, commanders who had served -for ten years were granted a pension for life of £250 a year, the chief -mate receiving a pension of £160, and so on down to the carpenter and -gunner. The condition being that these men assured the Company of -their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span> inability to obtain further employment, and that any income -which they possessed was to be in abatement of these pensions.</p> - -<p>Thus, at last, the historic East India Company came to an end, its -ships and men scattered or employed by other owners. No company in the -world, no fleet of mercantile vessels can boast of such a long and -adventurous story as this: no ships of commerce were so closely and -continuously concerned in establishing political power in the East. -For this reason the old East Indiamen sailing ships, whether of the -seventeenth, eighteenth or nineteenth centuries, must always possess a -unique interest for Britons generally, for Anglo-Indians in particular, -and for all who take an interest in the world’s development. People -ordinarily do not realise the full extent of their indebtedness to -the ships and sailors of the past in respect of discovery, empire, -power and wealth. Such men as worked the vessels which we have been -considering in this volume were very far from perfect in respect -of many virtues. But they are deserving of our great respect and -admiration for their pluck, their endurance and their enterprise: -for without them India would have been the possession of some other -European nation.</p> - -<p class="center padt2 padb2">THE RIVERSIDE PRESS LIMITED, EDINBURGH</p> - -<div class="footnotes chapter"><h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_A_1" id="Footnote_A_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_1"><span class="label">A</span></a> Drake of course had previously encircled the globe in a -voyage of twenty-six months, having set forth from Plymouth in 1577, -though his was even more of a buccaneering expedition than that of -Candish.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_B_2" id="Footnote_B_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_B_2"><span class="label">B</span></a> The longboat carried by these East Indiamen measured from -twenty-seven to twenty-nine feet in length.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_C_3" id="Footnote_C_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_C_3"><span class="label">C</span></a> The East Indiamen of about the middle of the eighteenth -century rode to fifteen-inch cables.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_D_4" id="Footnote_D_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_D_4"><span class="label">D</span></a> The Spaniard is a treacherous patch off the north-east -corner of the Isle of Sheppey.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_E_5" id="Footnote_E_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_E_5"><span class="label">E</span></a> For some details in this connection I am indebted to -Lindsay’s “History of Merchant Shipping,” as well as to an article in -<em>The Mariner’s Mirror</em>, vol. i., No. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_F_6" id="Footnote_F_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_F_6"><span class="label">F</span></a> Mentioned in Captain E. du Boulay’s “Bembridge, Past and -Present.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_G_7" id="Footnote_G_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_G_7"><span class="label">G</span></a> I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness in this chapter -to Captain Rathbone Low’s “History of the Indian Navy.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_H_8" id="Footnote_H_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_H_8"><span class="label">H</span></a> That is to say a ship belonging to the Ostend East India -Company.</p></div></div> - -<div class="transnote chapter"><p>Transcriber’s Notes:</p> <p>The -original spelling, punctuation and hyphenation has been retained, -except for apparent printer’s errors.</p> - -<p id="tn">With reference to paragraph fifteen in Chapter XV, Captain -Grant most likely served with William Henry, Duke of Clarence, the -third son of George III., who succeeded his older brother George IV. as -king, reigning as William IV. George III. never joined the Royal Navy -and is of an earlier generation than Grant.</p> </div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Old East Indiamen, by Edward Keble Chatterton - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE OLD EAST INDIAMEN *** - -***** This file should be named 54561-h.htm or 54561-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/5/6/54561/ - -Produced by MWS, Brian Wilcox and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - - - -</pre> - -</body> -</html> diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index f1419b5..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_a_001.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_a_001.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 0ae8cbb..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_a_001.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_004fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_004fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 6d2688d..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_004fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_012fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_012fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 971265d..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_012fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_012fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_012fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 942a897..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_012fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_024fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_024fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index d199d83..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_024fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_024fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_024fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index b00e847..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_024fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_042fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_042fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index fc5db18..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_042fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_042fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_042fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 9c268b1..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_042fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_054fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_054fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 1175f01..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_054fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_054fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_054fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index c1d5149..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_054fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_078fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_078fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 9a984e5..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_078fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_078fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_078fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 8f00002..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_078fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_088fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_088fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 6cda115..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_088fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_088fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_088fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index ef9f093..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_088fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_096fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_096fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 41d128e..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_096fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_096fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_096fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 3aca2ad..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_096fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_104fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_104fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 06b7d37..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_104fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_104fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_104fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 58acfcb..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_104fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_120fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_120fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 34249d4..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_120fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_120fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_120fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index e56d7e1..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_120fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_130fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_130fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 496bee8..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_130fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_130fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_130fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 363b297..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_130fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_140fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_140fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 73aac50..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_140fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_182fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_182fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index dcc7a79..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_182fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_182fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_182fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index b5b2848..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_182fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_190fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_190fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index f5e9520..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_190fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_196fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_196fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 35d7412..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_196fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_196fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_196fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index f9f3264..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_196fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_210fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_210fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 3111bbb..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_210fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_210fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_210fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index dcc7297..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_210fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_218fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_218fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 8884d43..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_218fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_218fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_218fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 2f91c8a..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_218fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_224fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_224fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 8f0f8e0..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_224fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_224fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_224fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index b2a921f..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_224fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_236fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_236fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index c8e62ea..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_236fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_236fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_236fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 52e5dba..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_236fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_242fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_242fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index e320b6b..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_242fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_242fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_242fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 65b3086..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_242fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_250fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_250fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 5661f71..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_250fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_250fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_250fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index be02e97..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_250fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_256fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_256fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 064dc81..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_256fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_256fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_256fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index c3fcc71..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_256fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_262fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_262fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 99434f8..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_262fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_262fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_262fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 4a03edb..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_262fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_266fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_266fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 07fd661..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_266fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_266fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_266fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index cd8271a..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_266fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_272fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_272fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 992c4b1..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_272fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_272fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_272fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 1631fdc..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_272fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_276fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_276fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index dcdc3a2..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_276fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_276fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_276fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 6f4b2f3..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_276fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_282fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_282fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 4b42e38..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_282fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_282fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_282fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 81003d4..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_282fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_294fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_294fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index a109c10..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_294fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_294fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_294fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index cdd0baf..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_294fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_306fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_306fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index e938892..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_306fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_306fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_306fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index e5db827..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_306fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_318fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_318fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 2802b2c..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_318fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_318fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_318fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index e4229db..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_318fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_330fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_330fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 9d03b05..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_330fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_330fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_330fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 0f6b589..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_330fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_340fp.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_340fp.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index c3f839e..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_340fp.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_340fp_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_b_340fp_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 1dac036..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_b_340fp_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_frontis.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_frontis.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 08d4581..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_frontis.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_frontis_large.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_frontis_large.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 5cb147e..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_frontis_large.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54561-h/images/i_titlepage.jpg b/old/54561-h/images/i_titlepage.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 21bd30f..0000000 --- a/old/54561-h/images/i_titlepage.jpg +++ /dev/null |
